thomas paine - common sense; addressed to the inhabitants of america, 2nd ed. 1776

7/28/2019 Thomas Paine - Common Sense; Addressed to the Inhabitants of America, 2nd Ed. 1776

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IN THE CUSTODY OP TMEBOSTON RUBLI'C LIBRARY.

SHELF N


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ADD PRESSED TO THEINH AB IT ANTSO FAMERICA,

iOn the following intercfting

SUBJECTS.I. Of the Origin and Defign of Government in general,with concife Remarks on the Englifh Conilitution.II. Of Monarchy and Hereditary SuccefSon.III. Thoughts on the prsfent State of American Affairs.IV. Of the prefent Abilhy of America, with fame

mifcellaneous Reflsflions.

WRITTEN BY AN ENGLISHMAN.THE SECOND EDITION.

Man knows no Mafbr fave creating HEAVEN,Or thofe whom choice and common good ordain.THOMSON.

PHILADELPHIA;Printed, and Sold, by R. B E L L> in Third-Street

MDCCLXXVI.


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INTRODUCTION.lERHAPS the Sentiments contained inthe following Pages, are not ytt fuf~ficiently fafhionabls to procure them,

general Favour -, a long Habit of notthinking a Thing, wrong, gives it a fuper-ficial appearance of being right, and raifesat firft a formidable Outcry in defence ofCuftom. But the Tumult foon fubfides.Time makes more Converts than Reafon,As a long and violent abufc of Power, is

generally the Means of calling the riglu of itin queftion (and in Matters too which mightnever have been thought of, had not theSufferers been aggravated into the enquiry)and as the King of England hath un-dertaken in his own Right, to fupport theParliament in what he calls Theirs, and asthe good People of this Country are griev-oufly oppreffed by the Combination, theyhave an undoubted Privilege to enquire intothe Pretenfions of both, and equally tjrejefl the Ufurpation of either.

il


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INTRODUCTION.In the following Sheets, the Author hath

ftudiouily avoided every Thing which isperfonal among ourfelves. Complimentsas well as cenfure to Individuals make noPart thereof. The wife, and the worthy,need not the Triumph of a Pamphlet -y andthofe whofe Sentiments are injudicious, orunfriendly, will ceafe of themfelves unlcfstoo much Pains are beftowed upon theirConverfion.

The Caufe of America is in a great Mea-fure the Caufe of all Mankind. ManyCircumftanjc^s have, and will arife, whichare not local, but univerfal, and throughwhich the Principles of all Lovers of Man-kind are affected, and in the Event ofwhich, their Affections are interefted. Thelaying a Country deiolate with Fire andSword, declaring War againft the naturalRights of all Mankind, and extirpating theDefenders thereof from the Face of theEarth, is the Concern of every Man towhom Nature hath given the Power offeeling ; of which Clafs, rcgardlefs of ParlyCenfure, is the A U T H O


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COMMON SENSE;Qf the Origin and Defign /^GOVERNMENTin general, with concife Remarks on theENGLISH CONSTITUTION.

SOME writers have fo confounded focietywith government, as to leave little orno diilindtion between them ; whereas,they are not only different, but have diffe-rent origins. Society is produced by ourwants, and government by our wickednefs ;the former promotes our happinefs positivelyby uniting our affections, the latter negativelyby retraining our vices. The one en-courages intercourfe, the other creates dif-tinctions. The firft is a patron, the laft apuniiher.

Society in every ftate is a blemng, butGovernment even in its bert ftate is but aneceffary evil ; in its vvorfl ftate an into-lerable one : for when we fuffer, or are ex-pofcd to the fame miferies by a Government,which we might expect in a country 'withoutGovernment, our calamity is heightened byB reflecting


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2 COMMON SENSE.reflecting that we furnim the m^ans bywhich we fuffer. Government like dn-fs isthe badge of loft innocence -, the palaces ofkings are built on the ruins- of the bowers ofparadife. For were the impulies of con-icience clear, uniform, and irrefiftibly o-beyed, man would need no other lawgiver;but that not being the cafe, he finds it ne-ceffary tofurrender up a part of his proper ( yto furnifh means for the protection of thereft; and this he is induced to do, by thefame prudence which in every other cafe ad-vifes him, out of two evils to choofe theleaft. Wherefore, fecurity being the truedefign and end of government, it unanfwer-ably follows, that whatever form thereof ap-pears mod likely to enfure it to us, withthe leaft expence and greateft benefit, ispreferable to all others,

In order to gain a clear and juft idea of thedefign and end of government, iec us fuppofea fmall number of perfons fettled in fome fe-queflered part of the earth, unconnected withthe reft; they will then reprefcnt

the firftpeopling of any country; or of the world,In this ftate of natural liberty, fociety willbe their firft thought. A thoufand motives

excite them thereto, the ilrength of oneman


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COMMON SENSE.man is fo unequal to his wants, and his mindfo unfitted for perpetual folitude, that he isfoon obliged to feek aflidance and relief ofanother, who in his turn requires the fame.Four or five united would be able to raife atolerable dwelling in the midft of a wilder-neis, but one rmn might labour ou the com-mon period of life without accompliihinganything; when he had felled his timberhe could not remove it, nor erect it after itwas removed ; hunger in the mean timewould urge him to quit his work, and e-yery different want call him a different way.Difeafe, nay even misfortune would bedeath ; for tho' neither might be mortal,yet either would difablc him from living,and reduce him to a ftate in which he mightrather be faid to perim, than to die.

Thus necefiity like a gravitating powerwould foon form our newly arrived emi-grants into fociety, the reciprocal bleffingsof which, would fuperfede, and render theobligations of law and government unnecef-fary while they remained perfectly juft toeach other : but as nothing but Heaven isimpregnable to vice, it will unavoidablyhappen that in proportion as they furmountthe firft difficulties of emigration, whichbound


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2 COMMON SENSE.T*bound them ether in a common caufe,they

willbegin

to relax in their dutyand

attachment to each other: and this remiff-nefs will point oul the neceffity of eftabl idl-ing fome form of government to fupply thedciect of moral virtue.

Some convenient tree will afford them, aState Houfe, under the branches of whichthe whole Colony may affemble to deliberateon public matters. It is more than proba-ble that their fir ft laws will have the titleonly of REGULATIONS and be enforced by310 other penalty than public difefteem. Inthis firft parliament every man by naturalright will have a feat.

But as the Colony encreafes, the publicconcerns will encreafe likewife, and thediftance at which the members may be fe-parated, will render it too inconvenient forall of them to meet on every occafion zs atfirft, when their number was fmall 5 theirhabitations near, and the public concernsfew and trifling, This will point out theconvenience of their confenting to leave thelegiflative part to be managed by a ieledlnumber chcfen from the whole body, whoare fuppofed to have the fame concerns at

{take


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COMMON SENSE,Hake which thofe have who appointed them,and who will act in the fame manner asthe whole body would act were they pre-fent. If the colony continues encreafing, itwill become necefiary to augment the num-ber of the representatives, and that the in-tereil of every part of the colony may beattended to, it will be found bed to dividethe whole into convenient parts, each partfending its proper number : and that thedefied might never form to themfelves anintereft feparate from the electors, prudencewill point out the propriety of having elec-tions often : becaufe as the elected might bythat means return and mix again with thegeneral body of the electors in a few months,their fidelity to the public will be fecuredby the prudent reflection of not making a rodfor themfelves. And as this frequent in-terchange will eftablifli a common intereftwith every part of the community, theywill mutually and naturally fupport eachother, and on this (not on the unmeaningname of king) depends the llrength of go-vernment -, and the bappinefs of the governed.

Here then is the origin and rife of govern-ment; namely, a mode rendered neceffiry bythe inability of moral virtue to govern theJ O world |


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6 COMMON SENSE;world ; here too is the defign and end ofgovernment, viz. Freedom and fecurity.And however our eyes may be dazzled withfhcw, or our ears deceived by found ; how-ever prejudice may warp our wills, or in-terelt darken our understanding, the fimplevo : ce of nature and of reafoni will fay, 'tisright,

I draw my idea of the form of govern-ment from a principle in nature which noart can overturn, viz. That the more fimpleany thing is, the lefs liable it is to be dilor-dired, and the eafier repaired when diforder-ed ; and with this maxim in view I offer afew remarks on the fo much boafted con-fdtution of England. That it was noblefor the dark and flavifh times in which it waseredted, is granted. When the world wasever-run with tyranny the leaft remove there-from was a glorious refcue. But that it isimpeded!, fubjedt to convulfions, and inca-pable of producing what it feerns to pro-mife is taiily demonftrated.

Abfolute governments, (tho j the difgraceof human nature) have this advantage withthem, that they are fimple ; if the peoplefufter, they know the head from which their

fuffering


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C OM M O N SENSE,fuffering fprings; know likewife the reme-dy ; and

are not bewildered by a variety ofcaufes and cures. Bjt the conftitution ofEngland is fo exceedingly complex, thatthe nation may fuffer for years togetherwithout being able to difcover in whichpart the fault lies, fome will fay in one andforne in another, and every political phyfi~cian will advifb a different medicine.

I know it is difficult to get over local orlong ftanding prejudices, yet if we willfuffer ourlelves to examine the componentparts of the Englifli conftitution, we (hallfind them to be the bafe remains of twoancient tyrannies, compounded with fomenew Republican materials.

Firft* -The remains of Monarchical ty-ranny in the perfon of the King.

Secondly. The remains of Ariftocratica!tyranny in the perfons of the Peers.

Thirdly The new Republican materials^in the perfons of the Commons, on wholevirtue depends the freedom of England.The two firft by being hereditary are

independent


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8 COMMON SENSE;independent of the People ; wherefore in aconjlltutional fenfe they contribute nothingtowards the freedom cf the State.To fay that the confutation of England isan union of three powers reciprocally checkingeach other, is farcical, either the words

have no meaning or they are flat contradic-tions.

To fay that the Commons are a check up-on the King, pYefuppofes two things.Firft. That the King is not to be truft-ed without being looked after ; or in othesf

words, that a thirft for abfolute power isthe natural difeafe of Monarchy.

Secondly.That the Commons by beingappointed for that purpofe, are either wifer

or more worthy of confidence than theCrown.Bat as the fame confutation which gives

the Commons a power to check the Kingby with-holding the luppli-es, gives after-wards the King a power to check the Com-mons by empowering him to reject theirother bills j it again fuppofes that the King is

wifer


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COMMON SENS E.! Qthan thofe whom it has already fuppof-

ed to be wifer than him. A mere abfurdity !There is fomething exceedingly ridiculous

in the compoliuon of Monarchy; it firft ex-cludes a man from the means of informati-on, yet empowers him to at in cafes wherethe higheft judgment Is required. Theftate of. a king ihuts him from the worldyet the buiinefs of a king requires him taknow it thoroughly : wherefore, the dif-ferent parts by unnaturally oppofing anddeftroying each other, prove the wholecharacter to be abfurd and ufslefs*Some writers have explained the Eng!i(h

conftitution thus ; the King fay they is one^the people another ; the Peers are an houfein behalf of the King; the Commons in be-half of the people ; but this hath all thediminutions of an houfe divided againft itfclf;and tho' the expreffions be pleafantly arrang-ed, yet when examined they appear idle andambiguous : and it will always happen, thatthe niceft conftrudion that words are capa-ble of, when applied to the deicription offomething which either cannot exift, or istoo incomprehenfible to be within the com-pafs of defcription, will be words of foundG only


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lo COMMON SENSE.only, and tho' they may amufe the ear, theycannot inform the mind: for this explanationincludes a previous qucftion, viz. how camethe King by a power which the people areafraid to trujl and always obliged to check ?Such a power could not be the gift of a wifepeople, neither can any power which needschecking be from God : yet the provisionwhich the conftitution makes, fuppofes fucha power to exift.

But the provision is unequal to the tafk,the means either cannot, or will not ac-complifh the end, and the whole affair is aFelo defe : for as the greater weight will al-ways carry up the lefs, and as all the wheelsof a machine are put in motion by one, itonly remains to know which power in theconftitution has the moft weight, for thatwill govern s- and tho' the others, or a partof them, may clog, or check the rapidity ofits motion, yet fo long as they cannot ftopit, their endeavours will be ineffectual : Thefirft moving power will at laft have its way,and what it wants in fpeed will be fuppliedby timsC.That the crown is this overbearing part in

the Englifh ccnftitution needs not be men-tioned^


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COMMON SENSE. nSioned, and that it derives its whole confe-quencc merely from being the giver of pla-ces and penfions is felf evident, wherefore,tho' we have been wife enough to lock thedoor againft abfolute Monarchy, we at thefame time have been foolifh enough to putthe Crown in poffcfiion of the key.The prejudice of Engliflimen in favour of

their own government by King, Lords andCommons, arifes as much or more from na-tional pride than reafon. Individuals areundoubtedly fafer in England than in fomeother countries : but the will of the King isas much the law of the land in Britain as inFrance with this difference, that in deadof proceeding direclly from his mouth, kis handed to the people under the moreformidable (hape of an adt of parliament.For the fate of Charles the Firft, hath onlymade kings more fubtle not more jufr,,

claim under William the Conqueror is 3,very honourable one. A French Bafbru

landing


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C OM M O N SENSE, 23landing with an armed Banditti and efta-biiming himfelf king of England againfl theconfent of the natives, is in plain terms avery paltry rafcally original. it certainlyhath no divinity in it. However it is neeci-lefs to fpend much time in expofing thefolly of hereditary right, if there are anyfo weak as to believe it, let them protnif-cuoufly worship the Afs and Lion and wel-come. I (hall neither copy their humilitynor difturb their devotion.

Yet I mould be glad to a(k how they fup-poie kings came at firft ? the queftion ad-mits but of three anfwers, viz. eitherby lot, by election or bv ufurpation. If* j j kthe firft king was taken by lot, it eftablifliesa precedent for the next, which excludeshereditary fucceflion. Saul was by lot yetthe fucceffion was not hereditary, neitherdoes it appear from that tranfadion therewas any intention it ever mould. If the firftking of any country was by election thatlikewiie eftabliflits a precedent for the next;for to fay that the right

of all future gene-rations is taken away by the ad of the firfteledors in their choice not only of a king,but of a family of kings for ever, hath noparellel in or out cf fcripmre but the doctrinecf


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24 COMMON SENSE.of original fin, which fuppofes the free-wiof all men loft in Adam : and from fuchcomparifon, and it will admit of no other,hereditary fucceffion can derive no glory.For as in Adam all finned, and as in thefirft electors all men obeyed ; as in the oneall mankind were fubjeded to Satan, and inthe other to fovereignty ; as our innocencewas loft in the firft, and our authority inthe laft 5 and as both difable us from re-affuming feme former ftate and privilege, itunanfwerably follows that original fin andhereditary fucceffion are parallels. D!(ho-norable rank ! inglorious connection ! yetthe moft fubtle iophift cannot produce ajufter firniie.

As to ufurpaiion no man will be fo hardyas to defend it

,and that William the con-

queror was an ufurper is a fad: not to becontradicted. The plain truth is, that theantiquity of Englifii monarchy will notbear looking into.

But it is net fo much the abfurdity as theevil of hereditary fucceffion which concernsmankind. Did itenfure a race cf good andwife men it would have the feal of divineauthority, hut as it opens a door to the fcol-ifti) the wicked, and the improper, it hath

in


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COMMON SENSE, 25in it the nature of oppreffion. Men wholonk upon thernfelves born to reign, andothers to obey, foon grow infolent fe-ledted from the reft of Mankind theirminds are eafily poifoncd by importance ;and the world they a6t in differs fo ma-terially from the world at large; thatthey have but little opportunity of knowingits true interefts, and when they' fucceed tothe government are frequently the mod ig-norant and unfit of any throughout the do-minions.

Another evil which attends hereditary fuc-ceffion, is, that the throne is fubjecl: to bepofleffed by a minor at any age; all whichtime the regency acting under the cover of zking have every opportunity and inducementto betray their truft. The fame nationalmisfortune happens when a king worn outwith age and infirmity enters the laft flageof human weaknefs. In both thefe cafesthe public becomes a prey to every mifcreantwho can tamper fuccsfsfuliy with the foilieseither of age or infancy.The mod plaufible plea which hath everbeen offered in favour of hereditary fucceffion,

is, that it preferves a Nation from civil wars 5E and


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af6> COMMON SENS F.and were this true, it weird be weighty;1whereas it is the moft barefaced falfity everimpofed upon mankind. The whole hifto-ry of England difowns the fad. Thir.ykings and two minors have reigned in thatdiftracted kingdom iince the conqueft, inwhich time there has been (including theRevolution] no lefs than eight civil wars and'nineteen Rebellions. Wherefore inftead ofmaking for peace, it makes againft it, anddeftroys the very foundation it feems toftand on.

The conteft for monarchy and fucceffionbetween the houfes of York and Lancasterlaid England in a fcene of blood for manyyears. Twelve pitched battles beiides fkir-mifhes and iieges were fought betweenHenry and Edward. Twice was Henryprifoner to Edward, who in his turn wasprifoner to Henry. And fo uncertain is thefate of war and the temper of a Nation^when nothing but perfonal matters are theground of a quarrel, that Henry was takenin triumph from a prifon to a palace, andEdward obliged to fly from a palace to aforeign land : Yet as fudden transitions oftemper are feldom lading. Henry in histurn was driven from the throne and Edward

recalled


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COMMON SENSE. 27recalled to fucceed him. The parliamentalways following the ftrongeft fide:.

This conteft began in the reign of HenryJthe fixth and was not entirely extinguishedtill Henry the feventh. in \vhom the fami-lies were united. Including a period of 67years, viz. from 1422 to 1489.

In mort, monarchy and fucceffion havelaid (not this or that kingdom only) but theworld in blood and aihes. 'Tis a form ofgovernment which the word of God bearsleitimony againit, and bloud will attend it.

If we enquire into the bufinefs of a Kingwe (hall find that in fome countries theyhave none ; and after fauntering away theirlives without pleafure to themfdves or ad~vantage to the nation, withdraw from thefcene and leave their fucceiTors to tread thefame idle round. In abfolute monarchiesthe whole weight of bufinefs civil and mili-tary lies on the King ; the children of Ifraelin their requeft for a King urged this plea" that he may judge us, and go out beforeus and fi2ht our battles." But in countriesowhere he is neither a judge nor a general asin England, a man would be puzzled toknow what is his bufinefs.


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28 COMMON SENSE.The nearer any government approaches

to a republic the Ida bufincfs there is for aKing. It is fomewhat difficult to find aproper name for the government of England,,Sir William Meredith calls it a Republic ;but in its prefent ftate it is unworthy of tname, becaufe the corrupt influence of thCrown by having all the places in its dif-pofal, haih fo effectually fwallowed up thepower, and eaten out the virtue of theHoufe of Commons (the Republican partin the confutation) that the government ofEngland

is nearly as monarchical as thatof France or Spain. Men fall out withnames without underftanding them. For'tis the republican and not ihe monarchicalpart of the confiiiution of Ei gland whichEnglishmen glory in, viz. the liberty ofchoofing an houfe cf ccrnmons from out oftheir own body and it is eafy to fee thatwhen republican virtue fails, ilavcry enfues.Why is the conftitutibn of England iickly ?but becaufe monarchy hath poifoned the re-public ; the crown hath cngroffed thecommons.

In England a king hath little more to dothan to make war and give away places ;which in plain terms, is to impoverish thenation


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COMMON SENSE.nation and fet it together by the ears, A pret-ty bufinefs indeed for a man to be allowedeight hundred thoufand iierling a year for,and worshipped into the bargain ! Of moreworth is onehoneit man to (cciety and in thefig;ht of God, than all the crowned ruffians: -'

that ever lived.

THOUGHTS, on the prefeni STATE ofAMERICAN AFFAIRS,"N the following pages I offer nothing more

than fimple fad's, plain arguments, andcommon fenfe : and have no other pre-Alim'maries to fettle with the reader, than thathe will divert himfelf of prejudice and pre-poffeffion, and fuffcr his reafon and hisfeelings to determine for thernfeives : thithe will put on or rather that he will not putoff the true character of a man, and gene-roufly enlarge his views beyond the prefectday.

Volumes have been written on the fubjeclof the ftruggle between England and Ame-rica. Men of all ranks have embarked inthe controverfy, from different motives,and with various defigns ; buc all have been


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3o COMMON SENSE.inef&dtual, and the period ofdebate is clofecL-Arms as the laft refource decide the conteil ;the appeal was the choice of the King, andthe Continent has accepted the challenge.

It hath been reported of the late Mr. Pel-ham (who tho' an able miniiler was netwithout his faults) that on his being attack-ed in the Houfe of Commons on the icoiethat his meafures were only of a temporarykind, replied


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COMMON SENSE. 31wound will enlarge with the tree, and pof-terity read it in full grown characters.

By referring the matter from argument toarms, a new aera for politics is ftruck anew method of thinking hath arifen. Allplans, propofals, &c. prior to the i-gth ofApril, i. e. to the commencement of hofti-Ikies, are like the alrmnacks of the laft year;which tho' proper then, are fuperceded andulel fs now. Whatever was advanced bythe advocates on either fide of the qucftionthen, terminated in one and the fame point,viz. a union with Great Britain > the onlyd:ffcrence between the parties, was themethod of effecting it 5 t-ic one propcfii.gforce the other friendship; but it hath ib farhappened that the firft hath failed, a'.id thefecond hath withdravvn her influence.

As much hath been faid of the advantagesof reconciliaiion, which like an agreeabledream, hath paffed away and left us as wew^re, it is but right, that we (hould ex-amine the contrary lide of the argument,and enquire into fome of the many materialinjuries which thefe Colonies fuftain, and al-ways will fuftain, by being connected withand dependant on Great Britain. To exa-mine


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32 COMMON SENSE.mine that connection and dependance onthe principles of nature r.nd commonfenfe, to fee what we have to truft to iffeparated, and what we are to expect ifdependant.

I have heard it aflerted by fome, that asAmerica hath flouriflied under her formerconnexion with Great Britain, that thelame connection is neceflary towards herfuture happinefs and will always have thefame effe


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COMMON SENSE. 33Own is admitted ; and flie would have de-fended Turky from the fame motive, viz.the fake of trade and dominion.

Alas ! we have been long led away byancient prejudices and made large facrificesto faperdition. We have boafted the pro-tection ofGreatBritain,without confidering,that her motive was intereft not attachment ;that flie did not protect us from our enemieson our account, but from her enemies on herQ


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34 COMMON SENSE.fhip, if I may fo call it. France raidSpain never were, nor perhaps ever will bour enemies as Americans, but as our beinthefubj'eels of Great Britain.

eo

But Britain is the parent country fayforne. Then the more fhame upon herconduct. Even brutes do not devour theiryoung, nor favages make war upon theirfamilies ; wherefore the affertion if true,turns to her reproach ; but it happens not tobe true, or only partly fa, and the phrafe,farent or mother country, hath been jefui-tically adopted by the King and his parafites,with a low papiftical defign of gaining anunfair bias on the credulous weaknels of ourminds. Europe and not England is theparent country of America. This newWorld hath been the afylum for the perle-cuted lovers of civil andL religious libertyfrom every fart of Europe. Hither havethey fled, not from the tender embraces ofthe mother, but from the cruelty of themonfter; and it is fo far true of England,that the fame tyranny which drove the firitemigrants from home, purfues their de-fcendants (till.

In this extenfive quarter of the Globe, weforget


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COMMON SENSE. 35forget the narrow limits of three hundredand fixty miles (the extent of England)and carry our frienclihip on a larger fcale ;xve claim brotherhood with every EuropeanChriftian, and triumph in the generoiity oftlie fentiment.

It is pleafant to obferve by what regulargradationswefurmount the force oflocal pre-judice as we enlarge our acquaintance withthe World. A man born in any town in Eng-land divided into parifhes, will naturally ai-fociate moft with his fellow parimoriers (be-caufe their interefts in many cafes will becommon) and diftinguifh him by the nameof neighbour: if he meet him but a few milesfrom home, he drops the narrow idea of aftrcet, and falutes him by the name oftov&nfman : if he travel out of the countyand meet him in any other, lie forgets theminor divisions of ftrcet and town, and callshim countryman, i. e. county-man: but if intheir foreign excurfions they mould alibciatein France, or any other part of Europe, theirlocal remembrance would be enlarged intothat of Enghjfjmen. And by a juft parity qfreafoning,all Europeans meeting inAmerica,or any other quarter of the Globe, are coun-trymen ; for England, Holland, Germany,or

r


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COMMON SENSE.or Sweden, when compared with the whole,

ad in the fame places on the largericale, which the divifions of ftrcet, town,and county do on the final Icr ones ;(linclions too limited for Continentalrids. Not one third of the inhabitants,even of this province, are of Englilh de-

icent. Wherefore, I reprobate the phrafeparent or mother country applied tq

England only, as being falfe, felfiih, nar-row and ungenerous. sBut admitting, that we were all of Englim

defcent, what does it amount to ? Nothing,Britain being now an open enemy, extin-guiilies every other name and title : and tolay that reconciliation is our duty, is trulyfarcical. The firft king of England, of theprefent line (William the Conqueror)

was aFrenchman,and halfthe Peers ofEngland aredefcendants from the fame country ; where-fore, by the fame method of reafoning,England ought to be governed by France.

Much hath been faid of the unitedilrength of Britain and the Colonies, that inconjunction, they might bid defiance to theworld : But this is mere prefumption, the

of war is uncertain, neither no the ex-preflipns


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COMMON SENSE. 37preffions mean any thing, for this Conti-nent would never iuffer itfelf to be drainedof inhabitants, to fupport the Britifh Armsin either Alia, Africa, or Europe.

Befides, what have we to do with fettingthe world at defiance. Our plan is com-merce, and that well attended to, will fc-cure us the peace and friendiliip of Europe,becaufe it is the intereft of all Europe tohave America a free port. Her trade willalways be a protection, and her barreniiefs ofgold and filver will fecure her from invaders.

I challenge the warmeft advocate for re-conciliation, tofliew, a fingle advantage thatthis Continent can reap, by being connectedwith Great Britain. I repeat the challenge,not a fingle advantage is derived. Our cornwill fetch its price in any market in Europe,and our imported goods muft be paid iorbuy them where we will.

But the injuries and difadvantages wefuf-tain by that connection, are without num-ber, and our duty to mankind at large, aswell as to ourfelves, inftrudl us to renour.eethe alliance: Becaufe any fubmillioii to, odependance on Great Britain, tends direc

to


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C O M M ON SENSE.-rto involve this Continent in European warsand quarrels. As Europe is our market fortrade, we ought to form no political connec-tion with any part of it. 'Tis the true in-tcrefl of America, to ftecr clear of Europeancontentions, which ihe never can do, whilebv her clependance on Britain, Ihe is madethe make-weight in the fcale of Britiihpolitics.

Europe is too thickly planted with Kino--J i- Odonis, to be long at peace, and whenever;a war breaks out between England and anyforeign power, the trade of America goes toruin, bcoaufe^ of her connection iviih Britain.The next war may not turn out like thelail, and ihould it nut, the advocates for re-conciliation novr, will be wifhing for fe^-paration then, beeaiife neutrality in thatcafe, would be a fafer convoy than a man ofwar. Every thing that is right or reafbn-:;ble pleads for fqparation, The blood ofthe flain, the weeping voice of nature cries,'Tis TIME TO PAR.T. Even the diftanceat which the Almighty hath placed Englandand America, is a ilrong and naturalproof, that the authority of the one over theother, was never the deiign of Heaven.T"he time likewise at which the Continent:


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COMMON SENSE.was difcovered, adds weight to the argu-ment, and the manner in which it waspeopled encreafes the force of it. TheReformation was preceded by the difcoveryof America ; as if the Almighty graciouflymeant to open a fancluary to the perfecutedin future years, when home ih'ould affordneither friendfliip nor fafety.The authority of Great Britain aver thisContinent is a form of government whichiboner or later muft have an end: And a

ierious mind can draw no true pleafure bylooking forward, under the painful andpofi-tive conviction, that what he calls " the pre-fent conftltution," is merely temporary. Asparents, we can have no joy, knowingthatthis government is not fnfficiently lafting toeniiire any thing which we may bequeath topofterity : And by a plain method of argu-ment, as we are running the next genera-tion into debt, we ought to do the work ofit, otherwife we ufe them meanly and piti-fully. In order to difcover the line of ourduty rightly, we (hould take our children inour hand, and' fix our Ration a few years far-ther into life ; that eminence will prefent aprofpect, which a few prefent fears and pre-judices conceal from our fight. Though


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4o COMMON SENSE.Though I would carefully avoid giving

unneceflary offence, yet I am inclined tobelieve, that all thofe who efpoufe thedo6trine of reconciliation, may be includedwithin the following defcriptions. Intereftedmen who are not to be trufted, weak men%vho cannot fee, prejudiced men who i^ill notfee, and a certain let of moderate men whothink better of the European world than itdeferves ; and this laftclafs, by an ill-judgeddeliberation, will be the cauie of more cala-mities to this continent, than all the otherthree.

It is the good fortune of many tolive diftant from the fcene of prefentforrow ; the evil is not fufficiently broughtto their doors to make them feel the preca-rioufnefs with which all American propertyis pofiefled. But let our imaginationstranfport us for a few moments to Bof-ton ; that feat of wretchednefs will teachus wifdom, and inftrucl: us for ever to re-nounce a power in whom we can have notruft. The inhabitants of that unfortunatecity who but a few months ago were in eafeand affluence, have now no other alternativethan to ftay and ftarve, or turn out to beg.Endangered by the fire of their friends if

they


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COMMON SENSE, 41they continue within the city, and plunder-ed by government if they leave it. In theirprefent condition they are priibners withoutthe hope of redemption, and in a generalattack for their relief, they would be ex-pofed to the fury of both armies.

Men of paffive tempers look fornewhatlightly over the offences of Britain, and ftillhoping for the beft, are apt to call out.Come, come, we ftall be jriends again forall this. But examine the paffions andfeelings of mankind : bring the dodtrine ofreconciliation to the touchftone of nature,and then tell me, whether you can hereafterlove, honour, and faithfully ferve the powerthat hath carried fire and fword into yourland? If you cannot do all thefe, then areyou only deceiving yourfelves, and by yourdelay bringing ruin upon pofterity. Yourfuture connection with Britain whom youcan neither love nor honour, will be forcedand unnatural, and being formed only onthe plan of prefent convenience, will in alittle time, fall into a relapfe more wretchedthan the firfL But if you fay, you can ftillpafs the violations over, then I afk, hathyour houfe been burnt ? Hath your propertybeen deftroyed before your face ? Are yourG wife


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4:2 COMMON SENSE.wife and children deftitute of a bed to lieon, or bread to live on ? Have you loft aparent or a child by their hands, and your-felf the ruined and wretched furvivor ? Ifyou have not, then are you not a judge ofthofe who have. But if you have and ftillcan (hake hands with the murderers, thenare you unworthy the name of hufband,father, friend, or lover, and whatever maybe your rank or title in life, you have theheart of a coward, and the fpirit of a fyco-phant,

This is not inflaming or exaggeratingmatters, but trying them by thofe feelingsand affedions which nature juftifies, andwithout which, we fhould be incapable ofdischarging the focial duties of life, or en-joying the felicities of it. I mean not toexhibit horror for the purpoie of provokingrevenge, but to awaken us from fatal andunmanly flumbers, that we may purfue de~terminately forne fixed objeclc 'Tis not inthe power of England or of Europe to con-quer America, if (he doth not conquer her-felf by delay and timidity. The prefentwinter is worth an age if rightly employed,but if loft or neglected, the whole Continent

will


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COMMON SENSE. 43will partake of th misfortune ; and there isno puniftiment which that man doth notdeferve, be he who, or what, or where hewill, that may be the means of facrificing afeafon fo precious and ufeful.

'Tis repugnant to reafon, to the univerfalorder of things j to all examples from formerages, to fuppofe, that this Continent canlong remain fubjecT: to any external power.The moft fanguine in Britain doth not thinkfo. The utmoft ftretch of human wifdomcannot at this time compafs a plan, fhort offeparation, which can promife the Continenteven a year's fecurity. Reconciliation is nowa fallacious dream. Nature hath defertedthe connection, and art cannot fupply herplace. For as Milton wifely expreffes** never can true reconcilement grow wherewounds of deadly hate have pierced fo deep."

Every quiet method for peace hath beenineffectual. Our prayers have been rejectedwith difdain ; and hath tended to convinceus that nothing flatters vanity or confirmsobitinacy in Kings more than repeated pe-titioning and nothing hath contributedmore, than that very meafure, to make theKings of Europe abfolute. Witnefs Deri-mark


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COMMON SENSE.mark and Sweden. Wherfcre, fince no-thing but blows will do, for God's fake letus come to a final feparation, and not leavethe next generation to be cutting throatsunder the violated unmeaning names ofparent and child.

To fay they will never attempt it againis idle and vifionary, we thought fo at therepeal of the ftamp-ad:, yet a year or twoundeceived us ; as well may we fuppofethat nations which have been once defeatedwill never renew the quarrel.

As to government matters 'tis not in thepower of Britain to do this Continent juf-tice : the bufinefs of it will foon be tooweighty and intricate to be managed withany tolerable degree of convenience, by apower fo diftant from us, and fo very ignor-ant of us; for if they cannot conquer us,they cannot govern us. To be alwaysrunning three or four thoufand miles witha tale or a petition, waiting four or fivemonths for an anfwer, which when obtainedrequires five cr fix mote to explain it in,will in a few years be looked upon as folly

childiihnefr There was a time when itwas


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COMMON SE.NSE. 45was proper, and there is a proper time forit to ceafe.

Small iflands not capable cf protectingthemfelves are the proper objects for go-vernment to take under their care : butthere is fomething very abfurd, in fuppofinga Continent to be

perpetually governed byan

ifland, In no inftance hath nature made thefatellite larger than its primary planer, andas England and America with refpedl toeach other reverfe the common order ofnature, it is evident they belong to differentfyftems, England to Europe : America toitfelf.

I am not induced by motives of pride,party or refentment to efpoufe the doctrineof feparation and independance ; I am clear-ly pofitively, and confcientioufly perfuadedthat 'tis the true intereft of this Continentto be fo ; that every thing (hort of that ismere patchwork, that it can afford no ladingfelicity, that it is leaving the fwcrd to ourchildren, and fhrinking back at a time, whena little more, a little farther, would haverendered this Continent the glory of theartho

As

.~


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46 COMMON SENSE.As Britain hath not manifefted the leaft

inclination towards a compromise, we maybe affbred that no terms can be obtainedworthy the acceptance of the Continent, orany ways equal to the expence of blood andtreafure we have been already put to.

The objedl contended for, ought alwaysto bear fome juft proportion to the expence.The removal of North, or the whole de-teilable junto, is a matter unworthy themillions we have expended. A temporaryfloppage of trade was an inconvenience,which would have fufficicntly ballanced therepeal of all the ads complained off, had fuchrepeals been obtained ; but if the wholeContinent muft take up arms, if every manniuft be a fcldier, 'tis fcarcely worth ourwhile to fight againft a contemptible miniflryonly. Dearly, dearly, do we pay for the re-peal of the acls, if that is all we fight for ;for in a juft eftimation, 'tis as great a folly topay a Bunker-hill price for law as- for land.As I have alwaysconfidered the independancyof this Continent, as an event which fooneror later muft arrive, fo from the late rapidprogress of the Continent to maturity, theevent could not be far off. Wherefore on thebreaking cut of hoftilities, it was not worththe


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COMMON SENS E. 47the while to have difputed a matter, whichtime would have finally redreffed, unlefs wemeant to be in earneft : otherwife it is likewafting an eftate on a fuit at law, to regu-late thi trefpaffes of a tenant, whofe leafe is}uft expiring. No man was a warmerwiflier for reconciliation than myfelf, beforethe fatal I9th of April 1775, but the mo-ment the event of that day was made known,I rejected the hardened, fallen temperedPharoah of England forever; and difdaiathe wretch, that with the pretended title ofFATHER OF HIS PEOPLE can unfeelinglyhear of their (laughter, and compofediyfleep with their blood upon his foul.

But admitting that matters were nowmade up, what would be the event ? I an-fwer, the ruin of the Continent. And thatfor feveral reafons,

Fir ft. The powers of governing (till re-maining in the hands of the King, he willhave a negative over the whole legiflationofthis Continent : and as he hath (hewn him*fclf fuch an inveterate enemy to liberty, anddifcovered fuch a thiril for arbitrary poxver yis he, or is he not, a proper man to fay tothefe Colonies, Toufoall make no laws butwhat


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s

43 COMMON SENSE.what Ipkafe. And is there any inhabitantin America fo ignorant, as not to know,that according to what is called the prefentconftitutioH) that this Continent can makeno laws but what the king gives leave to ;and is there any man fo unwife, as not tofee, that (confidering what has happened)he will fuller no laws to be made here, butfuch as fuit his purpofe. We may be aseffectually enflaved by the want of laws inAmerica, as by fubmitting to laws madefor us in England. After matters are madsup (as it is called) can there be any doubt,but the whole power of the crown will beexerted to keep this Continent as low andhumble as poffible ? inftead of going for-ward, we fhali go backward 5 or be per-petually quarrelling or ridiculoufly potion-Ing.

We arealready greater

than theKing wifhes us to be, and will he not here-after endeavour to make us lefs. To bringthe matter to one point, is the power whois jealous of our prosperity, a proper powerto govern us ? Whoever fays no to thisqueition is an Independent> for independencymeans no more than whether we ihall makeour own laws, or, whether the King, thegreateft enemy this Continent hath, or can

have,


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COMMON SENSE. 49have, fhall tell us, thereJball be no laws butfuch as 1 like.

But the King you'll fay, hath a negativein England ; the people there can make nolaws without his confent. In point of rightand good order, there is fomething very ri-diculous that a youth of twenty-one (whichhath often happened) fhall fay to fix mil-lions of people older and wifer than himfelfj>


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COMMON SENSE.her advantage, or in the lead interferes wlit. A pretty ftate we fhould foon be i'..''Ir fj ^ ^ylAS.-. . 'mncfer 2Sch a fecond hand government, con-fidering what has- happened ! Men do notchange from enemies to friends by the alter-ation of a name : And in order to fhew thatreconciliation now is a dangerous dodlrine,I affirm, that it would be policy in the Kingat this time, to repeal the atfsfor the fake ofreinftating himfelf in the g&vernment of theprovinces ; In order that HE MAY ACCOM-PLISH BY CRAFT AND SUBTILTY, IN THELONG RUN, WHAT HE CANNOT DO BYFORCE AND VIOLENCE IN THE SHORT ONE.Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related.

Secondly-* That as even the be ft termswhich we can exped to obtain, can amountto no more than a temporary expedient, ora kind of goverment by guardianfhipawhich can laft no longer than till the Colo-nies come of age, fo the general face andilate of things in the interim will be un-fettled and unprcmififing : Emigrants of pro-perty will

not choofe to come to a countrywhofe form of goverment hangs but by athread, and who is every day tottering onthe brink of commotion and difturbance :

And-


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COMMON SENSE. 51And numbers of the prefent inhabitantswould lay hold of the interval to difpofe oftheir effecls, and quit the Continent.

But the moft powerful of all argumentsis, that nothing but independance i e. acontinental form of government, can keepthe peace of the Continent and preferve itinviolate from civil wars. I dread the event-of a reconciliation with Britain now, asit ismore than probable, that it will be followedby a revolt fome where or other, the con-fequences of which may be far more fatalthan all the malice of Britain.

Thoufands are already ruined by Britiflabarbarity ; (thcufands more will probablyfuffer the fame fate;) Thofe men have otherfeelings than us who having nothing fuffered.All they now poflefs is liberty, what theybefore enjoyed is facrificed to its fir vice,and having nothing more to Icfe, they dif-


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52 COMMON SENSE.for nothing; and pray what is it that Britaincan do, whofe p* wer will l>c wholly on pa-per, fhosld a civil tumult break out thevery day after reconciliation ? i .have heardi^ me men fay, many of whom 1 believefpuke without thinking, that they dreadedan independance, fearing that it would pro-duce civil wars: it is but feldorn that ourfirft thoughts are truly correct, and that isthe cafe here ; for there are ten times moreto dread from a patched up connexion, thanfrom independance. I make the iuffererscafe my own, and I proteft, that were Idriven from houfe and home, my propertydeftroyed, and my circumftances ruined,that as a man feniible of injuries, I couldnever relifh the dodtrine ofreconciliation,or coniidcr myfelf bound thereby.

TheCc.lcnies hath rnanifefied fuch a fpi-rit of g-^od order and obedience to continen-tal government, as is fufficient to makeevery reafonable perfon eafy and happy onthat head. No man can affiu,n the leaftpretence for his fears, on any other grounds,th*n fuch as are truly childifh and ridiculous,v.z. that one colony will be ftriving for fu-pciiunty over another.

*,Where


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COMMON SENSE. 53Where there are no diftindions, there can

be no fuperiority ; perfedt equality affordsno temptation. The Republics of Europeare all, (and we may fay always) in peace.Holland and Swiflerland, are without wars,foreign or domeftic : Monarchical g'-vern-ments, it is true, are never long at red -3 thecrown itfelf is a temptation to enterprifingruffians at home ; and that degree of prideand infolence ever attendant on regal autho-rity, fwells into a rupture with foreignpowers in inftances, where a republican go-vernment by being formed on more naturalprinciples, would negociate the fniftake.

If there is any true caufe for fear refpedl-Ing independance, it is becaufe no plan isyet laid down. Men do not fee their wayout Wherefore, as an opening into thatbuiinefs I offer the following hints -, at thefame time modeftly affirming, that 1 haveno other opinion of them rnyieif, than thatthey may be the means of g'ving rife to,fomething better. Could the ilragglingthoughts of individuals be colle


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54 COMMON SENSE,,Let the aflernblies be annual with a pre-fident only. The reprefentation more equaLTheir bufinefs wholly domeftic, and fubject

to the authority of a Continental Congrefs,Let each Colony be divided into fix,

eight or ten convenient diftridls, each dif-tricl: to fend a proper number of Delegatesto Congrefs, fo that each Colony fend atJeafl thirty. The whole number in Con-grels will be at leaft 390. Each Congrefsto fit and to choofe a prefidentby the following method. When trie Dele-gates are met, let a Colony be taken fromthe whole thirteen Colonies by lot, afterwhich let the whole Congrefs choofe (byballot) a prefident from out of the Delegatesof that province. In the next Congrefs leta Colony be taken by lot from twelve only,omitting that Colony from which the pre-fident was taken in the former Congrefs,and fo proceeding on till the whole thirteenfhall have had their proper rotation. Andin order that nothing may pafs into a lawbut what is fatisfadorily juil, not lefs thanthree fifths of the Congrefs to be called amajority He that will promote difcordunder a government fo equally formed asthis, would have joined Lucifer in his revolt*But


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COMMON SENSE. 55But as there is a peculiar delicacy from

whom, or in what manner this bufiaefsmud firft arife, and as it feems moft: agree-able and confident, th^t it fhould comefrom fome intermediate body between thegoverned and the governors, that is, be-tween the Congrefs and the People. Leta CONTINENTAL CONFERENCE be held inthe following manner, and for the follow-ing purpofe.A Committee of twenty fix members of

Congrefs, viz. Two for each Colony. Twomembers from each Houfe of Aflembly^or Provincial convention -3 and five Repre-fentatives of the people at large, to be chofen in the capital city or town of each Pro-vince, for, and in behalf of the whole Pro-vince, by as many qualified voters as mailthink proper to attend from all parts of theProvince for that purpofe : or if more con-?venient, the Reprefentatives may be chofenin two or three of the moft populous partsthereof. In this CONFERENCE thus affem-bled, will be united the two grand prin-ciples of bufinefs, kftowkge and power*The members of Congrefs, Aflemblies, orConventions, by having had experiencein national concerns^ will be able and ufe-

ful


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S6 COMMON SENSE;ful counfellors, and the whole, by beingimpowenrd by the people, will have a trulylegal authority*

The conferring members being met, lettheir bufinefs be to frame a CONTINENTALCHARTER, or Charter of the United Colo-nies; (anfwering, to what is called the Mag-na Charta of England) fixing the numberand manner of choofing Members of Congrefs, Members of Affembly, with theirdate of fitting, and drawing the line of bu-finefs and juriidiclion between them : (Al-ways remembering, that our ftrength andhappinefs, is Continental not Provincial.Securing freedom and property to all men,and above all things, the tree txercife of re-ligion, according to the dictates of con-fcience ; with inch other matters as is ne-ceffary for a charter to contain* Immedi-ately after which, the fa id conference todiflblve, and the bodies which (hall be cho-fen conformable to the faid charter, to bethe Legiflators and Governors of thisContinent, for the time being : Whofspeace and happinefs, may God preierve*AMEN.

Should any body of men be hereafterdelegated


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COMMON SENSE. 57delegated for this or feme fimilar purpofe, Ioa'er them the following extracts from thatwife obferver on governments DRAGO-NETTI. " The Science" fays he " of the" Politician confifts in fixing the true pointe6 of happinefs an 1 freedom. Thofe men" would deferve the gratitude of ages, whoc * fhould difr,;ver a imde of governmentls that contained the greateft fum of indivi-" dual happinefs, with the lead national*' expence.

DRAGONETTI on Virtue and Rewards*But where fays forne is the King ofAmerica ? I'll tell you Friend, he reignsabove ; and doth not make havoc of man-

kind like the Royal Brute of Great Britain.Yet that we may not appear to be defectiveeven in earthly honours, let a day be fo-lemnly- fet apart for proclaiming the Char-ter ; let it be brought forth placed on thedivine law, the word o!7 God $ let a Crownbe placed thereon, by which the world mayknow, that fu far as ws approve of monar-chy, that in America THE LAW is KING.For as in absolute government the King islaw, fo in free countries the law ought Obe King; and there ought to be no o:herBut left any ill ufe ihouid afterwards anfr,

Jp


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COMMON SENSE.let the Crown at the conclufion of the cere-'rnonv be demolifhed, and fcattercd amongthe People whofe right it is.A government of our own is our natural

Vfc.

right : and when a man ferioufl-y reSecls onthe precarioufnefs of human affairs, he willbecome convinced, that it is infinitely wiferand fafer, to form a con ill tut ion of ourown, in a cool deliberate manner, while wehave it in our power 5 than to truft inch aninterefting event to time and chance. Ifwe omit it now feme * Maffandlo mayhereafter arife, who laying hold of populardifquietudes, may colled together* the defpe-rate and the discontented, and by affuming,to themfelves the powers of government,,may fweep away the liberties of the Con-tinent like a deluge. Should the govern-ment of America return again into thehands of Britain, the tottering fituation ofthings, will be a temptation fur feme de'pe-rate adventurer to try his fortune ; and infuch a cafe, what relief can Britain give ?Ere (lie could hear the news, the fatal buf-lirieis might be done \ and ourielves fuffer-in* Thomas Anello, othervvife MafTanello, a fiQierrnan ofNaples, who, after ipiriting up 'his countrymen in thepublic market place, againlt the oppreflion of the Spani-ards, to whom the place was then fubjedl, prompted themto revolt, and ia the fpace of a day became King,


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COMMON SENSE. 59ing like the wretched Britons under theoppreffion of the Conqueror. Ye thatoppofeindependance now, ye know not what yedo; ye are opening a door to eternal ty-ranny, by keeping vacant the feat of go-vernment. There are thoufands, and tensof thoufandsj who would think it glori-ous to expei from the Continent, thatbarbarous and he! lift) power, which haveftirred up the Indians and the Negroes todeftroy us, the cruelty hath a double guilt,it is dealing brutally by us, and treacher-oufly by thern.To talk of friendship with thofe in whomour reafon forbids us to have faith, and our

affections wounded thro 1 a thoufand poresinllrucT: us to deted, is madnefs and folly.Every day wears out the litile remains of kin-dred between us and them, and can there beany reafon to hope, that as the relationfhipexpires, the afFcdtion will encreafe, or thatwe (hail agree better, when we have tentimes more and greater concerns to quarrelover than ever ?Ye that tell us of harmony and reconcili-ation, can ye reftore to us the time that ispad ? Can ye give to prostitution its formerinnocence ? Neither can ye reconcile Britainand America. The hit cord now is broken,

the


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60 COMMON SENSE.the people of England are preferring ad-dreiTcs againft us. There are injuries whichnature cannot forgive > (he would teaie tobe nature if (he did. As well can the loverforgive the raviiher of his miftrefs, as theContinent forgive the murders of BritainThe Almighty h th implanted in us thefeunextinguimable feelings for go d and wifepurpofcs. They are the guardians of hisimage in cur hearts. They diiiinguifh usfiom the herd cf common animals. Thefacial compadt would diiTolve, and jufticebe extirpated the e.rsh, or hr.ve only a cafualexigence were we callous to the touches ofaffection. The robber and the mutderervoul.i often efcape unpuni(hed, did not thei j-.r'es which our tempers fuftain, provokeu^ in.o junice.O ye that love mankind ! Ye that darej

opp i nn o-.ly the t)ranny, but the ty-rant, i'a. d t-xih! Every ipot of the oldvo.'a is < ver run with oppreffion. Free-d m hat i beta hufUrd rous d theAlia and Africa have lon^ c^p-Llled*- AEurt.-j.e regards her like a itranger, andEngland hath given her warning to de-part. Cx ! teceive the fugitive, and pre-pare in time an afvlura for mankind. OF


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COMMON SENSE. 61Op THEPRESENT A^ T LITY OF AMERICA,

WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUSREFLECTIONS.

IHave never met with a man, either iaEng-and or America, who hath notconfeficd his opinion, that a reparationbetween the countries, would take place3one time or other : And there is no inftance,

in which we have (hewn lefs judgment ;than in endeavouring to defcribe what wecall, the ripenefs or fitnefs of the Conti-nent for

independance.As all men allow the meafure, and vary

only in their opinion of the time, let us inorder to remove miftakes, take a generalfurvey of things, and endeavour if poffible,to find cut the very time. But I netd notgo far, the enquiry ceafes at cnce, for,the time hath jcu.;:d us. The general con-currence, the glorious union of all things,prove the f

'Tis not in the numbers but in unity thatour great fl er.gth lies: yst car prelentnumbers are futhcient to repel the force ofall the world. 1'he Continent hath at thistune the largeft diftiplincd army of any

powei


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62 COMMON SENSE.under Heaven: and is juft arrived at

that pitch of ftrength, in which no (ingleColony is able to iupport itklf, and theivhoie, when united, is able to da any thing*Our land force is more than fufficient, andas to navy affairs, we cannot be infenfiblethat Britain would never (uffV.ran Americanman of war to be built, while the Continentremained in her hands. Wherefore, wefhould be no forwarder an hundred yearshence, in that branch than we are now jbut the truth is, we (hould be lefs fo, be-ca'ife the timber of the country is every dajdiminishing,Were the Continent crowded with inha-

bitants, her fufiu rmgs under the prefentcircumftances would be intolerable. Themore

tea-porttowns we had, the more

fli^uld we have both to defend and to lole.Our prclent numbers are fo happily propor-tioned to cur wants, that no man need beidle. The diminu ion of trade affords anarmy, and the ncteflitics of an army createa new tf

Debts we have none : and whatever wemay contract on this account will (erve asa glorious memento cf cur virtue. Can webut


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COMMON SENSE. 6jbut leave posterity with a fettled form ofgovernment, an independant conftitution ofo * rits own, the purchafe at any price will becheap. But to expend millions for the fakeof getting a few vile ads repealed, androuting the prefent miniitry only, is un-worthy of the charge, and is ufing pofteritywith the utmolt cu. Ity ; becauie it is leav-ing them the great work to do and a debtupon their backs from which they deriveno advantage. Sach a tluug u is unworthya mm of honour, and is the true charac-tenftic of a narrow heart and a pidling po-litician.

i

The debt we may contrail doth not de-fer ve our regard if the work be but accom-plifhsd. No nation ought to be without adebt. A national debt is a national bond :and when it bears no intereft, is in no cafea grievance. Britain is opprefTed with a debtof upwards of one hundred and forty milli-ons fterling, for which ihe pays upwards offour millions intereft. And as a compenfa-ttjn for her debt, ihe has a large navy $America is without a debt, and without anavy; but for the twentieth part of theEnghlh national debt, could have a navy asfarge again. The navy of England is notworth


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COMMON SENSE*worth at tMs time more than three million!and an halfNo country on the globe is fo happily

iituated, or Co internally capable of railinga fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron, andcord ge are her natural produce. We needgo abroad for nothing. Whereas the Dutch,who make large profits by hiring out theirfhips of war to the Spaniards and Porcugucfe,are obliged to import mod of the materialsthey ufe. We ought to view the buildinga fleet as an article of commerce, it beingthe natural manufactory of this country-'Tis the bed money we can lay out. Anavy when finished is worth more than itcod: And is that nice point in nationalpolicy, in which commerce and protectionare united. Let us build; if we wanethem not, we can fell ; and by that meansre- place our paper currency with ready guldand filver.

In point of manning a fleet, people ingeneral run into great errors ; it is not ne~ceffary that one fourth part (hould be failors.The Terrible Privateer, Capt. Death, floodthe hotted engagement of any (hip lad

, yet had not twenty failors on board.,though


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C OM M O N SENSE. 65though her complement of men was up-wards of two hundred. A few able andfocial failors will foon inftrufl a fufficientnumber of active landmen in the commonwork of a (hip. Wherefore we never canbe more capable to begin on maritime mat-ters than now, while our timber is (landing,our fiiheries blocked up, and our failorsand (hipwrights out of employ. Men ofwar, of feventy and eighty guns were builtforty years ago in New England, and whynot the fame now ? Ship building is Ame-rica's greateft pride, and in which, flie willin time excel the whole world. The greatempires of the eaft are moftly inland, andconfequently excluded from the poflibilityof rivalling her. Africa is in a ftatc ofbarbarifm ; and no power in Europe, hatheither fuch an extent of coaft, or fuch aninternal fupply of materials. Where naturehath given the one, flu- has wi


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66 COMMON SENS E,now, which we were fixty years a^o, atthat time we might have trufted our pro-perty in the ftreets, or fields rather, andflept fecurely without locks or bolts to ourdoors and windows The cafe now is alter-ed, and our methods of defence, ought toimprove with our increaie of property. Acommon pirate, twelve months ago, mighthave come up the Delaware, and laid thecity of Philadelphia under inftant Contribu-tion for what furn he pleafed ; and the famemight have happened to other places. Nay,any daring fellow in a brig cf 14 or 16 gunsmight have robbed the whole Continent,and carried off half a million of moneycThefe are circumilances which demand ourattention and point out the neceffity of nava!protection.Some perhaps will fay, that after wehave made it up with Britain that (he will

protect us. Can we be fo unwife as to meanthat me mall keep a navy in our Harboursfor that purpofe ? Common fenfe will tellus, that the power which hath endeavouredto fubdue us, is of all others, the moft im-proper to defend us. Conqueft may be ef-fected under the pretence of friendfhip ;snd ourfelves, after a long and brave refift^


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COMMON SENSE. 673nce, be at laft cheated into flavery. Andif her fhips are not to be admitted into ourharbours, I would afk, how is (he toprotedt us ? A navy three or four thoufandmiles off can be cf little ufe, and on fuddenemergencies, none at all. Wherefore if wemu.fl hereafter protedl ourfelves, why notdo it for ourfelves? why do it for another ?The Englifh lift of fhips of war, is longand formidable, but not a tenth part ofthem are at any one time fit for fervice,numbers of them not in being 3 yet their

names are pompouily continued in the liftif only a plank is left of the (hip : and not afifth part of fuch as are fit for fervice, canbe fpared on any one ftatlon at one time.The Eaft and Weft Indits, Mediterranean,Africa, a;?d other parts over which Britainextends her claim, make large demandsupon her navy. From a mixture of pre-judice and innatention, we have contracted afalfe notion refpedting the navy cf England,and have talked as if we'fhould have thewhole of it to encounter at once, and forthat reafon, fuppofed, that we rntift haveone as large ; which not being inftantlypradticable, have been made ufe of by a fetf difguifed tories to difcourage our be-

ginning


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68 COMMON SENSE,ginning thereon. Nothing can be fartherfrom truth and this, for if America hadonly a twentieth part of the naval forceof Britain, (he would be by far an overmatch for her j becaufc as we neither have,nor claim any foreign dominion, cur wholeforce would be employed on our own coaft,where we fhuuld, in the long run, have twoto one the advantage of thole who had threeor four thoufand miles to fail over, beforethey could attack us, and the fame d;fl>ance to return in order to refit and recruit.And although Britain by her fleet hath acheck over our trade to Europe, we have aslarge a one over her trade to the Weft Indies,which by laying in the neighbourhood ofthe Continent lies entirely at its mercy.Some method might be fallen on to keep

up a naval force in time of peace, if wefhould not judge it neceffary to iupport aconftant navy. If premiums were to begiven to merchants to build and employin their iervice, (hips mounted with 2030, 40, or 50 guns (she premiums to bein proportion to the lofs of bu : k to the mer-chant) fifty or fixty of thole (hips, with afew guard (hips on conftant duty would keepup a iufficient navy, and that without bur-

dening


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COMMON SENSE. 69dcning ourfelves with the evil fo loudlycomplained of in England, of {offering theirfleets in time of peace to lie rotting in thedocks. To unite the finews of commerceand defence is found policy ; for when ourftrenpth and our riches, play into each o-ther's hand, we need tear no external ene-my.

In almoft every article of defence weabound. Hemp flourishes even to ranknefs,fo that we need not want cordage. Cur ironis fuperior to that of ether countries. Oarfmall arms equal to any in the world.Cannon we can cad at pK-afure. Salt-petreand gun powder we are every day produc-ing. Our knowledge is hourly improving,Refolution is our inherent character, andcourage hath never yet forfaken us. Where-fore, what is it that we want ? why is it thatwe hefitate ? From Britain we can expedtnothing but ruin. If (lie is once admittedto the government of America again, thisContinent will not be worth living in. Jea-loufies will be always ariling -, infurredionswill be constantly happening; and who willgo forth to quell them? who will venture hislife to reduce his own countrymen to a fo-reign obedience ? the difference between

Pennsylvania


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7o COMMON SENS E,Pennfylvania and Connecticut, refpectingforne unlocated lands, {hews the infignifi-cance of a Britifh government, and fullyproves, that nothing but Continental au-shority can regulate Continental matters.

Another reafon why the prefent time Jspreferable to all others, is, that the fewerour numbers are, the more land there is yetunoccupied, which inftead cf being lavifh-ed by the king on bis worthlefs depen-dants, may be hereafter applied, not onlyto the difcharge of the preient debt, but tothe conftant iupport of government. Nonation under Heaven hath fuch an advan-tage as this.

The infant ftate of the Colonies, as it iscalled, fo far from being againft, is an ar-gument in favour cf independance. Weare fufficiently numerous, and were wemore lo, we might be lefs united. JTis amatter worthy of obfervation, that the morea country is peopled, the fmalier their ar-mies are. In military numbers the ancientsfar exceeded the moderns : and the reafon isevident, for trade being the confequence ofpopulation, men become tco much abforb-ed thereby to attend to any thing elfe.Cornmercs


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COMMON SENSE. ~ 7 rCommerce diminiflies the fpirit both of Pa-triotifm and military defence. And hiftoryfufficiently informs us that the braveit at-chievemsnts were always accomplished inthe non-age of a nation. With the encreafeof commerce England hath loPc its fpirit.The city of London, notwithftanding itsnumbers, fubmits to continued infults withthe patience of a coward. The more menhave to lofe, the leis willing are they to ven-ture. The rich are in general flaves to fear,and fubmit to courtly power with the trem-bling duplicity of a fpaniel.Youth is the feed time of good habits aswell in nations as in individuals, It mightbe difficult, if not impofiible to form theContinent into one Government half a cen-

tury hence. The vaft variety of interestsoccafioned by an incrcafe of trade and po-pulation would create confufion* Colonywould be againft Colony. Each being ablewould fcorn each others afMance : andwhile the proud and foolidi gloried in theirlittle diftinctions, the wife would lamentthat the union had not been formed before.Wherefore, the prefenttime is the true timefor eftabliihing it. The intimacy which iscontracted in infancy, and the friendshipwhich


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72 COMMON SENSE.which is formed in misfortune, are of allothers, the mod lading and unalterable,Our prefent union is marked with both thefecharacters : we are young, and we have beendiftrelTcd; but our concord hath withiloodour troubles, and fixes a memorable ^Eraforpofterity to glory in.

The prefent time likewife, is that pecu-liar time, which never happens to a nationbut once, viz. the time cf forming itfelfinto a government. Moft nations have letflip

the oppoitunity, and by that means haveb.cn compelled to receive laws from theirconquerors, inflead of making laws for them-felves. Firft they had a king, and then aform of government $ whereas the articlesor charter of government fhould be formedjfirft, and men delegated to execute themafterward : but from the errors of other na-tions, let us learn wifdom, and lay hold ofthe prefent opportunity- To begingovernment at the right end.

When William the Conqueror fubduedEngland, he gave them law at the point ofthe Iword ; and until we confent that thefeat of government in America be legallyand authoritatively occupied > we lhall be in

danger


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COMMON SENSE. 73danger of having it filled by fome fortunateruffian, who may treat us in the fame man-ner, and then, where will be our freedom ?where our property.As to religion, I hold it to be the indif-

penfible duty of government^ to protect allconfcientious profcfTors thereof, and I knowof no other bufinefs which governmenthath to do therewith : let a man throw afidethat narrownefs of foul, that felfimnefs ofprinciple, which the niggards of all profef-fions are fo unwilling to part with, and hewill be delivered of his fears on that head.Sufpicion is the companion of mean foulsand the bane of ail good focicty. For myfelfI fully and confcientioufly believe, that isis the will of ic Almighty,, that therefhould be d'"" - r " opinions


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74 COMMON S E N S E(for I only prcfume to offer hints, noplans,) and in this place I take the libertyof re-mentioning the fubjeft, by gbfervingthat a charter is to be undcrflood as a bondof folenin obligation, which the wholeenters into, to fupport the right of everyfeparate part, whether of religion, perfonalfreedom, or property. A right reckoningmakes long friends.

In a former page I likewife mention-ed the neceffity of a large and equal re-prefentation ; and there is no political mat-ter which more deferves cur attention, Afmall number of electors, or a fraall numberof reprefentatives, are equally dangerous,But if the number of the /^prefentatives benot only finalL but uneqiif? ^the danger isencrf-iuu men delegated to'txVr I menti-afterward : but from the errors of other n^_tions, let us learn wifdom, and lay hold ofthe prefent opportunity To begingovernment at the right end.

When William the Conqueror fubduedEngland, he gave them law at the point ofthe iword ; and until we confent that thefeat of government in America be legallyand authoritatively occupied > we ihall be in

danger


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COMMON SENSE. 77hot many ftrong and ftriking reafons maybe given to iliew, that nothing can fettleour affairs fo expeditioufly as an open and de-termined declaration for mdepeadance, Somsof which are,

Fir/I. It is the cuftom of Nations when+sany two are at war, for fome other powersnot engaged in the quarrel, to ftep in asMediators and bring about the preliminariesof a Peace : but while America calls her-felf the Subject of Gr^' ^-itaH no powerhowever we 11off


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78 COMMON SENSE.their peace> for men to be in arms underthe name of Subjeds: we on the fpot canfolve the paradox ; but to unite refinanceand fubjedion, requires an idea much toorefined for common underftanding.

a manifefto to be pub-lifhed and difpatched to foreign Courts,letting forth the miferies we have endured,and the peaceable methods we have ineffec-

;JSy ufed for redrefs, declaring at the* *:-fame time, f.hat,*v*/&xSeing able any longerprefentation ,

and there isncr^cr

the cruelter which more deferves cur ativ.,vion. hadfmall number of eledors, ora fmall narnbeFof reprefentatives, are equally dangerous,But if the number of the reprefentatives benot only fmalL but uneqii iT ^the danger isencr^dub men delegatea to'c-Ac- I rnenti-afterward : but from the errors of other iia_tions, let us learn wifdom, and lay hold ofthe prefent opportunity --To begingovernment at the right end.

When William the Conqueror fubduedEngland, he gave them law at the point ofthe iword \ and until we confent that thefeat of government in America be legallyand authoritatively occupied ; we fhall be in

danger


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thomas paine - common sense; addressed to the inhabitants of america, 2nd ed. 1776

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