the urban soundscape of western harbour

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The Urban Soundscape of Western Harbour Soundwalks and Psychoacoustics in the Western Harbour area in Malmö Lisa Persson Degree of Master of Sciences (20 credits) in Urban Studies (Two-Year) Master Thesis Spring Semester 2021 Supervisor: Chiara Valli

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Page 1: The Urban Soundscape of Western Harbour

The Urban Soundscape of Western Harbour

Soundwalks and Psychoacoustics in the Western Harbour area in Malmö

Lisa Persson

Degree of Master of Sciences (20 credits) in Urban Studies (Two-Year)

Master Thesis

Spring Semester 2021

Supervisor: Chiara Valli

Page 2: The Urban Soundscape of Western Harbour

The Urban Soundscape of Western Harbour

Soundwalks and psychoacoustics in the Western Harbour area in Malmö

Lisa Persson

Page 3: The Urban Soundscape of Western Harbour

Summary

Sustainable urban design requires human wellbeing to be prioritized, considering all human

senses (Torigoe, 2002). Sound, which is often overlooked in the municipalities planning

offices, affects health in both positive and negative manner. The general approach for

handling sounds in cities are through quantitative measurements such as noise abatements and

decibel measurements, while the qualitative visual and audial perception; also known as

psychoacoustics, is disregarded (Raimbault & Dubois, 2005; Steele et al., 2020; Cerwén,

2016). Research also show that urbanisation decreases pleasant sounds to the human ear

(Steele et al., 2020; Beatly, 2012), and some scholars argue that people are losing their skill to

identify and name what they are hearing (Schafer, 1994 & Westerkamp, 1974). In this thesis

the Western harbour area in Malmö, flagged as exemplary sustainable urban development

model, has been using soundscape methodology of soundwalks to contribute to a better

understanding of sound perception and the functions of the identified sounds. The Western

harbour has previously had troubles getting BREEAM-certifications in the past due to noise

(ÅF, 2013), and previous surveys by the Malmö municipality present that the wind is a large

unpleasant factor to both residents and visitors’ perception of the area (Kristensson, 2013).

The results show similarities to presented studies, for example with birdsong being identified

as a pleasant sound whilst traffic being an unpleasant sound. Moreover, most identified

sounds by the soundwalk respondents were loud and intense, indicating a lack of listening to

less-intense, more quiet sounds. The thesis show that qualitative soundscape methodologies

can highlight further dimensions of sound beyond decibel levels, positions sound as a central

dimension of sense of place. The thesis provides suggestions for the municipality to have

updated information and state what sound actions is being made in each area in the city to

include sound and acoustic wellbeing as a central dimension of their sustainable urban

development, in order to be able to reach their own goal of having all stakeholders working in

the same direction. Along with the fact that the Swedish noise abatement law’s approach is

preventative, but does not include the aspect of social change in a space after it is built (Kling,

2013; Malmö comprehensive plan, 2013; Dalman, 2013), since the city of Malmö have grown

quickly and is still facing a rapid expansion in demographics (SCB, 2021), as Raimbault &

Dubois (2005) argue, denser cities are more noisy.

___________________________________________________________________________

Key words: Urban soundscape, Psychoacoustics, Noise, Western harbour, Malmö.

Page 4: The Urban Soundscape of Western Harbour

Table of Content 1. Introduction, Aim & Problem ............................................................................................................. 1

1.1 Layout of Thesis ........................................................................................................................... 2

2. Previous Research & Theoretical Framework .................................................................................... 3

2.1 The Soundscape’s Historical Development .................................................................................. 3

2.2 Psychoacoustics ............................................................................................................................ 4

2.3 Physicality’s of Sound .................................................................................................................. 7

2.4 Regulations of Noise .................................................................................................................... 9

3. Method: Soundwalks and mapping .................................................................................................. 12

3.1 Empirical Gathering: Structured Soundwalks ............................................................................. 12

3.2 Empirical Gathering: Pilot Soundwalk ....................................................................................... 13

3.3 Empirical Analysis: Maps .......................................................................................................... 14

3.4 Empirical Analysis: Functionality Figure ................................................................................... 15

3.5 Limitations, Bias & Reliability ................................................................................................... 16

4. Site of study: Western Harbour ........................................................................................................ 19

4.1 From Industrial Global Frontrunner to Sustainable Global Frontrunner ..................................... 20

4.2 BREAAM-Certifications and Noise Investigations in Western harbour ..................................... 21

4.3 Affected Areas of Western Harbour in the Soundwalk ............................................................... 22

5. Results .............................................................................................................................................. 25

5.1 Introduction of the Presented Data ............................................................................................. 25

5.2 Soundwalk No.1 ......................................................................................................................... 25

5.3 Soundwalk No. 2 ........................................................................................................................ 27

5.4 Soundwalk No.3 ......................................................................................................................... 28

5.5 Soundwalk No.4 ......................................................................................................................... 29

5.6 Segment-based Results of Soundwalk 1 & 2 .............................................................................. 30

5.7 Segment-based Results of Soundwalk 3 & 4 .............................................................................. 31

5.8 Total Amount of Sounds per Segment ........................................................................................ 32

6. Analysis: Identified sounds vs. Function .......................................................................................... 33

7. Discussion ........................................................................................................................................ 35

8. Conclusion ....................................................................................................................................... 39

8.1 Further studies ............................................................................................................................ 41

9. References ........................................................................................................................................ 42

10. Appendix ........................................................................................................................................ 49

10.1 Respondents Paper ................................................................................................................... 49

10.2 Description of a Sound event in Schafer (1994) ....................................................................... 49

10.3 Results from Pilot Soundwalk .................................................................................................. 50

10.4 Results-deviations Table........................................................................................................... 50

Page 5: The Urban Soundscape of Western Harbour
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1. Introduction, Aim & Problem

‘We should listen to our cities as the native did to the forest’

- Westerkamp (1974)

Malmö is Sweden’s third largest city with approximately 350 000 residents (SCB, 2021), and

has for a longer time period gone through rapid population growth and densification. As cities

become more crowded, they also become noisier (Raimbault & Dubois, 2005), which

significantly impact people's wellbeing and sense of place. Yet, sound is a dimension of urban

environment that is rarely considered by urban scholars (Hedfors & Berg, 2002). Soundscape

studies is the study of the urban environment along with the sound levels in an area, both

perceived pleasant and unpleasant sounds (Schafer, 1994). The definition of psychoacoustics

is the interdisciplinary science focusing on the psychological perception of sounds (Eomy,

n.d.). However, Steele et al. (2020) and Beatly (2012) underlines the shortage of research of

what is considered pleasant sounds. Bahali & Tamer-Bayazit (2016) mention that our sonic

environment is affected by many factors and it is important for research to have further clarity

of which sounds are pleasant in a city and which sounds are unpleasant for the human ear, for

an overall better quality of life (Cerwén, 2016).

Järviluoma & Wagstaff (2002) explains that people use sound to communicate and to orient

themselves in different environments. Listening, hearing and producing sound is a way to

show our own human sensibility and individual characteristics. Torigoe (2002) argue that a

city comes with a complicated set of relationships for people to understand, and soundscape

studies adds a new dimension to urban studies by introducing the sense of hearing.

Furthermore, each individual is unique in their perception and therefore there are many

‘types’ of ears in the same space of a city (Järviluoma & Wagstaff, 2002; Lindborg & Friberg,

2015). Schafer (1994) and Westerkamp (1974) both argue that people today rarely listen to

our environment, only hear sounds around us. The difference between the two terms is the

cognitive activeness that is required to listen, and the two scholars fear that our skill to listen

and identify sounds are fading away. Soundscape studies can prove insight on the profound

relation between individuals and their world (Torigoe, 2002) and therefore offer significant

insights for urban, architectural and planning studies as Cerwén (2016) points out, only by

offering residentials a multitude of moods, wants and needs can all people living in the city

find a sense of belonging and wellbeing.

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The importance of a good sound level throughout the city is stated clearly in Malmö’s

comprehensive plan (2018). However, urban planning management practices mainly focus on

physical measurements, like decibel levels, and largely exclude the experiences and

perception of people, which according to Raimbault & Dubois (2005), Steele et al. (2020) and

Cerwén (2016) would instead be a fundamental qualitative dimension for assessing the

acoustic wellbeing. This thesis aims to contribute to a general understanding of the urban

soundscape in Western harbour, Malmö, drawing on a soundwalk methodology conducted

during the spring season in 2021. To complement existing quantitative analysis of

soundscape, this study investigates the human factor of how people are perceiving the sound

levels in the Western harbour district. The goal of the study is to compile a soundscape

analysis of some selected streets in Western Harbour to identify sound factors that either bring

pleasant or unpleasant feelings at respondents. The study has been conducted through

structured soundwalks with a mapping exercise that have later been analysed through a

functionality figure where the identified sounds from the respondents and their urban

functionality are contrasted. The research questions are: What sound factors can be identified

in the Western harbour and how are they qualitatively perceived? Which functions are the

sounds associated with? By answering these questions, the Malmö municipality can draw

lessons from a newly built neighbourhood into the many expansion projects happening across

the city, as a pleasant sound level is a priority stated in their own controlling documents. As

the quote above mentions, in order to reach an appropriate sound level in the city we need to

listen to it carefully, as the city, in a sense, speaks to us (Westerkamp, 1974).

1.1 Layout of Thesis

The coming chapter will explain the methods used and how the preparations of the soundwalk

were conducted along with secondary data. The third chapter consists of the theoretical

framework and concepts that the thesis covers, like urban soundscape and perceived sound.

Fourth chapter will present the site of the study, Western harbour from a historical perspective

moving into the current state of the district. Chapter five will cover the identified sound

results of the Soundwalks in forms of tables and a summarization of the pleasant and

unpleasant segments of the soundwalk. The analysis will include the functionality figure

where the identified sounds are contrasted to their function in an urban space. The discussion

in chapter seven will include the results and its relation to the secondary data and theoretical

concepts used. Last chapter will be the conclusions of the thesis. References and appendix are

found at the end.

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2. Previous Research & Theoretical Framework

“Modern man has sought to escape both the wind and the sea by encapsulating himself in

artificial environments. And just as he has sought to control the sea in the fountain, he has

sought to tame the wind in the air-conditioner…”

- Schafer (1994)

This chapter will present previous research within the field of urban soundscape and cover

concepts that will be used for analysis of the research questions, to identified sounds and

sounds functionality. This have been combined due to the niche research field of urban

soundscape and sound studies in general in relation to the city. Furthermore, the basics of the

human hearing system and perception will be explained along with the necessary information

about the physicality’s of sounds. Last will a section cover the regulations on different scales,

but a focus will be on the municipality of Malmö and their efforts to combat noise in the city.

Another important aspect that should be mentioned in this introduction is the terminology of

listening and hearing. The two terms that should be separated in a sound study as mentioned,

since hearing is considered passive, compared to cognitively active listening in the way of

receiving acoustic information (Uimonen, 2002).

2.1 The Soundscape’s Historical Development

The quote mentioned above is by Murray Schafer, one of the first scholars within the field of

soundscapes. The term soundscape was coined in Schafer’s book ‘The turning of the world’

that was released in 1994. Soundscape, according to Schafer, is ‘The study of effects on the

acoustic environment on the physical responses or behavioural characteristics of creatures

living within it’. In the first chapters of ‘The turning of the world’ Schafer (1994) describes

the first sounds heard to humanity; the natural soundscapes of water and wind, and how

historically humans tried to find explanations for the extreme weather in religion and divinity.

Westerkamp (1974) also write about the wind, and when the wind touches an object, a sound

is created, and refers to Emily Carr who writes about how trees take wind differently

depending on their leaves and velocity of the wind. Schafer (1994) also discuss sounds of life,

and the importance of birdsong and how it has been, and still is, one of the most pleasant

sounds to the human ear. A study made by Major Parris in 2011, where speakers of birdsongs

were installed along an American boulevard, and the Californian major claimed reduced

crime as a result (CBS Los Angeles, 2011). Insects are known to annoy people, by the

vibrations of wings in mosquitoes and wasps for example. Schafer (1994) explain that the

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human ear is most sensitive to sounds that are middle to upper frequency areas, which many

wing flaps fall into, both birds and insects.

Schafer’s book follows the historical development of cities and discuss how the soundscape in

cities began to change during the same time the industrial revolution took place. By the time

of the twentieth century the sounds of technology had become accepted in the human ears due

to the major changes in the work environment for many people (Schafer, 1994; Butler 2006).

The working conditions were deficient, even inhumane at this time period, and the noise from

the machinery became equivalent to the inferiority of the workers. The first study to prove

deafness from heavy machines was in 1831 by Fosbroke, when researching the hearing of

blacksmiths and boilermakers. The research showed that 100 broiler workers were tested, and

not a single one of the workers had normal hearing. In other words, noise became a tool of

power (Schafer, 1994). A sound measuring instrument was not invented until 1882 by

Rayleigh but was not used extensively until 1930. Schafer (1994) notes that historically

sounds were discrete and interrupted, but from the industrial and electrical revolution until

this day, sounds are continuous; like a generator or air-conditioner. Westerkamp (1974)

reflects on the car industry and extremely fast-moving vehicles have created a new type of

wind sound. The traffic noise is mostly a continuous factor to be heard in cities today (ibid).

Roadside noise barriers are common at highways but require a large piece of land and cast

shades in the pedestrian’s path. Usually, there is a lack of space for putting these types of

barriers up in city cores (Tang, 2017). Green walls, vegetation climbing vertically, are an

effective method according to Elmqvist (2013), where they can reduce up to 40 decibel of

outdoor noise through absorption. Sounds that are not intended to be heard, or are trying to

mask other sounds, are in a category called ‘acoustic perfume’, or previously,

‘audioanalgesia’ (Schafer, 1994). The term was coined by having background music during

dental appointments to not fully hear the unpleasant tools and drilling instruments inside of

the mouth for pain relief but is now used in both private and public spaces. Music is played to

mask busy personnel or hide ventilation sound in restaurants, hotels and many other places

(ibid), to suite the consumer through sound of that area.

2.2 Psychoacoustics

The definition of psychoacoustics is the interdisciplinary science of psychological perception

of sounds, as mentioned in the introduction. Research within the field of perceived sound has

roots and terminology borrowed from the visual perception and psychology (Schafer, 1994).

The terms figure and ground are such terms, and Schafer (1994) explain that figure is the

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focus or interest point, and ground is the setting or context. A soundscape is then a subject’s

relationship to the ground and the figure. A sound can be both ground and figure, depending

on the individual’s relation toward the field, the individual’s state of mind and partly the

acculturation, meaning that it has nothing to do with the physicality of the sound. Social

norms thus have an impact (Schafer, 1994 & Ipsen, 2002). An article by Lindborg & Friberg

(2015) researched the variations of sound perception based of personality traits. Lindborg &

Friberg (2015) used the big-five personality traits for their research, which is a theory within

psychology developed in the 1990’s and found that the different personality traits respond

differently to noise sensitivity and which sounds are found pleasant/unpleasant in general.

Spence (2011) argue that in a normal situation a living organism, as humans, perceive the

environment using all the senses simultaneously. When visual and auditory information is

presented, a cross modal perception is reflexively created by the perceiver. This is common as

through evolution our senses (feeling, hearing, seeing, tasting and smelling) have become

specialists in different areas for a species survival. Schaeffer (1996) explain that our vision is

a tool for precise spatial information and hearing provides temporal information. Our hearing

is always active compared to our vision; we cannot turn off our hearing in the sense that we

could close our eyes to shut out the world. Westerkamp (1974) mentions that audial

information wants to be processed in this sense. Liu, Kang, Behm & Luo (2013) mention that

80% of the human sensory input is visual, and stresses in their research that spatial patterns

and structures of urban landscape can affect the perception of sound.

As mentioned in the introduction, Järviluoma & Wagstaff (2002) highlight that people use

sound to communicate and orient themselves in different environments, as well as show our

own sensibility and individual identities. However, Uimonen (2002) mentions a difficulty for

people to talk and verbalise about their everyday sonic environment in the sense that they are

used to the sounds, and therefore no longer pay them any attention. If the listener pays

attention to a familiar sound, the sound can reveal itself in a new way and the listener can

construct a new meaning toward the sound. This is a paradox in the soundscape studies, how

do researchers gather empirical information that is not actively being observed by others? One

way to go around this is to take the respondents to somewhere they have been before to

activate memories. However, Uimonen (2002) mentions as well that local residents have a

better sense and awareness of change in the soundscape than residents from other areas, or

visitors.

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The definition of noise varies, as it has a shading of meanings. Noise has shown negative

effects on communication, speech, learning, performance, sleep disorders, etc.

(Folkhälsomyndigheten, 2019b; Steele et al., 2020). This relates to many social institutions in

the city, like schools, workplaces, residential housing, exercise and more. As Raimbault &

Dubois (2005) mentioned in the introduction, it is important that we prioritize human

wellbeing in every aspect, including the urban soundscape. Steele et al. (2020) highlight a

method that could bridge the gap between the urban planners and city-users, via workshop

format where a common language is formed around noise and sounds in the city. It is however

not commonly used (ibid, 2020). According to Schafer (1994), Noise could be unwanted

sound, unmusical sound, any loud sound or disturbance in any signalling system. Ipsen (2002)

reflected upon these definitions by Schafer (unwanted, unmusical, loud sounds or disturbance

in signals) and summaries that three of the four are related to the psychological expression of

frustration, unwanted sound, loud sound and the disturbance of signals. Frustration, in Ipsen's

(2002) meaning, means an interruption of a behaviour and the following feeling of frustration

is anger. This makes clear that sound and noise is a continuum and not dualistic in a cultural

sense as mentioned by both Schafer (1994) and Ipsen (2002), resulting in a complexity of

what sound level in a city is ‘optimum’. Bahali & Tamer-Bayazit (2016) and Elmqvist (2013)

mention that the local contexts also play a role in what sound level is appropriate as every city

has their own set of attributes and highlight that even silence and quiet areas also have

differential features due to local contexts.

Raimbault & Dubois (2005) mention however that the judgement of noise may have a

collective social value, but it might not be sufficient to remove the source of the noise,

depending on what the source of the noise is. An example could be a trafficked road with

heavy trucks for transportation, which could be vital for the infrastructure of the city. The

transportation would not be stopped, but perhaps a sound wall or re-route of the trucks would

take place as an action from the city council. This is also why sound, and noise have turned to

the quantitative measurements to find a middle ground between a collective social value and

its functionality. Raimbault & Dubois (2005) also discuss in their article what the ideal

soundscape in urban settings is, and research found that human produced sounds and activities

are the most wanted sounds in a city, and traffic was found to be unpleasant to hear in the city.

This strengthens the case of sound being important to human’s well-being and further implies

the sense of place we feel when visiting an urban setting. It also implies a direct contradiction

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toward how we describe urban soundscape as traffic is one of the most heard sounds (ibid;

Schafer, 1994).

Many soundscape scholars argue that people in cities are losing touch to the soundscape

around them due to disconnect from the rural site (Schafer, 1994; Westerkamp, 1974; Beatly,

2013). Beatly (2013) explain that it is important that we do not lose this skill in times where

the environment and animals within it needs protecting, as natural sounds have changed due

to the noisy cities and suggests that a systematic recording of sounds are needed to understand

the change that is currently happening in our ecosystems. Efforts to record sounds can be

collective, like collaborative GIS maps or open street maps. Westerkamp (1974) argue that by

listening to the environment around us, we have a subconscious discussion with our

soundscape, which also shapes our attitude towards the area and our internal balance is set. By

ignoring this dialogue with our environment, in this case the urban environment, the internal

attitude towards the sounds is filtered out which leaves us with a feeling of ambiguity (ibid).

2.3 Physicality’s of Sound

The Swedish public health authority, ‘Folkhälsomyndigheten’, (2019a) explains that sound is

small air pressure variations, created by vibration or pulsation that travels through a medium

as it needs particles to disturb and push. This pressure propagates as waves at a speed of 340

meters per second through the air, but the denser the medium the sound travels the faster it

propagates. For example, sound moves faster in water then in air, but cannot travel through

vacuum space. The sound waves reach the human outer ear, begin to vibrate the eardrum,

travel through the middle ear toward the inner ear. The inner ear is a closed fluid system

where the shell-shaped cochlea is, where hair cells act as receptors of hearing (Prakash, 2020).

After this step, the waves convert into signals that then reach the human brain and register the

sound waves as a sound (Folkhälsomyndigheten, 2019b).

Noise and sound waves are identical in physics but are perceived differently as wanted sound

or unwanted sound by the human due to the sounds character (Folkhälsomyndigheten, 2019a).

However, exposure to intense noise and unwanted sounds during a longer period of time can

cause direct harm to the human ear like tinnitus or sound distortion (Folkhälsomyndigheten,

2019b). Humans hearing threshold is between 0 dB to 120, around 140 is painful to hear

according to public health authority (2019). Schafer’s (1994) research show that people in the

global north are more disturbed by noise and speak more softly when compared to people in

the south. Loudness of a sound depends on the pressure and the frequency composition, and

despite a wanted sound, loudness can cause hearing damage due to the physical stress-

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reaction of the eardrum (Folkhälsomyndigheten, 2019b). Frequency is measured in the unit

Hertz (Hz), and the human ear can hear from 20-20,000 Hz, but the range decreases with old

age. An increase in the sound level by a few dB is perceived as stronger, and probably more

disturbing, when it is a low-frequency sound, compared with the same pitch for a high

frequency sound. Our hearing is however generally not as sensitive, in terms of damage, to

low-frequencies as high-frequencies (Folkhälsomyndigheten, 2019b).

The physical description of sound itself can be described in a chart as picture 1 below show,

where on the horizontal plane sound consists of attack, body and decay. This presents how

quickly a sound starts to happen (attack) and decay presents how quickly, or slowly, the sound

falls off. These terms are mostly used by sound engineers or music producers, in order to add

dynamics to a song for example. However, in a sound study, it is important to understand the

general pathway from start to finish of a sound. (Schafer, 1994). The frequency is the

complete waves passing a point in a given amount of time. Any fluctuations or grain of the

attack can have small changes to them, in terms of milliseconds of a beginning of a sound,

this is again mostly important to music producers and generally not including urban

soundscape (Cunningham, 2017). Another detailed picture of a sound event can be found in

the appendix 10.2 created by Schafer (1994).

Picture 1. Description of sound event (Schafer, 1994).

The context of the sound is researched from different perspectives. The acoustics describes

what sounds are, and psychoacoustics describe how sounds are perceived, semantics describe

what the sound means and the aspect of aesthetics research if the sound appeals to people

(Schafer, 1994). As some sounds have a common reaction toward them, like nails scratching a

black board. However, there is also a large variation in reaction toward one common sound

(ibid, 1994). There are more details to the physics of sound that will not be raised by this

thesis due to relevancy of the connection to physical environment in cities.

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2.4 Regulations of Noise

Today, noise is commonly regulated in noise abatement laws. As mentioned in the

introduction, urban planners have a clear understanding of which sounds needs regulation.

However, the research of sounds that are pleasant to the public are less common (Steele et al,

2020; Beatly, 2012). Some global goals, national goals and laws will be covered in this

section, along with some research articles suggesting some noise reducing options in cities.

The global sustainable development goal 11 ‘Sustainable cities and communities’ are linked

closely to urban soundscape studies and regulations. The goal roots in developing cities with

ecological, social and financial sustainability in mind. Sustainable urban development

includes the construction and planning of residential housing, infrastructure, public spaces,

etc. This also nudges for new innovative technology and cooperation’s between sectors in a

society. The goal highlights the need for inclusivity in urban planning to make cities safer and

sustainable for future generations (Global goals, n.d.). Paragraph 11.3 states that by 2030,

more participatory and inclusive planning should be achieved in all countries. Sweden also

has their own national environmental goals, and the goal ‘God bebyggd miljö’ (Well-built

environment) are related to sound and noise in an urban setting. The goal suggests that all

built environments must constitute a healthy living environment. Buildings and facilities must

be located and designed to have an environmentally friendly manner that consider both

natural and cultural values in the local context. Long-term management of water, land, and

other resources must also be considered. According to the National Board of Housing,

Building and Planning ‘Boverket’ (2021) website, Sweden will not be reaching their goal for

‘God bebyggd miljö’ in 2021 due to the larger cities’ expansion of demographic along with

expansion of shopping centres outside of the cities’ core which promotes transportations via

car to reach the shopping centres.

Sweden has selected the Public Health Authority 'Folkhälsomyndigheten', to act as guidance

authority in the matter according to Miljöbalken (1998:808), the section in the Swedish law

book covering all environmental related laws. Sweden has an Ordinance (2004: 675) on

ambient noise saying that municipalities with over 100 000 inhabitants are obliged to map the

ambient noise within the municipality and produce strategic noise maps. The definition of

ambient noise in this ordinance is noise from traffic and industrial noise. This map however

show a blank area over the Western harbour due to unknown reasons. Therefore, the Swedish

Transport Administration ‘Trafikverket’ also has a requirement to map noise from traffic,

including railway, seafaring and air traffic. According to paragraph 8 a §, Anyone who draws

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up noise maps must draw up a proposal for an action program every five years and approve it,

in this case, it is the authorities. If any major changes, the action program could be

reconsidered. All of this information produced by the Swedish municipalities are required to

send this to the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency ‘Naturvårdsverket’, the Swedish

information is condensed before it is forwarded to the European Union, according to Directive

2002/49/EG. The European Union has this directive to establish a common approach among

the member states to prevent and reduce ambient noise, where the union requires noise maps

in all the larger cities but the action plan to be of own national preference. The directive also

highlights the importance of noise in built-up areas, in public parks or other quiet areas in

densely populated areas due to sleep and learning environments.

One of Malmö’s priorities stated in the comprehensive plan (2018) is to densify and to create

a socially balanced space with good living conditions with the least possible environmental

impact. It is also stated that to reach the environmental quality standards for air, noise and

water quality many actions and decisions need to be made (ibid, 2018). A suggestion in the

comprehensive plan (2018) is to plant more trees to capture and absorb sounds, provide shade

in the city and to create better air quality through photosynthesis. Green spaces are known for

their environmental benefits and social value in the city. Van Renterghem (2018) researched

that vegetation can play a big role in soundscape studies. Vegetation that is visible, presence

and acting as a source of sound could influence a person's perception of a space. However,

due to noise their restorative potential could be at stake (Aletta, Renterghem & Botteldooren,

2018). Good public health is a prerequisite for achieving positive sustainable development. As

mentioned in the introduction, Malmö is Sweden’s third largest city and is facing a sharp

increase in population. This also means that more people are moving in the same patterns

since the city has become denser. One of the reasons Malmö Stad (2018) wishes to densify is

to save the valuable agricultural land that lies just outside the city, which is one of the city’s

most important natural resources. This is common with other cities in the Skåne region, to

densify and build closer to the city core (Malmö’s comprehensive plan, 2013).

By densifying the city, Malmö Stad (2018) hope to see a transition for the residentials to use

public transportation instead of cars as areas with low noise levels are few and need to be

more. The municipality (2018) also states awareness of the consequences of densification of

increased noise levels, exposure for contamination, reduced air quality, reduced solar input

due to shading of buildings, but refers to that environmental quality norms will not be

compromised. Malmö Stad (2018) hopes to reach these goals by underlining that all

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stakeholders need to work in harmony and share the same holistic view. An interesting point

that Malmö Stad (2018) states in their conflict-of-interest section is that all discussions need

to be had over a situation, but that a ‘good enough mentality’ and compromises seems to be

acceptable within the municipality. Every five years, the city of Malmö creates noise maps

and associated control documents to silence the noise in the city, according to law. The most

common noise in Malmö is the traffic according to the municipality. The controlling

documents called ‘Plan för god ljudmiljö i Malmö’, provided from different public

administration offices working together. The plan from 2020 to 2028 highlights the residents'

importance of sleep, learning and finding peaceful places like parks or recreational areas,

aligned to the global goals. The plan for good sound levels in Malmö (2020) states that

including noise early on in a planning stage is important, but that with Malmö’s current

expansion it has become problematic to address both densification and good sound levels.

One approach that is mentioned is to limit the noise directly from the source, meaning that

traffic noise should be reduced at the vehicle and the pavement of the roads. The European

union have also considered targeting noise at its source and have an ordinance of marking of

tires (EG 1222/2009). This introduced minimum requirements for rolling distance, wet grip

on wet surfaces, and external tire and road noise. This explain the municipalities plan and

nudge for further electrification of public transportations, due to the large differences of the

electric and petrol driven engines, and the municipalities current cooperation with

Skånetrafiken (local private transportation company).

Another approach is to build noise-absorbing facades of apartment buildings. Windows are

the weak link in a facade, regarding noise, and provide both natural ventilation and light

(Martello et al., 2016; Beatly, 2012). Sweden has a planning and building act (2010:900)

which states (Chapter 2 §5.4) that noise conditions need to be possible to prevent in the

drafting of a building or an area. Meaning that investigations must be made regarding sounds

in an area before any physical action is made there. Sweden has an ordinance of traffic noise

at residential buildings (2015:216) that applies in the same manner as the previously

mentioned ordinance, suggesting that buildings should be faced in a direction where least

noise can be an issue, but no requirements. Therefore, research has been done and found a

noise protecting solution to double and triple glaze the windows to further shut out noise from

a lively city (Tang, 2017). However, just like the comprehensive plan mentions, the

municipality (2020) reserves the right to deviate from noise measures if this jeopardizes any

kind of accessibility and safety for the cities’ residents and their health.

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3. Method: Soundwalks and mapping

This chapter will cover the thesis methods for both empirical and analytical purposes. The

main methods are soundwalks, mapping and a functionality figure created by Raimbault &

Dubois (2005) that have been inspired from Schafer (1994) in order to produce and analyse

primary data, which has support in the secondary data used in this thesis.

3.1 Empirical Gathering: Structured Soundwalks

Soundwalks are a method used to consciously study the sounds of an area whilst being in

motion (Engel et al., 2018). The walks include the researcher with a single or multiple

respondents, commenting on the sound levels that are being perceived, on a predefined

walking route using a sonic evaluation device to collect data (ibid, 2018). Trixier (2002)

explains that the researchers are putting the respondents in a context where they are asked to

analyse, when usually respondents provide information to the researcher in regard to

interviews or surveys to be analysed. In a soundwalk, the information is already provided by

the time and location. The selection of respondents could be anyone who has full hearing and

have visited the Western harbour previously. A secondary data source is Westerkamp (1974),

which highlights the awareness of change that this soundwalk method can bring. By listening

closely and paying attention to the urban soundscape, one can also identify needs and

adjustments toward the location. The soundwalk as a method can differ in many aspects, with

regards to the sound measurements, collection of visual information, walk duration, and more

(Engel et al., 2018). Both Westerkamp (1974) and Schafer (1994) advocates ‘ear-opening’

exercises before a soundwalk. That means a short moment to close your eyes and listen to the

sounds and flows of the body, the breathing and heartbeat, in order to focus your attention to

then be fully able to listen to the sounds of the city in a similar manners as how you’d listen to

yourself.

Another limitation of this method is the weather, time of day and activities at the site. It is

important to cover as much information that could affect the sounds as possible, but a

complete description is nearly impossible to create according to Hedfors & Berg (2002). One

can attempt to do the soundwalks on a constant weather/season, wind and traffic condition

along with the same time of the day and day of the week (Hedfors & Berg, 2002; Schafer,

1994). According to the Public Health Authority (2019a), the propagation of sound is affected

by weather. The sound absorption in the air varies with frequency, humidity, temperature and

more. In tailwind (wind in the back) the sound is perceived as louder, and in upwind (wind

against you) the sound is perceived as quieter (Folkhälsomyndigheten, 2019a).

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3.2 Empirical Gathering: Pilot Soundwalk

This thesis used the soundwalk method in the Western Harbour in Malmö to identify the

sounds and indirect factors which relate to the psychological response of the respondent. The

pathway had been decided before the soundwalk was made with the respondents for a

structured approach to the research. This path was chosen as it covers the dense areas as well

as green spaces in the district, providing a range of sounds. See a map over the structured

soundwalk below (figure 1), and an area specific map in chapter four where area names are

provided within the district of Western harbour (figure 3).

The walk begins at Klaffbron. On the drawbridge is a main road heavily trafficked with

pedestrians, bikes, cars and buses as it interconnects the Western harbour to

Universitetsholmen. The first segment ends at a large building called Gängtappen. The second

segment covers the road from Gängtappen toward a crossing, walking past office buildings, a

construction site to build more residential housing and a parking house. The third segment

covers Stapelbäddsparken, the Ohboy eco-hotel with green walls, three construction sites for

residential housing, Varvsparken and ends at the Turning Torso skyscraper. Fourth segment

covers a large parking house, a CrossFit gym, the Western harbour school and residential

housing. The fifth segment is a smaller, walking-speed road which has residential housing on

one side and on the other side is the Scania Park. The sixth segment is Sundspromenaden

along Bo01, covering Daniaparken and the residential housing and some smaller restaurants.

The seventh segment covers a larger coffee shop chain Espresso house and a larger restaurant

with outdoor seating, along a smaller marina. There are also a few mixed business buildings

before the bridge is crossed onto Ankarparken. The last segment is covering the Kockum

Fritid, a leisure centre for physical activities, more business buildings, a preschool and lastly a

padel centre. All of these locations are filled with different types of sounds and noises, they

are also the most active roads for both traffic and people to visit.

A pilot soundwalk was made on the 25th of February (Thursday) around 10 pm, to listen

carefully what different sounds there was to be heard in the area, which was written down, to

test the decibel measurer app and to clock the soundwalk. The soundwalk is around 2,9km

long and took around 45 minutes, whilst taking notes and making short stops for sound

measurements. It was a sunny day, and the temperature was around 10 degree Celsius. It is

worth mentioning that a heat wave had recently hit Malmö after some cold arctic winds had

swept snow and negative degrees over the entire region, which I believe was a reason for

more people being out than normal to catch some sun rays after a week of grey weather.

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Figure 1. The soundwalk in Western harbour. The circles represent the location’s the soundwalk groups stopped

to write down thoughts on the papers provided to the respondents. Image created by author in Google maps

2021.

The main sounds in the area were traffic, construction and conversation. A detailed table of

results from the pilot soundwalk is presented in the appendix. The decibel measurements

varied from 50-90. A secondary data source was used, an app created by the Swedish work

environment authority, called ‘Buller’ which in Swedish means noise. In the description of the

app, it is stated clearly that a phone is not the optimal sound measurer because the microphone

is suited for the frequency range of the human voice, along with that depending on which

phone is used, the microphone’s quality can vary. However, the Swedish work environment

authority provides a list on their website of which phones are most suitable for this app, where

iPhone 7 was adapted (which was in situ) (Arbetsmiljöverket, 2021). The app states that it

works best from 40 to 100 decibel, which is the frequency range the study will cover

discovered via the pilot soundwalk. Furthermore, the app is not equivalent to a professional

sound meter but gives approximate values. The app also gives clear instructions of how to

hold your phone to get an optimal sound result. Therefore, the app is used in this research

study to get rough sound levels of the soundwalk, as it is not an interest to get exact results.

As Raimbault & Dubois (2005) mentioned in the introduction, just measuring the decibel

alone is not sufficient to research a pleasant sound level in a city.

3.3 Empirical Analysis: Maps

During the soundwalks the respondents drew on a map which was printed out before hand

over the area with different colours; red for unpleasant sounds and green for pleasant sounds,

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to further highlight which sounds is preferred. See the paper the respondents were provided

with in the appendix. Secondary data sources suggest that spatial expansion of sound becomes

clearer with colours, and the colour reflects the perceived sound underlines Hedfors & Berg

(2002). By drawing on a map, one also allows the respondents to identify any sound

regardless of if it is close or distanced, as the respondents were asked to make a circle of any

point of ‘sound-interest’. This will result in a summarization table for soundwalk 1 and 2, as

they were in the end of winter/beginning of spring and a separate table will be presented for

soundwalk 3 and 4 as they were in the middle of spring, to see if the season had an impact on

the soundscape in the Western harbour. The respondents for this thesis were selected through

personal contacts and snowball assembling with the requirements that the respondent had

visited the area previously and was not a resident of the area.

3.4 Empirical Analysis: Functionality Figure

The primary data have been analysed following a functionality diagram adapted from Schafer

(1994) and Raimbault & Dubois (2005). Schafer (1994) classifies and conceptualizes sounds

by source in the book about soundscapes. A few of them are: ‘natural sounds', 'human

sounds', 'sounds and society', 'mechanical sounds', and 'sounds as indicators'. Raimbault &

Dubois (2005) use some of Schafer’s classification in their article about experiences and

knowledge of soundscape studies: road traffic, other transportation, working machines, music,

and people’s presence (speech, walking), and nature. The classifications used are

environmental or objective descriptions. These are then categorized into two headings

‘transportation and construction’ and ‘people presence’ for analytical purposes, see figure 2

below. The headings were then divided into subheadings. The transport category was set up to

‘people’s presence’ and ‘without’ indicating if a human is hearing the sound or not. The

‘people presence’ heading is set up to ‘lively’ and ‘relaxing’ indicating more human produced

sounds or natural sounds. The example figure is taken from Raimbault & Dubois’s article

(2005) to show how the classification is presented, where the identified sounds are on top of

the functionalities of those sounds. These classifications are also compared to their functions

in society for urban planners to base decisions of (ibid). This creates a clear image of what is

heard at a location and see if that sound or noise fills a function. It can also present a hole or

gap in the planning like Westerkamp (1974) suggested. The critique of this figure is the

merging of categories in order to make the figure readable, resulting in a brief presentation.

One could change the approach and analyse each sound individually in order to make a

profound analysis of the identified sounds. The data collected from the soundwalks were

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analysed using a diagram inspired by figure 2 and resulting in figure 4 (see chapter 6.

Analysis: Identified sounds vs. Function).

Figure 2. Soundscape categorisation/classification according to Schafer (1994) in Raimbault & Dubois (2005).

3.5 Limitations, Bias & Reliability

All of the methods mentioned above have limitations and have been touched on briefly in

their sections above. In this section the limitations and bias of this thesis will be covered more

in-depth. The reliability of the results from this thesis will mainly come from the soundwalk

and mapping as they were answered in situ. The thesis uses the definition of validity and

reliability by Hjerm, Lindgren & Nilsson (2014). Firstly, limitations of the structured

soundwalk and the overall area of the Western harbour. The northeast area contains the dry

dock but is mostly surrounded by restaurants, office buildings and residential housing. This

area was excluded due to the length and duration of the soundwalk.

According to Bryman (2011), qualitative research methods could be subjective and difficult to

replicate along with an issue of generalization and concretization of method usage. As

mentioned in heading 3.1 by Trixier (2002), the respondents are asked to analyse and identify

sounds that are being provided to them by the time and location of the soundwalk. This could

be a difficult task for the respondents and the level of ambition and preciseness can vary from

respondent to respondent. The contexts that need to be analysed can differ in many ways

according to Engel et al. (2018). As Hedfors & Berg (2002) suggested, the soundwalks were

held during the same days and times in order to make a comparison between the four

soundwalks in a way that they could be replicated. The weather and traffic conditions were

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factors that could not be controlled in relation to when respondents had time to join. A

structured approach was chosen due to consistency in the soundwalks for comparative reasons

which was controlled via a pilot soundwalk before the respondents joined for the empirical

gathering used in the result section. The limitation of choosing a structured approach is the

loss of spontaneity and walking toward a sound source for example.

Another limitation of the soundwalks and mapping is the number of respondents that could

join, as both methods are used simultaneously along the soundwalk. There are many factors

like work hours and willingness to consider when asking respondents to join. This resulted in

mainly young adults in the age 20-40 that joined this thesis, and it is important to highlight

that people in that age group have a different hearing range than elderly for example. A

limitation of some respondents was their focus, where small talk could take place instead of

directing full attention to the sound walk, even though the instructions were provided before

the walks started. This small talk could have affected the other respondents' answers, where

they heard conversation between respondents instead of the urban soundscape. The ear-

opening exercises were not included in the soundwalk, due to the duration.

The mapping method also had limitations. The drawing on the maps was also a factor that

many respondents misunderstood and made dotted lines or mixed colours on a single

segment. The respondents also drew arrows and made comments outside of the map on the

paper they were given, which some were helpful to understand why they were feeling the

pleasant/unpleasant feeling. The respondents were asked to clarify and correct any mistake

before handing in their answers, which could have affected their results if they were not

certain of their perception in that specific area. By only providing the respondents with two

colours which represent pleasant and unpleasant, a forced decision was asked to be made by

the respondent’s even though some respondents would have liked a middle option. Despite

the methods’ limitations, the research question is about the perception of sounds in the

Western harbour and by bringing the respondents to the site and walking around the area

strengthens the reliability of the study where they could write down their identified sounds

and highlight the feelings, the respondents felt with the colours provided. As Bryman (2011)

suggested, the researcher could have misinterpreted the results given by the respondents

which could have affected the results, analysis and the discussion along with conclusion.

However, the secondary data suggest that the methods can be performed in a certain way,

which this study has similarly replicated appropriately to support empirical collection that

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responds to this study's research question. A misinterpretation may adversely affect the study

as it affects the quality and credibility of what this sound study has concluded.

My personal bias and positionality would be that I have restrictions of my own perception and

hearing in situ, which could have created a basis of a deficient structured soundwalk along

with deficient notes from the four different soundwalks. However, as Hedfors & Berg (2002)

argue, it is almost impossible to be able to capture everything when describing what is

happening in an area at an exact moment. The collection and understanding of the secondary

data could also be deficient or misunderstood, but the result from this thesis is not to

generalize through non-similar locations in cities, but focuses on the local context of

closeness to the sea and an urban walk with parks of different sorts, and the results should be

applied to a similar setting.

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4. Site of study: Western Harbour

This chapter will present the site of study, Western harbour. An introduction of the area

followed by an historical point of view of Malmö as an industrial city will be explained. The

current state of Western harbour and their work toward certifications will be covered at the

end, followed by the areas and sections in the soundwalk in-depth compared to the method.

The Western harbour is an area in Malmö. The district is placed on a peninsula with

approximately 175-hectare range with canals surrounding it in the north-western of the city

(Anderberg, 2015). The peninsula was built by filling in the sea, due to the large industrial

shipyard Kockums in the late 19th century. The sea was a large challenge for Malmö’s growth

and expansion previously, before landfilling’s were a common approach for expansion

(Malmö comprehensive plan 2013). The Western harbour is an important district in Malmö

for the overall city’s growth in the twentieth history due to the large shipyard (Holgersen &

Malm, 2015). Malmö municipalities plan for the area is not yet finished but according to their

timeline to have their last construction projects done by 2035 (Malmö Stad, n.d.). A

comprehensive plan was made in 2013 for the Western harbour only, where the municipality

states that buildings must be constructed with regard to the special wind conditions in the area

and that the sea front should be public with great accessibility for residents and visitors.

Figure 3. Areas of the Western harbour (HSB, n.d.)

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4.1 From Industrial Global Frontrunner to Sustainable Global Frontrunner

Since the war between Sweden and Denmark during the 16th century, Malmö has been an

important border town for Sweden. This is one of the reasons why the industrial development

got off to a quick start in the country (Malmö comprehensive plan, 2013). Malmö’s old

shipyard Kockums was known as the ‘Mecca of the Swedish labour movement’ in the 1950’s

and produced more ships per tonnage than any other country in the world with approximately

6000 employees. In addition to the shipyard there was also a carpentry shop, a foundry, a

machine workshop, a wagon workshop and offices related to the Kockums industry (Malmö

comprehensive plan, 2013). The launch of the Kockums crane in the 1970's, at the time, was

the largest crane in the world, became a monument of the industrial success in the city (ibid).

A decade later the shipyard industry had come to an end, due to the worldwide crisis.

Malmö’s attempt to save the industrial shipyard empire that had been built up had Saab take

over for car production through governmental- and municipal subsidies.

The plan only lasted two years until Saab was shut down, as well due to the economic crisis.

Sweden’s financial state declined until the 1995's from the loss of not only the Malmö

harbour but the successful port of Göteborg along with it (Holgersen & Malm, 2015).

Malmö’s crisis led to change in many aspects; raised taxes, massive unemployment, and loss

of identity. Between 1990 and 1994, around 25 % jobs were lost in Malmö (Holgersen &

Hult, 2020). The richer and well-off residents of Malmö fled to neighbouring municipalities.

A turning point for Malmö was the elected new mayor Ilmar Reepalu, who began a

comprehensive vision-work for the city. Reepalu wanted to lift Malmö from its crisis and

planned for a city of knowledge and information. After the 1990s, Malmö’s economy was

looking brighter and was expanding through construction projects within the transport and

communication infrastructure. During the same moment in time, Sweden’s Prime Minister

Göran Persson proposed the ‘Green people’s home 1996 ‘, which influenced Malmö’s

newfound focus on sustainability which also was the starting point for Sweden’s green global

reputation today (Holgersen & Hult, 2020).

The Western harbour is today known as a sustainable district in Malmö (Holgersen & Hult,

2020). The focus on environmental issues came into urban planning in Malmö’s

comprehensive plan of 2005, where the physical planning was now defined as attractive and

sustainable (Malmö Stad, 2006). Persson & Rosberg (2013) mentions that there was a big

questioning to build in the area considering the soil pollution from the industry, as well as the

fear of isolation according to Kling (2013), as the district was not as tied into the city core as

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well as it is today in 2021. Malmö had won the European competition to host the millennia

housing fair (Persson & Rosberg, 2013), therefore, the starting shot for the rebuilding of

Western Harbour was the preparations for the big housing fair Bo01 – City of Tomorrow;

‘Bo’ means living in Swedish and 01 stands for the year 2001. Holgersen & Hult (2020)

mentions that the housing fair was very important for the transformation of Malmö not only

for financial reasons but for the overall image of the city and social identity, which had been

shaken by the loss of Kockums industry. However, through interview research held by

Holgersen & Hult (2020), the environmental focus that is the selling point of Bo01 was not a

part of the plan intentionally. One of the main reasons for the fair was to attract taxpayers to

the city, as they fled to neighbouring municipalities prior due to the financial crisis in Malmö

and shutdown of the shipyard industry. The sustainability planning was therefore used as a

business strategy, not mainly as a climate change counteraction. However, Holgerson & Hult

(2020) mentions that the spectacle of the housing fair was low, and the company organizing

the fair went bankrupt not long after the fair. The residential housing that was built for Bo01

was simply too expensive and not as energy efficient as promised (Holgersen & Hult, 2020;

Anderberg, 2015). Around 10 years later, Malmö had gained a large reputation as one of the

green cities and won many awards for the specific district of Western Harbour: third greenest

city in the World, finalist for the European green capital both 2012 and 2013, earth hour

capital 2011 and the list of awards goes on. See a compiled list in Holgersen & Malm (2015).

4.2 BREAAM-Certifications and Noise Investigations in Western harbour

In 2013 there was an extensive noise investigation in the Western harbour due to BREEAM

certifications on several buildings in the area (ÅF, 2013). To understand the context,

BREEAM is an environmental building certification that follows Swedish rules and standards

but is also able to be compared internationally. The requirements on environmental standards

are strict to get a certification of BREEAM, which contributes to a better environment and

investment for developers. BREEAM is one of the oldest environmental certifications on the

market and are highly used in European countries. The environmental performance of the

newly produced buildings covers several factors that are assessed and then scored, such as

energy use, water management and waste management (Swedish green building council,

2018). Sound levels are also a part of the certifications, which had to be investigated in the

Western harbour in 2013. The problem was the noisy traffic outside of the buildings ranging

up to 70 decibel, but decisions were made so the indoor sound would keep a suitable decibel

range compared to the outside. Along with the noisy ventilators from the large supermarket

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Ica Maxi, that were masked by silences and noise screens. The other arguments were that

once the building stage of the construction was done the traffic would slow down outside (ÅF,

2013).

Two broad surveys have been done in the Western harbour on orders from the municipality in

2007 and 2011 (Kristensson, 2013). The surveys had an aim to investigate what residents and

visitors thought of the area and included approximately 200 people. The conclusion of both

the studies is that there is an overall positive attitude toward the Western harbour, and both

residents and visitors share the same opinion of what they enjoy and dislike in the area.

Kristensson (2013) highlights a few disagreements. Visitors think that the housing is too

expensive in the Western harbour, where some residents think that there are too many people

in the area. Most people think of the ocean and the Turning Torso when asked what they

associate with the area according to the surveys. They usually move in the daytime for a walk,

and more people are happier with walking pathways then bike pathways. ‘Sundspromenaden’,

the urban pathway along the ocean at Bo01 is the most popular area. The wind is a common

factor for disapproval of the area, along with the densification of the area.

The noise investigations by the municipality have however not been analysed in the same way

over the recent 10 years and the municipal environmental office state clearly of noise that

‘The condition of the area is predominantly poor’ [area being an environmental focus area].

The municipality have divided noise into three subcategories, traffic noise, troubled by noise

and quiet areas. The results over the years are presented in graphs and does not specify any

particular area in Malmö but generalises the results (Miljöbarometern, 2021).

4.3 Affected Areas of Western Harbour in the Soundwalk

The soundwalk path was briefly covered in the method section. This section provides a deeper

insight of the areas and segments in the soundwalk before the result chapter where the

identified sounds have been provided in larger tables.

The southeast area of Western harbour lies closest to the city core, coming in from the

university area into the Western harbour over Klaffbron, a historical drawbridge that was the

entrance to the shipyard area when the industry was active. This makes Klaffbron an

important flow point for pedestrians and traffic (Malmö comprehensive plan, 2013). The first

segment begins at this bridge and moves along the main road stopping at the large building

called Gängtappen, or previously called Kockumshuset, which acted as head building for the

ship industry Kockums AB. Gängtappen is large, around 15 000 square meters and designed

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by Paul Hedqvist to mimic a triangular threaded pin used in the ship industry. Today, the

building is owned and used by the insurance company Länsförsäkringar. The second segment

cover a few high-rise buildings of mixed use along with a construction site, generally a calm

street with low activity from personal experience. The third segment enters the centre of the

Western harbour district and contain Stapelbäddsparken. It is an area that contains a large

skate ramp where many kids and adults use as a shared space for wheel-activities. The

intention for this area was not a skate park, but an industry park around the last preserved

slipway for ships. The plan was changed due to the realization of who was visiting the new

district, and to create a space for the residents (Kling, 2013). The segment also covers

Varvsparken and ends with the Turning Torso tower which is a popular tourist point.

The north-western area is covered with Flagghusen and Scania Park. Flagghusen is a block

with high-rises in the Western harbour, and Hellquist (2013) describes the area to have a

strong insider/outsider feel. These buildings had more of a stronger sustainability planning

than the housing in Bo01, as these were built right after Bo01 where the planners could take

learning lessons. There are no public attractions in Flagghusen (ibid.), and therefore the

soundwalk will only cover a small bit of the neighbourhood on the edge of Daniaparken

which is north of Flagghusen (see picture above). The proximity to the sea has justified some

intrusion of construction in the Scania park that was not initially intended (Malmö

comprehensive plan, 2013).

The fourth and fifth segment have low activity, based on personal experience, and contains

mixed used buildings like a school and high-rises. However, the south-western area has many

social points for the Western harbour. Bo01, the athleisure centre ‘Kockums Fritid’,

Ankarparken to mention a few. The comprehensive plan from 2013 that was directed toward

the wester harbour states that Bo01 would be imbued by human ecology ideas and thoughts

about light and sound. The municipality (2013) wanted to create a variety of sight and hearing

impressions as well as opportunities to experience silence. The plan architect Tham described

the physical planning for Bo01 as ‘a net many hands have dragged in’, which results in a

deformed net. The idea was to stop and hinder the cold winds from sweeping into the

neighbourhood according to Hellquist (2013). This has resulted in a rather people empty

Bo01, with the exception of the waterfront, and a complexity to finding a quiet space to sit.

Kling (2013) reflects on the same matter and concludes that it is because people want to visit

Bo01 to get access to the ocean. The pathway along the coast in Bo01 is the most populated

area to sit and walk on, which is where a segment of the soundwalk is. Dalman (2013)

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mentions that housing was intended to be closer to the ocean, but that it was stopped by the

idea of having an urban pathway with water view, since the other locations in Malmö either

have housing or beach near the water. The pathway is also not planned for any car traffic or

parking but is enough space for a car to get by (ibid). The seventh segment contain a coffee

shop and a smaller marina as mentioned in the method section. The eight and last segment

contains the same main road as in segment one, including a pre-school and mixed used

buildings.

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5. Results

In this section of the thesis the results from each soundwalk will be presented. The individual

respondents' answers along with the authors notes will be provided in forms of tables created

in the Office program Excel 2016, where identified sounds are on the y-axis and the

respondents answer will be on the x-axis, the numbers in the cells represent the different

segments of the soundwalk. A summarization of the maps will also be presented in tables

which will be presented after the results of each soundwalk. At the end of this chapter will a

table of which segment had the most sound be presented for a further analysis of which

changes, or improvements can be done regarding the urban soundscape in the Western

harbour in Malmö.

5.1 Introduction of the Presented Data

In the results, the respondents gave variations of the sounds they heard which was not able to

fit into the tables, hence the combined identified sounds like ‘traffic’ or ‘children’. Examples

of this are ‘children that play’ or ‘children yelling’, which was closely linked together and

therefore merged into one identified sound. The traffic can also be varied in the sense that

there could be heavy traffic or just a single bicycle riding by, but in order to shorten the

tables; all who were in traffic were gathered into the traffic category with the exception of

pedestrians. An interesting finding permeates almost all the results from the respondents,

which are their descriptions of the physical environment and not the sounds they heard (which

was the instruction). An Example of this was ‘green area’ in segment 5 from respondent 1 in

soundwalk No.1. This ties into the discussion provided earlier in the thesis by Spence (2011),

Schaeffer, (1996) and Liu, Kang, Behm & Luo (2013). These result-deviations are not

addressed in the tables presented below but are presented and analysed in the next section of

the thesis. Another disclaimer that needs to be addressed is the author’s notes which are

included in the result tables. As the sounds constantly changed for every soundwalk and the

contexts were never identical for the soundwalks, a list was made by the author in the manner

as the respondents, due to the soundwalk’s ethnographic and phenomenological character

(Hellström, 1998). The results by the respondents are the primary data, and the identified

sound by the author is added due to the knowledge of the secondary data.

5.2 Soundwalk No.1

The first soundwalk was on the 3rd of March (Wednesday) around 13.45 with four people.

The respondents were recruited by personal contacts and snowball assembling. All of the

respondents were female, and their age ranged from 25 to 40. Respondent 1 is a technician

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trainer for a large auto company, respondent 2 is a store employee for a large foodstuffs

company. Respondents 3 and 4 are an environmental consultants/master students.

The time of day was decided based on a respondent’s suitability to join, where the rest of the

group adapted to this. The soundwalk began with a small informational meeting where

instructions were given to the respondents on what was going to happen. Maps were provided

to the respondents and on the same piece of paper there was a list of numbers and space to

write (See appendix). I asked the respondents to draw on the maps with either red or green

pencils for sound level comfort on the pathway, and to take notes on the sounds they

perceived. Small breaks were taken at the end of each segment for the respondents to collect

their thoughts and finish their writing, during the same time sound levels were measured on

the iPhone 7 with the ‘Buller-app’, which resulted in ~60 decibels in every location. The

weather was cold and quite foggy, around 1, 5-degree Celsius. The sounds on the walk

consisted mainly of traffic, construction sounds, birds and boat honks, due to the thick fog.

The overall perception of unpleasant sounds were the construction sites, the traffic and some

seagulls along the waterfronts. The pleasant sounds were the waterfall at the fifth segment,

birds, the ocean and waves, the boat honks and some conversations heard from people

walking past us. The radio sound where circumstantial, a plumbing job was being done as we

walked by, normally there is no radio playing out in the open. The music was appreciated by

the respondents when asked what they thought about it. At the end of the walk, I asked the

respondents to give the maps and their notes back to me and realized that some of the lines

were not filled in, which I asked again to have them filled in properly. The soundwalks

duration was an hour. A table is presented below where the individual’s results are presented

along with the identified sounds by the author. The numbers represent each segment in the

soundwalk. A table of deviations will be presented in the appendix but will be analysed in the

next section of the thesis.

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Table 1. Individual results from Soundwalk No. 1 where identified sounds are on the y-axis and respondents are

on the x-axis, the numbers represent the different segments of the walk where the identified sounds were heard.

5.3 Soundwalk No. 2

The second soundwalk took place on the 6th of march (Saturday) around 15.15 with nine

people. The respondents were recruited by personal contacts and snowball assembling

happened with the respondents of financial profession. There were six male respondents and

three female respondents, and their age ranged from 24 to 30. Respondent 1 is a male

accountant at a large accounting firm. Respondent 2 is a female project leader and in charge

of digital communications for a large furniture store. Respondent 3 is a male risk advisor

manager at a smaller consultant company. Respondent 4 is a male supply chain administrator

at a large sales company. Respondent 5 is a male accounting manager at a car company.

Respondent 6 is a male auditor at a large audit firm. Respondent 7 is a female medical

student. Respondent 8 is a male service technician at a lifting company. Respondent 9 is a

female auditor at a large audit firm.

The time of day nearly matches the soundwalk No.1’s, but the day was now on a weekend.

Same as the last soundwalk, a meeting was held and information about the walk was provided

and maps were handed out along with pencils. Small breaks were taken at the same locations

as the previous soundwalk, and decibel levels were measured with the same app, which

resulted in 70-80 decibels in every location. The weather was around 5-degree Celsius but

according to the iPhone weather app it felt like 1 degree Celsius. The wind was strong with 20

mph and wind gust of 30 mph, this resulted in a very windy walk where many other sounds

were overpowered by the wind. In this walk there is a cafe in the middle of the pathway,

where two respondents asked to purchase a coffee which I allowed. It did not disturb the

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soundwalk or the research overall. Most sounds during the walk consisted of wind, traffic,

water and skateboards. The pleasant sounds were the water, a kite in Varvsparken, dog steps,

footsteps and some conversations of people walking past us. The unpleasant sounds were the

traffic, the strong wind, seagulls, the ticking street lights, and a flagpole string that was

vibrating by the wind. In this larger group there was a contrasting view of the bird, skateboard

and trees/leaves sounds. In segment 2, respondent 1 did not enjoy the trees but in segment 3

they did. Some respondents enjoyed the skateboards, and some did not, similarly to the bird

sounds, where the fifth respondent felt like the birds made an unpleasant aspect to the sixth

segment. The walk duration was around an hour. A table is presented below with the

respondent’s individual results along with the author’s notes of identified sounds.

Table 2. Individual results from Soundwalk No. 2 where identified sounds are on the y-axis and respondents are

on the x-axis, the numbers represent the different segments of the walk where the identified sounds were heard.

5.4 Soundwalk No.3

The third soundwalk was on the 15th of April (Thursday) at 14.00 with two people that

participated on soundwalk 1 for comparative purposes. Respondent 1 (previously 3) and

respondent 2 (previously 4) are the environmental consultants/master students.

General impression of the respondents was that this second walk presented a calmer

environment than last time, or that they remembered it to be noisier than the last soundwalk.

A smaller lunch was held just before the soundwalk. Information and maps were given at the

café close to Klaffbron. Decibel measurements was taken at the same locations as previously

and ranged around 50 db. It was a warmer day of 11 degrees Celsius. The wind conditions

were calm. Most sounds heard on the soundwalk were traffic, construction, birds and

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conversation between people we walked by. More children were out playing on the

schoolyard with both skateboards and playing basketball. The common unpleasant sounds

were mostly traffic, construction and the children riding skateboards. Respondent 1 enjoyed

the waterfall at segment 5 whilst the second respondent did not. At the sixth segment both

respondents circled a lift who were cleaning windows in Bo01 which was loud to walk past. A

common pleasant sound was the ocean and soft waves. The soundwalk duration was around

45 minutes. At the end of the soundwalk I received the maps back from the respondents and

thanked them for joining the study. As mentioned, a table is presented below where the

individual’s results are presented along with the identified sounds by the author. The numbers

represent each segment in the soundwalk.

Table 3. Individual results from Soundwalk No. 3 where identified sounds are on the y-axis and respondents are

on the x-axis, the numbers represent the different segments of the walk where the identified sounds were heard.

5.5 Soundwalk No.4

The fourth soundwalk was on April the 24th (Saturday) at 15:10. There were 9 people

participating, where 7 of the responded were participants in soundwalk 2. The two

respondents who were not included in soundwalk 2 were: Respondent 7 is a male business

controller at a large company, and is 27 years old, and respondent 8 is a female auditor at a

large firm and is 27 years old. The time and day were the same as soundwalk no. 2. The

general impression of the respondents was that the weather conditions were similar; windy

and cold, but this time there was sunshine along the walk. It was 9 degrees Celsius outside

with approximately 50 decibel across the soundwalk. The common identified sounds were

traffic, wind and birds. The respondents found many different sounds pleasant; the pinwheel

at segment six, dogs walking, the skateboards from Stapelbäddsparken, the outdoor restaurant

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at segment seven, one respondent enjoyed all the wind sounds except from the fifth segment

where the wind was very strong, the birds were found pleasant, one respondent wrote down

people that fish as an enjoyable sound. The respondents found the wind to be an unpleasant

factor across the walk, along with traffic. Some respondents did not enjoy the waterfall at

segment five. Other unpleasant sounds were a flag waving in the wind, a construction gate

opening and general construction sites, footsteps from other people, a door shutting, a

manhole cover bumping as a car drove over it, trees and ventilations were also found

unpleasant sounds. Some contrasting views were the seagulls, the wind and children along the

soundwalk, were some respondents enjoyed them and some respondents did not. The duration

of the walk was about an hour long. A table is presented below with the respondent’s

individual results along with the author’s notes of identified sounds.

Table 4. Individual results from Soundwalk No. 4 where identified sounds are on the y-axis and respondents are

on the x-axis, the numbers represent the different segments of the walk where the identified sounds were heard.

5.6 Segment-based Results of Soundwalk 1 & 2

The collective perception of the soundwalks in late winter/early spring was that the first two

segments of the walk were noisy and not pleasant. Whilst the soundwalk moved into the

centre of the Western harbour area the respondents felt more a pleasant soundscape. The

urban beach ‘Sundspromenaden’ was ticked green by all respondents. Some points of interest

were circled by the respondents, the most common one in soundwalks 1 and 2 were Klaffbron

and the noise coming from the cars passing by. The bridge is able to open up for boats to pass

by in the water, and is therefore not intact like a normal bridge, hence the loud bumping

sound. There were mixed feelings at the respondents near the skateboard park, where some

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enjoyed the sounds of the skateboards and children whereas some respondents felt the

opposite. A pleasant circle was made at the fifth segment, where a bursting waterfall is found

below a small bridge. One respondent also circled the marina as a pleasant sound event, where

the waves softly crashed into the stone and land edge and ship masts were flickering in the

wind. A red circle was made at the beginning at segment 8, where currently a construction site

is where heavy machinery was heard.

Table 5. A table presenting the summarized colouring of the respondent’s maps for each segment of soundwalk 1

and 2.

5.7 Segment-based Results of Soundwalk 3 & 4

The collected perception of the soundwalks in the middle of spring was that the second and

third segment, along with segments six and seven were most pleasant. Some points of interest

were similar to the soundwalks 1 and 2, for example the noise from Klaffbron when cars pass

by. At the third segment one sound event was the skateboard kids, and another was the strong

wind that was highlighted by the respondents. In the fifth segment most of the respondents

disliked the striking difference in the wind conditions coming from segment four moving into

the fifth segment. The last points of interest were the positive feelings toward the water in

segment six and seven.

Table 6. A table presenting the summarized colouring of the respondent’s maps for each segment of soundwalk 3

and 4.

Figure 4. A summarization of the data presented in table 5 and 6.

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5.8 Total Amount of Sounds per Segment

A final table will summarize all the sounds from each soundwalk heard on each segment. It

becomes clearer in this table that for segment 1 and 8, which contain the busiest roads, present

a significantly lower number of different sounds heard then the segments without the larger

roads, suggesting that a segment with louder sounds mask other sounds in that segment. Some

of the sounds were only heard by a single respondent during one walk, but it captures the total

amount of sounds per segment and the respondent’s perception of the segments.

Table 7. A table presenting the total number of individual sounds per segment of the soundwalk.

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6. Analysis: Identified sounds vs. Function

The analysis of the results presented above will be through a figure of the identified sounds

versus their function in the urban soundscape in the Western harbour. The functionality figure

will cover a few themes of the most common sounds but also lift the uncommon or

circumstantial sounds that were identified during the soundwalks. The figure was created in

the platform Miro and the shape has been tweaked from the figure presented in the method

section.

Figure 4. A functionality figure that contrasts identified sounds and their urban functionality. Created by the

author (2021).

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The common identified sounds were the traffic, weather and construction sites. These sounds

could be heard along the entire soundwalk, see table 7. The soundwalk was along roads open

for traffic but some segments are not main roads. The weather is also a factor that needs to be

considered when walking in an area so close to the sea, relating to the breeze and wind. The

construction sites also indicate strong, intense, sounds even though there was no construction

site at each segment. The functionality of the common sounds is many in a society, where the

traffic flow and traffic lights indicate movement in the area. The Western harbour contain

many workplaces and offices along with residential area, suggesting that many people have

daily routes of movement in the area. The construction and building sites indicate that the

Western harbour is expanding, which is according to the development of the area written in

the comprehensive plan. The human-produced sounds like conversation, laughter and children

playing along with the skateboards indicate a used pedestrian area with both a green park and

an urban skate park. Both parks are somewhat sheltered by the wind from the large old

shipyard buildings surrounding the Stapelbäddsparken. However, the construction sites are

just beside the parks and the Western harbour school, causing intense sounds in the area

which many respondents found to be noisy.

The uncommon, identified sounds were the boat honks, the wind caught in trees, a family

playing with a kite in the park, doors, and a pinwheel decoration on a balcony on

Sundspromenaden at the waterfront, and some people fishing in the marina. Some of these

sounds are circumstantial and relates to the weather. When the boats were honking multiple

times during the first soundwalk, there was a thick fog covering the area. The kite and

pinwheel cannot make any sounds if the wind is not strong enough. The people fishing in the

marina must have been a silent rambling through fishing equipment or if the fishing pole hit

the water to produce sound, as only one respondent wrote this down. However, the

functionality of the uncommon sounds is similar to the common sounds. They suggest a used

pedestrian area with a marina where people sit at the cafés and at the waterfront.

Noone of the results gained from the four soundwalks indicated that any sound was out of

place or had a dysfunctional to the society. There was also no larger difference between the

identified sounds found in end of winter and the identified sounds found in middle of spring.

The level of activity was lower, but similar, at the end of winter than in middle of spring, most

likely due to the raise in temperature.

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7. Discussion

‘There is a huge connection between awareness of sound and awareness of the present

moment...Being aware of sound is a huge gateway into being aware of yourself’

- Leslie (2010).

As Schafer observed in in 1994, most sounds are continuous since the industrial and electric

revolution. The urban sounds, however, are not so continuous. The built environment in The

Western harbour allows people to find spaces in the city where silence is almost absolute. The

site of study is no exception of this, and through soundwalks most identified sounds had a

clear start and a natural decay. However, it is a problem that people have difficulties finding

these quiet areas in the Western harbour as Hellquist (2013) suggests. Liu et al. (2013)

mentions the importance of spatial patterns and physical structure of a space and how it could

affect a person’s perception of that area, however, most people come to the area to sit by the

waterfront and be a part of the urban walk as Kling (2013) mentions. The identified sounds

presented in the result section show that the figure and the ground, the focus and the context,

are somewhat similar through the respondents answers even though those concepts can

depend on the respondent’s personal relation and mind set toward the area. This relates to the

research by Lindborg and Friberg (2015) with the article of personality traits. As not all

respondents provided the same answers during this thesis soundwalk, indicates that there was

a variation of personalities among the four different groups, suggesting a variation of noise

sensitivity and what the respondents simply find as noise.

The results also presented many deviations in forms of physical/environmental descriptions.

A common deviation that the respondents wrote down was ‘calm’ or ‘nice view’. Two

respondents wrote down ‘noise’ which was unspecified. As many secondary sources

suggested (Schafer, 1994; Lindborg & Friberg, 2015; Liu et al., 2013), the visual and audial

go and hand in hand when perceiving a space, especially when doing so with a task at hand,

which was asked of the respondents. Uimonen (2002) discuss the difficulty for residents to

verbalise the sounds in their everyday as the sounds have become a background in their

presence. The paradox is then, when asked to recognize that the sounds now are a part of their

everyday and no longer being filtered away by our brains, when sounds reveal themselves in

ways the resident did not expect, and therefore change their attitude toward a specific sound.

During the soundwalks, as mentioned, some small talk did occur. Whilst I as researcher did

not join in the conversation, many respondents did talk about how they felt toward different

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sounds with each other, the strong winds were a major talking point. Children yelling or

skateboarding was also a talking point for many respondents, where some respondents found

the sounds of children’s activities pleasant, and other found it unpleasant. The results, along

with the witnessed small talk, suggests that the identified sounds in the Western harbour did

not unlock new meanings or attitudes, but only inherent values showed in the research.

Another reflection upon the same topic of difficulty of verbalisation could simply be the lack

of terminology of the respondents. An example of this is the thoughts of Westerkamp (1974)

and reflections of Carr, of how the winds grasps onto different objects in our surroundings, or

blows through different tree crowns, leaving us with an insufficient vocabulary, or no

common terminology of how to describe the sounds.

The respondents found the singing birds, the waves and water and human-produced sounds to

be the most pleasant out of the identified sounds in the Western harbour. The boat honks were

also pleasant according to the respondents from soundwalk 1. This aligns with Schafer’s

(1994) research of how birdsong is one of human’s favourite sounds. Whilst the unpleasant

sounds were the construction sites, the traffic, the seagulls close to the water, the strong

winds, the ticking street lights and a flagpole string vibrating in the wind. There was

contrasting view on some identified sounds, like the waterfalls at segment 5 and 7. Some

respondents found it pleasant whereas some respondents found it loud and noisy. Same

contrasting view was on children and skateboards, where some respondents found the wheels

rolling against the skateboard ramp, Children yelling and cheering on each other when

someone does a jumping skateboard trick or grind on a metal bar, to be unpleasant. Ipsen’s

(2002) reflection on frustration have some empirical support through this thesis. Some

respondent’s results wrote a negative adjective before the subjective of the sound they heard

or added a few exclamation marks after a sound written in a red pencil; suggesting a stronger

negative emotion toward that specific sound.

Both Westerkamp (1974) and Schafer (1994) argue that people are losing touch with their

sonic environment and are slowing losing the skill to identify and listen to our environment.

The result in this thesis suggests that the respondents had different ambition levels of how

specific they were in writing down their answers of what they heard during the soundwalk.

Therefore it became difficult to clearly understand if the respondents did not hear more than

they wrote down, or if they did not pay attention to the assignment at hand, or if the distances

between the point between the segments were too long and simply forgot everything they

heard if they waited to write until we stopped in the soundwalk [The respondents were

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however able to write things down as they were walking as well, meaning that they did not

have to wait for a ‘break’ to write down identified sounds]. However, if some respondents did

not hear more than they wrote down, then I would agree with the research by Westerkamp

(1974) and Schafer (1994). Many different sounds were heard through all segments, as

presented in the tables above, and many respondents only wrote down one sound per segment.

The respondents also showed a lack of presenting a variation of a single sound. An example

could be that a respondent wrote down ‘bird’ but failed to specify what kind of sound the bird

was producing. A bird can sing, shriek, and flap their wings, etc. This ties into the previous

section that perhaps this could be because there is a lack of common language of how to

describe some specific sounds produced by the wind for example.

Malmö Stad is approaching their goals to obtain and maintain a good sound level in the city

by following the global goal 11 and the Swedish environmental goal ‘God bebyggd miljö’s’

agenda. Malmö’s plan is to plant trees for sound absorption, which has been done in the

Western harbour area. Every single segment contains trees in various sizes in order to slow

down the strong winds. Malmö Stad is also pushing for further usage of public transport in the

entire city, but in the Western harbour area there is a bus called MalmöExpressen traveling

within Malmö, connecting Rosengård and the Western harbour. The last approach that Malmö

Stad is taking is the noise-absorbing facades, which has been done with the Bo01 architectural

planning and design (Hellquist, 2013), as well with the green walls on the OhBoy eco-hotel

on segment 3 to reduce noise from the skate park and wind (Elmqvist, 2013). Tang (2017)

mentioned that noise barriers are a useful tool for cities to apply, however, in Malmö’s case

the barriers are too large to be implemented to fulfil their function and still remain an open

space, when the decibel levels are not above maximum levels. In segment one and eight,

where the traffic was heaviest, are short distances and a strong sign of tolerance was shown

during the soundwalks by the respondents. Masking, as Schafer (1994) mentions, is used in

segment seven in the restaurant/marina area. Music was heard coming out of the restaurants in

order to create a pleasant atmosphere for the people eating and drinking coffee at the café

there. Despite the approaches that can be taken against noise, Malmö Stad still choose to

densify the city due to the valuable agricultural land around the city edges. In order to

maintain an inclusive and cooperative planning process for other areas in Malmö, Steele et al

(2020) suggested that workshops can be held to create a common ground for the citizens and

use an understandable language when orchestrating a new district in the city. This could also

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be useful for Boverket to discuss and find solutions in order to reach the Swedish goal ‘God

bebyggd miljö’.

An optimum level of sound in cities are hard to pinpoint (Schafer, 1994; Ipsen, 2002; Bahali

& Tamer-Bayazit, 2016; Elmqvist, 2013). Cities differ in many ways, as does the soundscape.

The collected values from this research show however that the wind is a strong factor on how

the Western harbour is perceived, which aligns with the results the municipalities research got

back in 2007 and 2011. One respondent from soundwalk 2 mentioned on the break between

segment 5 and 6 that if only the weather was warmer, she would have painted many segments

green instead of red. On this specific area, we walked past a high-rise building and a large

park next to it and we moved toward the waterfront. This relates to what Aletta et al. (2018)

suggests that a noisy urban soundscape could ruin the potential recreational value a green

space can offer a person. The respondent that mentioned that the temperature would make a

difference, suggest that the environment is pleasant with the surrounding green areas,

birdsong and closeness to the water, but the strong winds and cold weather causes a strong

unpleasant feeling. Considering the Major Parris (2011) broadcasting of birdsong, I believe

that there is a difference being in a natural living environment compared to a speaker shouting

out pleasant-to-the-ear sounds. To be able to see what creates a sound is important, according

to the research of Schafer (1994), Lindborg & Friberg (2015) and Liu et al. (2013), as all of

our senses work simultaneously. The seasons also have a large impact on urban spaces, as the

respondent suggests. However, having a false perception in a main pedestrian street in a city

could still keep a respondent’s line red despite the season. As mentioned, the Western harbour

is a popular place in the summer and highly visited by residents from all over Malmö and is

therefore associated with that when visiting the area in a colder season. As the results showed,

the respondents drew more red lines of the entire soundwalk in the end of winter than in the

middle of spring.

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8. Conclusion

Hedfors & Berg (2002) argue that sound levels in cities need to be priorized by urban scholars

as it ties closely to residentials wellbeing and sense of place. Soundscape studies include both

pleasant and unpleasant sounds in the urban context, but both Steele et al (2020) and Beatly

(2012) argue that there is a significant shortage of what sounds are found pleasant by the

human ear, and personalities and difference ‘ears’ in the city varies on a large-scale making

noise difficult to pinpoint (Järviluoma & Wagstaff, 2002; Lindborg & Friberg, 2015).

Therefore, this study used soundwalks in order to capture the human perception in relation to

decibel measurements to understand which sounds the respondents were able to identify and

hear along with their feelings of pleasantness or unpleasantness regarding some areas in the

Western harbour.

To answer the first research question, what sound factors can be identified in the Western

harbour and how are they perceived? I have gathered empirical results and they show mainly

traffic and construction sounds which the respondents found noisy, results also presented a

shortage of identified sounds by some respondents, suggesting that Westerkamp (1974) and

Schafer’s (1994) research of loss of identifying sounds have empirical support through this

thesis. Most of the identified sounds were loud and intense, indicating a lack of listening to

less-intense sounds. The pleasant sounds that were identified were aligned with previous

research done by Schafer (1994) and Raimbault & Dubois (2005) suggesting that birdsong

and sounds produced by other humans are pleasant sounds to hear. Many respondents also

found the water to be a pleasant sound to hear during the soundwalks. Schafer’s (1994)

observation of cultural differences, of northern people being more noise sensitive than

southern, cannot be supported nor disregarded due to the results. One aspect to this thesis

research is the current state of the global pandemic of COVID 19, which could have impacted

the amount of people being out in public spaces such as the Western harbour. To what extent

the research was impacted is difficult to pinpoint.

Malmö Stad have no specific sound related documents on the Western harbour area but aim to

reach and maintain a good sound level throughout the city. The Western harbour district have

implemented many different approaches to lower the decibel levels in the area, for example

applying for environmental certifications like BREAAM and using green walls on building

facades. Those efforts have however been through developers and their responsibilities

toward the planning and building act (2010:900), and not through the municipality's pressure

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to create and maintain a good sound environment in the city. However, if the municipality had

more updated information on their website and plans for every area in the city then it would

become easier to navigate through the decisions made by the developers and see if their

agenda matches the municipalities goals or not, regarding efforts to lower the sound levels in

the area. To reach the municipalities own wish, for all stakeholders to be working in the same

direction and goals (Malmö Stad, 2018). I would also argue that the written law has a

preventative approach as it states that noise should be considered before a building project

begins, however, there is a difference between envisioning a space and the sound levels it will

have before the area have had their residents move in and visitors use the space. As the

research suggests, the area of Western harbour had been used in a different way as the

municipality first intended (Kling, 2013; Malmö comprehensive plan, 2013; Dalman, 2013).

This is an important aspect to consider due to Malmö’s growth (SCB, 2021), where more

people in an already dense city is going to bring social change and spaces are more likely to

be used in different ways than previously. This would also result in a change in the urban

soundscape; therefore, it is crucial to listen and understand the current state of the soundscape

in order to detect change. As cities become more crowded, they also become noisier, as

mentioned by Raimbault & Dubois (2005). I’m assuming that here is where the municipalities

‘good enough’ mentality comes in play (Malmö Stad, 2018), to be flexible and patch mistakes

up as they come, or if they come. This suggests that the sound regulations are soft, compared

to other environmental regulations.

To answer the second research question, which functions are the sounds associated with? This

thesis used the functionality figure and through the analysis, no identified sound was

dysfunctional to the area. This could be due to the season, as mentioned the Western harbour

is a highly visited area during the summer period but remains a district in the city in Malmö

that is filled with residential and office buildings suggesting high activity despite season.

Malmö Stad has done well but can include more workshops for inclusivity (Steele et al,

2020). By including more residents in the conversation and qualitative analysis of

sustainability aspects such as sound help Sweden reach the national goal of ‘God bebyggd

miljö’. By exploring the human perception, the urban planners and municipality can learn

more about the local context and begin to create a sonic profile of the city as Bahali & Tamer-

Bayazit (2016) and Elmqvist (2013) suggests.

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8.1 Further studies

My suggestion for further studies is to change the structured soundwalks to unstructured

soundwalks, to let the sounds guide the path in an area. The soundwalks could also be done by

walking with residents of the area and ask questions regarding memories and differences from

the past to present day to make a psychoacoustic timeline of the soundscapes, as Uimonen

(2002) suggested. Another suggestion, or limitation of this thesis, is to do soundwalks with

smaller groups on a shorter route and include the ear-opening exercises that both Schafer

(1994) and Westerkamp (1974) suggested. I believe that the route was too long for the

respondents to keep focus on their assignment and if the groups were smaller, then perhaps

less small talk would occur. The ear-opening exercises would have been interesting to try on

the groups to see if a difference could have been identified, but then the results would not

have been collected in the same systematic way. One last suggestion is to research closer on

construction sites and short distance to the schools in the Western harbour, to investigate if

the children are proving to have troubles focusing on their assignments due to the noise from

the construction sites (Folkhälsomyndigheten, 2019; Steele et al., 2020).

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9. References

Aletta, F., Van Renterghem, T. & Botteldooren, D. (2018). Influence of personal factors on

sound perception and overall experience in urban green areas. A case study of a

cycling path highly exposed to road traffic noise. International journal of

environmental research and public health, 15, p. 1-17.

doi:10.3390/ijerph15061118

Anderberg, S. (2015): Western harbor in Malmö. Isocarp Review, Vol 11 p. 210-227.

Arbetsmiljöverket. (2021). Mät buller med din mobiltelefon. Collected 23rd of March from:

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10. Appendix

The appendix pages contain information and results that are presented in-depth.

10.1 Respondents Paper

10.2 Description of a Sound event in Schafer (1994)

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10.3 Results from Pilot Soundwalk

Table 8. The authors result from the pilot soundwalk where identified sounds are placed on the segment they

were heard.

10.4 Results-deviations Table

Table 9. The result-deviation table, containing the visual or physical descriptions of the environment during the

four soundwalks seen on the segments represented by the respondent.