THE STRENGTH OF WEAK TIES IN ONLINE SOCIAL NETWORKS

_______________________________________

A Thesis

presented to

the Faculty of the Graduate School

at the University of Missouri-Columbia

_______________________________________________________

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Arts

_____________________________________________________

by

JONTHON COULSON

Dr. Wayne Wanta, Thesis Supervisor

DECEMBER 2009

The undersigned, appointed by the dean of the Graduate School, have examined the the-sis entitled

THE STRENGTH OF WEAK TIES IN ONLINE SOCIAL NETWORKS

presented by Jonthon Coulson,

a candidate for the degree of Master of Arts,

and hereby certify that, in their opinion, it is worthy of acceptance.

Professor Wayne Wanta

Professor Stephanie Craft

Professor Jen Reeves

Professor James Scott

Thanks to my mother and father, who always support me to the best of their abilities.

ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Professor Wayne Wanta, who worked with me across conti-

nents and the span of four years to bring this thesis to a state of completion.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………. ii

List of Illustrations……………………………………………………………………….. iv

List of Tables………………………………………………………………………………v

Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………... vi

Chapter

1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………… 1

2. Definition of Terms……………………………………………………………… 3

3. Literature Review………………………………………………………………... 6

4. Method…………………………………………………………………………... 26

5. Results…………………………………………………………………………… 38

6. Discussion……………………………………………………………………….. 46

7. Limitations………………………………………………………………………. 52

8. Appendix A……………………………………………………………………… 55

9. Appendix B……………………………………………………………………… 59

10. Bibliography…………………………………………………………………… 62

11. Vita…………………………………………………………………………….. 65

iv

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure Page

1. Shah’s Information>Communication>Participation model…………………………... 12

2. Granovetter’s Strength of Weak Ties model…………………………………………..15

3. Katz et al.s’ Two-Step Flow model……………………………………………………16

1. Shah’s Information>Communication>Participation model…………………………... 27

4. The revised model to be used in this study…………………………………………… 28

5. Regression Analysis of Revised Information>Communication>Participation model... 39

v

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. Descriptive Statistics of Key Variables………………………………………………. 38

2. Effect of Citizen Communication on Civic Participation and Weak Tie Participation..41

vi

THE STRENGTH OF WEAK TIES IN ONLINE SOCIAL NETWORKS

Jonthon Coulson

Dr. Wayne Wanta, Thesis Supervisor

ABSTRACT

The use of online social networks such as Facebook.com are hypothesized to be af-

fecting Robert Putnam’s (1995) theory of social capital. The research method is modeled

after Dhavan Shah’s (2005) Information>Communication>Participation model.

This study found that users of these sites tend to have an equal or greater likelihood

of engaging in citizen communication or civic participation if they use social networks

for informational purposes. Qualitative data indicates that users of online social networks

communicate over greater temporal and geographic distances to maintain what Mark

Granovetter (1973) calls weak ties.

This study gives insight on how information is being shared between digital natives

in online social networks, and how such information dissemination leads to the genera-

tion of social capital. Future studies focusing on specific features of online social net-

works that enable communication and civic participation are recommended, as is a com-

parison between levels of social capital creation between users and non-users of online

social networks.

1

Introduction

This research measures the impact of online social network use on Putnam’s (1995)

theory of social capital by illuminating the process by which users of online social networks

create and utilize Granovetter’s (1973) weak ties to amass social capital. In an attempt to

understand the dynamics of these inter-related theories and the way that the Internet is im-

pacting them, case studies of online social networks will be reviewed.

Comparisons to pre-Internet levels of civic-engagement and key socioeconomic

characteristics suggest that communicative uses may predominate online. This is important,

given the centrality of volunteerism and community activism in the debate over social capi-

tal. The relationship between organization membership and Internet access indicates that

Internet access has positive effects on several factors influencing civic participation

(Jennings, 2003).

The ramifications of this research are especially relevant to youth, as almost three-

fourths of this age group sees the web and its features as the most useful source of informa-

tion (Delli Carpini, 2000). Internet use is disproportionately high among this generation, for

whom the Internet and new forms of digital communication have always been an integral

part of life. Because of this, individuals belonging to this generation are sometimes called

“digital natives.” They are also much more likely to use the Internet’s newer and more com-

plex features, including but not limited to instant messaging programs, P2P file sharing sys-

tems, blogs, wikis and online social networks (Presky, 2001).

This increased likelihood can be seen in rates of usage of one popular online social

network, Facebook.com. Created in 2004 at Harvard University, Facebook.com had grown

2

to support an additional 882 U.S. colleges in only two years. More significantly, by that time

it had an average market penetration rate of an astonishing 85%. In other words, approxi-

mately 3.85 million college students had joined the site in only two years – and at that point,

it was still growing by about 20,000 students each day (Arrington, 2006). Researchers have

pointed out byproducts such as computer literacy, communicative skills and community

building.

Shah (2005) created a model which showed how information seeking - online or off-

line - influences citizen communication, which in turn spurs civic participation. The creation

and mass adoption of online social networks may explain the “distinctive and widespread

rise” in community and civic responsibility among college freshmen (Marklein, 2006).

Are online social networks mitigating against the decline in social capital bemoaned

in ‘Bowling Alone: America’s declining social capital” (Putnam, 1995)? Putnam himself gave

cause to consider this possibility when he stated that “by far the best predictor of philan-

thropy, for example, is not how much money you have, but how many clubs you go to.

There is a very strong affinity between social connectedness and altruism” (2001).

An analysis of online social network user behavior offers unique insight into the role

weak tie seeking and social network messaging play in the amassment of social capital. If

users of these sites are creating and utilizing weak ties in novel ways, this might prove to be a

significant generator of social capital.

The purpose of this study is to ascertain what effect the creation and utilization of

weak ties in one’s social network has on civic engagement. The literature from this thesis is

drawn from three areas: mass communication theory, social capital theory, and weak tie the-

ory.

3

Definition of Terms

The general research question posed by this study is “How do users of online social

networks create and utilize weak ties to amass social capital?” An explication of this research

question includes the following definitions:

The term ties refers to the connections we have with other people (Granovetter,

1973). The strength of a tie is a combination of the amount of time, emotional intensity, mu-

tual confiding, and reciprocal services between two people. The degree of overlap of two

individuals’ friendship networks varies directly with the strength of their tie to one another.

Strong ties, which predominate, breed local cohesion, but at the cost of overall social network

fragmentation. An example of a strong-tie relationship would be a church group that meets

weekly. Conversely, weak ties act as bridges between close-knit cliques and are a good meas-

ure of social cohesion. An example of a weak-tie relationship would be a league of bowlers.

Social capital refers to the collective value of all “social networks (who people know)

and the inclinations that arise from these networks to do things for each other (norms of

reciprocity) (Putnam, 1995, p.65). Thus, social capital could refer to ideas, physical re-

sources, companionship, or other things that improve one’s quality of life. Social capital

should be conceived as being embedded in social networks, and can consist of anything an-

other member of that network would benefit from attaining.

Sociotechnical capital refers to productive combinations of social relations and informa-

tion and communication technology that would be infeasible without computers mediating

interactions (Resnick, 2002). It is thus a special case, a subset of social capital, but an impor-

tant one because technological advances have opened many new opportunities that have not

been examined from the social capital perspective.

4

Something constitutes capital under either definition if it helps a group of people to

accomplish more together by improving the routing of information, the exchange of re-

sources, the provision of emotional support, or the ability to coordinate and mobilize for

collective action.

For the purposes of this study, civic participation will refer to activities that enable citi-

zens to articulate and organize requests for good government, to integrate into community

life, or to increase psychological inclusion. Many, but not all, amassments of social capital

are exercises in civic participation under this definition. At a minimum, the term civic par-

ticipation must encompass such acts as sharing perspectives electronically, contacting social

elites via the Internet, and organizing community action online, as these may all contribute

directly to social capital amassment.

Putnam provided many pragmatic examples and operationalizations of civic partici-

pation in his book, “Bowling alone: America’s declining social capital.” (1995). In this study,

these examples are referred to and measured as an index titled “civic participation.” In 2001,

Putnam identified additional examples of activities that would qualify as civic participation.

In this study, these examples are referred to and measured as an index titled “weak tie par-

ticipation.”

Shah’s (2005) definition of communication, “the sharing of perspectives and concerns

with others,” will be employed. This definition of communication was deemed appropriate

because Shah’s model showed that civic participation was significantly influenced by com-

munication, which was significantly influenced by information seeking. Citizen communication

will be used to refer to all activities listed under the indices “interactive civic messaging,” “in-

terpersonal discussion,” and “social network messaging.”

5

The purpose of this study is to ascertain what effect the utilization of weak ties in

one’s social network has on civic participation.

6

Literature Review

It has long been held that civic participation is necessary for the success of a democ-

ratic polity, but participation in civic life, especially beyond voting, is in limited supply in the

United States. In his book “Bowling Alone”, Robert Putnam (1995) tied a decline in bowl-

ing league membership over a fifty-year period to a more general trend of disengagement

from civic life. This decline was responsible for the lessened ability of citizens to articulate

and organize requests for good government, a movement away from community life, and

increased psychological alienation.

Putnam found that since World War II Americans have signed fewer petitions, be-

longed to fewer organizations and associations, knew their neighbors less and spent time

with their friends and family less frequently. He referred to the waning virtues as “social

capital,” which he defined as the norms, trust and collective resources that are essential for

community life. He argued, with some success, that the advent of television was responsible

for the decline in social capital.

The advent of the Internet offers the potential to redefine this situation. The Inter-

net brings a remote political life into citizens’ homes, making it easier for them to obtain and

share information via the web, email, instant messaging or online social networking. It may

not have been since the invention of the printing press that the ability to communicate

across space and time has been so profoundly enhanced.

The affordance of a media system such as the Internet, which allows for both infor-

mation search and citizen communication, is of much interest to social capital theorists.

Shah (2005) found support for a model in which information seeking, online or offline, leads

to citizen communication, which results in civic participation. He suggested that those who

7

prefer informational media to entertainment media are significantly more likely to discuss

what they have learned with others. Shah predicted that the Internet will lead to increased

engagement in social capital-building activities.

Some scholars claimed that the Internet would prove socially isolating (Kraut, 1998;

Nie, 2001), while others claimed it would lead to a restructuring of communities (Bimber,

1998; Bucy, 2001). Wellman (2001) found both groups to be correct, in part. His studies

found that communities are becoming less group-oriented, and increasingly embedded in our

social networks. More recently, researchers have suggested that social capital is similarly em-

bedded, and that the Internet may be enabling people to amass and utilize it in yet-

undiscovered ways (Kavanaugh, 2005; Weber, 2003). Computer-mediated interactions are

creating new forms of social relations and capital exchange, thereby creating a new subset of

social capital: sociotechnical capital (Resnick, 2002).

In this debate over the role the Internet will play in social capital amassment, Gra-

novetter’s (1973) Strength of Weak Ties theory has modern applicability. Granovetter envi-

sioned human society as a quilt built of patches and interconnected threads. Strong-tie

cliques dominate the social landscape, but information traverses greater distances more

quickly when passed through weak ties in our social network. Nan Lin (1999) modernized

Granovetter’s weak tie theory by integrating social capital theory into social network theory.

This literature review illustrates the value of online social networks in amassing social

and sociotechnical capital. It also demonstrates the importance of weak tie utilization in this

process. An overview of significant research findings of two mass communications scholars

delineates between mass media and two-way communications systems such as the Internet.

Subsequently, this paper will look at the characteristics of two-way mass media systems, and

8

the value of discursive communication to American democracy. This literature review will

also review case studies of social networks, both offline and online.

The literature under review provides a theoretical backdrop and highlights the im-

portance of the research question: “How do users of online social networks create and utilize

weak ties to amass social capital?”

The Internet: A New Mass Media

Steven Chaffee (1972), in “The interpersonal context of mass communication,” sug-

gested that media systems and interpersonal sources are complementary, and the correct

function of mass media may be to facilitate interpersonal discussion. He said that it is quite

conceivable that technological innovations will begin to expand the range and effectiveness

of interpersonal communication.

Chaffee warned, however, that expanded information and decentralized communica-

tion may actually have a narcotizing effect, pushing the public away from civic life. Indeed,

as Americans have become more educated and more media savvy, there has been a corre-

sponding decrease in participation. Bucy (2001) attributed this to the fact that the media

landscape has become dominated by various forms of one-way communication that maxi-

mize campaign influence but limit audience interactivity, effectively silencing citizens in the

process.

Conversely, the two-way architecture of the Internet provides a public space for citi-

zens to debate politics and express their opinions regarding policies or politicians, thereby

building a more conscious democracy. Bimber (1998) claimed that such changes in the in-

formation environment are accelerating the process of issue group formation and action.

The interactivity of the Internet enables citizens who are otherwise relatively indifferent to

9

public life to become more powerful when their attention is called to the actions of govern-

ment officials. This suggests that information exchange may increase the responsiveness of

government to the public, even without a drastic change in citizen engagement or participa-

tion.

Bimber predicted a shift toward a system of more rapidly changing issue groups with

less stability and less dependence on private and public institutional structures. This alterna-

tive model is referred to as accelerated pluralism. Delli Carpini (2000) voiced his agreement,

stating that “because of its ability to shift the nature of community from geographic to inter-

est-based, the Internet’s inherent traits will challenge traditional definitions of information

gatekeepers and authoritative voices, as well as of producers and consumers of information.”

However, Delli Carpini was less sanguine about the long-term prospects of the In-

ternet for increasing social capital, noting that it would have to resist being overwhelmed by

fragmentation, manipulation, consumerism, dominance of entertainment over public affairs,

the paralyzing impact of information overload, and the devaluing of certain kinds of partici-

pation.

But constraints and control are waning rapidly as inexpensive computers and Inter-

net access become available, and technology leapfrogs the traditional authoritarian control of

access to information and resources. As a result, information is freer and more available to

people today than ever before in human history (Lin, 1999). Bimber suggested that the In-

ternet might also contribute to the decentralization of control over privately owned media,

perhaps militating against the trend toward media concentration. At the very least, the In-

ternet will decrease the influence of established media organizations over formation of the

political agenda and open more governmental and political information to contemporaneous

public scrutiny.

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Patterns of Internet Use

One difficulty researchers have when studying the Internet is that they can only ana-

lyze a static snapshot of a rapidly evolving new medium. The multi-faceted nature of the

Internet makes it increasingly difficult to make broad generalizations about the technology

that hold over time.

In 2000, Nie and Erbring found that increased Internet use correlated with more

time spent working, loss of contact with one’s social environment, and discontent with tradi-

tional media - over half of regular Internet users reported reduced television and newspaper

use.

A year later, Dhavan Shah (2001a) found that informational uses of mass media of

any kind, be it print, broadcast or the Internet, have significant pro-civic consequences.

Whereas the older generation prefers newspapers and the younger generation prefers the

Internet, this is not cause for alarm. Overall Internet use was found to be positively, though

weakly, related to civic engagement.

That same year, Nie (2001) found that since time is finite, increased Internet use

must lead to a reduction in time spent socializing - as he put it, “it is simply a matter of

time.” This dichotomy between using the Internet and “socializing” is false, as email and

instant messaging were not accounted for as forms of socialization. Nonetheless, in calling

attention to intended use of the medium, Nie was both acknowledging the Internet’s variety

of uses and pointing out their qualitative dissimilarity.

Shah’s disaggregation of online practices into types of use showed that how people

use the Internet is more important than how much they use it. Those who use the Internet

for communication and information exchange encounter more information and opportuni-

11

ties for civic recruitment than those who use the Internet for entertainment (Shah, 2001b).

Patterns of Internet use featuring the exchange of information, not simple Internet use, are

what are important.

Communication on the Internet

The exchange of information on the Internet makes the medium qualitatively differ-

ent than its mass-media predecessors. Carey (1989) differentiated between ritual and trans-

mission views of communication. The transmission view of communication, which is most

common in developed nations with complex media structures, is the one-way sending or im-

parting of information. A one-way transmission of information is not ideal for a democratic

society. Conversely, the ritual view of communication denotes a sharing of information and

fostering of community, and this is where interactive media comes into play.

The Internet is an information source that supplies users with up-to-the-minute an-

swers to their questions, but it is also a communicative tool allowing users to engage with

one another, exchange information, and mobilize on issue bases. In this respect, the Inter-

net is more comparable to the telephone than the television (Kraut, 1998). Carey’s definition

of ritual communication, in this context, seems much more applicable to the Internet. Con-

ceptualizing of the Internet in this way offers valuable perspective on the difference between

the Internet and forms of mass media that preceded it.

In 2005, Shah revised his theory by adding communication as a third type of media

use. In doing so, Shah confirmed the role of the Internet in the contemporary American

political landscape as both a source of information and entertainment and a sphere of ex-

pression.

12

Shah defined communication as “the sharing of perspectives and concerns with oth-

ers” (Shah et al. 2005). Detailing how communication leads to the production of social capi-

tal, Shah et al. theorized a causal structure leading from information-seeking behavior to citi-

zen communication, which leads to civic participation:

Figure 1. Shah’s Information>Communication>Participation model

The resulting model supported the claim that both interpersonal political discussions

and interactive civic messaging yield significant and equivalent positive associations with

civic participation. Citizen communication, both online and offline, plays a critical role in

the relationship between information seeking via the mass media and participation in civic

life (Shah, 2005).

Indeed, the expressive potential of the average citizen has been transformed; indi-

viduals are now in a position to post messages and images to a global audience at minimal

cost (the equivalent of having one’s own printing press). Shah found that the Internet en-

13

ables the production of social capital by supplementing information networks and facilitating

organizational involvement (Shah, 2005).

Because the Internet supplies more information and opportunities for civic engage-

ment than any media system ever has before, greater psychological rewards and personal

empowerment can be derived from its use. Even if it is only symbolically empowering for

the citizen, the Internet contributes substantially to legitimizing the political systems of mass

democracies. A pre-Internet example of this is talk radio, which is best understood as an

activity in which the audience are active listeners instead of passive recipients. The active

involvement of fellow citizens reminds viewers of their own democratic role and civic iden-

tity and may encourage spectators to become more engaged in civic life (Bucy, 2001).

Active participation plays a key role in determining whether an individual will experi-

ence personal and social benefits from group membership. To the extent that membership

in the group matters to the individual, virtual groups can and do exert powerful social influ-

ences on the participants (McKenna and Green, 2002).

Although most civic participation tends to be concentrated in the hands of a few

citizens, levels of participation on the Internet have been shown to be less concentrated:

Weber (2003) found that a fifth of the sample population performed the relatively new act of

engaging in political discussion over the Internet. Internet participation was determined to

significantly affect political participation, even when controlling for race, education, age,

gender and civic participation. Such participation may serve as a mobilizer, cultivating skills

such as writing and communication, which transfer directly to political and civic activities.

This is the functional equivalent of creating social capital.

If online social messaging is encouraging new modes of expression, deliberation, and

recruitment among young people, the civic consequences are significant. These details seem

14

to confirm Chaffee’s premonition that technological innovations will expand the range and

effectiveness of interpersonal communication.

The Strength of Weak Ties

While Shah’s model depicts the role of interpersonal communication in the creation,

exchange and amassment of social capital, a study titled The Strength of Weak Ties offers a

conceptual framework for how social networks might act as an intermediary between infor-

mation sources, such as media establishments, and civic participation.

In that study, Granovetter (1973) coined terminology and theoretical constructs to

describe how information is traded in communities. “Ties” were defined as the connections

we have with other people. The strength of a tie is a combination of the amount of time,

emotional intensity, mutual confiding, and reciprocal services between two people. The de-

gree of overlap of two individuals’ friendship networks varies directly with the strength of

their tie to one another. Strong ties, which predominate, breed local cohesion - but at the

cost of overall social network fragmentation.

Conversely, weak ties act as bridges between close-knit cliques and are a good meas-

ure of social cohesion. The term “bridge” is used here to identify a line in a network that

provides the only path between two points. By that definition, all bridges are necessarily

weak ties. From the individual’s point of view, weak ties are an important resource in ena-

bling social mobility, because more opportunities can be reached through weak ties. Infor-

mation can be disseminated to a larger number of people and traverse greater social distance

when passed through weak ties than strong ties.

In other words, people with many weak ties are best placed in a social network to

diffuse information and innovation because some of these bridges will lead to cliques that

15

are not privy to that information. Conveniently enough, the reverse is also true: those with

weak ties are also privy to more information, because they serve as the destination for other

bridges. This is graphically illustrated as such:

Figure 2. Granovetter’s Strength of Weak Ties model

Perhaps not coincidentally, this pattern bears marked similarity to the two-step flow model

proposed by Katz and Lazarsfeld (1955):

16

Figure 3. Katz et al.’s Two-Step Flow model

The two-step flow of communication theory states that the media distributes infor-

mation to opinion leaders, or people with the most access to media and a more literate un-

derstanding of media content. Opinion leaders then interpret and disseminate information

to the mass public.

Granovetter’s weak ties serve a strikingly similar purpose to Katz et al.’s opinion

leaders. In both theories, intermediary human agency is essential for sharing information

from a source to an audience.

Roch (2005) sought to identify who opinion leaders are and what constitutes their

status. She found that spanning structural holes has a greater effect on the likelihood of be-

ing considered an opinion leader than attributes such as use of media or involvement in civic

life.

17

Spanning structural holes, as Roch employed it, refers to occupying a unique position

in one’s social environment and possessing contacts that other group members lack. It is

thus synonymous with Granovetter’s concept of bridging weak ties. Individuals who engage

in this activity are more likely to have access to potentially valuable information than other

group members who do not. The data indicated that bridging weak ties clearly increases the

probability of a discussant being identified as an opinion leader.

Roch noted that social context plays a key role in determining opinion leadership.

Individuals who are opinion leaders in one context may not act as opinion leaders in another

context in which other individuals hold similar information and maintain similar contacts.

Opinion leaders, then, are those who have access to better information based on their needs

and their current position in the social milieu.

Quality information should thus be considered a form of social capital, which is logi-

cal given that citizens often seek out information, thereby signifying its value to them. If the

ability to extend and manipulate one’s social network makes people more capable of access-

ing and transmitting information, it would presumably result in an increase in the number

and effectiveness of opinion leaders. Simultaneously, social networks are allowing opinion

leaders to further develop and maintain their weak ties, thereby sharing their information

with a larger audience. This combination may equate to an increase in the net production of

social capital.

Resnick (2002) refers to such productive combinations of social relations and infor-

mation and communication technology sociotechnical capital. This is a subset of social capital,

and one of particular interest to social scientists because technological advances have opened

many new opportunities that have not been examined from the social capital perspective.

18

This new form of social capital may be increasing the amount of social capital being ex-

changed in society.

Like social capital and financial capital, sociotechnical capital should be conceived as

a resource that can be accumulated over time through deliberate investment. It may consist

of artifacts created during the earlier interactions or the social ties and practices that devel-

oped as a result of such interactions. By this definition, something constitutes capital if it

helps a group of people to accomplish more together by improving the routing of informa-

tion, exchange of resources, provision of emotional support, or ability to coordinate and to

mobilize for collective action.

Resnick (2002) offers a number of operationalizations of his concept that are appli-

cable to social networks, four of which will be incorporated in this study. First, computer-

mediated communication removes barriers to interaction, enabling users to communicate at

a distance and across time. Second, online social networks can serve as introducer systems,

by leading friends and colleagues to each others’ profiles. Directories can break the ice

among people who are members of new or loosely-knit groups, especially when they include

photos and something fun or personal that acts as a conversation starter when people meet.

Third, new forms of sociotechnical relations may be especially useful for groups of people so

large that it’s impossible for everyone to know everyone else. In larger groups, there are

more opportunities for information and resource sharing, but it’s difficult to coordinate

these, and it is difficult to overcome problems of collective action. Sociotechnical capital

may enable productive activity in these larger groups. Fourth, dormant but activatable social

ties may serve as static contact points for users whose contact information is prone to fre-

quent change. Though this list is not exhaustive, these four types of sociotechnical capital

are examples of new forms of social relations that would be infeasible without computers

19

mediating interactions. Resnick concludes by noting that the challenge for researchers is to

identify and promote those new social relations that truly are productive.

USENET, BEV, and Club Nexus: Three Case Studies

In 1980, the University of North Carolina - Chapel Hill and Duke University created

a precursor to the Internet forums of today. USENET was created over a decade before the

World Wide Web. Effectively a functional equivalent of a bulletin board, USENET was one

of the first forms of online social communication. In 1997, Hill and Hughes (1997) studied

USENET to determine whether electronic communities demonstrated the behavioral char-

acteristics one would expect of a socially cohesive group. They found that people were

merely moving their age-old patterns of interaction into a new realm. However, a message

posted to a typical Internet newsgroup was accessible to over 30,000 people, giving authors a

readership better than many newspapers. These results confirmed that USENET was indeed

a form of political community, existing for the purpose of communication. The researchers

predicted that even if USENET were replaced by another system of communication, the

results should remain applicable.

In 1993, Virginia Tech embarked on a mission to develop an online community link-

ing the entire town of Blacksburg, VA. Though it was not initially conceived as a social capi-

tal-building technology, one specific purpose of the Blacksburg Electronic Village was to

encourage community organizations to take advantage of network resources to facilitate

their agendas. Still functioning today, one of the primary goals of the BEV is to evaluate and

document the use and impact of community networking.

In their 2001 study of the BEV, Kavanaugh and Patterson found that Blacksburg

residents were increasingly using the Internet for social capital-building activities, whether

20

they were building that capital for online or offline activities. The longer people had been

connected to the Internet, the more likely they were to use the network for such activities.

Kavanaugh hypothesized that the presence of the Internet, and in this case the BEV, con-

tributes to social capital formation in yet-undiscovered ways.

Putnam (2000) argued that initiatives such as the BEV are an outcome of communi-

ties with initially high levels of social capital, community involvement and community at-

tachment. Social capital may turn out to be a prerequisite for, rather than a consequence of,

effective computer-mediated communication (p.177). If that were to be the case, commu-

nity computer networks would be nothing but voluntary organizations for the information

society.

When researchers returned to the BEV four years later, the city’s Internet connec-

tivity rating had risen to 87.7%, which is among the world’s highest Internet densities.

Kavanaugh et al. (2005) found that Internet use was shown to strengthen social contacts,

community engagement and attachment. However, as Putnam argued, these findings were

explained by levels of education, extroversion and community. Social groups were the only

group to show significant increases over time in active types of participation.

However, Kavanaugh made another, more intriguing finding. The Blacksburg Elec-

tronic Village experiment demonstrated that most online group interaction was simply an

extension of pre-existing offline networks, occurring within formal or informal groups

(Kavanaugh et al., 2005). Because members of groups interacting online already knew each

other in real-world communities, their roles in a networked community typically reflected

their roles offline. The researchers concluded that existing social networks take advantage of

the information distribution aspects of the Internet to help users become more effective and

connected communicators.

21

This finding echoes that of Birnie and Horvath (2002), who argued that online social

communication should be considered as an extension of interactions in traditional social

networks. The Internet simply supplements traditional social behavior, without increasing

or decreasing it (Haythornthwaite and Wellman, 1998).

Conceptualizing of the Internet as a supplementary community interaction forum,

Wellman et al. (2001) found that communities are becoming less group-oriented and increas-

ingly embedded in social networks. The Internet is aiding this transition by allowing users to

overcome spatial and temporal limitations. In fact, the majority of Internet users reported

having strengthened ties with family members and friends who do not live in close proximity

as a result of the Internet (Moore, 2000). The technology is also said to increase organiza-

tional involvement by facilitating the flow of information between physical meetings and

enabling the arrangements of such meetings. Wellman’s data showed that heavy Internet use

was mildly associated with increased participation in voluntary organizations and politics.

Blanchard and Horan (1998) claimed that social capital and civic engagement will

increase when virtual communities develop around physically based communities and foster

additional communities of interest. Through a preliminary analysis, they identified educa-

tion, exchange of general community information, and opportunities for government and

political participation to be potential communities of interest. They predicted that the crea-

tion of such physically-based online social networks would increase levels of social capital

and civic engagement.

The subsequent creation of social networking Web sites such as Stanford’s Club

Nexus seemed to provide an opportunity to test Blanchard and Horan’s prediction. “Club

Nexus” was created to serve physically-based educational communities, and allowed indi-

viduals to construct their own ties on an online social networking site. The richness of their

22

profiles allowed for detailed network analysis, but Adamic (2005) found that the majority of

users listed less than 20 friends, and that this lack of individual network size rendered edu-

cated network search impossible. For example, two students living in the same dorm had

only about a 5% probability of being Nexus buddies. This probability is so small as to be

insufficient to direct the search toward the target.

The majority of users in Adamic’s sample listed less than 20 friends, but it is not un-

common for a Facebook.com user to list over a hundred friends. Blanchard and Horan’s

prediction that physically-based educational communities will increase levels of social capital

and civic engagement has not been tested on this network. If Facebook.com users have

more links to friends due to exploring their social network to find people that bridge to

more desirable cliques, this would be a very significant finding. The growth in popularity

and use of social networking sites warrants a replication of Adamic’s study on the Face-

book.com social network.

The Ties that Bind: Social Network Theory and Social Capital Theory

What Putnam saw as valuable in bowling leagues was not the bowling. Rather, the

confluence of people with different backgrounds allowed for the creation of social capital.

But why did he choose bowling leagues in the first place? With respect to civic engagement,

wouldn’t parent-teacher associations or city councils be more reliable generators of social

capital?

According to Granovetter, they would not. PTAs and city councils are comprised of

people with similar interests, a set agenda, and overlapping social networks. Bowling

leagues, however, welcome individuals of any economic, professional, or ideological back-

ground. Thus, relative to those who serve on the PTA, bowlers can be presumed to have

23

weaker ties to one another, as well as access to a wider breadth of information. Such asso-

ciations would presumably generate more social capital, and this is indeed what Putnam

found.

Putnam addressed this issue in a 2001 article titled Social capital: Measurements and Con-

sequences:

“I do not believe, nor have I ever believed, that associations were some privi-leged form of social capital, except in the sense that associations tend to gather data on themselves and, therefore, it is easier to gather data on asso-ciations. Beyond this greater ease of measurement, there is nothing canoni-cally superior about formal associations as forms of social networks. It could be true that associations were becoming less common in America but that we were hanging out in bars more, that we were having more picnics, that we were seeing folks at our home at night more often, and those forms of in-formal social capital can be quite important.”

Lin (1999) sought to tie together Granovetter’s social network theory into Putnam’s

social capital theory, stating that social capital is amassed from embedded resources in social

networks, and the interactions of members of a social system make the maintenance and re-

production of this social asset possible. Lin cites three reasons why social networks will en-

hance the outcomes of actions. First, they facilitate the flow of information. Second, these

social ties may exert influence on those who play a critical role in decisions involving the ac-

tor. Third, social resources may be perceived by organizations as certifications of the indi-

vidual’s social credentials.

Lin found that access to and use of social resources are in part determined by the

utilization of weak ties and by positions in the hierarchical structure - what Roch referred to

as structural holes. Network locations facilitate, but do not necessarily determine, access to

better information and opportunities. This is because not all bridges lead to better informa-

tion, enhance social credentials or offer reinforcement. Lin concluded that civil society, in-

stead of dying, might just be evolving to become more networked and expansive.

24

The vitality of pluralistic civil societies such as the U.S. is to some extent dependent

upon citizens having with a good number of weak ties in their social networks to sustain

support for democratic freedoms in the midst of greater heterogeneity. Gibson (1999)

found that support for democratic institutions correlates highly with the number of weak ties

in a person’s social network. Moreover, the composition of people’s social networks has

meaningful consequences for interpersonal tolerance. Exposure to oppositional viewpoints

increases the awareness of legitimate rationales for opposing views, because crosscutting

contact improves people’s ability to see issues from the perspective of others - even when

they personally do not agree. The capacity to see that a conflict is, in fact, a legitimate con-

troversy with rationales on both sides translates to a greater willingness to extend civil liber-

ties even to those groups whose views one dislikes a great deal.

For a community to develop many weak ties that bridge, there must be several dis-

tinct ways or contexts in which people may form them. Arguably, this is what social scien-

tists speak of when they reference town halls, public spaces and bowling alleys. When Put-

nam (1995) called attention to membership decline, he was signaling the widespread loss of

venues that allow for such bridging capital to be formed. Though he has expressed pessi-

mism about the potential of the Internet to improve this situation, social networks have

many features that imply they could facilitate bridging, including increased population den-

sity, asynchronous communication, and network search.

Do social networks serve as a new kind of association? If so, Putnam’s theory might

be significantly affected by the mass adoption of online social networking technologies. The

simple affordance of such space does not, however, necessitate that any social capital will be

formed or traded there. Granovetter’s theory suggests that high-density, localized communi-

ties might be the best for developing “weak ties,” people who might double as Katz et al.’s

25

opinion leaders. What sorts of ties are being created on these networks, and for what pur-

pose are they utilized?

This question remains unanswered due to a lack of research on online social net-

works. Social scientists decry a loss of public spaces and a decline in social capital, but new

forms of communities and social capital are not being factored into the equation. A better

understanding of weak tie utilization by an increasingly networked generation could assist

researchers and journalists in understanding how information spans networks. This study

will attempt to determine how users of online social networks create and utilize weak ties to

amass social capital.

26

Method

This study explores the influence of online social networks on members’ levels of

social capital creation. Specifically, this study seeks to determine how users create and utilize

weak ties to amass social capital in online social networks such as Facebook.com. This

mixed-methodology study consists of an initial electronic survey of 158 respondents and a

subsequent opt-in qualitative survey of 20 respondents. In the first phase, quantitative re-

search questions address the relationship between weak tie seeking activities, social network

messaging and Dhavan Shah’s “information>communication>participation” model. Fol-

lowing this macro-level analysis, qualitative open-ended questions are posed to gather spe-

cific examples of how social network users are engaging in weak tie utilization and social

capital-amassing activities on social networks.

This mixed-methodology study is an “illuminative evaluation.” Such evaluations

“make key behaviors or attitudes in a given context visible for contemplation. The aim is to enlighten policy makers or practitioners to the dynamics of be-haviors in comparable situations in order that those behaviors can be under-stood and attended to in a more appropriate way. A range of evidence, often qualitative, is employed” (Hart, 2003).

The design of this study is straightforward. The two steps fall into clear, separate

stages due to the study’s sequential explanatory strategy. Sequential explanatory strategies

are characterized by the collection and analysis of quantitative data followed by the collec-

tion and analysis of qualitative data. The purpose of the sequential explanatory design is to

use qualitative results to assist in explaining and interpreting the quantitative data, which re-

ceive priority. This approach is appropriate for this study, which hypothesizes that social

networks are affecting social capital amassment in yet-undiscovered ways.

27

The main weakness of this design is the length of time involved in data collection,

due to the fact that is has two separate phases (Creswell, 2003, p. 215). However, it is possi-

ble to combine quantitative and qualitative data in a study that extends over time by selecting

for more intensive study a smaller sample of people who participate in focus groups or

open-ended questions (Wimmer and Dominick, 2000, p.213).

Theoretical Basis

Dhavan Shah’s “Information and expression in a digital age: Modeling Internet ef-

fects on civic participation” provided a framework for the methodology of this study. Shah

et al. (2005) theorized a causal structure leading from information seeking to citizen commu-

nication, which in turn leads to civic participation:

Figure 1. Shah’s Information>Communication>Participation model Each block in the diagram above represents an index of questions taken from the

DDB Life Style Study survey, a national panel survey. Shah et al. collected this data from

that survey in three waves (February 1999, June 2000, and November 2000) using a stratified

quota-sampling method to recruit respondents.

28

The resulting model supported the claim that both interpersonal discussions and in-

teractive civic messaging yield significant and equivalent positive associations with civic par-

ticipation. Shah et al. concluded that “citizen communication, both online and offline, plays

a critical intermediary role in the relationship between information seeking via the mass me-

dia and participation in civic life” (Shah et al., 2005).

Phase one of this study utilized Shah’s framework, but modified it to evaluate the

role that weak ties play in social capital amassment. The “Newspaper Hard News Use” and

“Television Hard News Use” indices were omitted, as these activities are, by definition, not

possible in an online social network. News from these sources received on an online social

network would qualify as “online information seeking,” and this index was retained.

Three indices were added to this model. “Weak tie seeking” was added as a form of

information seeking. “Social network messaging” was added as a form of citizen communi-

cation. “Weak tie participation” was added as a new form of civic engagement. The addi-

tion of these indices to Shah’s model made it possible to measure the influence weak ties

have on more traditional forms of social capital amassment behavior. A revised model that

incorporates all of these indices is included below:

29

Figure 4. The revised model to be used in this study

Each block in the diagram above represents an index of questions. All but one of

the indices taken from Shah’s study (“Online information seeking,” “Interpersonal discus-

sion,” and “Civic participation”) are not altered, meaning that they are comprised of ques-

tions from the DDB Life Style survey. “Interactive civic messaging” has been altered: in-

stances of these activities occurring over IM are now included along with email to differenti-

ate between activities on online social networks and in other forms of online citizen com-

munication. New indices (“weak tie seeking,” “social network messaging,” and “weak tie

participation”) have been added to this model and are described below. (The complete sur-

vey can be viewed in Appendix A.)

Weak tie seeking is a form of information seeking hypothesized to be functionally

equivalent to Shah’s online information seeking with regard to citizen communication. Online

information seeking consists of five questions measuring how often respondents visited a news

site, received news or sports information from the Internet, or visited the Web site of a gov-

ernment agency, politician, or social group or cause. Weak tie seeking consists of 5 questions

Online Informa-

tion Seeking

Interactive Civic

Messaging Civic

Participa-tion

Inter- Personal

Discussion

Social Network

Messaging

Weak Tie Seeking

Weak Tie Participa-

tion

30

measuring how often respondents used social networks to communicate with distant friends,

to get to know acquaintances better, to put faces with names, to meet new friends, and to

join groups of people who share the respondent’s interests. These items all adhere to Gra-

novetter’s (1973) definition of weak ties. This index was added to measure the extent to

which information received from weak ties in one’s network leads to citizen communication

- interactive civic messaging, interpersonal discussion, or social network messaging. The fol-

lowing hypothesis is posed:

Social network messaging is a form of citizen communication hypothesized to be func-

tionally equivalent to Shah’s interactive civic messaging and interpersonal discussion with regard to

civic participation and weak tie seeking. Interactive civic messaging consists of seven items

measuring how often respondents discussed politics with someone via email, contacted a

politician because of an email they received, sent an email to the editor of a newspaper or

magazine, sent an email to a politician, tried to recruit someone to volunteer with email, used

email to organize a social activity, or used email to organize community service. As noted

above, these questions from the DDB Lifestyle survey have been altered: the words “or IM”

have been added to each question. Interpersonal political discussion consists of five questions

measuring how often respondents talked about politics with coworkers, neighbors, friends,

family, and acquaintances. This index was not supplemented. Social network messaging consists

of seven questions measuring how often respondents used social networks to discuss current

events with someone, to try to get someone to volunteer, to organize a party, to organize a

Hypothesis 1: Weak tie seeking is significantly and positively associated

with interactive civic messaging, interpersonal discussion, and social net-

work messaging.

n tCivic

Participation wInteractive

Civic Messaging

ork messaging.

31

group meeting or event, to forward someone a link, and to obtain lecture notes. This index

is derived from the questions of Interactive civic messaging. However, questions 27 (contacting a

public official because of an email of IM you received), 28 (emailed the editor of a newspa-

per or magazine), and 29 (emailed a politician) have been removed, as they could not be per-

formed on online social networks at the time of research. Questions 37 (used social net-

works to forward someone a link), 38 (used social networks to obtain lecture notes), and 39

(used social networks to “poke” someone) were added. Only question 37 was included in

the index for final analysis, however, because it has a natural corollary in Interactive civic messag-

ing: question 27. This index was added to measure the extent to which citizen communica-

tion on online social networks leads to civic participation and weak tie participation. The

following hypothesis is posed:

Weak tie participation is a form of social participation hypothesized to be functionally

equivalent to Shah’s civic participation. Civic participation consists of five questions measuring

how often respondents did volunteer work, went to a club meeting, worked on a community

project, went to a community or neighborhood meeting, and worked on behalf of a social

group or cause. These are all types of formal associations which, while important in the

production of social capital, are not the only settings in which social capital production can

occur (Putnam, 2001). Thus, additional forms of civic participation are measured in the weak

tie participation index. Weak tie participation consists of five questions measuring how often

respondents went to a party or social gathering, went to a bar or tavern, went to a concert,

went to a church social event, and went to a sporting event. This index was added to meas-

Hypothesis 2: Social network messaging is significantly and positively as-

sociated with civic participation and weak tie participation.

32

ure the extent to which citizen communication on online social networks leads to civic par-

ticipation, both in formal and informal social groupings. The following hypothesis is posed:

These indices were then measured against one another using a cross-sectional regres-

sion analysis to determine the strength of relationships existing between them.

Phase One: Quantitative Surveys

The instrument utilized in phase one of the survey, hosted at FreeOnlineSur-

veys.com, consisted of fifty questions and should not have taken longer than fifteen minutes

to complete. These types of surveys are popular because they can secure a lot of informa-

tion without the expenditure of a lot of time or money. They are especially useful for col-

lecting information on audiences and readership (Wimmer and Dominick, 2000, p.168).

The following instructions for conducting a mail survey, outlined by Wimmer and

Dominick (2000, p. 183) were followed:

1. Select a sample. This includes defining the population, developing a sampling de-

sign, and determining the sample size.

Participants were recruited via a message and URL sent out to all individuals listed as

friends of the researcher on Facebook.com, who were then asked to forward the recruitment

message on to two of their friends. This is an example of a snowball survey. This type of

sampling method has the potential to gather a biased sample, as respondents may consist of

only respondents from a club, organization, or group (Wimmer and Dominick, 2000, p. 96).

Because this survey intended to target a specified subgroup of the population (users of social

Hypothesis 3: Civic participation and weak tie participation are significantly and

positively associated with all forms of citizen communication.

33

networks), this non-probability sampling method was deemed appropriate. As Wimmer and

Dominick note, non-probability samples are acceptable “when studies are not intended to be

generalized to the general population, but rather to investigate variable relationships” (p. 86).

2. Construct and pretest the instrument.

The construction of the survey was based on a previous study by Shah et al. (2005),

with modifications detailed below. The online survey was pre-tested on two individuals,

who both completed the survey in less than five minutes with no complications encoun-

tered.

3. Write a recruiting message. As noted above, a brief note explaining the purpose

and importance of the questionnaire was sent to the sample, and is included in Appendix A.

4. Send the surveys. Invitations were sent out on October 7, 2006.

5. Tabulate and analyze data. Data were compiled on October 21, 2006. The data

were coded to include variable names that a computer will recognize. SPSS v.13, the statisti-

cal package for the social sciences, was used to analyze the statistics gathered, and describe

and make inferences about observed patterns in the data.

The survey did not gather any information that could be used to identify individuals.

However, question 50 asked respondents who “would be willing to participate in an addi-

tional qualitative interview on this topic” to provide an email address. Respondents were

able to complete the survey without submitting an answer for this question. After a sample

was determined for the qualitative interviews, all identifying information was stripped from

the data. All data collected were kept confidential and saved on a password-protected exter-

nal hard drive at all times. These data were qualitative in nature, and cited to give insight

into the results of the quantitative survey.

34

There are a number of advantages to survey research. The cost of surveys is reason-

able when considering the amount of information gathered. Also, data helpful to survey re-

search that already exist can be used as secondary sources of information. Shah’s findings

will be used as secondary data for purposes of comparison. Surveys are also the best way for

getting multiple items for a given concept, thereby increasing reliability. This study, like

Shah’s, created several indices to measure variables. Another advantage of surveys is that

they allow for selective sampling of a highly specialized audience. Lastly, surveys allow re-

searchers to examine many variables, to look at more than one IV at once, to measure the

same variables in many ways, and to use a variety of statistics to analyze the data.

Surveys have some disadvantages as well. Inappropriate wording or placement of

questions within a questionnaire can bias results. Similarly, results can be biased because

they rely on self-report measures, and not direct tests of relationships. Also, surveys are the

slowest form of data collection, leading many researchers to set a cutoff date after which re-

turns are not included in the analysis. Finally, results are often received only from people

who are interested in the survey, and this injects non-response bias into the results.

Phase Two: Qualitative Personal Interviews

Respondents who consented to participate in an additional interview and had high

scores for the weak tie variables were sent open-ended, semi-structured questions. The re-

sponses to these questions were collected by email.

The following instructions for conducting personal interviews, outlined by Wimmer

and Dominick (2000, p. 189), were followed:

1. Select a sample. Respondents are selected based on a pre-determined set of

screening requirements.

35

For this study, only individuals who gave consent in the quantitative survey were in-

vited to fill out the provide data for phase two. Only the data provided by respondents who

had mean scores of greater than 3.5 for questions regarding both weak tie seeking (questions

16-20) and social network messaging (questions 33-39) were sent a questionnaire of open-

ended survey items. In a sequential model, an analysis of quantitative data in the first phase

can yield outlier cases. Following up by posing open-ended questions to these outlier cases

can provide insight about why they diverged from the quantitative sample (Creswell, 2003, p.

221). This is definitive of a purposive sample, which includes subjects or elements selected

for specific characteristics or qualities, and is chosen with the knowledge that it is not repre-

sentative of the general population (Wimmer and Dominick, 2000, p. 88).

2. Construct the survey. The instrument to be utilized in this study was an question-

naire of open-ended questions consisting of 13 questions, and is further detailed below. The

survey was sent out by email on June 28, 2007.

3. Collect the data. In this study, data in the form of respondents’ answers were

gathered and analyzed for pertinent and illuminative comments. Responses that made im-

plicit or explicit reference to trends in the data were selected for their explanatory power.

The primary advantage of surveys is that they are the most flexible means of obtain-

ing information, because the face-to-face situation lends itself easily to questioning in greater

depth and detail. The primary disadvantage of surveys is the time and cost associated with

arranging, conducting and analyzing the results.

This phase of the study attempted to provide illuminative details about how indi-

viduals utilize social networks to extend their weak tie networks. It also sought to determine

how the availability of such weak ties facilitates opinion leadership and leads to civic partici-

pation.

36

The purpose of these open-ended questions was to discover how users create and

maintain weak ties to amass social capital in online social networks. In an attempt to learn

more about the role online communication and networking plays in social capital produc-

tion, participants were asked open-ended questions about their intentions in using online

social networks. Specifically, questions were geared to follow up on the weak-tie variables

measured in the quantitative study, to measure civic attitudes, and to evaluate the utilization

of social networks by survey respondents

The first section of the qualitative questionnaire featured questions regarding the role

of communication in civic participation. The questions were taken from the quantitative

phase of this study to gather qualitative data that can be viewed in relation to the findings of

Putnam (2000) and Shah (2005). The questions for the qualitative phase of the study sought

further insight on the results from the quantitative survey. A list of the questions have been

included in Appendix B, section 1.

The second section, civic attitudes, inquired about participants’ attitudes toward

news, politics and the Internet. They were then presented hypothetical situations and asked

to provide personal examples and details from their own experiences. These questions were

broken into four domains, including diversion, personal relationships, personal identity, and

surveillance. Examples included trying to find a ride, obtain lecture notes, meet companions,

engage in political discussion, kill time, or tell a friend about a news item you’ve read. De-

tailed questions that were used can be found in Appendix B, section two.

The third section evaluated the quantity and quality of network utilization by survey

respondents. To conduct this part of the study, it was necessary for participants to have ac-

cess to a computer so that they could log in to their account. Once online, they were in-

37

structed to gather data about the number of friends they have, their group affiliations, and

their online communication. These instructions are included in Appendix B, section 3.

38

Results

Phase One: Quantitative Surveys

There were 158 respondents for the quantitative survey of phase one. Of them, 93

were female, 50 were male, and 15 opted not to report their gender. The mean age of survey

respondents was 22.21, with a range from 18 to 29. 56 respondents had completed some

college, and 82 were college graduates. 33 lived in a rural community, 75 lived in a suburban

community, and 33 lived in an urban community. 132 of the 158 respondents had a Face-

book.com account, and 79 of the 158 had a MySpace account.

This analysis included seven variables: online information seeking (OIS), weak tie seeking

(WTS), interactive civic messaging (ICM), interpersonal discussion (IPD), social network messaging

(SNM), civic participation (CIV), and weak tie participation (WTP). Each of these variables is an

index. For all indices, responses were recorded on a 5-point scale (see Appendix A for ques-

tion wording). Indices were created by averaging scores for all questions belonging to the

index.

The measure of online information seeking consisted of questions 11-15. This index of

five questions had a Cronbach’s alpha of .713.

The measure of weak tie seeking consisted of questions 16-20. This index of five ques-

tions had a Cronbach’s alpha of .770.

The measure of interactive civic messaging consisted of questions 26-32. This index of

seven questions had a Cronbach’s alpha of .603.

The measure of interpersonal discussion consisted of questions 21-25. This index of five

questions had a Cronbach’s alpha of .758.

39

The measure of social network messaging consisted of questions 33-39. This index of

five questions had a Cronbach’s alpha of .795.

The measure of civic participation consisted of questions 1-5. This index of five ques-

tions had a Cronbach’s alpha of .402. This is significantly lower than the Cronbach’s alpha

of .78 for this index in Shah et al.’s 2005 study.

The measure of weak tie participation consisted of questions 6-10. This index of five

questions had a Cronbach’s alpha of .601.

A correlation was run for the "civic participation," "weak tie participation," and "in-

teractive civic messaging" indices due to their low Cronbach's alpha scores (.402, .601, and

.603, respectively; all other Cronbach's alpha scores were above .700). Within the "interac-

tive civic messaging" index, there were ten significant positive relationships (out of a possible

15; the five other relationships were not statistically reliable). Within the "weak tie" index,

there were six significant positive relationships (out of a possible 10, the four other relation-

ships were not statistically reliable). Within the "civic participation" index, there were only

five significant relationships (out of a possible 10; the five other relationships were not statis-

tically reliable). However, one relationship, that between survey items 1 (how often during

the past year have you went to a club meeting) and 3 (how often during the past year have

you worked on a community project), had a significant negative reaction, with a Pearson's

correlation of -.182. Because the indexes had been used previously and because there was

no clear pattern in the correlations, all items for these three indexes were kept in subsequent

analyses.

Descriptive statistics of these variables are summarized in Table 1.

Index Mean SD n Min Max OIS 3.48 .82 149 1 5

40

WTS 3.59 .97 147 1 5 ICM 1.86 .60 144 1 3.67 IPD 3.84 .91 149 1 5 SNM 2.44 .95 140 1 5 CIV 2.69 .72 158 1 4.2 WTP 2.61 .74 158 1 4.8

Table 1. Descriptive Statistics of Key Variables

To examine the effects of online information seeking and weak tie seeking on citizen

communication, both online and offline, on civic participation, both formal and informal, a

cross-sectional regression analysis was performed. This was a step-wise regression analysis,

meaning that the results provided indicate the strength of the variables. This analysis yielded

Beta coefficients and R-squared values existing between each variable. The results of this

regression analysis are summarized in Figure 5:

Figure 5. Regression Analysis of Revised Information>Communication>Participation model Note: Standardized path coefficients and Cronbach’s Alphas are reported.

**p < .01. ***p < .001. The relationships observed here support the view that informational and weak tie use

of media contributes to citizen communication, both online and offline. Specifically, indi-

41

vidual differences in online information seeking and weak tie seeking are positively associ-

ated with interactive civic messaging (β=.461, p < .001 for online information seeking;

β=.450, p < .001 for weak tie seeking). Similarly, data show that cross-sectional variation in

online information seeking and weak tie seeking are strong positive predictors of interper-

sonal discussion (β=.493, p < .001 for online information seeking; β=.461, p < .001 for weak

tie seeking). Data also show that online information seeking and weak tie seeking are strong

predictors of social network messaging (β=.248, p < .003 for online information seeking;

β=.452, p < .002 for weak tie seeking). These results are consistent with prior research, such

as that of Shah (2005), that finds a connection between levels of information seeking and

interpersonal communication. They also provide support for hypothesis 1, as weak tie seek-

ing is shown to have a significant and positive association with interactive civic messaging

(β=.450, p < .001), interpersonal discussion (β=.461, p < .001), and social network messag-

ing (β=.452, p < .002). Collectively, individual differences in online information seeking and

weak tie seeking account for 41.4% of the variance in interactive civic messaging, 35.3% of

the variance in interpersonal discussion, and 26.5% of the variance in social network messag-

ing.

Also of interest is the effect of citizen communication (interactive civic messaging,

interpersonal discussion, and social network messaging) on both formal and informal civic

participation (civic participation and weak tie participation). Again, the relationships ob-

served support the view that citizen communication contributes to civic participation. Spe-

cifically, interactive civic messaging (β=.445, p < .001, interpersonal discussion (β=.249, p <

.002), and social network messaging (β=.357, p < .001) yield significant positive associations

with formal civic participation. Further, interactive civic messaging (β=.482, p < .001, inter-

personal discussion (β=.345, p < .002), and social network messaging (β=.356, p < .001)

42

yield significant positive associations with weak tie participation. That is, respondents who

frequently engaged in communicative action through either interpersonal or computer-

mediated channels are more likely to exhibit high levels of civic engagement. The three

communicative action variables accounted for 38.7% of the variance in formal civic partici-

pation, and for 47.8% of the variance in weak tie participation. These data support hypothe-

sis 2, as social network messaging is shown to have a significant and positive association with

civic participation (β=.357, p < .001) and weak tie participation (β=.356, p < .001). There is

also support for hypothesis 3, as weak tie participation is shown to be equally or more

strongly associated with citizen communication, as shown in Table 2.

   CIV   WTP  ICM   β=.445, p < .001 β=.482, p < .001

IPC   β=.249, p < .001 β=.345, p < .001

SNM   β=.357, p < .001 β=.356, p < .001 Table 2. Effect of Citizen Communication on

Civic Participation and Weak Tie Participation The data provide adequate support for Shah’s theorized causal structure among these

variables, leading from information seeking behaviors to citizen communication, resulting in

civic participation. Moreover, the use of social networks to search for weak ties and to

communicate is significantly positively associated on a level similar to that of online informa-

tion seeking, interactive civic messaging, and interpersonal discussion. Additionally, weak tie

participation is significantly positively predicted by interactive civic messaging, interpersonal

discussion, and social networking on a level greater than that of civic participation.

The mean score for question 37, forwarding someone a link on a social network, was

2.45, indicating that users are passing information through social networks.

43

Media preference data indicate that the Internet is the most popular source of news,

with 63 of the 158 respondents reporting that they use it most often. The second-most

popular source of news was the newspaper, with 28 respondents claiming it as their primary

source of news.

Phase Two: Follow-up Qualitative Survey

This analysis was qualitative in nature, and was intended to illuminate the way users

of social networks are creating and maintaining weak ties online. A total of 36 individuals

provided an email address in response to question 50 of the quantitative survey, indicating

their willingness to take part in this additional qualitative survey. Of those addresses, only 33

were active. Ultimately, only 14 respondents provided data for phase two of the study. The

mean scores for the weak tie seeking and social network messaging indices were above 3.5

for all 14 individuals. As Creswell (2003) noted, follow-up qualitative data can provide in-

sight about the quantitative data, and in this instance, into the social capital-amassing behav-

iors of users of online social networks.

Section 1 featured questions regarding the role of communication in civic participa-

tion. Responses indicated a tendency to use these technologies to maintain ties over greater

temporal and spatial distances. Question 16, “How often do you use social networks to

communicate with friends who don’t live near you?” elicited the following responses:

“I often use facebook to ask friends from high school or college what they're up to.

They do the same of me. If someone will be in the area, they often use facebook to contact

me and see if I'd like to meet up with them.”

“I moved to Los Angeles two years ago, and none of my friends followed. Now that

it’s been a few years, the ‘I miss you’ phone calls and personal emails have all but ceased. I

44

check my newsfeed pretty much every day as my source for what the hell everyone is doing

back in Missouri, or in the various regions to which the lucky ones have escaped.”

For question 16 and all others in this section of the survey, respondents were asked

to provide additional details where possible. Following this, they were given an opportunity

to share general comments. The following quotes were provided for survey item “Others?”

The responses illuminate some specific activities of users of online social networks, and give

insight into their motivations.

“I use facebook or myspace to view pictures of friends as a means of seeing what

they're up to.”

“Check dates on people’s birthdays and subsequently send them well wishes. Stalk

people I don’t like or who hurt me in some way in the hopes that their life now sucks.”

Section 2 featured questions about how they use social networks. Question 6 asked

respondents how social networks enabled them to engage in diversion, personal relation-

ships, personal identity, and surveillance activities (detailed in the survey, which can be

viewed in Appendix B.)

The following responses provided for “personal relationships” reiterate the value of

these technologies for communicating over temporal distance:

“Friends and I keep up with each other through posts on facebook walls, and usually

read other people's to keep updated.”

“Most of my best friends are just like me – busy and off doing things in various re-

gions of the country or world. Faeebook has given us a fantastic way to stay in touch: see

photos, updates, etc.”

The following response was provided for “personal identity:”

“If I don't remember a name, I'll check it up on facebook.”

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The following response was provided for “surveillance:”

“Most times this is my only way of knowing who is engaged, who has new jobs, et

cetera.”

Section 3 evaluated the quantity and quality of network utilization by survey respon-

dents. Question 11 asked friends what kinds of conversations they have on online social

networks. The response provided shows how online social networking can lead directly to

weak tie participation:

“I keep up with a few select friends that I don't see much outside of class. Usually

just observations about our days, catching up on recent activities, maybe debating movies or

interesting things happening in the area. Sometimes we'll arrange to meet up.”

46

Discussion

This thesis attempts to determine how users create and utilize weak ties to amass so-

cial capital in online social networks such as Facebook.com. Adapting Shah’s (2005) theo-

retical model, this thesis seeks to illuminate the impact of Granovetter’s (1973) weak ties in

online social networks on Putnam’s (1995) theory of social capital.

This analysis provides several insights about how weak ties are created and main-

tained to amass social capital in online social networks. There is considerable support for

the revised model, indicating that weak ties may play an important role in Shah’s (2005) in-

formation>communication>participation model. Seeking weak ties in online social net-

works encourages citizen communication both online and offline, which in turn spurs civic

participation. As civic participation was measured as an index of activities that Putnam

(1995) identified as being generators of social capital, this indicates that the use of websites

such as Facebook.com strongly influence levels of social capital amassment. What is most

intriguing in these findings is that online communication - either on social networks or via

email or IM - is more predictive of civic participation than offline, interpersonal discussion.

This signals support for Lin’s (1999) conclusion that “civil society, instead of dying, may just

be evolving to become more networked and expansive.”

The observed relationships point to the significance of weak ties in seeking informa-

tion and communicating with other citizens. Hypothesis 1 tested the influence of Granovet-

ter’s (1973) weak ties on Shah’s indices of citizen communication as well as an index of ques-

tions about online communication specific to online social networks. Using social networks

to communicate with distant friends, to get to know acquaintances, to put names with faces,

to meet new friends, and to join groups of people with shared interests did increase the

47

amount of communication respondents engaged in, both online and offline. Weak tie seek-

ing has nearly an equal influence as online information seeking on interactive civic messaging

and interpersonal discussion. Weak tie seeking is significantly more influential than online

information seeking on social network messaging. This is to be expected, since measures of

weak tie seeking and social network messaging both imply use of online social networks. It

is nonetheless important, however, as it indicates that just as people who search for informa-

tion online, on television or in a newspaper seek subsequently to communicate with others

(Shah, 2005), people who create and maintain weak ties on social networks are inclined to

engage in communication, often through online social networks. This supports Wellman’s

(2001) claim that communities are becoming less group-oriented and increasingly embedded

in social networks.

Data from the quantitative survey showed that the weak tie seeking index had a

Cronbach’s alpha of .770. In fact, according to the qualitative data, communication over

distance and time may be the most important feature of social networks in utilizing weak

ties. The following quote indicates the value of Facebook.com, a social network, in commu-

nicating over distance:

“I moved to Los Angeles two years ago… and none of my friends followed. Now that’s it been a few years, the “I miss you” phone calls and personal emails have all but ceased. I check my newsfeed pretty much every day as my source for what the hell everyone is doing back in Missouri, or in the various regions to which the lucky ones have escaped.”

This respondent indicated that after a given period of geological separation, levels of

active interpersonal communication decreased. However, with the use of online social net-

works, less active forms of weak tie maintenance extend the temporal and geographic dis-

tance of the community. The temporal aspect of this is also highlighted by qualitative data

in the following quote:

48

“Most of my best friends are just like me – busy and off doing things in various re-

gions of the country or world. Facebook has given us a fantastic way to stay in touch – see

photos, updates, et cetera.”

One respondent also indicated support for the use of social networks to put names

with faces, stating “if I don't remember a name, I'll check it up on facebook.”

The questions provided for this index were drawn from prior research. The list was

not intended to be exhaustive, and the following quotes suggest that in addition to the crea-

tion and utilization of weak ties, users are also tending to the maintenance of weak ties in

their social networks using the Internet. Respondents made this clear when they said “I use

facebook or myspace to view pictures of friends as a means of seeing what they're up to,”

“friends and I keep up with each other through posts on facebook walls, and usually read

other people's to keep updated,” “most times this is my only way of knowing who is en-

gaged, who has new jobs, et cetera,” and when one respondent stated they he or she uses

Facebook.com to “check dates on people’s birthdays and subsequently send them well

wishes.” Overall, respondents noted a tendency to use online social networks to maintain

social ties over temporal and geographical distances.

Respondents also indicated that some of this online communication leads to offline

meetings, when they stated the following:

“I keep up with a few select friends that I don't see much outside of class. Usually

just observations about our days, catching up on recent activities, maybe debating movies or

interesting things happening in the area. Sometimes we'll arrange to meet up.”

“I often use facebook to ask friends from high school or college what they're up to.

They do the same of me. If someone will be in the area, they often use facebook to contact

me and see if I'd like to meet up with them.”

49

In each instance, the use of social networks is leading to meeting, which is a form of

civic participation and a potential generator of social capital. Social networks are enabling

users to amass social capital.

This conclusion is supported by the quantitative data, which indicate that using social

networks to communicate significantly determines rates of civic participation and social capi-

tal amassment. Hypothesis 2 tested the influence of citizen communication in online social

networks on measures of civic participation (Putnam, 1995; Shah, 2005) and alternative

forms of civic participation (weak tie participation) identified by Putnam in 2001. Using so-

cial networks to discuss current events with someone, to get someone to volunteer, to orga-

nize a party, to organize a group meeting or event, or to forward someone a link increases

civic participation and weak tie participation. While interactive civic messaging was found to

be more determinative of both forms of civic participation, social network messaging was

actually found to be significantly more influential than interpersonal discussion as to both

civic participation and weak tie participation, both indices of social capital-amassing behav-

iors. The conclusion to be made is that online communication - either on social networks,

or via email or IM - is more predictive of civic participation than offline, interpersonal dis-

cussion.

Katz et al.’s (1955) two-step flow model states that the media distribute information

to opinion leaders, who then interpret and disseminate information to the mass public.

Over five decades later, this theory still has predictive power. However, three-fourths of

today’s youth see the Internet as the most useful source of information (Delli Carpini, 2000),

indicating that the media landscape is shifting. More than 83% of respondents in this study

had an account on Facebook.com, and they passed an average of between three and five

links per week. Opinion leaders using these tools are predicted to be more influential than

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their peers 50 years ago, as this study finds both interactive civic messaging and social net-

work messaging to be more strongly associated with civic participation than interpersonal

discussion, which was the only one of the three existing in 1955. Media outlets such as

newspapers and television news stations take advantage of this new distribution channel by

sharing their news in digital format online. Transmission of news media is moving from the

bowling alley to Facebook.

Finally, the observed relationships indicate support for Hypothesis 3, which pre-

dicted that all forms of citizen communication lead to both Putnam’s original and his up-

dated definitions of civic participation. Importantly, Putnam’s 1995 measures of civic par-

ticipation (going to a club meeting, doing volunteer work, working on a community project,

going to a community or neighborhood meeting, or working on behalf of a social group or

cause) are all less strongly influenced by citizen communication than are the social capital-

amassing behaviors he identified in 2001 (going to a party or social gathering, a bar or tavern,

a concert, a church social event, or a sporting event). This finding indicates that these in-

formal gatherings of people are just as important in the amassment of social capital as par-

ticipation in formal associations such as bowling leagues, at least within this sampling of

young, educated social network users.

It is worth noting that the Cronbach's alpha scores for both the weak tie participa-

tion and civic participation indices were below .700. In fact, the Cronbach's alpha for civic

participation was only .402. This index was taken item-for-item from Dhavan Shah's (2005)

study, which found a Cronbach's alpha of .780. It seems that this sample of young, well-

educated, socially networked individuals differs from those who constituted the DDB

Needham Life panel study from which Shah drew his data. Future studies exploring the dif-

ference between the items in these variables might shed light on how and in what contexts

51

social capital is being generated by social network users. As the percentage of people using

Facebook increases worldwide, such research could offer insight into how the process of

social capital amassment is currently shifting due to the widespread adoption of online social

networking technologies.

How do users of online social networks create and utilize weak ties to amass social

capital? First, they seek weak ties, which encourages citizen communication. Having created

these ties online, users are inclined to utilize them to communicate online, often using social

networks. This online communication, in turn, spurs civic participation. In fact, such online

communication is more predictive than offline communication of subsequent civic participa-

tion. Thus, media outlets wishing to encourage civic participation (which, coincidentally,

Shah’s (2005) model showed to be strongly associated with newspaper and television hard

news use) should make their content available digitally. Opinion leaders will then communi-

cate this information to friends online, thereby burnishing their credentials as an opinion

leader on a particular issue, and amassing social capital.

52

Limitations

The sample for this survey had an average age of 22, and the oldest respondent was

only 29. Therefore, these findings cannot be said to hold true for all age groups. However,

as this study focused on the role of social networks in creating and maintaining weak ties,

and social networks such as Facebook.com were, at the time of data collection, college-

based, these findings are valuable.

The sample for this survey was also better-educated than the general population.

138 of the 158 respondents in the quantitative survey had completed some college, and 82

had already completed college. Future research on how the “digital divide” that exists be-

tween rich and poor or educated and uneducated people is effected by social networks is

warranted.

These data offer a snapshot of how users were creating and maintaining weak ties in

online social networks at the time of research. However, subsequent to the collection of

data, the algorithm for the “people you might know” feature of Facebook.com became more

sophisticated and prominently positioned. This and similar evolutions of social networks

demonstrate how quickly the networks are adapting and evolving. The findings of this study

would thus be worth comparing to other samples and compared throughout the years. Fu-

ture studies that measured new aspects of the site would generate data that might further

illuminate the practices of users of online social networks. In the example provided, a future

study that asked about the ‘people you might know” feature might provide better under-

standing of how weak ties are created on these networks.

53

The low number of responses for the qualitative phase of this study leaves room for

future studies based on the findings of this one which examining how users create and utilize

social capital in online social networks.

Future studies could provide further verification and extend the findings of this the-

sis. Studies of the particular functions of online social networks might give further insight

into how users create and maintain weak ties online. Studies comparing and contrasting pro-

fessional networks such as LinkedIn.com with social networks such as Facebook.com might

help explain the role user motivation plays in social capital creation and amassment. Studies

of communities with a high degree of online social network use might pull apart the way that

online social networks supplement, as opposed to replace, communication in communities.

This study lends support to the notion that online social networks are serving as a

new form of “common space,” where network ties are being created and maintained and

social capital is being generated. The information acquired through these networks, the

connections made or maintained over distances of time and space, and the subsequent en-

gagement in civic and weak tie participation are supplementary, as opposed to substitutive, in

nature. Not everyone necessarily benefits from the use of sites such as Facebook.com, but

those who engage in online information seeking or weak tie seeking in these new forums are

statistically significantly more likely to subsequently communicate with their fellow citizens,

and then to engage in civic participation activities proven to be generators of social capital.

As communities move or expand online, absence from this forum is predicted to come in-

creasingly at the cost of social capital relative to networked peers, which may in part explain

the recent widening of the “digital divide.”

This population of this study was predominantly highly educated, younger, and

“wired in” – 84% had accounts on Facebok.com. Future studies analyzing levels of civic

54

and weak tie participation among non-users would give insight into the role that online social

networks play in the creation and maintenance of social ties, and also the difficulties encoun-

tered by individuals living offline in an increasingly digital society.

55

Appendix A

Social Networks Survey (Quantitative) # of Named Variables: 7 Recruitment Message Social Networks have only been around for a couple of years, but already they’re changing the way we communicate with one another. If you could spare a few minutes of your time to share your thoughts via the survey at the link below, I’d greatly appreciate it. If you could forward this recruitment message on to two or more of your friends, that would be even more helpful! Survey.jonthon.org Thanks sincerely, Jonthon Coulson Introduction Thank you for sparing a few minutes of your time to complete this survey. This study at-tempts to determine how people our age are sharing information. Specifically, we are look-ing at how online social networks affect certain aspects of your daily routine. In this survey, there will be seven sets of questions, as well as a small set of general questions at the end. The survey should take no more than 10 minutes. The software used for this survey keeps your answers completely confidential, so please answer freely and to the best of your ability. If you have any questions about the survey form or our research, please contact Jonthon Coulson at JonthonCoulson@mizzou.edu or (618) 792-8313. If the survey in any way of-fends you or you want reassurance of your privacy, please contact the University of Missouri Institutional Review Board at (573) 882-9585. You must be 18 years of age to participate in this survey. Completion of this survey form is your indication of agreeing to partici-pate in this research. You may discontinue your participation at any time without penalty. Question Wording Please indicate how often during the past year you have engaged in this activity by selecting a number from 1 to 5.

1 None in the past year 2 1-4 times 3 5-8 times 4 9-12 times 5 13 or more times

Civic participation: 1 Went to a club meeting. 2 Did volunteer work. 3 Worked on a community project.

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4 Went to a community or neighborhood meeting. 5 Worked on behalf of a social group or cause. Weak tie participation: 6 Went to a party or social gathering. 7 Went to a bar or tavern. 8 Went to a concert. 9 Went to a church social event. 10 Went to a sporting event. Online information seeking: 11 Visited a news Web site (e.g., CNN.com, drudgereport.com, DailyKos.com) 12 Received news or sports information via the Internet. 13 Visited the Web site of a government agency. 14 Visited the Web site of a social group or cause. 15 Visited the Web site of a politician. Weak tie seeking: 16 Used social networks to communicate with friends who don’t live near you. 17 Used social networks to get to know acquaintances better. 18 Used social networks to put faces with names. 19 Used social networks to meet new friends. 20 Used social networks to join groups of people who share your interests. Interpersonal discussion: 21 Talked about current events with classmates offline. 22 Talked about current events with neighbors offline. 23 Talked about current events with friends offline. 24 Talked about current events with family offline. 25 Talked about current events with acquaintances offline. Interactive civic messaging: 26 Discussed current events with someone over email or IM. 27 Contacted a public official because of an email or IM you received. 28 Emailed the editor of a newspaper or magazine. 29 Emailed a politician. 30 Used email or IM to recruit someone to volunteer. 31 Used email or IM to organize a party. 32 Used email or IM to organize a community or social event. Social network messaging: 33 Discussed current events over social networks with someone. 34 Tried to get someone to volunteer with social networks. 35 Used social networks to organize a party. 36 Used social networks to organize a group meeting or event. 37 Used social networks to forward someone a link. 38 Used social networks to obtain lecture notes. 39 Used social networks to “poke” someone.

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Demographics and Background 40. Please rank the following news sources according to which you use the most. 1 Newspaper 2 Radio 3 TV 4 Internet 5 Friends 41. Which of the following web sites do you have an account with? (Check all that apply.)

Facebook.com MySpace.com Friendster.com Lala.com LinkedIn.com Other (please specify:___)

42. Which of the following web sites do you prefer? 1 Facebook.com 2 MySpace.com 43. How many times each day you log in to Facebook.com? 1 None 2 1-4 times 3 5-8 times 4 9-12 times 5 13 or more times 44. What is your gender? 1 Male 2 Female 45. What is your age? (Open-ended) 46. What is the highest level of education you have completed? 1 Some high school 2 High school graduate 3 Some college 4 College graduate 5 Some graduate school 6 Master’s degree 7 Doctorate 47. How would you best describe the political views you hold?

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1 Very Conservative 2 Conservative 3 Moderate 4 Liberal 5 Very Liberal 6 Apathetic 48. How would you describe your home community? 1 Rural 2 Suburban 3 Urban 49. If you have any additional thoughts or comments, feel free to share them below. (Open-ended) 50. If you would be willing to participate in an additional qualitative interview on this topic, please submit your email address in the box below. (Open-ended)

59

Appendix B Personal Interview Script (Qualitative) # of Items: 13 Interview invitation Recently, you completed a survey on social networks. In that survey, you indicated that you would be willing to participate in an additional qualitative interview. I’d like to take you up on that offer. The interview can be conducted either by phone or, if you are in Columbia, MO, in person. If you’d prefer to speak with me by phone, please respond with a phone number and a time that works best for you. If you’d prefer to interview in person, please respond and indicate a place with public access to a computer and a time that works best for you. The interview should take between 20 and 30 minutes. Again, I really appreciate your will-ingness to share your thoughts on how people our age are using social networks. Thanks sincerely, Jonthon Coulson ~Section 1. Follow-up on weak tie variables~ 1. Include each participant’s scores for the following questions. Ask for details about any item the participant scored as a 4 or 5. (How often do you use social networks to...) Weak tie seeking: 16 Communicate with friends who don’t live near you. 17 Get to know acquaintances from class better. 18 Put faces with names. 19 Meet new friends. 20 Join groups of people who share my interests. Social network messaging: 33 Discuss current events with someone. 34 Try to get someone to volunteer. 35 Organize a party. 36 Organize a group meeting or event. 37 Forward someone a link. 38 Obtain lecture notes. 39 “Poke” someone. Additional Drop friends a line when your schedules don’t align. Keep in touch with members of the military. Catch up with long-lost friends from high school. Find job openings. Locate a ride. Arrange a date.

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Get information you find useful. Others? ~Section 2. Attitudes~ 2. Please indicate your level of agreement with the following statements. 1 Definitely Disagree 4 Moderately Agree 2 Generally Disagree 5 Generally Agree 3 Moderately Disagree 6 Definitely Agree * You really can't trust the news media to cover events and issues fairly. * I need to get the news (world, national, sports, etc.) everyday. * I am interested in politics. * Surfing the Internet is more interesting than watching TV. 3. With more and more information available in our daily lives, how would you rate the fol-lowing in their importance? (On a scale of 1 to 5, with 1 being not important and 5 being very important) * Newspapers * Magazines * Radio * Television * Internet * Interpersonal communication * Email * Social networks 4. What news sources do you monitor regularly? 5. On a scale of 1 to 5, 1 being never and 5 being frequently, how often do you forward or receive links to the following? * Video news clips * Music * Movie trailers * Music videos * Blogs * Podcasts * News sites * RSS feeds * Political information * Political jokes * “Un-news” - celebrity news, sports news, random facts, etc. 6. Technologies like social networks allow us to do many different things. How often do you engage in each of the following? Provide examples and details where possible. * diversion (escaping the constraints of routine, de-stressing, or just killing time) * personal relationships (keeping in touch with distant friends, finding old friends, and maintaining friendships with other busy people) * personal identity (putting faces with names, checking out who is in your classes, finding people who share your interests) * surveillance (monitoring information important to you, keeping up with friends’ activities, staying up to date with groups you’re involved in) ~Section 3: Social network usage details~ 7. Which social networks are you registered on, and which do you prefer? Why? 8. How many of your online friends do you not know offline? How many of your offline friends do you not know online?

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<Instruct participants to log in to Facebook.com to answer the next three questions.> 9. Click on “My profile.” What number is listed for Missouri friends? Friends from other schools? (Record local size , other size ) 10. Do you have a policy for accepting friends, or do you accept all invitations you receive? 11. What are your favorite groups? Do you ever comment in them, or any other groups? What sorts of conversations do you have? 12. Have you ever started any groups? If so, what are their titles and how many members do they have? 13. Open your messages. Summarize the last 5 messages you sent and received.

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VITA

Jonthon Coulson was born in Olney, Illinois in 1983. He attended the University of

Missouri as an undergraduate, attaining a Bachelors degree in Journalism with a minor in

Linguistics in 2005. He then completed his graduate coursework at the same university

by 2006. Subsequent to the completion of his academic studies, he become a member of

the 2006 Teach For America – New York City corps, and taught high school English as a

Second Language for two years at the Bronx Center for Science and Mathematics in the

South Bronx. Following this, he was granted a Fulbright English Teaching Assistantship,

and moved to Indonesia for the 2008-2009 year. Upon his return, he became employed

as a 7th and 8th grade teacher of English as a Second Language at Bronx Preparatory

Charter School, and enrolled in coursework at Pace University in pursuit of his Masters

of Teaching – Teaching of English to Speakers of Other Languages degree (anticipated

graduation date: May, 2010).