the social determination of health

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Summer School Towards a right to health without borders Interdisciplinary approaches for social change (RHEACH) Izmir (Turkey), 8th - 18th July 2014 The Social Determination of Health Centre for International Health (CSI) Alma Mater Studiorum University of Bologna

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Summer School Towards a right to health without borders

Interdisciplinary approaches for social change (RHEACH)

Izmir (Turkey), 8th - 18th July 2014

The Social Determination of Health

Centre for International Health (CSI) Alma Mater Studiorum University of Bologna

A  construc*on  worker’s  10-­‐story  fall  from  scaffolding    

•  Insufficiently  conscious  of  safety  •  Exhausted  due  to  his  long  commute  •  Sleepless  night  because  of  noise  •  Thin  walls  of  his  poor  dwelling    •  Low  earning  due  to  no  minimum  

wage  policy  and  precarious  status  •  Poor  safety  regula>ons  •  No  training  from  employer  •  Poor  quality  of  scaffolding  •  Free  market  system:  profit  vs  safety  •  Weak  Unions:  threat  of  job  losses  

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A  construc*on  worker’s  10-­‐story  fall  from  scaffolding    

3  

•  Insufficiently  conscious  of  safety  •  Exhausted  due  to  his  long  commute  •  Sleepless  night  because  of  noise  •  Thin  walls  of  his  poor  dwelling    •  Low  earning  due  to  no  minimum  

wage  policy  and  precarious  status  •  Poor  safety  regula>ons  •  No  training  from  employer  •  Poor  quality  of  scaffolding  •  Free  market  system:  profit  vs  safety  •  Weak  Unions:  threat  of  job  losses  

A personal accident? Or

The product of interlocking social, economic, and political factors?

Different  perspec*ves  on  Health  

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•  Bio-­‐medical  Model  

•  Behavioural  Model  

•  Poli*cal-­‐economy  Approach  

Dahlgren & Whitehead 1991

Determinants of Health - 'Policy Rainbow'

Samir, senegalese,

50yrs, in Italy since early ‘90s, acute miocardial

infartion

SOCIAL NETWORKS assistance during hospital admission and discharge,

family support

LIFE STYLES / RISK FACTORS

smoking, hypertension, overweight

WORK Lost previous

job, now occasional

manual jobs

LEGAL STATUS No work documents

GEOGRAPHICAL ORIGIN Senegal

Life exp: 63 anni GDP/pc/yr ≈ 2.000$ Migration history

SOCIAL CONDITIONS ability to (empowered to)

understand, Possibility to choose

INCOME medicines, user-

charges, (physical activity, nutrition...)

INCOME

GENERAL SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITIONS (national-international)

SERVICES Accessibility,

competence, equity...

Causes of Preventable Deaths (U.S., 2006) From Kirsti A. Dyer MD, MS, FT, former About.com Guide

Personal behaviour / free choice

How personal and free?

How personal and free?

How personal and free?

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SOCIAL COHESION

Marmot, Lancet 2006

INCOME

INCOME

WORK

EDUCATION

*adjusted by age and area of birth

Coronary heart events by education. Turin, 1996-99

WOMEN

MEN

1.61 (1.44-1.80)

Primary school or less

1.41 (1.26-1.58)

Middle school

1 University/high school

1.31 (1.24-1.38)

Primary school or less

1.26 (1.19-1.33)

Middle school

1 University/high school

Incidence HR* (95% IC)

Education

HEALTH SERVICES

Global Inequalities

ECONOMIC  CRISIS  AND  HEALTH  

Hopkins 2006

Open  Ques*on  Time  

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•  Health  inequali*es  caused  by  the  unequal  distribu>on  of  power,  income,  goods,  and  services,  globally  and  na*onally  

•  Not  a  ‘natural’  phenomenon  but  the  “result  of  a  toxic  combina*on  of  poor  social  policies  and  programmes,  unfair  economic  arrangements,  and  bad  poli*cs”  

•  Together,  the  structural  determinants  and  condi*ons  of  daily  life  cons*tute  the  social  determinants  of  health  

•  A  new  approach  to  development:  economic  growth  by  itself  is  not  enough  without  redistribu>on  

Social  vs  Societal  Determinants  

•  Social  Determinants    –  Public  policies  and  private  sector  ac*ons  shaping  hierarchies  of  exposure  to  factors  that  determine  health.  

–  Act  mainly  on  rec*fying  levels  of  exposure.    

•  Societal  Determinants    –  The  poli*cal-­‐economic  order  and  structures  of  power,  in  which  health  inequi*es  derive  from  elite  groups  exercising  power  against  oppressed  groups.    

–  Need  for  rec*fying  unequal  poli*cal  power.        Birn  2009  

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Approaches  to  account  for  health  inequi*es  i.e.  for  the  paYern  of  distribu*on  of  health  

1.  The    Psycho-­‐Social  Theory  /  Social  Capital  (Wilkinson  RG,  Kawachi  I.)  

2.  The  Socio-­‐Poli*cal  /  Neo-­‐Materialis*c  /  Social  Produc*on  Of  Health  (Davey  Smith  G.,  Muntaner  C.)  

3.  The  Mul*level  Eco-­‐Social  Theory  (Krieger  N.,  Fassin  D.)  

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Psycho-­‐Social  Theory

•  Social position •  The “Status Syndrome”

Education

Occupation

Income

SOCIOECONOMICPOLITICAL

CONTEXT

IMPACT ONEQUITY INHEALTH

ANDWELL-BEING

Health System

Material Circumstances(Living and Working, Conditions, FoodAvailability ,etc)

Behaviors andBiological Factors

Psychosocial Factors

SocioeconomicPosition

Governance

MacroeconomicPolicies

Social PoliciesLabour market,Housing, Land.

Culture andSocietal value

Public Policies,Education, Health,Socialprotection,

Social ClassGender

Ethnicity (racism)

Social cohesion & Social Capital

(d)

INTERMEDIARY DETERMINANTSOF HEALTH

STUCTURAL DETERMINANTS OFHEALTH INEQUITIES

Figure 6–4d. The WHO Commission on the Social Determinants of Health (2007).

The  Social  (vs  Societal)  Determinants  of  Health

214 EPIDEMIOLOGY AND THE PEOPLE’S HEALTH

(Journal of Biosocial Science , 2009 ) was, until 1968, called the Eugenics Review (founded in 1909) (Mazumdar, 2000 ).

To begin, the ecosocial question “Who and what is responsible for current and changing patterns of health inequities?” necessarily engages with the query “Who and what drives overall patterns and levels of morbidity and mortality?” — both among people and also, as warranted, among other species. It consequently is obligate, not optional, to link the theo-rizing to specifi c diseases, and their historically-specifi c and spatially-patterned rates and trends, both singly and in concert with other specifi c outcomes. Awareness of disease-specifi c patterns, including which are leading causes of morbidity and mortality in speci-fi ed social groups at particular ages, at which historical moment, in turn is essential for comprehending the patterning of commonly used “summary” outcomes (e.g., all-cause mortality, premature mortality, and life expectancy). As ecosocial theory underscores,

Lifecourse:

in utero

Populationdistribution

of health

genderinequality

Levels: societal& ecosystem

global

national

regional

area or group

household

individual

historicalcontext +

generation

ECOSOCIAL THEORY:LEVELS, PATHWAYS & POWER

--Embodiment--Pathways of embodiment--Cumulative interplayof exposure, susceptibility & resistance--Accountability & agency

POLITICAL ECONOMY

& ECOLOGY Processes:production,exchange,consumption,reproduction

infancy childhood adulthood

classinequality

racial/ethnicinequality

Figure 7–1. Ecosocial theory and embodying inequality: core constructs. (Krieger, 1994 ; Krieger, 2008a ) Core constructs , referring to processes conditional upon extant political economy and political ecology : 1. Embodiment , referring to how we literally incorporate, biologically, in societal and ecological context, the material and social world in which we live; 2. Pathways of embodiment , via diverse, concurrent, and interacting pathways, involving adverse exposure to social and economic deprivation; exogenous hazards (e.g., toxic substances, pathogens, and hazardous conditions); social trauma (e.g., discrimination and other forms of mental, physical, and sexual trauma); targeted marketing of harmful commodities (e.g., tobacco, alcohol, other licit and illicit drugs); Inadequate or degrading health care; and degradation of ecosystems, including as linked to alienation of indigenous populations from their lands 3. Cumulative interplay of exposure, susceptibility, and resistance across the lifecourse , referring to the importance of timing and accumulation of, plus responses to, embodied exposures, involving gene expression, not simply gene frequency; and 4. Accountability and agency , both for social disparities in health and research to explain these inequities.

The  Mul*level  Eco-­‐Social  Theory  

Biological,  social  and  cultural  categories  such  as  gender,  race,  class,  sexual  orienta*on,  and  other  axes  of  iden*ty  interact  on  mul*ple  and  ocen  simultaneous  levels,  crea*ng  a  system  of  oppression  that  reflects  the  "intersec*on"  of  mul*ple  forms  of  discrimina*on.  

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The  Issue  of  Intersec.onality  

“Label  infant  mortality  a  problem  of  ‘minori.es’  and  present  data  only  on  racial/ethnic  differences  in  rates,  and  the  white  poor  will  disappear  from  view;  

Label  it  a  ‘poverty’  issue  and  present  data  stra.fied  only  by  income,  and  the  impact  of  racism  on  people  of  colour  at  each  income  level  will  be  hidden  from  sight…  

 

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…Any  par.cular  approach  necessarily  affects  our  ability  to  understand  and  alter  social  inequali.es  in  health.“  

(N.  Krieger  1992)  

The Issue of Intersectionality (2)

Barriers  to  Effec*ve  Ac*on  on  the  Societal  Determinants  of  Health  

(Dennis  Raphael,  www.piY.edu/~super7/8011-­‐9001/8511.ppt)  

Ø  Lack  of  Epidemiological  Theory    Health  officials  and  reporters  seem  unaware  of  recent  developments  in  social  epidemiological  theory  and  popula*on  health  research  findings.  

Ø  Ideology  of  Individualism  in  Health,  Illness  and  Health  Promo.on    Neo-­‐liberal  and  neo-­‐conserva*ve  agendas  are  at  root  of,  and  reinforce  the  individualis*c/vic*m  blaming  approach  to  health  problems,  absolving  governments  for  their  health  threatening  policies  that  create  poverty,  inequality,  and  social  exclusion.  

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The Spirit of 1848 A Network Linking Politics, Passion, & Public Health an officially recognized caucus within the American Public Health Association http://www.spiritof1848.org/