the politics of administrative reforms in asia: paradigms ... · pdf filethe politics of...

Governance An International Journal of Policy Administration and Institutions

Vol 18 No 2April 2005 (pp 257ndash282) copy 2005 Blackwell Publishing 350 Main St Malden MA 02148USA and 9600 Garsington Road Oxford OX4 2DQ UK ISSN 0952-1895

Blackwell Publishing LtdOxford UK and Malden USAGOVEGovernance0952-18952005 Blackwell Publishing LtdApril 2005182257282Articles

ADMINISTRATIVE REFORMS IN ASIA

ANTHONY B L CHEUNG

City University of Hong Kong

The Politics of Administrative Reforms in Asia Paradigms and Legacies Paths and Diversities

1

ANTHONY B L CHEUNG

Many Asian governments have embarked on administrative reforms of onekind or another engaging in rhetoric that resonates with the globalparadigms of ldquonew public managementrdquo and ldquogood governancerdquo Thisarticle seeks to understand Asian administrative reforms against thebackground of international influence policy diffusion domestic politicsinstitutional dynamics and administrative traditions and legacies It isimpossible to capture the whole range of national reform types within anyneat and tidy Asian paradigm but some common strands of national reformpaths in the region can still be traced Different problems and failures arefound to be addressed by Asian reforms reflecting diverse motives andresulting in varied outcomes The ldquooldrdquo public administration regime haslargely coexisted with the ldquonewrdquo public management approaches and tools

INTRODUCTION

In recent years Asian countries have been riding increasingly on theglobal movement of public sector reforms Since the 1997 Asian economiccrisis which caused doubt to be cast on the validity of the previous ldquoEastAsian miraclerdquo thesis (World Bank) there have been calls for institutionalreforms in some Asian countries to cope with the challenge of globaliza-tion and catch up with some recognized ldquobest practicesrdquo (Asian Develop-ment Bank [ADB] 1999 2000 Schiavo-Campo and Sundaram) Countriesrelying on the assistance of international organizations or developeddonor countries have become particularly prone to imposed conditionsof aid in the form of requirements on specific reform targets andstrategies

Apart from economic and fiscal pressures however domestic politicalchanges including regime change democratization and the collapse ofthe preexisting political order have also resulted in a new articulation ofgovernance that underlies new institutional arrangements in addition tothe innate influence of national administrative traditions such as thecolonial military or imperial legacies of some countries Asian adminis-trative reforms are often closely linked to political reforms arising fromdecolonization and nation building There are also ldquosocialistrdquo countriessuch as China and Vietnam that have embarked on paths of economic

258 ANTHONY B L CHEUNG

and administrative transformations because of systemic reform and ideo-logical revision

Different paradigms are found to have impacted on Asian institutionalreforms Two notable ones are the ldquonew public managementrdquo (NPM) andldquogood governancerdquo models NPM is generally held to have informedadministrative reforms in many developed Organisation of Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries (Manning 5) Other partsof the world are also exposed to NPMrsquos impact (Haque 2001a McCourtand Minogue Turner 1998 2002) The ldquogood governancerdquo objectives areadvocated by regional and international organizations (eg ADB 19952000) Asian institutional reforms are not isolated from such global wavesof public sector reforms The questions however are Do Asian reformsconform to what is generally regarded as a global paradigm of adminis-trative change or reinvention or do they assume a different institutionallogic By extension do most Asian countries conform to a commonregional path that can be contrasted with say Western European or NorthAmerican methods

In posing such questions there are two caveats First reform diversitiesprevail even among more advanced nations pioneering the current globalwave of reforms (Cheung 1997 Christensen and Laegreid Common2001) As Christopher Pollitt (2000 185) observed ldquopath dependentrdquoexplanations fit public management reform rather well Some countries(such as Germany) have found it more politically and legally difficult tochange central administrative structures and not all OECD countriesshared the same past in the form of a ldquotraditional bureaucracyrdquo In manycountries more autonomous state bodies existed (Clarke and Newman)Similarly Asian national situations cannot be casually lumped togetherinto a regional pattern Second Asian reforms are noted for their featuresof nation building and state-capacity enhancement which have beenmotivated by national politics as much as by external inspirations How-ever the ldquopoliticalrdquo nature of such reforms cannot be stretched too farafter all reforms in most countries are not devoid of political motives andcalculations (Kettl) not to mention the domestic need to build and sustainpolitical coalitions for change Overgeneralization is as much an analyti-cal risk as overplaying local uniqueness

EXPLAINING ADMINISTRATIVE REFORMS

Pan-Asian studies of administrative reforms are scant partly because ofsuch conceptual hurdles A few recent ones are Mark Turner (2002) andBarbara Nunberg (2002) on Southeast Asia and Shamsul Haque (2001b)on South Asia and Anthony Cheung and Ian Scott on Asian reformparadoxes and paradigms Most normative studies attribute the need forreform to either inadequacies of existing administrative systems or theimpact of external or global best-practice reform models Domestic polit-ical or popular demands for better government performance are often a

ADMINISTRATIVE REFORMS IN ASIA 259

common factor ADB (1999) has identified different sets of governanceproblems facing subgroups of Asian countries ranging from an overex-tended state weak administrative system to cronyism and proposedpriority actions ranging from decentralization cutting red tape to corpo-rate governance reforms (see Table 1)

The Global ldquoNew Public Managementrdquo

A common explanation of administrative reforms at the global level isNPM the substance of which is well articulated in the literature (egHood 1991 Lane McLaughlin Osborne and Ferlie Pollitt andBouchaert) As reform prescription NPM represents a critique of thetraditional model of public administration based on state bureaucracy(Dunleavy and Hood Hughes) and of the general failure of govern-mentmdashexpressed as an unresponsive but invasive state overextendedstate or private-interest state captured by privileged groups (Minogue)Because of NPMrsquos growing international currency it is easy to understand

TABLE 1

Governance Challenges To Be Addressed by Reform Actions in Asia

SubregionType Governance Challenge Priority Action

Former centrally planned economies

bull Overextension and overcentralization of the state

bull Encourage carefully timed and tuned process of decentralizationbull Lack of appropriate

legal framework and skills

bull Greater reliance on the market

Least-developed countries bull Very weak administrative system

bull Extend the scope and accelerate the pace of administrative reform

bull Encourage exposure to good practices

South Asia bull State tries to do too much given limited resources and capabilities

bull Regulatory ossification

bull Better matching of role of the state to its capability

bull Cut red tapebull Encourage

administrative renewalSoutheast Asia bull ldquoCrony capitalismrdquo

bull Weak checks and balances in publicndashprivate relations

bull Barriers to competition

bull Improve openness reciprocity and checks on administrative discretion

bull Strengthen corporate governance systems

bull Encourage competition

Source

ADB (1999 18)


its impact on Asian and other countries in the newly developed or devel-oping world which feel the urge to follow the latest international ldquobestpracticerdquo Paul DiMaggio and Walter Powell saw public-managementchanges as heavily driven by ldquomimeticrdquo processes These are in additionto policy learning and international organizations that promote ideasabout ldquobest practicerdquo and benchmarks on ldquogood governancerdquo such as theWorld Bank and OECD

Supply-Side Explanations

A supply-side explanation of administrative reform in Asia and indeedelsewhere may thus rest on the claim that certain ideas and practicesproving to be effective (such as NPM) are being spread or ldquoexportedrdquo byreform pioneers and leaders to the followerlearnerimitator countriesSuch an exporting process can be logically sustained by policy transferand policy diffusion theorizations However the force of such supply-sideexplanation is not without conditions or bounds

First there is a limit to the internationalization of policies While con-vergence is a powerful rhetorical theme helping to give an added legiti-mating force to national reformers by ldquorunning with the herdrdquo (Hood2000 203) any diffusion transfer or learning of ldquointernationalrdquo policyhas still to be distilled by national politics The policy idea may be inter-national in origin but the actual policy-making process in any countryalways remains local Second a global reform paradigm even in its placeof origin may not represent a single fixed set of reform instruments orstrategies In the case of NPM it embraces a whole range of measures andstrategies lumped together for government reformers to pick and chooseChristopher Pollitt and Geert Bouchaert (Ch 8) categorized these as thestrategies of four ldquoMsrdquomdashmaintaining modernizing marketizing andminimizing (the public sector)

1

The actual strategic choice is determinedby national conditions and the political agenda as well as by motives andpreferences of decision makers resulting in distinct national reform stylesrepresenting diverse philosophies (Kettl 62) Third NPM reforms arenoted more for their divergence than for uniformity (Cheung 1997 Hood1996 Ingraham) NPM convergence may mean quite different thingsmdashtalk decisions actions and results (Pollitt 2001) There is a lot moreinformation around the world on discursive and probably decisionalconvergence yet far less evidence on practice and results convergence(Pollitt 2001)

While NPM (or the equivalent reinvention agenda in the US) seemsthe global fashion influencing the thinking of many leaders and reform-ers in developing nations some critics skeptical of the universality ofNPM have pointed to themes of reform unrelated to NPM such ascapacity building control of corruption political decentralization andpublic empowerment (Minogue Polidano and Hulme Polidano and


Hulme 1999) Talking of a post-NPM reform agenda they have empha-sized the importance of civil society as the source of push for bettergovernance (Polidano and Hulme 2001) This marks two differentapproaches to public sector and institutional reformsmdashone manageriallyoriented under NPM and the other more socially rooted under the ldquogoodgovernancerdquo notion

Governance may be defined in terms of a wide variety of values thatcontribute toward enhancing governmentrsquos capacity to deliver good per-formance to meet citizen needs and expectations such as accountabilityparticipation transparency and predictability (ADB 1995 7ndash13 Com-monwealth Secretariat 2000 7ndash9) As a concept governance goes beyondthe issue of public management to address the more fundamental ques-tion of how to strengthen government and other institutions in society tohelp solve problems and meet challenges entailing governmentndashmarketgovernmentndashsociety and intragovernment relationships Under the goodgovernance paradigm public management reform is necessary in manydeveloping countries whose public sector has been tainted by ldquounevenrevenue collection poor expenditure control and management of abloated civil service [and] a large para-statal sectorrdquo (CommonwealthSecretariat 2000 11 also ADB 1995 26ndash33) State institutions have to bereformed to make them more efficient accountable and transparent Civilservice reforms are needed to restore the morale and integrity of thepublic service through merit-based recruitment and promotion

Since the 1990s especially after the outbreak of the Asian economiccrisis ldquogood governancerdquo has become a mission of reform for the regionas a whole (see Table 1) Those countries that receive external aid have totoe the line of international organizations some of which advocate neolib-eral governance reforms that resonate NPM The post-Asian crisis viewhas been that some Asian governmentsrsquo close ties with business and activeintervention in the economy were the source of corruption and cronycapitalism which in turn accounted for the East and Southeastern Asianbubbles (ADB 1999 Bhatta also Quah) The ldquogood governancerdquo approachis of particular appeal to South Asian countries where formally demo-cratic political institutions fail to function effectively and thegovernmentrsquos performance in economic management has been erratic(Huque 1290)

Demand-Side Explanations

Why countries adopt or borrow certain reform strategies and modelsdepends on both the normative appeal of such strategies and models aswell as the reform agenda-setting process conditioned by national needsand political demands For example it is generally held that bureaucraticand political choices in addition to rational and ideological consider-ations shaped the actual NPM policy decisions for example bureau-shaping strategies of public service managers (Dunleavy 1986 1991)


self-destruction of the old public administration institutions (Hood 1994141) and the ldquopublic service bargainrdquo between politicians and bureau-crats (Hood 2002) Kuno Schedler and Isabella Proeller also argued thatNPM reforms were initiated in reaction to current political challenges inEuropean local governments Donald Kettl (67) observed that mostreform discourses began with a flawed premisemdashthat managementreform is most fundamentally about management so much so that dis-cussions quickly became ldquoenmeshed in arcane debates about the relativevalue of output and outcome measures strategies for culture change andthe importance of reengineering versus lsquosoftrsquo people-based approachesrdquoHe argued that elected leaders did not pursue management reform for itsown sake but because they believed it served a broader political purposeAdministrative reform is also about political reformmdashhow to strengthenthe ability and capacity of elected officials to produce results

William Hojnacki identified three sources and patterns of politicizationof administrative reform namely internally (bureaucracy)-driven politi-cian-driven and society-driven politicizations In the same vein Myung-jae Moon and Patricia Ingraham (78) conceptualized administrativereform within a ldquopolitical nexus triadrdquo (PNT) whereby reform became ldquoaproduct of the politicization process in which the three PNT actors[politicians bureaucrats and citizens] communicate and bargain theirpolitical interest regarding government performance (function) and theadministrative system (structure)rdquo They observed a bureaucracy-ledPNT in Japan a party-dominant PNT in China and a president-led PNTin South Korea Reviewing the adaptation of the NPM menu by SoutheastAsian countries Mark Turner (2002) detected both ldquoenthusiasticrdquo diners(Singapore and Malaysia) and ldquocautiousrdquo diners (the Philippines Thai-land and Indonesia) while the rest (Vietnam Laos and Cambodia) knewlittle of NPM Both the source of demand (and motives) for administrativereform and the degree of enthusiasm for particular reform models varywithin the region

SOME COMMON THEMES IN EVALUATING ASIAN ADMINISTRATIVE REFORMS

Asian Political Economy and a Strong Bureaucracy

As an economic crisis hit Asia in 1997 Paul Krugman (27) remarked ldquoIfthere is one thing that believers in an Asian system admire it is the wayAsian governments promote specific industries and technologies this issupposed to explain their economiesrsquo soaring efficiencyrdquo The Asian crisishas provided some counter-theses to this assumption including his owntheory of preparation to account for Asiarsquos previous rapid growth How-ever many of the features of the Asian (more specifically East Asian)approach still persist including adherence to the fundamentals of macro-economic management reliance on a bureaucracy able to conceive and


implement a ldquostrong staterdquo and commitment to long-run developmentAs Shahid Yusuf (7) put it ldquoa circumscribed dirigisme yielded goodresults on balance because of an overriding commitment to rapid andefficient development combined with the ability of a strong state toabandon initiatives that were seen to be failingrdquo

This is not the place to diagnose the Asian models of economic devel-opment but it is important to recognize that nation building steering(and very often directing) the economy and the predominant status androle of the bureaucracy have always been keys to administrative organi-zation and reforms in the region For some countries following regimechange or transition in the 1990s and the rising expectations of theirpopulation better responsiveness to citizen demands and making admin-istration more transparent accountable and less susceptible to corruptionhave become added objectives The economic setback unfolded by theAsian crisis and the challenge of globalization have triggered newdemands for adjustments and actions However taking up reform modelsto streamline administration and the public sector is not the same asdiluting the role and weakening the capacity of the state There are cer-tainly some elements of NPM and good governance on the regionrsquosadministrative reform agenda but the fundamental nature of Asian statesand public sectors remain essentially intact

Many Asian states are highly interventionist Both China and Vietnamstill under communist rule were previously state-planned and now state-directed marketizing economies In Japan considered by ChalmersJohnson as the model of developmental state and most Asian ldquolittledragonsrdquo (South Korea Taiwan and Singapore) a strong bureaucracywith an active interventionist industrial policy was credited for achievingoutstanding economic performance (the ldquogoverned marketrdquo modelaccording to Robert Wade) Jonathan Unger and Anita Chan alsoobserved that the governments of high-growth East Asian economiesshared ldquoa common advantage in adopting state-corporatist solutionsevery one of them already possessed well-organized bureaucracies withestablished traditionsrdquo A rich literature exists on governmentndashindustryrelations and state capacity in East Asia (eg Brodsgaard and YoungEvans Wade Weiss) Arguably Hong Kong has stood out as an exceptionto that model providing seemingly reverse proof of a successful free-market noninterventionist economy However it depends on how inter-vention (or nonintervention) is interpreted As J R Schiffer pointed outthe colonial government in Hong Kong was active in regulative controlsand involved extensively in social policy using land revenue instead ofheavy taxation to finance government welfare After the reversion toChinese sovereignty a new form of state interventionism has emerged asa result of the political institutionalization of economic functional inter-ests (Cheung 2000)

Outside the ldquogoverned-marketrdquo sphere other Asian countries havealso emphasized state-led development and close governmentndashbusiness


links For example India despite being a market economy has longpracticed economic planning and has been criticized as implementingldquocommand capitalismrdquo (Jain 1318) through extensive state regulativecontrols of industry and cumbersome licensing schemes partly due topolitical and bureaucratic corruption In Malaysia the adoption of theNew Economic Policy in 1971 as a blueprint to reduce interracial eco-nomic differences in favor of the indigenous Malays (

bumiputera

) led togovernment stepping into a wide range of commercial and industrialactivities This ldquogovernment-in-businessrdquo strategy was enforced throughsetting up public enterprises and an expanded ownership of publiclylisted companies The 1983 ldquoMalaysia Incorporatedrdquo policy aimed toestablish an active and cooperative relationship between the private andpublic sectors in formulating and implementing policies in order to boostthe development and industrialization efforts of government (Common2003 175ndash176) Both Indonesia and Thailand have had a long history ofclose affinity and institutionalized integration between military-basedgovernmental power and private business interests to the extent of breed-ing crony capitalism (RIPA Chapters 2 and 3) Even among states per-forming poorly in the quest for development this has not disturbed thepopular belief that it is the governmentrsquos task to produce development(Turner 2002 1506)

State-led or -dominated economic development in Asian countries isnot consistent with the private sector-led ideological underpinnings ofneoliberal institutional reforms advocated by some international agen-cies or the NPM-guided reforms now taking center stage globally whichsee the private sector as the principal answer to resource and welfareallocation Despite adopting NPM-like administrative reforms somecountries notably Malaysia during the Asian economic crisis continueto reject the neoliberal economic prescriptions The urge for less govern-ment in favor of more market is less innate than what the official reformprogram or rhetoric suggests The size of bureaucracy might have beentrimmed and its hierarchical structure streamlined under the moderniz-ing agenda but the prominence of the state (and its bureaucracy) haspersisted

Administrative Reform Trajectories and Constraints

Most Asian countries have legacies of colonial rule military rule or one-party authoritarianism or dictatorship As such they all share a strongtradition of bureaucratic rule Bureaucrats governed polities haveinduced essentially a paternalistic authoritarian (even militarized) andhighly centralized bureaucratic culture in the civil service which definesthe inherent characteristics of public administration Inasmuch as Asiannations are subject to the influence of international reform movementsand paradigms they have also followed previous paths of administrativedevelopment and modernization started since independence or post-War


political transition with distinct reform logics grounded in nationalregime needs

Since the founding of the communist regime in 1949 China has beenembroiled in several decades of government structural reforms anddecentralization and recentralization as the party-state responded to cen-tral government burden and local challenges within the context of ideo-logical conflict and power struggles Since the 1980s there have beengradual and increasingly bold attempts to marketize the economy reduc-ing the size of both the state and the public ownership sector The pursuitof civil service reform if put within an international perspective seemspart of an overall attempt to ldquodebureaucratizerdquo state organizations so asto enhance institutional competence but it can also be construed as aprocess of ldquorebureaucratizationrdquo geared toward transforming an admin-istrative machinery previously dominated by revolutionary cadres into abureaucracy more akin to the rational-meritocratic Weberian model Suchattempts at rationality building however are subject to political con-straintmdashthe national civil service system introduced in 1993 has contin-ued to reiterate the ldquoparty managing cadresrdquo dogma (Chan Lan) Theprimary logic of administrative reforms despite downsizing the statebureaucracy hiving off agencies and enterprises and streamlining gov-ernment structures has remained that of reinforcing the communistparty-regime in a redefined scope

The same state-enhancing logic applies to several other jurisdictionsSingapore has gone through four stages of public service reforms sinceindependence in 1965mdashfrom ldquosurvivalrdquo (1960s) and ldquoefficiencyrdquo (1970s)to ldquopeoplerdquo (1980s) and ldquochangerdquo (1990s) (Commonwealth Secretariat1998 14) All of these reform processes aimed to strengthen and enhancethe efficiency and leadership capacity of the civil service bureaucracyThey have been accompanied by a policy to get the best into the civilservice in line with the ldquomacho-meritocracyrdquo ethos (Vogel 1053) withcompetitive pay regimes implemented for ministers and senior civil ser-vants Consistent with this policy path the PS21 (Public Service 21) ini-tiative of 1995 is ultimately about strengthening government leadershiprather than managerialism per se (Cheung 2003b) The same is true ofHong Kong governed by the bureaucracy during the British colonialperiod and keen to pursue administrative self-improvements since the1970s There the civil service had long been held in high esteem enjoyingalmost infallibility in efficiency until the Asian economic crisis and morerecently major policy blunders and the fiscal deficit together induced anabout-face toward the civil service (Cheung 2001 2002c) But civil serviceresistance continues to halt the implementation of a more far-reachingreform agenda which is perceived to upset stability

In Japan despite a long history of administrative reform involving theestablishment of successive administrative reform councils and commis-sions since the 1960s the reform experience has pointed to a slow andsomewhat hesitant process because of the previously successful inter-


locking array of institutions that were resistant to rapid change (Beeson)Reform proposals were often a compromise with the agency bureaucratsknown as ldquopreemptive bureaucratsrdquo whose attitude was critical to thesuccess of major structural changes as in the privatization of JapanNational Railway and Nippon Telegraph and Telephone (Ito 251) Theexistence of ldquobureau pluralismrdquo has ensured the well-entrenched powerof the bureaucracy while the legalistic tradition of public administrationrequiring lawmaking to endorse administrative and organizationalarrangements also renders any reform process highly politicized andtime consuming as it entails executivendashlegislative compromise on top ofpoliticsndashbureaucracy bargaining (Nakamura 2002) (Such ldquolegalismrdquo isalso typical of South Korea and Taiwan both former Japanese colonies)As Akira Nakamura commented (1999 137) Japan seemed ready toundertake the task of reforming the government with decentralizationderegulation and the reduction of central agencies placed on the agendabut skepticism persists because of the ldquogrowth of a concerted effort onthe part of national bureaucrats to thwart reform effortsrdquo in addition tovarious entrenched vested interests

The genesis and evolution of the South Korean bureaucracy points toa postcolonial bureaucracy inheriting ldquooverdevelopedrdquo administrativestructure instituted by Japanese colonial masters (Woo-Cumings 435)Like in Japan the majority of laws originated with the bureaucracy andnot with legislators and administrative policies were strictly originatedand orchestrated within the bureaucracy itself (Woo-Cumings 453) Dur-ing military rule administrative reforms were instituted from above inan effort to legitimize a highly unpopular regime (such as the ldquosmallgovernmentrdquo concept actively pursued by then President Chun DooHwan) but many did not last and the bureaucracy soon returned to itsformer size The post-1997 Kim Dae Jung government used reform tobuild a ldquosmall but strong governmentrdquo to face the economic crisis Reformattempts in the past were mostly conducted under the facade of nationalemergency and crisis hence lacking strong public support (P S Kim 175)Bureaucrats generally saw reform activities as a source of instability anduncertainty (Hahm and Kim 491) Many public officials have shown atendency toward

pockchi-pudong

mdashldquolying down and refusing to budgerdquomdashwhile some like to harp on the theme of ldquothe good old daysrdquo (P S Kim176) There is greater advocacy for NPM lately triggered by globalizationand fiscal stress but the institutional setting for change remains intact

Administrative change in Malaysia since independence in 1957 hasgone through four phasesmdashmaintenance administration until the late1960s development administration in the 1970s cultivation of an efficientcivil service in the 1980s and the adoption of business practices since thelate 1980s (Halligan and Turner 66ndash69) Each was a result of environmen-tal factors (particularly economic conditions and societal demands) andthe developmental policies and objectives of the government Underdevelopment administration it was recognized that civil servants should


become key agents of change and the public sector was to play a centralrole in promoting development and institution building The Malay-dominated bureaucratic elite also constitutes the power base of the UnitedMalay National Organization which has ruled the country continuouslysince independence through a national front regime

In the Philippines public administration had gone through the post-independence days of rapid expansion in civil service employment cor-ruption and inefficiencies to Ferdinand Marcosrsquo reorganization reformsand his centralization and militarization of state institutions in the 1970sand early 1980s and then to Corazon Aquinorsquos administrative reform toldquodemarcoifyrdquo the bureaucracy (Halligan and Turner 100) Fidel RamosrsquoPhilippines 2000 required a responsive and effective bureaucracy to facil-itate the implementation of development plans Despite NPM themes ofdecentralization empowerment and client orientation the main thrust ofAquinorsquos bureaucratic reorganization was to purge public organizationsof Marcos appointees and supporters Neither Aquinorsquos nor Ramosrsquoreforms had made any real impact which Mark Hayllar attributes largelyto political disruptions and resistance ultimately subjecting whateverchanges initiated to the old paradigm of patronage and pork-barrelpolitics

In most Southeast Asian countries public sector jobs provided employ-ment for constituents and opportunities of patronage for political sup-porters helping to consolidate the power of the ruling elites for examplein Indonesia Thailand the Philippines and Malaysia Cutting the size ofthe public sector often failed to go beyond the rhetoric and would anywaybe opposed strongly forcing the regime to provide substitute provisionfor example through state-sponsored or government-linked enterprisesOverall some bureaucracies were too strong and too resistant to reformwhile others like in the Philippines and Indonesia had a capacity leveltoo low to undertake vigorous modernization (Nunberg 19)

India has inherited from the former British colonizers a powerfuladministrative service The civil service is accorded constitutional statusLegal and constitutional guarantees intended to protect civil servantsfrom arbitrary actions and unjust administrative decisions have alsocome to be used as ldquothe lsquoguardianrsquo of corrupt and incompetent bureau-cratsrdquo (Jain 1305) Attempts to formulate and implement developmentplans under ldquocommand capitalismrdquo were accompanied by a quick prolif-eration of administrative planning and agencies and the phenomenalgrowth of public services for developmental purposes Despite severaldecades of administrative reforms progress had been uneven R B Jain(1325 1327) attributed this to the politico-administrative environmentldquoPolitical interference influence peddling growing nexus between poli-ticians criminals and bureaucracy pervading corruption in all walks ofpublic life muscle-flexing through the unions have made even the mostlegitimate means of control and accountability meaningless in the admin-istrative parlancerdquo The Indian experience has been typical of South Asian


countries Mohammand Mohabbat Khan (86) also argued that elite civilservices there had been the vanguard of resistance to any attempt tochange the status quo and had largely been successful because of thepolitical leadershiprsquos undue dependence on them

Empowering rather than Denigrating the Bureaucracy

The bureaucracy in most Asian countries is essentially a modernizing anddevelopmental bureaucracy in line with the nature of the state Hencemost Asian governments have resorted to public management reforms inorder to secure new or reinvented structures and systems of operationsthat can improve the capacity of the state (and of the bureaucracy) so asto better lead nation building and economic development efforts ManyAsian countries have been governed as one-party regimes (such as Chinaand Vietnam in which political and bureaucratic interests are one) orcorporatist regimes based on a coalition of party bureaucratic businessand even military interests (as in several Southeast Asian nations notablyIndonesia and Thailand prior to democratization and in South Korea andTaiwan before regime transition) In Hong Kong Japan and South Koreathere has also been a long history of bureaucracy-dominated policy mak-ing It is thus inconceivable for any administrative reform undertaken toadopt an antibureaucratic or bureaucracy-skeptic slant as in some West-ern countries (as noted in Britain North America and Australasiaalthough less so in Continental Europe such as in France and Germany)

Instead the bureaucracy in East and Southeast Asia is often creditedwith its expertise and vision in promoting economic developmentAdministrative reforms have mostly adopted a pro-bureaucracy or atleast a bureaucracy-friendly orientation and are usually bureaucrats-driven They were conceived not within the context of denigrating civilservice competence but rather enhancing its importance within the par-adigm of the East Asian miracle Both Hong Kong and Singapore forexample shared the characteristics of what Hood (1996) described as theldquoJapanese wayrdquo of NPM reform (ie high opportunity low motive) Therewas neither a collapse nor discrediting of the old public administrationregime The two administrative states have remained powerful andstrong In the aftermath of the Asian crisis as global recession continuesboth city-states have encountered economic and fiscal difficulties InSingapore the Peoplersquos Action Party civil service governing coalitionstill persists and there is one mind in pursuing public sector reforms formore overt managerial and economic objectives In Hong Kong reformswere driven by the dominant bureaucracy until most recently when asplit emerged between the new political elites (represented by newlyappointed ministers from outside the civil service) and the bureaucraticmandarins resulting in a new reform rhetoric critical of civil serviceperformance (Cheung 2004) In South Korea it was reported that ldquobureau-cratic policy making was too strongly advocated to argue against its


prevalent role images Usually some innovative higher civil servants ini-tiated a leading role in administrative reforms although governmentbureaucracy is basically conservative and resistant to changerdquo (B W Kim25)

Recent public sector reforms in Malaysia have all the exhortations ofNPM Reform measures for improving productivity and quality included(1) the New Remuneration System which provided a more flexible civilservice pay structure linked to performance appraisal (2) the ModifiedBudgeting System entailing budgetary devolution and accountability and(3) Clientrsquos Charters There are also efforts to combine entrepreneurshipand ethical values in remolding the civil service culture The civil serviceis to become more mission-oriented dynamic and resilient and to adaptitself to the transformational agenda for national development under theVision 2020 plan launched in 1991 Yet the developmental nature of thebureaucracy remains intact As a key government advocate of reformexplained the Malaysian public service ldquowas seen to be the least parochialof institutions in society and when all else failed the public service stoodready to fulfill its assigned rolerdquo (Karim18)

2

The bureaucracy of Thailand embracing the military police and civiladministration had been the leading power in a country that was ruledas a bureaucratic polity For a long time political organs of governmenthad been largely under the control of the bureaucracy with the image ofthe bureaucrat far superior to that of the politician (Halligan and Turner157) Democratization of political institutions that began in the 1990s hasyet to reach a stage that could fully subdue bureaucratic power Civilservants enjoy good protection under the 1992 Civil Service Act frompunitive action by ministers Since 1991 successive Thai governmentshave made public sector reform a high priority However despite reformsthe new Civil Service Act was described as ldquopro-bureaucrat and anti-politicianrdquo (Halligan and Turner 173) and Bidhya Bowornwathana (2000403) observed that the bureaucratic nature of the Thai polity meantthat the bureaucrats controlled the agenda of reform its pace and itsexecution

Administrative Reform as Political Solution and Patronage

All administrative and management reforms carry a political purpose Inthe case of Asia a close intermingling between administration and politicsand between government and business have resulted in administrativereforms often becoming an arena for the pursuit of political interests Theprivatization of public enterprises is a good case in point (Cheung 2002b)The public enterprise legacy in most Asian countries has resulted from adeliberate state policy on nation building and economic developmentSome governments pursued public ownership for ideological reasons (asin pre-reform China and Vietnam) and others (such as South KoreaTaiwan and Malaysia) used public enterprises for political patronage and


social redistribution purposes The existence of a large and extensivepublic enterprise sector had created not only a state-dominated economicstructure that would require a long time and a strong political will totransform but also an institutional configuration of interlocking eco-nomic social and political interests hard to disentangle in order to makeway for more fundamental reforms As such coalitions of interlockinginterests remain in power continuing to espouse a state-managed eco-nomic strategy reform policies such as privatization were often adoptednot for the purpose of reducing the role and influence of the state butrather to strengthen state capacity in alternative ways underpinned bythe same institutional logic that drove the previous public enterpriseboom

While most Asian countries have pursued a privatization policy ofsome kind since the 1980s privatizations in individual countries weremore motivated and shaped by domestic factorsmdashvery often political andsocial unconnected with efficiency concerns For example privatizationin Malaysia turned out to be a policy tool to facilitate handing overprivatized enterprises and assets to selected indigenous

bumiputera

inter-ests in much the same logic as that of the previous public enterprisepolicy (Jumo Adam and Cavendish) In South Asia recent enthusiasmfor privatization and marketization has been marked by rent seeking ofinternal power blocs (Haque 2001b 1425ndash1426) In India for examplehighly profitable public enterprises were sold at heavily discounted pricesto businesses close to the government Similarly the major beneficiariesof market-driven policies in Pakistan and Sri Lanka were businessbureaucratic and political elites Privatization in Taiwan in the 1990s wasmore a response to political democratization and the rise of indigenousTaiwanese business power who demanded a share of the public enter-prises long monopolized by supporters and cronies of the previous Kuo-mintang (KMT or Nationalist) regime (Liou) In Singapore privatizationfacilitated the expansion of stock market capitalization and underpinnedthe governmentrsquos new regionalization policy to encourage government-linked corporations to invest overseas as economic entities without unduegovernment shadow (Low 104ndash107)

As regards public sector reform in general Hong Kong pursued suchreform before 1997 not because of any pressing fiscal or economic needsbut more in order to secure a management answer to the challenge ofpolitical transition (Cheung 1999) In Taiwan the abolition of the provin-cial layer of government in 1998 in the name of downsizing and fiscalefficiency was partly if not predominantly motivated by the politicalobjective to remove an important island-wide power base of former pro-vincial governor James Soong an adversary of previous President LeeTeng-hui (McBeath) Political liberalization and regime transition duringthe 1980s and 1990s triggered a general process of ldquode-authoritarizationrdquoand depoliticization of the civil service Current government-reinventionreforms although influenced by NPM and US reinvention reform fash-


ions have also been motivated by the new Democratic Progressive Partygovernmentrsquos attempt to revamp a bureaucracy long dominated andshaped by the KMT (Cheung 2003a)

In China reform measures such as government restructuring civilservice system decentralization and fiscal devolution serve a politicalmission They are not just for the sake of load shedding or catching upwith the global reform trends Rather they are ultimately geared towardpreparing the still politically centralized and authoritarian party-state forcoping better with governance challenges in a marketized and increas-ingly fragmentary environment where localism is on the rise to becomeboth the impetus for and constraint on change (Cheung 2002a 268) InThailand according to a close local observer (Bowornwathana 2002) cur-rent Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has been attempting to useadministrative reform as a political instrument to consolidate his controlover the bureaucracy and thus his own political power

Paradox of Asian Administrative Reform

A paradox of Asian administrative reforms is that these reforms veryoften are promoted by authoritarian and sometimes nondemocratic orilliberal regimes in a system with a weak or even subordinate privateeconomy and a premature although gradually rising civil society Hencethe success of reforms depends on those established political and bureau-cratic interests that might otherwise be regarded as targets of reform andthus likely to be resistant to change As Cheung and Scott (17ndash18) argueadministrative competence cannot be achieved without strengthening thecapacity of the state to govern and mobilize social resources and supportSimilarly methods and procedures to bring about efficiency accountabil-ity coherence and probity cannot fully work if devoid of the widercontexts of policy capacity and state capacity

In many parts of Asia there is close intermingling between state andeconomy and between state and society when the society (or market) isstill largely dependent on or subservient to the state If economic andsocial ills are considered an outcome of the Asian system of governancethen rather than expecting an external force (such as international agen-cies) and externally imposed reform packages to work in bringing aboutfundamental changes one has to look for a domestic ldquowillrdquo to reformThat will can come about only with the support of appropriate incentivemechanisms (and reform motives) built into an unsatisfactory systemGiven the mixed impact of reforms on the vested interests of dominantelites opposition to or sabotage of reform is common as in the case ofTaiwan (Dickie) and to some extent Hong Kong these days Reforms asdesigned and implemented by the reform elites may also create room formalpractice and opportunities for all kinds of rent-seeking activities bybureaucrats through whom reforms have to be implemented as alreadynoted above


Authoritarian regimes undergoing reform face the dilemma of how toretain political control and yet enable the economy and society to liberal-ize to help secure popular support China is a case in point After all mostsuch regimes aim to strengthen their capacity rather than weaken itthrough reforms They may not therefore allow going too far in the decen-tralization of powers and resources as what the ldquogood governancerdquo par-adigm or NPM reform rhetoric preaches Bureaucratic corruption posesanother dilemma Much corruption in Asia is institutionalized To theextent that the civil service system is also built upon institutionalizedpatterns of patronage and corruption coupled with low pay and widediscretion in levying charges and finding other means of income supple-mentation (as in Indonesia and China) efficiency and merit in civil servicereform is often more claimed than accomplished

In India where the principles of civil service merit and neutrality asinherited from previous British rule are constitutionally prescribed publicadministration is subject to political intrusion and corruption of anotherkind rendering reforms very difficult if not impossible As an Indian civilservant put it the civil service has been corrupt and has served the narrowends of patrimonial politics (Das 227) The present system has workedwell only in coordinating rents and getting them shared across both theofficial and political realms Accepting new reform paradigms like NPMwould necessarily mean confining politics to the realm of policy makingthat offers limited prospects for rent seeking something not welcomedOn the other hand day-to-day administration provides ample opportu-nity for money making such as transfers and postings of civil servantsawarding of major contracts and concessions and the provision of goodsand services free or below market prices (Das 228) As such Indianpoliticians do not take kindly to administrative reforms that separatepolicy making from policy implementation or other aspects of goodgovernance As in other developing countries new managementapproaches in India and Sri Lanka were often introduced with a gooddeal of rhetorical commitment in all sectors governments tended torestructure their organizations rather than to make a real change in whatthey do (Batley 762)

COMPARING ASIAN ADMINISTRATIVE REFORMS

Different Conditions for and Routes of Reform

Returning to the two questions posed at the beginning of this article theabove discussion points to a diversity of motives imperatives and con-straints pertaining to administrative reforms in Asian countries It isimpossible to pack these reforms into a particular paradigm not to men-tion one in contrast with any claimed global reform model In any casethe existence of any dominant global paradigm has been much debatedin the literature Even among OECD countries generally regarded as


pursuing similar forms of public management reform different pathshave been identified (Pollitt and Bouchaert) The purpose of this articleis not to engage in any ldquoAsian versus Westernrdquo argument or clash-of-civilizations theorization However understanding the complexitiesand diversities of Asian administrative reforms helps to sensitize us tomore particularistic domestic traditions and conditions that are largelyresponsible for shaping the actual reform agenda transcending theinfluence of international ideas and good-governance prescriptions

There are obviously various ways of presenting the Asian administra-tive reform scene Categorization can be based on the degree of economicdevelopment statendashbusiness relations cultural affinities or common her-itage in administrative traditions It can also be premised on the degreeof enthusiasm for change (the enthusiastic the cautious and the ignorantas Turner [2002] described it) or the motives and outcomes of reformPutting different Asian countries into an ldquoadministrativerdquo Asia is neitherfeasible nor meaningful Still what has been discussed has revealed atleast several significant clusters of Asian reform countries (see Table 2)based on administrative traditions and legacies political economy staterole and capacity salience of administrative reform and the forces andprogress of change

Commonalities and Differences

National administrative systems vary from country to country as a resultof constitutional design political evolution and institutional legaciesMany Asian countries have adopted a state-planned state-led or state-managed approach to economic and social development whether in acapitalist or socialist setting This has meant not only the expansion inscope and powers of the state vis-agrave-vis the economy or society resultingin lopsided relationships that nowadays demand more fundamentalgovernance-structure reforms to correct In the past it had also led tothe rapid growth of the bureaucracy and proliferation of the quasi-governmental public sector organized as complex hierarchies engagedin interlocking structures with businesses and major social groups notto mention networks of government patronage and public employmentfor social distribution purposes found in some countries like Malaysiaand Indonesia

Against such a common pro-state or statist institutional backgroundit is not surprising to observe that reform programs in Asia have notcarried any overtly anti-public sector perspective and do not seek todenigrate the bureaucracy per se Administrative reforms remain essen-tially policy instruments to shore up an existing pro-state and very oftenalso pro-bureaucracy regime This does not mean that Asian publics arenecessarily happy with bureaucratic performance Quite the contrarypublic dissatisfaction has been one of the key factors inducing and sus-taining the reform momentum at least at the level of political discourse


TAB

LE

2

Clu

ster

s of

Asi

an R

efor

m C

oun

trie

s

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

Ad

min

istr

a-ti

ve tr

adit

ions

an

d le

gaci

es

Stro

ng c

entr

aliz

ed

bure

aucr

atic

tra

dit

ion

po

litic

s-ad

min

istr

atio

n fu

sion

(Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g ar

e ty

pica

l ldquoa

dm

inis

trat

ive

stat

esrdquo)

Mos

tly

post

colo

nial

(an

d

som

e al

so p

ost-

mili

tary

) re

gim

es w

ith

stro

ng

bure

aucr

atic

sta

te h

avin

g cl

ose

links

to

busi

ness

Com

mun

ist

one-

part

y au

thor

itar

ian

bure

aucr

atic

ru

le p

olit

ics

in

adm

inis

trat

ion

(sta

te a

nd

bure

aucr

acy

are

one)

Post

colo

nial

reg

imes

wit

h re

lati

vely

str

ong

cen

tral

ized

bu

reau

crat

ic t

rad

itio

n (I

n In

dia

the

civ

il se

rvic

e en

joys

co

nsti

tuti

onal

ly p

rote

cted

st

atus

)

Nat

ure

of

polit

ical

ec

onom

y

Dev

elop

men

tal s

tate

mdashldquog

over

ned

mar

ketrdquo

mod

el

(wit

h th

e ex

cept

ion

of H

ong

Kon

g w

hich

dis

play

s a

sem

i-in

terv

enti

onis

t m

odel

)

ldquoGov

ernm

ent-

in-b

usin

essrdquo

m

odel

wit

h hi

ghly

in

stit

utio

naliz

ed

gove

rnm

entndash

busi

ness

re

lati

ons

From

sta

te-p

lann

ed t

o st

ate-

dom

inat

ed e

cono

my

and

d

evel

opm

ent

Stat

e re

gula

tive

con

trol

smdashldquoc

omm

and

cap

ital

ism

rdquo in

In

dia

Stat

e ro

le a

nd

capa

city

His

tori

cally

str

ong

capa

city

hi

ghly

inte

rven

tion

ist

(les

s so

in H

ong

Kon

g)

Stat

e ca

paci

ty la

rgel

y d

epen

den

t on

reg

ime

cont

rol o

ver

econ

omy

and

so

ciet

y

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n as

ec

onom

y tr

ansi

ts t

owar

d

mar

ket

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n d

ue t

o po

litic

al a

nd

bure

aucr

atic

cor

rupt

ion

Salie

nce

of

adm

inis

tra-

tive

ref

orm

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d s

elf-

impr

ovem

ent

stat

e ca

paci

ty e

nhan

cem

ent

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d e

ffici

ency

im

prov

emen

t be

tter

su

bser

vien

ce t

o po

litic

al

cont

rol

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d r

atio

nalit

y bu

ildin

g

wit

hin

cont

ext

of r

egim

e co

nsol

idat

ion

and

in

stit

utio

nal r

econ

figur

atio

n

Polit

ical

con

trol

and

bu

reau

crat

ic

mod

erni

zati

on


Forc

es f

or

chan

geM

ainl

y bu

reau

crat

s d

rive

n

unti

l mos

t re

cent

ly w

hen

polit

ics

and

soc

ieta

l d

eman

ds

push

ed fo

r gre

ater

pa

ce o

f re

form

(In

Si

ngap

ore

the

re is

a jo

int

polit

icsndash

bure

aucr

acy

agen

da)

Mai

nly

polit

ics

dri

ven

(to

enha

nce

bure

aucr

atic

ef

ficie

ncy)

cou

pled

wit

h so

ciet

al d

eman

ds

(In

Taiw

an T

haila

nd a

nd

Ind

ones

ia r

egim

e ch

ange

ha

s br

ough

t ab

out

polit

ical

d

esir

e to

che

ck o

r su

bdue

bu

reau

crat

ic p

ower

The

re is

al

so p

ress

ure

from

in

tern

atio

nal o

rgan

izat

ions

on

Ind

ones

ia)

Part

y-st

ate

dri

ven

to

enha

nce

regi

me

capa

city

to

cope

wit

h le

giti

mac

y an

d

effic

ienc

y cr

ises

Form

ally

pol

itic

s d

rive

n

alth

ough

bur

eauc

racy

has

in

here

nt in

tere

st a

nd s

ay

over

sub

stan

ce a

nd p

ace

of r

efor

m

Out

com

e so

fa

rB

urea

ucra

tic

dom

inat

ion

of

refo

rm a

gend

a w

ith

slow

pr

ogre

ss (S

ucce

ssfu

l ldquopu

blic

se

rvic

e ba

rgai

nrdquo in

Si

ngap

ore

hen

ce m

inim

um

bure

aucr

atic

res

ista

nce)

Res

ults

slo

w a

nd m

ixed

pr

oble

mat

ic ldquo

publ

ic s

ervi

ce

barg

ainrdquo

and

bur

eauc

rati

c sk

epti

cism

and

resi

stan

ce a

t ti

mes

Part

y-d

omin

ated

age

nda

for

rein

vigo

rati

on o

f ex

isti

ng

regi

me

ref

orm

not

allo

wed

to

dilu

te r

egim

e co

ntro

l

Unc

lear

ldquopu

blic

ser

vice

ba

rgai

nrdquo o

r lac

k of

it (a

s in

In

dia

) sl

ow p

rogr

ess

and

po

litic

ians

-bur

eauc

rats

ri

valr

y in

age

nda

sett

ing

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

a

New

ly in

dus

tria

lized

cou

ntri

es (

Sout

h K

orea

Tai

wan

Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g)


However the private sector oriented and neoliberal connotations of cur-rent global reform ideas such as NPM do not sit logically with the ratherstatist and bureaucratic nature of many Asian administrative systems notto mention the bureaucracy-driven nature of many reforms All the recenttalk about government downsizing and making more use of marketmeans as emerging in essentially statistic systems like Japan Korea andeven Malaysia and Singapore has yet to bring about the toning down ofthe strong-state tradition One may argue that even in NPM-pioneer coun-tries in the OECD public management reform is not divorced fromstrengthening state capacity but such capacity in the context of manyAsian countries has to do with preexisting socially dominant and some-times politically authoritarian regimes The ldquooldrdquo public administrationregime in this sense coexists with the ldquonewrdquo public managementapproaches and techniques

While modernization and self-improvement can broadly cover themore diverse specific agendas of national reform programs spanningdecentralization fiscal reform efficiency drive and structural streamlin-ing there are basically two different types of ldquofailuresrdquo being addressedby such reforms

3

mdashthe failure (as in India and the Philippines) to createan effective and relatively incorrupt Weberian bureaucracy and the puta-tive failure of Weberian bureaucracies in more advanced countries suchas Japan and Korea In the case of China and Vietnam one may add athird type of failure namely the absence of a rational-legal bureaucracythat has to be developed in this current reform process as it also tries tobring about some post-Weberian features of flexibilities and market ori-entation Using similar reform instruments to address different types ofsystem failures obviously represents diverse political motives and reformagendas and varying degrees of challenge to the ancien reacutegime

The lack of a clear ideological or paradigm break with the past meansthat reforms have been pursued to the extent of largely preserving pre-existing interests and institutions Political challenges to the old regimemay be on the rise but whether or not there exist sufficient political willand organized efforts to reform the existing structures practices andculture depends not only on the general opportunities created by a majorcrisis such as the Asian economic crisis or regime change and transitionwhich triggers motivations for more fundamental changes or sustains aconviction for reform but also on those nation-specific conditions shapedor dictated by institutional and path-dependency factors Intra-Asiavariance in reform momentum is found to be determined by changingpoliticsndashbureaucracy relations regime change and transition and govern-mentndashsociety interaction (eg whether public pressures can induce moreproactive response from government leaders)

As discussed earlier the bureaucracy-dominated nature of policy mak-ing in many Asian countries and the fact that some reforms are bureau-crat-driven would ensure that such reforms do not turn out to upset thesystem as a whole To say this is not to deny the possibility of the reform


process creating new institutional dynamics that would result in out-comes quite unplanned for and unexpected Whether public managementreforms would simply restore the old regime or can in the process trans-form such regime and its internal institutional relationships remains to beseen In this respect countries such as China and Malaysia should serveas a good testing case

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

The very useful comments made by the anonymous reviewers of thisarticle in manuscript are gratefully acknowledged

NOTES

1 ldquoMaintainrdquo refers to tightening up of traditional controls fiscal restraintsand campaigns against waste and corruption ldquomodernizerdquo refers to bring-ing in more flexible ways of public management and some correspondingadjustments to the political system ldquomarketizerdquo refers to instituting asmany market-type mechanisms as possible entailing penetration of theadministrative system by market values and practices ldquominimizerdquo refers tohanding over as many tasks as possible to the market sector (Pollitt andBouchaert 176ndash178)

2 Muhammad Rais Abdul Karim was Director-General of the MalaysianAdministrative Modernization and Management Planning Unit in thePrime Ministerrsquos Department

3 The author would like to thank one of the reviewers of this article forpointing this out

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Governance Sound DevelopmentManagement

Manila Asian Development Bank Available online at httpwwwadborgDocumentsPoliciesGovernancedefaultasp

mdashmdashmdash 1999

Governance in Asia From Crisis to Opportunity

Manila Asian Devel-opment Bank Available online at httpwwwadborgDocumentsReportsGovernancedefaultaspp

=

gvrnancemdashmdashmdash 2000

Promoting Good Governance ADBrsquos Medium-Term Agenda and ActionPlan

Manila Asian Development Bank Available online at httpwwwadborgDocumentsPoliciesGood_Governancedefaultasp

Batley Richard 1999 The New Public Management in Developing CountriesImplications for Policy and Organizational Reform

Journal of InternationalDevelopment

11761ndash765Bhatta Gambhir 2001 Corporate Governance and Public Management in Post-

Crisis Asia

Asian Journal of Public Administration

231ndash32Beeson Mark 2003 Japanrsquos Reluctant Reformers and the Legacy of the Develop-

mental State In Anthony B L Cheung and Ian Scott eds

Governance and PublicSector Reform in Asia Paradigm Shifts or Business As Usual

pp 25ndash43 LondonRoutledgeCurzon

Bowornwathana Bidhya 2000 Governance Reform in Thailand QuestionableAssumptions Uncertain Outcomes

Governance

13393ndash408mdashmdashmdash 2002 Hidden Agendas in Administrative Reform Thailand Paper pre-

sented at the International Conference on Governance in Asia Culture Ethics


Institutional Reform and Policy Change Governance in Asia Research CentreCity University of Hong Kong Hong Kong December 5ndash7

Brodsgaard Kjeld Erik and Susan Young eds 2000

State Capacity in East AsiaJapan Taiwan China and Vietnam

New York Oxford University PressChan Hon S 1998 The Institution of the State in China At Odds with the Global

Trend

Korean Review of Public Administration

369ndash91Cheung Anthony B L 1997 Understanding Public-Sector Reforms Global Trends

and Diverse Agendas

International Review of Administrative Sciences

63435ndash457mdashmdashmdash 1999 Administrative Development in Hong Kong Political Questions

Administrative Answers In Hoi-Kwok Wong and Hon S Chan eds

Handbookof Comparative Public Administration in the Asia-Pacific Basin

pp 219ndash252 NewYork Marcel Dekker

mdashmdashmdash 2000 New Interventionism in the Making Interpreting State Interventionsin Hong Kong after the Change of Sovereignty

Journal of Contemporary China

9291ndash308mdashmdashmdash 2001 Civil Service Reform in Post-1997 Hong Kong Political Challenges

Managerial Responses

International Journal of Public Administration

24929ndash950mdashmdashmdash 2002a The Politics of New Public Management Some Experience from

Reforms in East Asia In Kate McLaughlin Stephen P Osborne and EvanFerlie eds

New Public Management Current Trends and Future Prospects

pp243ndash273 London Routledge

mdashmdashmdash 2002b Public Enterprises and Privatization in East Asia Paths Politicsand Prospects

Public Finance and Management

267ndash96mdashmdashmdash 2002c Transformation of the Civil Service System In Ming K Chan and

Alvin Y So eds

Crisis and Transformation in Chinarsquos Hong Kong

pp 166ndash188Armonk NY M E Sharpe

mdashmdashmdash 2003a Governance Reinvention in Taiwan Administrative Modernizationand Regime Transition In Anthony B L Cheung and Ian Scott eds

Governanceand Public Sector Reform in Asia Paradigm Shifts or Business As Usual

pp 90ndash116 London RoutledgeCurzon

mdashmdashmdash 2003b Public Service Reform in Singapore Reinventing Government in aGlobal Age In Anthony B L Cheung and Ian Scott eds



mdashmdashmdash 2004 Public Sector Reform in Hong Kong and Singapore Reform Trajec-tories and Explanations In Akira Nakamura ed

Public Reform Policy Changeand New Public Management From the Asia and Pacific Perspective

pp 1ndash28Tokyo EOPA Local Government Center

Cheung Anthony B L and Ian Scott 2003 Governance and Public SectorReforms in Asia Paradigms Paradoxes and Dilemmas In Anthony B L Che-ung and Ian Scott eds

Governance and Public Sector Reform in Asia ParadigmShifts or Business As Usual

pp 1ndash24 London RoutledgeCurzonChristensen Tom and Per Laegreid 2001

New Public Management The Transfor-mation of Ideas and Practices

Aldershot UK AshgateClarke John and Janet Newman 1997

The Managerial State

London SageCommon Richard 2001

Public Management and Policy Transfer in Southeast Asia

Aldershot UK Ashgate

mdashmdashmdash 2003 Malaysia A Case of ldquoBusiness As Usualrdquo In Anthony B L Cheungand Ian Scott eds

Governance and Public Sector Reform in Asia Paradigm Shiftsor Business As Usual

pp 163ndash185 London RoutledgeCurzonCommonwealth Secretariat 1998

Current Good Practices and New Developments inPublic Service Management A Profile of the Public Service of Singapore

The PublicService Country Profile Series No 8 London Commonwealth Secretariat


Promoting Good Governance Principles Practices and Perspectives

Lon-don Commonwealth Secretariat


Das S K 2001

Public Office Private Interest Bureaucracy and Corruption in India

New Dehli Oxford University Press

Dickie Mure 2002 Taiwan Strives to End Its Go-Slow Public Sector ManagementThe Countryrsquos Leaders Are Good at Developing Plans but Implementation IsPoor

Financial Times

London edition United Kingdom November 7DiMaggio Paul J and Walter W Powell 1991 The Iron Cage Revisited Institu-

tional Isomorphism and Collective Rationality in Organizational Fields InWalter W Powell and Paul J DiMaggio eds

The New Institutionalism in Orga-nizational Analysis

pp 63ndash82 Chicago Chicago University PressDunleavy Patrick 1986 Explaining the Privatization Boom Public Choice versus

Radical Approaches

Public Administration

6413ndash34mdashmdashmdash 1991

Democracy Bureaucracy and Public ChoicemdashEconomic Explanations inPolitical Science

New York Harvester WheatsheafDunleavy Patrick and Christopher Hood 1994 From Old Public Administration

to New Public Management

Public Money and Management

149ndash16Evans Peter 1995

Embedded Autonomy States and Industrial Transformation

Prince-ton NJ Princeton University Press

Hahm Sung Deuk and Kwang Woong Kim 1999 Institutional Reforms andDemocratization in Korea The Case of the Kim Young Sam Administration1993ndash1998

Governance

12479ndash494Halligan John and Mark Turner 1995

Profiles of Government Administration inAsia

Canberra Australian Government Publishing ServiceHaque M Shamsul 2001a The Diminishing Publicness of Public Service under

the Current Mode of Governance

Public Administration Review

6165ndash82mdashmdashmdash 2001b Recent Transition in Governance in South Asia Contexts Dimen-

sions and Implications


241405ndash1436

Hayllar Mark 2003 The Philippines Paradigm Lost or Paradigm Retained InAnthony B L Cheung and Ian Scott eds

Governance and Public Sector Reformin Asia Paradigm Shifts or Business As Usual

pp 248ndash271 London Routledge-Curzon

Hojnacki William P 1996 Politicization as a Civil Service Dilemma In Hans AG M Bekke James L Perry and Theo A J Toonen eds

Civil Service Systemsin Comparative Perspective

pp 137ndash164 Bloomington Indiana University PressHood Christopher 1991 A Public Management for All Seasons

Public Adminis-tration


Explaining Economic Policy Reversals

Buckingham UK Open Uni-versity Press

mdashmdashmdash 1996 Exploring Variations in Public Management Reform of the 1980s InHans A G M Bekke James L Perry and Theo A J Toonen eds

Civil ServiceSystems in Comparative Perspective

pp 268ndash287 Bloomington Indiana Univer-sity Press


The Art of the State

Oxford UK Oxford University Pressmdashmdashmdash 2002 Control Bargains and Cheating The Politics of Public-Service

Reform

Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory

12309ndash332Hughes Owen 1998

Public Management and Administration An Introduction

2nded London Macmillan

Huque Ahmed Shafiqul 2001 Governance and Public Management The SouthAsian Context


241289ndash1297Ingraham Patricia W 1997 Play It Again Sam Itrsquos Still Not Right Searching for

the Right Notes in Administrative Reform


57325ndash331

Ito Mitsutoshi 1995 Administrative Reform In Hyung-ki Kim Michio Mura-matsu T J Pempel and Kozo Yamamura eds

The Japanese Civil Service andEconomic Development Catalysts of Change

pp 235ndash260 Oxford Clarendon Press


Jain R B 2001 Towards Good Governance A Half Century of Indiarsquos Adminis-trative Development


241299ndash1334Johnson Chalmers 1982

MITI and the Japanese Miracle

Stanford CA StanfordUniversity Press

Jomo K S Christopher Adam and William Cavendish 1995 Policy In K SJumo ed

Privatizing Malaysia Rents Rhetoric Reality

pp 81ndash97 Boulder COWestview Press

Karim Muhammad Rais Abdul 1999 Two Decades of Managing Change InMuhammad Rais Abdul Karim ed

Reengineering the Public Service Leadershipand Change in an Electronic Age

pp 15ndash32 Subang Jaya Malaysia PelandukPublications

Kettl Donald F 2000

The Global Public Management Revolution A Report on theTransformation of Governance

Washington DC Brookings InstitutionKhan Mohammand Mohabbat 2002 Resistance to Administrative Reforms in

South Asian Civil Bureaucracies In Ali Farazmand ed

Administrative Reformin Developing Nations

pp 73ndash88 London PraegerKim Bun Woong 1997 Korean Public Bureaucracy in Transition In Bun Woong

Kim and Pan Suk Kim eds

Korean Public Administration Managing the UnevenDevelopment

pp 21ndash36 Elizabeth NJ HollymKim Pan Suk 1999 Government Reform in Korea In Hoi-Kwok Wong and Hon

S Chan eds

Handbook of Comparative Public Administration in the Asia-PacificBasin

pp 163ndash178 New York Marcel DekkerKrugman Paul 1997 What Ever Happened to the Asian Miracle

Fortune

136426ndash29 August 18

Lan Zhiyong 2000 Understanding Chinarsquos Administrative Reform

Public Admin-istration Quarterly

24437ndash468Lane Jan-Erik 2000

New Public Management

London RoutledgeLiou Kuo-tsai 1992 Privatizing State-Owned Enterprises The Taiwan Experi-

ence


58403ndash419Low Linda 1991

The Political Economy of Privatization in Singapore Analysis Inter-pretation and Evaluation

Singapore McGraw-HillManning Nick 1997 Three Perspectives on Alternative Service Delivery

PublicSector Management

75ndash7McBeath Gerald A 2000 Restructuring Government in Taiwan

Asian Survey

40251ndash268McCourt Willy and Martin Minogue eds 2001

The Internationalization of PublicManagement Reinventing the Third World State

Cheltenham UK EdwardElgar

McLaughlin Kate Stephen P Osborne and Ewan Ferlie eds 2002

New PublicManagement Current Trends and Future Prospects

London RoutledgeMinogue Martin 2000

Should Flawed Models of Public Management Be ExportedIssues and Practices

Public Policy and Management Working Paper Series No15 Manchester Institute for Development Policy and Management Universityof Manchester

Minogue Martin Charles Polidano and David Hulme eds 1998

Beyond the NewPublic Management Changing Ideas and Practices in Governance

Cheltenham UKEdward Elgar

Moon Myung-jae and Patricia Ingraham 1998 Shaping Administrative Reformand Governance An Examination of the Political Nexus Triads in Three AsianCountries

Governance

1177ndash100Nakamura Akira 1999 Reforming Government and Changing Styles of Japanese

Governance Public Administration at the Crossroads In Hoi-Kwok Wong andHon S Chan eds

Handbook of Comparative Public Administration in the Asia-Pacific Basin

pp 123ndash140 New York Marcel Dekker


mdashmdashmdash 2002 Reviewing Japanrsquos Government Reform New Public ManagementAgenda and Growing Tokenism and Legalism Paper presented at the Interna-tional Conference on Governance in Asia Culture Ethics Institutional Reformand Policy Change Governance in Asia Research Centre City University ofHong Kong Hong Kong December 5ndash7

Nunberg Barbara 2002 Civil Service Quality after the Crisis A View of FiveAsian Cases

Asian Journal of Political Science

101ndash20Polidano Charles and David Hulme 1999 Public Management Reform in Devel-

oping Countries Issues and Outcomes Public Management 1121ndash132mdashmdashmdash 2001 Editorial Towards a Post-New Public Management Agenda Public

Management Review 3297ndash303Pollitt Christopher 2000 Is the Emperor in His Underwear An Analysis of the

Impacts of Public Management Reform Public Management 2181ndash190mdashmdashmdash 2001 Clarifying Convergence Striking Similarities and Durable

Differences in Public Management Reform Public Management Review 3471ndash492

Pollitt Christopher and Geert Bouchaert 2000 Public Management Reform A Com-parative Analysis Oxford Oxford University Press

Quah Jon S T 1999 Corruption in Asian Countries Can It Be Minimized PublicAdministration Review 59483ndash494

Research Institute for Asia and the Pacific (RIPA) University of Sydney 2001Public Sector Challenges and Government Reforms in South East Asia SydneyUniversity of Sydney

Schedler Kuno and Isabella Proeller 2002 The New Public Management APerspective from Mainland Europe In Kate McLaughlin Stephen P Osborneand Ewan Ferlie eds New Public Management Current Trends and Future Pros-pects pp 164ndash80 London Routledge

Schiavo-Campo Salvatore and Pachampet Sundaram 2000 To Serve and To Pre-serve Improving Public Administration in a Competitive World Manila AsianDevelopment Bank Available online at httpwwwadborgdocumentsmanualsserve_and_preservedefaultasp

Schiffer J R 1983 Anatomy of a Laissez-faire Government The Hong Kong GrowthModel Reconsidered Hong Kong Centre of Urban Studies and Urban PlanningUniversity of Hong Kong

Turner Mark 1998 Central-Local Relations in the Asia-Pacific Convergence orDivergence In Martin Minogue Charles Polidano and David Hulme edsBeyond the New Public Management Changing Ideas and Practices in Governancepp 246ndash259 Cheltenham UK Edward Elgar

mdashmdashmdash 2002 Choosing Items from the Menu New Public Management in South-east Asia International Journal of Public Administration 251493ndash1512

Unger Jonathan and Anita Chan 1995 China Corporatism and the East AsianModel The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs 3329ndash53

Vogel Ezra F 1989 A Little Dragon Tamed In K S Sandhu and P Wheatley edsManagement of Success The Moulding of Modern Singapore Singapore Instituteof Southeast Asian Studies

Wade Robert 1990 Governing the Market Economic Theory and the Role of Govern-ment in East Asian Industrialization Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Weiss Linda 1998 The Myth of the Powerless State Ithaca NY Cornell UniversityPress

Woo-Cumings Meredith 1995 Developmental Bureaucracy in Comparative Per-spective The Evolution of the Korean Civil Service In Hyung-ki Kim MichioMuramatsu T J Pempel and Kozo Yamamura eds The Japanese Civil Serviceand Economic Development Catalysts of Change pp 431ndash458 Oxford ClarendonPress


World Bank 1993 The East Asian Economic Miracle Economic Growth and PublicPolicy New York Oxford University Press

Yusuf Shahid 2001 The East Asian Miracle at the Millennium In Joseph E Stiglitzand Shahid Yusuf eds Rethinking the East Asia Miracle pp 1ndash54 OxfordOxford University Press and World Bank


and administrative transformations because of systemic reform and ideo-logical revision

Different paradigms are found to have impacted on Asian institutionalreforms Two notable ones are the ldquonew public managementrdquo (NPM) andldquogood governancerdquo models NPM is generally held to have informedadministrative reforms in many developed Organisation of Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries (Manning 5) Other partsof the world are also exposed to NPMrsquos impact (Haque 2001a McCourtand Minogue Turner 1998 2002) The ldquogood governancerdquo objectives areadvocated by regional and international organizations (eg ADB 19952000) Asian institutional reforms are not isolated from such global wavesof public sector reforms The questions however are Do Asian reformsconform to what is generally regarded as a global paradigm of adminis-trative change or reinvention or do they assume a different institutionallogic By extension do most Asian countries conform to a commonregional path that can be contrasted with say Western European or NorthAmerican methods

In posing such questions there are two caveats First reform diversitiesprevail even among more advanced nations pioneering the current globalwave of reforms (Cheung 1997 Christensen and Laegreid Common2001) As Christopher Pollitt (2000 185) observed ldquopath dependentrdquoexplanations fit public management reform rather well Some countries(such as Germany) have found it more politically and legally difficult tochange central administrative structures and not all OECD countriesshared the same past in the form of a ldquotraditional bureaucracyrdquo In manycountries more autonomous state bodies existed (Clarke and Newman)Similarly Asian national situations cannot be casually lumped togetherinto a regional pattern Second Asian reforms are noted for their featuresof nation building and state-capacity enhancement which have beenmotivated by national politics as much as by external inspirations How-ever the ldquopoliticalrdquo nature of such reforms cannot be stretched too farafter all reforms in most countries are not devoid of political motives andcalculations (Kettl) not to mention the domestic need to build and sustainpolitical coalitions for change Overgeneralization is as much an analyti-cal risk as overplaying local uniqueness

EXPLAINING ADMINISTRATIVE REFORMS

Pan-Asian studies of administrative reforms are scant partly because ofsuch conceptual hurdles A few recent ones are Mark Turner (2002) andBarbara Nunberg (2002) on Southeast Asia and Shamsul Haque (2001b)on South Asia and Anthony Cheung and Ian Scott on Asian reformparadoxes and paradigms Most normative studies attribute the need forreform to either inadequacies of existing administrative systems or theimpact of external or global best-practice reform models Domestic polit-ical or popular demands for better government performance are often a





TABLE 1





















Source

ADB (1999 18)






1






















bumiputera













pockchi-pudong
















2







bumiputera






















TAB

LE

2

Clu

ster

s of

Asi

an R

efor

m C

oun

trie

s

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

Ad

min

istr

a-ti

ve tr

adit

ions

an

d le

gaci

es

Stro

ng c

entr

aliz

ed

bure

aucr

atic

tra

dit

ion

po

litic

s-ad

min

istr

atio

n fu

sion

(Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g ar

e ty

pica

l ldquoa

dm

inis

trat

ive

stat

esrdquo)

Mos

tly

post

colo

nial

(an

d

som

e al

so p

ost-

mili

tary

) re

gim

es w

ith

stro

ng

bure

aucr

atic

sta

te h

avin

g cl

ose

links

to

busi

ness

Com

mun

ist

one-

part

y au

thor

itar

ian

bure

aucr

atic

ru

le p

olit

ics

in

adm

inis

trat

ion

(sta

te a

nd

bure

aucr

acy

are

one)

Post

colo

nial

reg

imes

wit

h re

lati

vely

str

ong

cen

tral

ized

bu

reau

crat

ic t

rad

itio

n (I

n In

dia

the

civ

il se

rvic

e en

joys

co

nsti

tuti

onal

ly p

rote

cted

st

atus

)

Nat

ure

of

polit

ical

ec

onom

y

Dev

elop

men

tal s

tate

mdashldquog

over

ned

mar

ketrdquo

mod

el

(wit

h th

e ex

cept

ion

of H

ong

Kon

g w

hich

dis

play

s a

sem

i-in

terv

enti

onis

t m

odel

)

ldquoGov

ernm

ent-

in-b

usin

essrdquo

m

odel

wit

h hi

ghly

in

stit

utio

naliz

ed

gove

rnm

entndash

busi

ness

re

lati

ons

From

sta

te-p

lann

ed t

o st

ate-

dom

inat

ed e

cono

my

and

d

evel

opm

ent

Stat

e re

gula

tive

con

trol

smdashldquoc

omm

and

cap

ital

ism

rdquo in

In

dia

Stat

e ro

le a

nd

capa

city

His

tori

cally

str

ong

capa

city

hi

ghly

inte

rven

tion

ist

(les

s so

in H

ong

Kon

g)

Stat

e ca

paci

ty la

rgel

y d

epen

den

t on

reg

ime

cont

rol o

ver

econ

omy

and

so

ciet

y

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n as

ec

onom

y tr

ansi

ts t

owar

d

mar

ket

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n d

ue t

o po

litic

al a

nd

bure

aucr

atic

cor

rupt

ion

Salie

nce

of

adm

inis

tra-

tive

ref

orm

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d s

elf-

impr

ovem

ent

stat

e ca

paci

ty e

nhan

cem

ent

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d e

ffici

ency

im

prov

emen

t be

tter

su

bser

vien

ce t

o po

litic

al

cont

rol

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d r

atio

nalit

y bu

ildin

g

wit

hin

cont

ext

of r

egim

e co

nsol

idat

ion

and

in

stit

utio

nal r

econ

figur

atio

n

Polit

ical

con

trol

and

bu

reau

crat

ic

mod

erni

zati

on


Forc

es f

or

chan

geM

ainl

y bu

reau

crat

s d

rive

n

unti

l mos

t re

cent

ly w

hen

polit

ics

and

soc

ieta

l d

eman

ds

push

ed fo

r gre

ater

pa

ce o

f re

form

(In

Si

ngap

ore

the

re is

a jo

int

polit

icsndash

bure

aucr

acy

agen

da)

Mai

nly

polit

ics

dri

ven

(to

enha

nce

bure

aucr

atic

ef

ficie

ncy)

cou

pled

wit

h so

ciet

al d

eman

ds

(In

Taiw

an T

haila

nd a

nd

Ind

ones

ia r

egim

e ch

ange

ha

s br

ough

t ab

out

polit

ical

d

esir

e to

che

ck o

r su

bdue

bu

reau

crat

ic p

ower

The

re is

al

so p

ress

ure

from

in

tern

atio

nal o

rgan

izat

ions

on

Ind

ones

ia)

Part

y-st

ate

dri

ven

to

enha

nce

regi

me

capa

city

to

cope

wit

h le

giti

mac

y an

d

effic

ienc

y cr

ises

Form

ally

pol

itic

s d

rive

n

alth

ough

bur

eauc

racy

has

in

here

nt in

tere

st a

nd s

ay

over

sub

stan

ce a

nd p

ace

of r

efor

m

Out

com

e so

fa

rB

urea

ucra

tic

dom

inat

ion

of

refo

rm a

gend

a w

ith

slow

pr

ogre

ss (S

ucce

ssfu

l ldquopu

blic

se

rvic

e ba

rgai

nrdquo in

Si

ngap

ore

hen

ce m

inim

um

bure

aucr

atic

res

ista

nce)

Res

ults

slo

w a

nd m

ixed

pr

oble

mat

ic ldquo

publ

ic s

ervi

ce

barg

ainrdquo

and

bur

eauc

rati

c sk

epti

cism

and

resi

stan

ce a

t ti

mes

Part

y-d

omin

ated

age

nda

for

rein

vigo

rati

on o

f ex

isti

ng

regi

me

ref

orm

not

allo

wed

to

dilu

te r

egim

e co

ntro

l

Unc

lear

ldquopu

blic

ser

vice

ba

rgai

nrdquo o

r lac

k of

it (a

s in

In

dia

) sl

ow p

rogr

ess

and

po

litic

ians

-bur

eauc

rats

ri

valr

y in

age

nda

sett

ing

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

a

New

ly in

dus

tria

lized

cou

ntri

es (

Sout

h K

orea

Tai

wan

Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g)




3






ACKNOWLEDGMENT


NOTES




REFERENCES







=







Crisis Asia







Governance








Trend



and Diverse Agendas


















Alvin Y So eds






























Das S K 2001




Financial Times





Radical Approaches











Governance









241405ndash1436

















Reform










57325ndash331
















Kettl Donald F 2000









S Chan eds



Fortune







ence







Asian Survey













Governance


































TABLE 1





















Source

ADB (1999 18)






1






















bumiputera













pockchi-pudong
















2







bumiputera






















TAB

LE

2

Clu

ster

s of

Asi

an R

efor

m C

oun

trie

s

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

Ad

min

istr

a-ti

ve tr

adit

ions

an

d le

gaci

es

Stro

ng c

entr

aliz

ed

bure

aucr

atic

tra

dit

ion

po

litic

s-ad

min

istr

atio

n fu

sion

(Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g ar

e ty

pica

l ldquoa

dm

inis

trat

ive

stat

esrdquo)

Mos

tly

post

colo

nial

(an

d

som

e al

so p

ost-

mili

tary

) re

gim

es w

ith

stro

ng

bure

aucr

atic

sta

te h

avin

g cl

ose

links

to

busi

ness

Com

mun

ist

one-

part

y au

thor

itar

ian

bure

aucr

atic

ru

le p

olit

ics

in

adm

inis

trat

ion

(sta

te a

nd

bure

aucr

acy

are

one)

Post

colo

nial

reg

imes

wit

h re

lati

vely

str

ong

cen

tral

ized

bu

reau

crat

ic t

rad

itio

n (I

n In

dia

the

civ

il se

rvic

e en

joys

co

nsti

tuti

onal

ly p

rote

cted

st

atus

)

Nat

ure

of

polit

ical

ec

onom

y

Dev

elop

men

tal s

tate

mdashldquog

over

ned

mar

ketrdquo

mod

el

(wit

h th

e ex

cept

ion

of H

ong

Kon

g w

hich

dis

play

s a

sem

i-in

terv

enti

onis

t m

odel

)

ldquoGov

ernm

ent-

in-b

usin

essrdquo

m

odel

wit

h hi

ghly

in

stit

utio

naliz

ed

gove

rnm

entndash

busi

ness

re

lati

ons

From

sta

te-p

lann

ed t

o st

ate-

dom

inat

ed e

cono

my

and

d

evel

opm

ent

Stat

e re

gula

tive

con

trol

smdashldquoc

omm

and

cap

ital

ism

rdquo in

In

dia

Stat

e ro

le a

nd

capa

city

His

tori

cally

str

ong

capa

city

hi

ghly

inte

rven

tion

ist

(les

s so

in H

ong

Kon

g)

Stat

e ca

paci

ty la

rgel

y d

epen

den

t on

reg

ime

cont

rol o

ver

econ

omy

and

so

ciet

y

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n as

ec

onom

y tr

ansi

ts t

owar

d

mar

ket

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n d

ue t

o po

litic

al a

nd

bure

aucr

atic

cor

rupt

ion

Salie

nce

of

adm

inis

tra-

tive

ref

orm

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d s

elf-

impr

ovem

ent

stat

e ca

paci

ty e

nhan

cem

ent

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d e

ffici

ency

im

prov

emen

t be

tter

su

bser

vien

ce t

o po

litic

al

cont

rol

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d r

atio

nalit

y bu

ildin

g

wit

hin

cont

ext

of r

egim

e co

nsol

idat

ion

and

in

stit

utio

nal r

econ

figur

atio

n

Polit

ical

con

trol

and

bu

reau

crat

ic

mod

erni

zati

on


Forc

es f

or

chan

geM

ainl

y bu

reau

crat

s d

rive

n

unti

l mos

t re

cent

ly w

hen

polit

ics

and

soc

ieta

l d

eman

ds

push

ed fo

r gre

ater

pa

ce o

f re

form

(In

Si

ngap

ore

the

re is

a jo

int

polit

icsndash

bure

aucr

acy

agen

da)

Mai

nly

polit

ics

dri

ven

(to

enha

nce

bure

aucr

atic

ef

ficie

ncy)

cou

pled

wit

h so

ciet

al d

eman

ds

(In

Taiw

an T

haila

nd a

nd

Ind

ones

ia r

egim

e ch

ange

ha

s br

ough

t ab

out

polit

ical

d

esir

e to

che

ck o

r su

bdue

bu

reau

crat

ic p

ower

The

re is

al

so p

ress

ure

from

in

tern

atio

nal o

rgan

izat

ions

on

Ind

ones

ia)

Part

y-st

ate

dri

ven

to

enha

nce

regi

me

capa

city

to

cope

wit

h le

giti

mac

y an

d

effic

ienc

y cr

ises

Form

ally

pol

itic

s d

rive

n

alth

ough

bur

eauc

racy

has

in

here

nt in

tere

st a

nd s

ay

over

sub

stan

ce a

nd p

ace

of r

efor

m

Out

com

e so

fa

rB

urea

ucra

tic

dom

inat

ion

of

refo

rm a

gend

a w

ith

slow

pr

ogre

ss (S

ucce

ssfu

l ldquopu

blic

se

rvic

e ba

rgai

nrdquo in

Si

ngap

ore

hen

ce m

inim

um

bure

aucr

atic

res

ista

nce)

Res

ults

slo

w a

nd m

ixed

pr

oble

mat

ic ldquo

publ

ic s

ervi

ce

barg

ainrdquo

and

bur

eauc

rati

c sk

epti

cism

and

resi

stan

ce a

t ti

mes

Part

y-d

omin

ated

age

nda

for

rein

vigo

rati

on o

f ex

isti

ng

regi

me

ref

orm

not

allo

wed

to

dilu

te r

egim

e co

ntro

l

Unc

lear

ldquopu

blic

ser

vice

ba

rgai

nrdquo o

r lac

k of

it (a

s in

In

dia

) sl

ow p

rogr

ess

and

po

litic

ians

-bur

eauc

rats

ri

valr

y in

age

nda

sett

ing

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

a

New

ly in

dus

tria

lized

cou

ntri

es (

Sout

h K

orea

Tai

wan

Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g)




3






ACKNOWLEDGMENT


NOTES




REFERENCES







=







Crisis Asia







Governance








Trend



and Diverse Agendas


















Alvin Y So eds






























Das S K 2001




Financial Times





Radical Approaches











Governance









241405ndash1436

















Reform










57325ndash331
















Kettl Donald F 2000









S Chan eds



Fortune







ence







Asian Survey













Governance



































1






















bumiputera













pockchi-pudong
















2







bumiputera






















TAB

LE

2

Clu

ster

s of

Asi

an R

efor

m C

oun

trie

s

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

Ad

min

istr

a-ti

ve tr

adit

ions

an

d le

gaci

es

Stro

ng c

entr

aliz

ed

bure

aucr

atic

tra

dit

ion

po

litic

s-ad

min

istr

atio

n fu

sion

(Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g ar

e ty

pica

l ldquoa

dm

inis

trat

ive

stat

esrdquo)

Mos

tly

post

colo

nial

(an

d

som

e al

so p

ost-

mili

tary

) re

gim

es w

ith

stro

ng

bure

aucr

atic

sta

te h

avin

g cl

ose

links

to

busi

ness

Com

mun

ist

one-

part

y au

thor

itar

ian

bure

aucr

atic

ru

le p

olit

ics

in

adm

inis

trat

ion

(sta

te a

nd

bure

aucr

acy

are

one)

Post

colo

nial

reg

imes

wit

h re

lati

vely

str

ong

cen

tral

ized

bu

reau

crat

ic t

rad

itio

n (I

n In

dia

the

civ

il se

rvic

e en

joys

co

nsti

tuti

onal

ly p

rote

cted

st

atus

)

Nat

ure

of

polit

ical

ec

onom

y

Dev

elop

men

tal s

tate

mdashldquog

over

ned

mar

ketrdquo

mod

el

(wit

h th

e ex

cept

ion

of H

ong

Kon

g w

hich

dis

play

s a

sem

i-in

terv

enti

onis

t m

odel

)

ldquoGov

ernm

ent-

in-b

usin

essrdquo

m

odel

wit

h hi

ghly

in

stit

utio

naliz

ed

gove

rnm

entndash

busi

ness

re

lati

ons

From

sta

te-p

lann

ed t

o st

ate-

dom

inat

ed e

cono

my

and

d

evel

opm

ent

Stat

e re

gula

tive

con

trol

smdashldquoc

omm

and

cap

ital

ism

rdquo in

In

dia

Stat

e ro

le a

nd

capa

city

His

tori

cally

str

ong

capa

city

hi

ghly

inte

rven

tion

ist

(les

s so

in H

ong

Kon

g)

Stat

e ca

paci

ty la

rgel

y d

epen

den

t on

reg

ime

cont

rol o

ver

econ

omy

and

so

ciet

y

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n as

ec

onom

y tr

ansi

ts t

owar

d

mar

ket

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n d

ue t

o po

litic

al a

nd

bure

aucr

atic

cor

rupt

ion

Salie

nce

of

adm

inis

tra-

tive

ref

orm

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d s

elf-

impr

ovem

ent

stat

e ca

paci

ty e

nhan

cem

ent

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d e

ffici

ency

im

prov

emen

t be

tter

su

bser

vien

ce t

o po

litic

al

cont

rol

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d r

atio

nalit

y bu

ildin

g

wit

hin

cont

ext

of r

egim

e co

nsol

idat

ion

and

in

stit

utio

nal r

econ

figur

atio

n

Polit

ical

con

trol

and

bu

reau

crat

ic

mod

erni

zati

on


Forc

es f

or

chan

geM

ainl

y bu

reau

crat

s d

rive

n

unti

l mos

t re

cent

ly w

hen

polit

ics

and

soc

ieta

l d

eman

ds

push

ed fo

r gre

ater

pa

ce o

f re

form

(In

Si

ngap

ore

the

re is

a jo

int

polit

icsndash

bure

aucr

acy

agen

da)

Mai

nly

polit

ics

dri

ven

(to

enha

nce

bure

aucr

atic

ef

ficie

ncy)

cou

pled

wit

h so

ciet

al d

eman

ds

(In

Taiw

an T

haila

nd a

nd

Ind

ones

ia r

egim

e ch

ange

ha

s br

ough

t ab

out

polit

ical

d

esir

e to

che

ck o

r su

bdue

bu

reau

crat

ic p

ower

The

re is

al

so p

ress

ure

from

in

tern

atio

nal o

rgan

izat

ions

on

Ind

ones

ia)

Part

y-st

ate

dri

ven

to

enha

nce

regi

me

capa

city

to

cope

wit

h le

giti

mac

y an

d

effic

ienc

y cr

ises

Form

ally

pol

itic

s d

rive

n

alth

ough

bur

eauc

racy

has

in

here

nt in

tere

st a

nd s

ay

over

sub

stan

ce a

nd p

ace

of r

efor

m

Out

com

e so

fa

rB

urea

ucra

tic

dom

inat

ion

of

refo

rm a

gend

a w

ith

slow

pr

ogre

ss (S

ucce

ssfu

l ldquopu

blic

se

rvic

e ba

rgai

nrdquo in

Si

ngap

ore

hen

ce m

inim

um

bure

aucr

atic

res

ista

nce)

Res

ults

slo

w a

nd m

ixed

pr

oble

mat

ic ldquo

publ

ic s

ervi

ce

barg

ainrdquo

and

bur

eauc

rati

c sk

epti

cism

and

resi

stan

ce a

t ti

mes

Part

y-d

omin

ated

age

nda

for

rein

vigo

rati

on o

f ex

isti

ng

regi

me

ref

orm

not

allo

wed

to

dilu

te r

egim

e co

ntro

l

Unc

lear

ldquopu

blic

ser

vice

ba

rgai

nrdquo o

r lac

k of

it (a

s in

In

dia

) sl

ow p

rogr

ess

and

po

litic

ians

-bur

eauc

rats

ri

valr

y in

age

nda

sett

ing

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

a

New

ly in

dus

tria

lized

cou

ntri

es (

Sout

h K

orea

Tai

wan

Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g)




3






ACKNOWLEDGMENT


NOTES




REFERENCES







=







Crisis Asia







Governance








Trend



and Diverse Agendas


















Alvin Y So eds






























Das S K 2001




Financial Times





Radical Approaches











Governance









241405ndash1436

















Reform










57325ndash331
















Kettl Donald F 2000









S Chan eds



Fortune







ence







Asian Survey













Governance

















































bumiputera













pockchi-pudong
















2







bumiputera






















TAB

LE

2

Clu

ster

s of

Asi

an R

efor

m C

oun

trie

s

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

Ad

min

istr

a-ti

ve tr

adit

ions

an

d le

gaci

es

Stro

ng c

entr

aliz

ed

bure

aucr

atic

tra

dit

ion

po

litic

s-ad

min

istr

atio

n fu

sion

(Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g ar

e ty

pica

l ldquoa

dm

inis

trat

ive

stat

esrdquo)

Mos

tly

post

colo

nial

(an

d

som

e al

so p

ost-

mili

tary

) re

gim

es w

ith

stro

ng

bure

aucr

atic

sta

te h

avin

g cl

ose

links

to

busi

ness

Com

mun

ist

one-

part

y au

thor

itar

ian

bure

aucr

atic

ru

le p

olit

ics

in

adm

inis

trat

ion

(sta

te a

nd

bure

aucr

acy

are

one)

Post

colo

nial

reg

imes

wit

h re

lati

vely

str

ong

cen

tral

ized

bu

reau

crat

ic t

rad

itio

n (I

n In

dia

the

civ

il se

rvic

e en

joys

co

nsti

tuti

onal

ly p

rote

cted

st

atus

)

Nat

ure

of

polit

ical

ec

onom

y

Dev

elop

men

tal s

tate

mdashldquog

over

ned

mar

ketrdquo

mod

el

(wit

h th

e ex

cept

ion

of H

ong

Kon

g w

hich

dis

play

s a

sem

i-in

terv

enti

onis

t m

odel

)

ldquoGov

ernm

ent-

in-b

usin

essrdquo

m

odel

wit

h hi

ghly

in

stit

utio

naliz

ed

gove

rnm

entndash

busi

ness

re

lati

ons

From

sta

te-p

lann

ed t

o st

ate-

dom

inat

ed e

cono

my

and

d

evel

opm

ent

Stat

e re

gula

tive

con

trol

smdashldquoc

omm

and

cap

ital

ism

rdquo in

In

dia

Stat

e ro

le a

nd

capa

city

His

tori

cally

str

ong

capa

city

hi

ghly

inte

rven

tion

ist

(les

s so

in H

ong

Kon

g)

Stat

e ca

paci

ty la

rgel

y d

epen

den

t on

reg

ime

cont

rol o

ver

econ

omy

and

so

ciet

y

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n as

ec

onom

y tr

ansi

ts t

owar

d

mar

ket

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n d

ue t

o po

litic

al a

nd

bure

aucr

atic

cor

rupt

ion

Salie

nce

of

adm

inis

tra-

tive

ref

orm

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d s

elf-

impr

ovem

ent

stat

e ca

paci

ty e

nhan

cem

ent

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d e

ffici

ency

im

prov

emen

t be

tter

su

bser

vien

ce t

o po

litic

al

cont

rol

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d r

atio

nalit

y bu

ildin

g

wit

hin

cont

ext

of r

egim

e co

nsol

idat

ion

and

in

stit

utio

nal r

econ

figur

atio

n

Polit

ical

con

trol

and

bu

reau

crat

ic

mod

erni

zati

on


Forc

es f

or

chan

geM

ainl

y bu

reau

crat

s d

rive

n

unti

l mos

t re

cent

ly w

hen

polit

ics

and

soc

ieta

l d

eman

ds

push

ed fo

r gre

ater

pa

ce o

f re

form

(In

Si

ngap

ore

the

re is

a jo

int

polit

icsndash

bure

aucr

acy

agen

da)

Mai

nly

polit

ics

dri

ven

(to

enha

nce

bure

aucr

atic

ef

ficie

ncy)

cou

pled

wit

h so

ciet

al d

eman

ds

(In

Taiw

an T

haila

nd a

nd

Ind

ones

ia r

egim

e ch

ange

ha

s br

ough

t ab

out

polit

ical

d

esir

e to

che

ck o

r su

bdue

bu

reau

crat

ic p

ower

The

re is

al

so p

ress

ure

from

in

tern

atio

nal o

rgan

izat

ions

on

Ind

ones

ia)

Part

y-st

ate

dri

ven

to

enha

nce

regi

me

capa

city

to

cope

wit

h le

giti

mac

y an

d

effic

ienc

y cr

ises

Form

ally

pol

itic

s d

rive

n

alth

ough

bur

eauc

racy

has

in

here

nt in

tere

st a

nd s

ay

over

sub

stan

ce a

nd p

ace

of r

efor

m

Out

com

e so

fa

rB

urea

ucra

tic

dom

inat

ion

of

refo

rm a

gend

a w

ith

slow

pr

ogre

ss (S

ucce

ssfu

l ldquopu

blic

se

rvic

e ba

rgai

nrdquo in

Si

ngap

ore

hen

ce m

inim

um

bure

aucr

atic

res

ista

nce)

Res

ults

slo

w a

nd m

ixed

pr

oble

mat

ic ldquo

publ

ic s

ervi

ce

barg

ainrdquo

and

bur

eauc

rati

c sk

epti

cism

and

resi

stan

ce a

t ti

mes

Part

y-d

omin

ated

age

nda

for

rein

vigo

rati

on o

f ex

isti

ng

regi

me

ref

orm

not

allo

wed

to

dilu

te r

egim

e co

ntro

l

Unc

lear

ldquopu

blic

ser

vice

ba

rgai

nrdquo o

r lac

k of

it (a

s in

In

dia

) sl

ow p

rogr

ess

and

po

litic

ians

-bur

eauc

rats

ri

valr

y in

age

nda

sett

ing

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

a

New

ly in

dus

tria

lized

cou

ntri

es (

Sout

h K

orea

Tai

wan

Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g)




3






ACKNOWLEDGMENT


NOTES




REFERENCES







=







Crisis Asia







Governance








Trend



and Diverse Agendas


















Alvin Y So eds






























Das S K 2001




Financial Times





Radical Approaches











Governance









241405ndash1436

















Reform










57325ndash331
















Kettl Donald F 2000









S Chan eds



Fortune







ence







Asian Survey













Governance






































pockchi-pudong
















2







bumiputera






















TAB

LE

2

Clu

ster

s of

Asi

an R

efor

m C

oun

trie

s

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

Ad

min

istr

a-ti

ve tr

adit

ions

an

d le

gaci

es

Stro

ng c

entr

aliz

ed

bure

aucr

atic

tra

dit

ion

po

litic

s-ad

min

istr

atio

n fu

sion

(Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g ar

e ty

pica

l ldquoa

dm

inis

trat

ive

stat

esrdquo)

Mos

tly

post

colo

nial

(an

d

som

e al

so p

ost-

mili

tary

) re

gim

es w

ith

stro

ng

bure

aucr

atic

sta

te h

avin

g cl

ose

links

to

busi

ness

Com

mun

ist

one-

part

y au

thor

itar

ian

bure

aucr

atic

ru

le p

olit

ics

in

adm

inis

trat

ion

(sta

te a

nd

bure

aucr

acy

are

one)

Post

colo

nial

reg

imes

wit

h re

lati

vely

str

ong

cen

tral

ized

bu

reau

crat

ic t

rad

itio

n (I

n In

dia

the

civ

il se

rvic

e en

joys

co

nsti

tuti

onal

ly p

rote

cted

st

atus

)

Nat

ure

of

polit

ical

ec

onom

y

Dev

elop

men

tal s

tate

mdashldquog

over

ned

mar

ketrdquo

mod

el

(wit

h th

e ex

cept

ion

of H

ong

Kon

g w

hich

dis

play

s a

sem

i-in

terv

enti

onis

t m

odel

)

ldquoGov

ernm

ent-

in-b

usin

essrdquo

m

odel

wit

h hi

ghly

in

stit

utio

naliz

ed

gove

rnm

entndash

busi

ness

re

lati

ons

From

sta

te-p

lann

ed t

o st

ate-

dom

inat

ed e

cono

my

and

d

evel

opm

ent

Stat

e re

gula

tive

con

trol

smdashldquoc

omm

and

cap

ital

ism

rdquo in

In

dia

Stat

e ro

le a

nd

capa

city

His

tori

cally

str

ong

capa

city

hi

ghly

inte

rven

tion

ist

(les

s so

in H

ong

Kon

g)

Stat

e ca

paci

ty la

rgel

y d

epen

den

t on

reg

ime

cont

rol o

ver

econ

omy

and

so

ciet

y

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n as

ec

onom

y tr

ansi

ts t

owar

d

mar

ket

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n d

ue t

o po

litic

al a

nd

bure

aucr

atic

cor

rupt

ion

Salie

nce

of

adm

inis

tra-

tive

ref

orm

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d s

elf-

impr

ovem

ent

stat

e ca

paci

ty e

nhan

cem

ent

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d e

ffici

ency

im

prov

emen

t be

tter

su

bser

vien

ce t

o po

litic

al

cont

rol

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d r

atio

nalit

y bu

ildin

g

wit

hin

cont

ext

of r

egim

e co

nsol

idat

ion

and

in

stit

utio

nal r

econ

figur

atio

n

Polit

ical

con

trol

and

bu

reau

crat

ic

mod

erni

zati

on


Forc

es f

or

chan

geM

ainl

y bu

reau

crat

s d

rive

n

unti

l mos

t re

cent

ly w

hen

polit

ics

and

soc

ieta

l d

eman

ds

push

ed fo

r gre

ater

pa

ce o

f re

form

(In

Si

ngap

ore

the

re is

a jo

int

polit

icsndash

bure

aucr

acy

agen

da)

Mai

nly

polit

ics

dri

ven

(to

enha

nce

bure

aucr

atic

ef

ficie

ncy)

cou

pled

wit

h so

ciet

al d

eman

ds

(In

Taiw

an T

haila

nd a

nd

Ind

ones

ia r

egim

e ch

ange

ha

s br

ough

t ab

out

polit

ical

d

esir

e to

che

ck o

r su

bdue

bu

reau

crat

ic p

ower

The

re is

al

so p

ress

ure

from

in

tern

atio

nal o

rgan

izat

ions

on

Ind

ones

ia)

Part

y-st

ate

dri

ven

to

enha

nce

regi

me

capa

city

to

cope

wit

h le

giti

mac

y an

d

effic

ienc

y cr

ises

Form

ally

pol

itic

s d

rive

n

alth

ough

bur

eauc

racy

has

in

here

nt in

tere

st a

nd s

ay

over

sub

stan

ce a

nd p

ace

of r

efor

m

Out

com

e so

fa

rB

urea

ucra

tic

dom

inat

ion

of

refo

rm a

gend

a w

ith

slow

pr

ogre

ss (S

ucce

ssfu

l ldquopu

blic

se

rvic

e ba

rgai

nrdquo in

Si

ngap

ore

hen

ce m

inim

um

bure

aucr

atic

res

ista

nce)

Res

ults

slo

w a

nd m

ixed

pr

oble

mat

ic ldquo

publ

ic s

ervi

ce

barg

ainrdquo

and

bur

eauc

rati

c sk

epti

cism

and

resi

stan

ce a

t ti

mes

Part

y-d

omin

ated

age

nda

for

rein

vigo

rati

on o

f ex

isti

ng

regi

me

ref

orm

not

allo

wed

to

dilu

te r

egim

e co

ntro

l

Unc

lear

ldquopu

blic

ser

vice

ba

rgai

nrdquo o

r lac

k of

it (a

s in

In

dia

) sl

ow p

rogr

ess

and

po

litic

ians

-bur

eauc

rats

ri

valr

y in

age

nda

sett

ing

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

a

New

ly in

dus

tria

lized

cou

ntri

es (

Sout

h K

orea

Tai

wan

Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g)




3






ACKNOWLEDGMENT


NOTES




REFERENCES







=







Crisis Asia







Governance








Trend



and Diverse Agendas


















Alvin Y So eds






























Das S K 2001




Financial Times





Radical Approaches











Governance









241405ndash1436

















Reform










57325ndash331
















Kettl Donald F 2000









S Chan eds



Fortune







ence







Asian Survey













Governance











































2







bumiputera






















TAB

LE

2

Clu

ster

s of

Asi

an R

efor

m C

oun

trie

s

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

Ad

min

istr

a-ti

ve tr

adit

ions

an

d le

gaci

es

Stro

ng c

entr

aliz

ed

bure

aucr

atic

tra

dit

ion

po

litic

s-ad

min

istr

atio

n fu

sion

(Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g ar

e ty

pica

l ldquoa

dm

inis

trat

ive

stat

esrdquo)

Mos

tly

post

colo

nial

(an

d

som

e al

so p

ost-

mili

tary

) re

gim

es w

ith

stro

ng

bure

aucr

atic

sta

te h

avin

g cl

ose

links

to

busi

ness

Com

mun

ist

one-

part

y au

thor

itar

ian

bure

aucr

atic

ru

le p

olit

ics

in

adm

inis

trat

ion

(sta

te a

nd

bure

aucr

acy

are

one)

Post

colo

nial

reg

imes

wit

h re

lati

vely

str

ong

cen

tral

ized

bu

reau

crat

ic t

rad

itio

n (I

n In

dia

the

civ

il se

rvic

e en

joys

co

nsti

tuti

onal

ly p

rote

cted

st

atus

)

Nat

ure

of

polit

ical

ec

onom

y

Dev

elop

men

tal s

tate

mdashldquog

over

ned

mar

ketrdquo

mod

el

(wit

h th

e ex

cept

ion

of H

ong

Kon

g w

hich

dis

play

s a

sem

i-in

terv

enti

onis

t m

odel

)

ldquoGov

ernm

ent-

in-b

usin

essrdquo

m

odel

wit

h hi

ghly

in

stit

utio

naliz

ed

gove

rnm

entndash

busi

ness

re

lati

ons

From

sta

te-p

lann

ed t

o st

ate-

dom

inat

ed e

cono

my

and

d

evel

opm

ent

Stat

e re

gula

tive

con

trol

smdashldquoc

omm

and

cap

ital

ism

rdquo in

In

dia

Stat

e ro

le a

nd

capa

city

His

tori

cally

str

ong

capa

city

hi

ghly

inte

rven

tion

ist

(les

s so

in H

ong

Kon

g)

Stat

e ca

paci

ty la

rgel

y d

epen

den

t on

reg

ime

cont

rol o

ver

econ

omy

and

so

ciet

y

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n as

ec

onom

y tr

ansi

ts t

owar

d

mar

ket

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n d

ue t

o po

litic

al a

nd

bure

aucr

atic

cor

rupt

ion

Salie

nce

of

adm

inis

tra-

tive

ref

orm

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d s

elf-

impr

ovem

ent

stat

e ca

paci

ty e

nhan

cem

ent

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d e

ffici

ency

im

prov

emen

t be

tter

su

bser

vien

ce t

o po

litic

al

cont

rol

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d r

atio

nalit

y bu

ildin

g

wit

hin

cont

ext

of r

egim

e co

nsol

idat

ion

and

in

stit

utio

nal r

econ

figur

atio

n

Polit

ical

con

trol

and

bu

reau

crat

ic

mod

erni

zati

on


Forc

es f

or

chan

geM

ainl

y bu

reau

crat

s d

rive

n

unti

l mos

t re

cent

ly w

hen

polit

ics

and

soc

ieta

l d

eman

ds

push

ed fo

r gre

ater

pa

ce o

f re

form

(In

Si

ngap

ore

the

re is

a jo

int

polit

icsndash

bure

aucr

acy

agen

da)

Mai

nly

polit

ics

dri

ven

(to

enha

nce

bure

aucr

atic

ef

ficie

ncy)

cou

pled

wit

h so

ciet

al d

eman

ds

(In

Taiw

an T

haila

nd a

nd

Ind

ones

ia r

egim

e ch

ange

ha

s br

ough

t ab

out

polit

ical

d

esir

e to

che

ck o

r su

bdue

bu

reau

crat

ic p

ower

The

re is

al

so p

ress

ure

from

in

tern

atio

nal o

rgan

izat

ions

on

Ind

ones

ia)

Part

y-st

ate

dri

ven

to

enha

nce

regi

me

capa

city

to

cope

wit

h le

giti

mac

y an

d

effic

ienc

y cr

ises

Form

ally

pol

itic

s d

rive

n

alth

ough

bur

eauc

racy

has

in

here

nt in

tere

st a

nd s

ay

over

sub

stan

ce a

nd p

ace

of r

efor

m

Out

com

e so

fa

rB

urea

ucra

tic

dom

inat

ion

of

refo

rm a

gend

a w

ith

slow

pr

ogre

ss (S

ucce

ssfu

l ldquopu

blic

se

rvic

e ba

rgai

nrdquo in

Si

ngap

ore

hen

ce m

inim

um

bure

aucr

atic

res

ista

nce)

Res

ults

slo

w a

nd m

ixed

pr

oble

mat

ic ldquo

publ

ic s

ervi

ce

barg

ainrdquo

and

bur

eauc

rati

c sk

epti

cism

and

resi

stan

ce a

t ti

mes

Part

y-d

omin

ated

age

nda

for

rein

vigo

rati

on o

f ex

isti

ng

regi

me

ref

orm

not

allo

wed

to

dilu

te r

egim

e co

ntro

l

Unc

lear

ldquopu

blic

ser

vice

ba

rgai

nrdquo o

r lac

k of

it (a

s in

In

dia

) sl

ow p

rogr

ess

and

po

litic

ians

-bur

eauc

rats

ri

valr

y in

age

nda

sett

ing

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

a

New

ly in

dus

tria

lized

cou

ntri

es (

Sout

h K

orea

Tai

wan

Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g)




3






ACKNOWLEDGMENT


NOTES




REFERENCES







=







Crisis Asia







Governance








Trend



and Diverse Agendas


















Alvin Y So eds






























Das S K 2001




Financial Times





Radical Approaches











Governance









241405ndash1436

















Reform










57325ndash331
















Kettl Donald F 2000









S Chan eds



Fortune







ence







Asian Survey













Governance

































bumiputera






















TAB

LE

2

Clu

ster

s of

Asi

an R

efor

m C

oun

trie

s

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

Ad

min

istr

a-ti

ve tr

adit

ions

an

d le

gaci

es

Stro

ng c

entr

aliz

ed

bure

aucr

atic

tra

dit

ion

po

litic

s-ad

min

istr

atio

n fu

sion

(Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g ar

e ty

pica

l ldquoa

dm

inis

trat

ive

stat

esrdquo)

Mos

tly

post

colo

nial

(an

d

som

e al

so p

ost-

mili

tary

) re

gim

es w

ith

stro

ng

bure

aucr

atic

sta

te h

avin

g cl

ose

links

to

busi

ness

Com

mun

ist

one-

part

y au

thor

itar

ian

bure

aucr

atic

ru

le p

olit

ics

in

adm

inis

trat

ion

(sta

te a

nd

bure

aucr

acy

are

one)

Post

colo

nial

reg

imes

wit

h re

lati

vely

str

ong

cen

tral

ized

bu

reau

crat

ic t

rad

itio

n (I

n In

dia

the

civ

il se

rvic

e en

joys

co

nsti

tuti

onal

ly p

rote

cted

st

atus

)

Nat

ure

of

polit

ical

ec

onom

y

Dev

elop

men

tal s

tate

mdashldquog

over

ned

mar

ketrdquo

mod

el

(wit

h th

e ex

cept

ion

of H

ong

Kon

g w

hich

dis

play

s a

sem

i-in

terv

enti

onis

t m

odel

)

ldquoGov

ernm

ent-

in-b

usin

essrdquo

m

odel

wit

h hi

ghly

in

stit

utio

naliz

ed

gove

rnm

entndash

busi

ness

re

lati

ons

From

sta

te-p

lann

ed t

o st

ate-

dom

inat

ed e

cono

my

and

d

evel

opm

ent

Stat

e re

gula

tive

con

trol

smdashldquoc

omm

and

cap

ital

ism

rdquo in

In

dia

Stat

e ro

le a

nd

capa

city

His

tori

cally

str

ong

capa

city

hi

ghly

inte

rven

tion

ist

(les

s so

in H

ong

Kon

g)

Stat

e ca

paci

ty la

rgel

y d

epen

den

t on

reg

ime

cont

rol o

ver

econ

omy

and

so

ciet

y

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n as

ec

onom

y tr

ansi

ts t

owar

d

mar

ket

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n d

ue t

o po

litic

al a

nd

bure

aucr

atic

cor

rupt

ion

Salie

nce

of

adm

inis

tra-

tive

ref

orm

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d s

elf-

impr

ovem

ent

stat

e ca

paci

ty e

nhan

cem

ent

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d e

ffici

ency

im

prov

emen

t be

tter

su

bser

vien

ce t

o po

litic

al

cont

rol

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d r

atio

nalit

y bu

ildin

g

wit

hin

cont

ext

of r

egim

e co

nsol

idat

ion

and

in

stit

utio

nal r

econ

figur

atio

n

Polit

ical

con

trol

and

bu

reau

crat

ic

mod

erni

zati

on


Forc

es f

or

chan

geM

ainl

y bu

reau

crat

s d

rive

n

unti

l mos

t re

cent

ly w

hen

polit

ics

and

soc

ieta

l d

eman

ds

push

ed fo

r gre

ater

pa

ce o

f re

form

(In

Si

ngap

ore

the

re is

a jo

int

polit

icsndash

bure

aucr

acy

agen

da)

Mai

nly

polit

ics

dri

ven

(to

enha

nce

bure

aucr

atic

ef

ficie

ncy)

cou

pled

wit

h so

ciet

al d

eman

ds

(In

Taiw

an T

haila

nd a

nd

Ind

ones

ia r

egim

e ch

ange

ha

s br

ough

t ab

out

polit

ical

d

esir

e to

che

ck o

r su

bdue

bu

reau

crat

ic p

ower

The

re is

al

so p

ress

ure

from

in

tern

atio

nal o

rgan

izat

ions

on

Ind

ones

ia)

Part

y-st

ate

dri

ven

to

enha

nce

regi

me

capa

city

to

cope

wit

h le

giti

mac

y an

d

effic

ienc

y cr

ises

Form

ally

pol

itic

s d

rive

n

alth

ough

bur

eauc

racy

has

in

here

nt in

tere

st a

nd s

ay

over

sub

stan

ce a

nd p

ace

of r

efor

m

Out

com

e so

fa

rB

urea

ucra

tic

dom

inat

ion

of

refo

rm a

gend

a w

ith

slow

pr

ogre

ss (S

ucce

ssfu

l ldquopu

blic

se

rvic

e ba

rgai

nrdquo in

Si

ngap

ore

hen

ce m

inim

um

bure

aucr

atic

res

ista

nce)

Res

ults

slo

w a

nd m

ixed

pr

oble

mat

ic ldquo

publ

ic s

ervi

ce

barg

ainrdquo

and

bur

eauc

rati

c sk

epti

cism

and

resi

stan

ce a

t ti

mes

Part

y-d

omin

ated

age

nda

for

rein

vigo

rati

on o

f ex

isti

ng

regi

me

ref

orm

not

allo

wed

to

dilu

te r

egim

e co

ntro

l

Unc

lear

ldquopu

blic

ser

vice

ba

rgai

nrdquo o

r lac

k of

it (a

s in

In

dia

) sl

ow p

rogr

ess

and

po

litic

ians

-bur

eauc

rats

ri

valr

y in

age

nda

sett

ing

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

a

New

ly in

dus

tria

lized

cou

ntri

es (

Sout

h K

orea

Tai

wan

Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g)




3






ACKNOWLEDGMENT


NOTES




REFERENCES







=







Crisis Asia







Governance








Trend



and Diverse Agendas


















Alvin Y So eds






























Das S K 2001




Financial Times





Radical Approaches











Governance









241405ndash1436

















Reform










57325ndash331
















Kettl Donald F 2000









S Chan eds



Fortune







ence







Asian Survey













Governance

















































TAB

LE

2

Clu

ster

s of

Asi

an R

efor

m C

oun

trie

s

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

Ad

min

istr

a-ti

ve tr

adit

ions

an

d le

gaci

es

Stro

ng c

entr

aliz

ed

bure

aucr

atic

tra

dit

ion

po

litic

s-ad

min

istr

atio

n fu

sion

(Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g ar

e ty

pica

l ldquoa

dm

inis

trat

ive

stat

esrdquo)

Mos

tly

post

colo

nial

(an

d

som

e al

so p

ost-

mili

tary

) re

gim

es w

ith

stro

ng

bure

aucr

atic

sta

te h

avin

g cl

ose

links

to

busi

ness

Com

mun

ist

one-

part

y au

thor

itar

ian

bure

aucr

atic

ru

le p

olit

ics

in

adm

inis

trat

ion

(sta

te a

nd

bure

aucr

acy

are

one)

Post

colo

nial

reg

imes

wit

h re

lati

vely

str

ong

cen

tral

ized

bu

reau

crat

ic t

rad

itio

n (I

n In

dia

the

civ

il se

rvic

e en

joys

co

nsti

tuti

onal

ly p

rote

cted

st

atus

)

Nat

ure

of

polit

ical

ec

onom

y

Dev

elop

men

tal s

tate

mdashldquog

over

ned

mar

ketrdquo

mod

el

(wit

h th

e ex

cept

ion

of H

ong

Kon

g w

hich

dis

play

s a

sem

i-in

terv

enti

onis

t m

odel

)

ldquoGov

ernm

ent-

in-b

usin

essrdquo

m

odel

wit

h hi

ghly

in

stit

utio

naliz

ed

gove

rnm

entndash

busi

ness

re

lati

ons

From

sta

te-p

lann

ed t

o st

ate-

dom

inat

ed e

cono

my

and

d

evel

opm

ent

Stat

e re

gula

tive

con

trol

smdashldquoc

omm

and

cap

ital

ism

rdquo in

In

dia

Stat

e ro

le a

nd

capa

city

His

tori

cally

str

ong

capa

city

hi

ghly

inte

rven

tion

ist

(les

s so

in H

ong

Kon

g)

Stat

e ca

paci

ty la

rgel

y d

epen

den

t on

reg

ime

cont

rol o

ver

econ

omy

and

so

ciet

y

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n as

ec

onom

y tr

ansi

ts t

owar

d

mar

ket

Stat

e ca

paci

ty in

que

stio

n d

ue t

o po

litic

al a

nd

bure

aucr

atic

cor

rupt

ion

Salie

nce

of

adm

inis

tra-

tive

ref

orm

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d s

elf-

impr

ovem

ent

stat

e ca

paci

ty e

nhan

cem

ent

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d e

ffici

ency

im

prov

emen

t be

tter

su

bser

vien

ce t

o po

litic

al

cont

rol

Bur

eauc

rati

c m

oder

niza

tion

an

d r

atio

nalit

y bu

ildin

g

wit

hin

cont

ext

of r

egim

e co

nsol

idat

ion

and

in

stit

utio

nal r

econ

figur

atio

n

Polit

ical

con

trol

and

bu

reau

crat

ic

mod

erni

zati

on


Forc

es f

or

chan

geM

ainl

y bu

reau

crat

s d

rive

n

unti

l mos

t re

cent

ly w

hen

polit

ics

and

soc

ieta

l d

eman

ds

push

ed fo

r gre

ater

pa

ce o

f re

form

(In

Si

ngap

ore

the

re is

a jo

int

polit

icsndash

bure

aucr

acy

agen

da)

Mai

nly

polit

ics

dri

ven

(to

enha

nce

bure

aucr

atic

ef

ficie

ncy)

cou

pled

wit

h so

ciet

al d

eman

ds

(In

Taiw

an T

haila

nd a

nd

Ind

ones

ia r

egim

e ch

ange

ha

s br

ough

t ab

out

polit

ical

d

esir

e to

che

ck o

r su

bdue

bu

reau

crat

ic p

ower

The

re is

al

so p

ress

ure

from

in

tern

atio

nal o

rgan

izat

ions

on

Ind

ones

ia)

Part

y-st

ate

dri

ven

to

enha

nce

regi

me

capa

city

to

cope

wit

h le

giti

mac

y an

d

effic

ienc

y cr

ises

Form

ally

pol

itic

s d

rive

n

alth

ough

bur

eauc

racy

has

in

here

nt in

tere

st a

nd s

ay

over

sub

stan

ce a

nd p

ace

of r

efor

m

Out

com

e so

fa

rB

urea

ucra

tic

dom

inat

ion

of

refo

rm a

gend

a w

ith

slow

pr

ogre

ss (S

ucce

ssfu

l ldquopu

blic

se

rvic

e ba

rgai

nrdquo in

Si

ngap

ore

hen

ce m

inim

um

bure

aucr

atic

res

ista

nce)

Res

ults

slo

w a

nd m

ixed

pr

oble

mat

ic ldquo

publ

ic s

ervi

ce

barg

ainrdquo

and

bur

eauc

rati

c sk

epti

cism

and

resi

stan

ce a

t ti

mes

Part

y-d

omin

ated

age

nda

for

rein

vigo

rati

on o

f ex

isti

ng

regi

me

ref

orm

not

allo

wed

to

dilu

te r

egim

e co

ntro

l

Unc

lear

ldquopu

blic

ser

vice

ba

rgai

nrdquo o

r lac

k of

it (a

s in

In

dia

) sl

ow p

rogr

ess

and

po

litic

ians

-bur

eauc

rats

ri

valr

y in

age

nda

sett

ing

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

a

New

ly in

dus

tria

lized

cou

ntri

es (

Sout

h K

orea

Tai

wan

Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g)




3






ACKNOWLEDGMENT


NOTES




REFERENCES







=







Crisis Asia







Governance








Trend



and Diverse Agendas


















Alvin Y So eds






























Das S K 2001




Financial Times





Radical Approaches











Governance









241405ndash1436

















Reform










57325ndash331
















Kettl Donald F 2000









S Chan eds



Fortune







ence







Asian Survey













Governance































Forc

es f

or

chan

geM

ainl

y bu

reau

crat

s d

rive

n

unti

l mos

t re

cent

ly w

hen

polit

ics

and

soc

ieta

l d

eman

ds

push

ed fo

r gre

ater

pa

ce o

f re

form

(In

Si

ngap

ore

the

re is

a jo

int

polit

icsndash

bure

aucr

acy

agen

da)

Mai

nly

polit

ics

dri

ven

(to

enha

nce

bure

aucr

atic

ef

ficie

ncy)

cou

pled

wit

h so

ciet

al d

eman

ds

(In

Taiw

an T

haila

nd a

nd

Ind

ones

ia r

egim

e ch

ange

ha

s br

ough

t ab

out

polit

ical

d

esir

e to

che

ck o

r su

bdue

bu

reau

crat

ic p

ower

The

re is

al

so p

ress

ure

from

in

tern

atio

nal o

rgan

izat

ions

on

Ind

ones

ia)

Part

y-st

ate

dri

ven

to

enha

nce

regi

me

capa

city

to

cope

wit

h le

giti

mac

y an

d

effic

ienc

y cr

ises

Form

ally

pol

itic

s d

rive

n

alth

ough

bur

eauc

racy

has

in

here

nt in

tere

st a

nd s

ay

over

sub

stan

ce a

nd p

ace

of r

efor

m

Out

com

e so

fa

rB

urea

ucra

tic

dom

inat

ion

of

refo

rm a

gend

a w

ith

slow

pr

ogre

ss (S

ucce

ssfu

l ldquopu

blic

se

rvic

e ba

rgai

nrdquo in

Si

ngap

ore

hen

ce m

inim

um

bure

aucr

atic

res

ista

nce)

Res

ults

slo

w a

nd m

ixed

pr

oble

mat

ic ldquo

publ

ic s

ervi

ce

barg

ainrdquo

and

bur

eauc

rati

c sk

epti

cism

and

resi

stan

ce a

t ti

mes

Part

y-d

omin

ated

age

nda

for

rein

vigo

rati

on o

f ex

isti

ng

regi

me

ref

orm

not

allo

wed

to

dilu

te r

egim

e co

ntro

l

Unc

lear

ldquopu

blic

ser

vice

ba

rgai

nrdquo o

r lac

k of

it (a

s in

In

dia

) sl

ow p

rogr

ess

and

po

litic

ians

-bur

eauc

rats

ri

valr

y in

age

nda

sett

ing

Reg

iona

lSu

bgro

upin

gsJa

pan

and

Eas

t Asi

an

ldquoNIC

srdquo

a

Sout

heas

t Asi

an D

evel

opin

g St

ates

Soci

alis

t ldquoT

rans

itio

nrdquo S

tate

sSu

bcon

tine

nt S

tate

s

a

New

ly in

dus

tria

lized

cou

ntri

es (

Sout

h K

orea

Tai

wan

Sin

gapo

re a

nd H

ong

Kon

g)




3






ACKNOWLEDGMENT


NOTES




REFERENCES







=







Crisis Asia







Governance








Trend



and Diverse Agendas


















Alvin Y So eds






























Das S K 2001




Financial Times





Radical Approaches











Governance









241405ndash1436

















Reform










57325ndash331
















Kettl Donald F 2000









S Chan eds



Fortune







ence







Asian Survey













Governance

































3






ACKNOWLEDGMENT


NOTES




REFERENCES







=







Crisis Asia







Governance








Trend



and Diverse Agendas


















Alvin Y So eds






























Das S K 2001




Financial Times





Radical Approaches











Governance









241405ndash1436

















Reform










57325ndash331
















Kettl Donald F 2000









S Chan eds



Fortune







ence







Asian Survey













Governance
































ACKNOWLEDGMENT


NOTES




REFERENCES







=







Crisis Asia







Governance








Trend



and Diverse Agendas


















Alvin Y So eds






























Das S K 2001




Financial Times





Radical Approaches











Governance









241405ndash1436

















Reform










57325ndash331
















Kettl Donald F 2000









S Chan eds



Fortune







ence







Asian Survey













Governance



































Trend



and Diverse Agendas


















Alvin Y So eds






























Das S K 2001




Financial Times





Radical Approaches











Governance









241405ndash1436

















Reform










57325ndash331
















Kettl Donald F 2000









S Chan eds



Fortune







ence







Asian Survey













Governance































Das S K 2001




Financial Times





Radical Approaches











Governance









241405ndash1436

















Reform










57325ndash331
















Kettl Donald F 2000









S Chan eds



Fortune







ence







Asian Survey













Governance










































Kettl Donald F 2000









S Chan eds



Fortune







ence







Asian Survey













Governance




























