the origin of islam as a social movement

8/10/2019 The Origin of Islam as a Social Movement

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The Origin of Islam as a Social Movement

(Draft: Do Not Quote)

March 5, 2!

"hme# "f$aal

%hone: (&'!) ''*'2

+mail: footrintsonsan#-.ahoo/com

Dre0 1niversit., Ma#ison, N


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This paper attempts to demonstrate that the rise of Islam in the Arabian Peninsula during

the life of Prophet Muhammad (570-632 !" #an be fruitfull$ anal$%ed and interpreted as a

so#ial mo&ement' In addition it see)s to sho* that s$stemati# stud$ of the #areer of Prophet

Muhammad+ *hen approa#hed holisti#all$ from a so#ial mo&ement perspe#ti&e and interpreted

in dialogue *ith modern so#ial theories #an lead to the de&elopment of general prin#iples *ith

potential rele&an#e for an$ so#ial mo&ement' ,inall$ this paper attempts to use so#iologi#al

insights to shed light on some d$nami#s of the rise of Islam in its histori#al #ontet'2

3hat 4ies eneath

The use of onl$ a single #ase stud$ to dra* general #on#lusions about so#ial mo&ements

ma$ appear methodologi#all$ fla*ed. ho*e&er this approa#h is based on m$ desire to de&elop a

so#iologi#al frame*or) of in/uir$ into the poli#ies and strategies of Prophet Muhammad that #an

be used to assess #ontemporar$ Islami# mo&ements' hile the latter pro1e#t *ill not be

attempted here it does pro&ide a )e$ moti&e for the present underta)ing'

The biograph$ of Prophet Muhammad is used b$ Muslim leaders and ideologues not onl$

to learn ho* to pro#eed in their o*n &ariegated #ampaigns but alsoand perhaps more

importantl$to legitimi%e their preferred poli#ies strategies and goals' These mo&ements span

the full spe#trum of politi#al positions all the *a$ from the #onser&ati&e Tablgh 4am #ah to the

ultra-&iolent Al-#idah' espite this di&ersit$ of politi#al positions all arguments supporting

parti#ular methodologies must someho* be sho*n to re#ei&e their authorit$ and authenti#it$

+Throughout this paper the use of the *ord 8Prophet9 as a des#ripti&e term for the histori#al figure of Muhammadimplies a so#iologi#al as opposed to a #onfessional or theologi#al signifi#an#e'

2ue to the elements of doubt and un#ertaint$ regarding the reliabilit$ of e&en the best possible histori#al reports

the findings of this paper #an onl$ be presented as tentati&e and pro&isional rather than definiti&e' It is also granted

that the present attempt in some *a$s imposes one set of theoreti#al biases o&er sele#ted histori#al and tetual dataand that the same or othere/uall$ importantdata #an be legitimatel$ and meaningfull$ interpreted in numerous

other *a$s as *ell perhaps *ith substantial gains in /ualit$ and sophisti#ation' ,inall$ the limitations of s#ope and

spa#e do not allo* the anal$sis of the life and #areer of Prophet Muhammad in terms of all or e&en most of the

&ariables that #an affe#t the fortunes of a so#ial mo&ement. instead onl$ some of the most salient ones *ill be#onsidered in the follo*ing pages'

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from the life and #areer of Prophet Muhammad' This is be#ause the eperien#e of the earliest

#ommunit$ of belie&ers under Prophet Muhammad has been largel$ a##epted b$ subse/uent

generations of Muslims as the ultimate paradigm of legitima#$' It is no surprise therefore that

the interpretation of the histori#al and tetual data on Prophet Muhammad:s life and #areer has

be#ome one of the #entral areas of #ontention and dispute among Islami# a#ti&ists toda$'3

The Nature of %rohetic 6ocation

hat lends support to the &iabilit$ of the present endea&or is the fa#t that based on the

a&ailable sour#es the struggle of Prophet Muhammad appears to be more or less #ons#iousl$

aimed at bringing about #ertain )e$ #hanges in the religio-ethi#al and so#io-politi#al spheres of

the Arabian so#iet$' ontemporar$ so#iologi#al resear#h often distinguishes bet*een religious

mo&ements and so#ial mo&ements but it is not possible to ade/uatel$ #apture the life and #areer

of Prophet Muhammad in terms of onl$ one of these frame*or)s' The /uestion ma$ be as)ed

ho*e&er as to *hether religious or so#ial aspe#ts too) priorit$ and pre#eden#e in his #ase; It

seems to me that the so#io-politi#al aims of Prophet Muhammad:s struggle *ere the ne#essar$

and ine&itable$et mostl$ impli#it and ta#it#onse/uen#es of his religio-ethi#al &ision' !&en

though the fo#us of his #all seems to be on religious and ethi#al issues its natural #onse/uen#es

and impli#ations for the so#ial and politi#al stru#tures of his milieu *ere far-rea#hing' In other

*ords the )ind of religio-ethi#al reforms that Prophet Muhammad ultimatel$ implemented in his

so#iet$ *ere of su#h a nature and s#ope that the$ *ould not ha&e been possible *ithout a#ti&e

engagement *ith so#io-politi#al stru#tures and pro#esses' Alternati&el$ of #ourse it #an be

3The di&ersit$ of methodologies poli#ies and strategies that are supposedl$ deri&ed from and 1ustified b$ the same

histori#al and tetual sour#es indi#ates that a &erit$ of &er$ different hermeneuti#al frame*or)s are being emplo$ed

b$ Muslim leaders and ideologues' ,or the most part ho*e&er there is &er$ little a*areness of the eisten#e of

these frame*or)s. often the histori#al and tetual reports relating to Prophet Muhammad are seen as if the$ areappli#able to all times and #ultures in a simple and unmediated *a$' In *riting this paper I do not #laim an

infallible epistemologi#al status for m$ o*n hermeneuti#al frame*or) nor do I suggest that it is possible to be

#ompletel$ neutral in pursing a sub1e#t that is as #ontro&ersial and #ontested as the life of Prophet Muhammad'


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argued that Prophet Muhammad:s mission *as a#tuall$ a manifestation of the largel$

unre#ogni%ed so#io-politi#al unrest pre&alent in the Arabian so#iet$ and that his religio-ethi#al

message *as merel$ the form *ithin *hi#h this se#ular and mundane unrest #ame to be

epressed religion being an effe#ti&e &ehi#le for so#io-politi#al transformation'

These t*o *a$s of #hara#teri%ing Prophet Muhammad:s struggle ma$ not be mutuall$

e#lusi&e parti#ularl$ if it is argued that the &er$ di&ision bet*een 8religio-ethi#al9 and 8so#io-

politi#al9 spheres is an artifi#ial and heuristi# one' es#ribing the relationship bet*een these

spheres ,a%lur =ahman (+>?6@+5" #ontends that the so#ial aspe#ts of Islam are the natural and

logi#al out#ome of its religious &ision as epitomi%ed in the #areer of Prophet Muhammad@

It is not the #ase that 8religion9 and 8state9 *ere sisters. nor #an it be said that the$ 8#ooperated9

*ith one another' The state is nothing at all b$ itself. it is a refle of those moral and spiritual

&alues and prin#iples #alled Islam' The state is not an 8etension9 of religion. it is an instrumentof Islam a transparent instrument *hi#h &anishes *hen one tries to regard it per se' The Prophet

ne&er #laimed to be Prophet and ruler. he ne&er e&en #laimed to be a ruler *hose rule *as under

this Prophethood. he onl$ #laimed to be a Prophet'


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Paraphrasing Mar Maduro (+>75@3+0" sa$s that 8Cthere is no true theoreti#al problem *hi#h

is not also a pra#ti#al problem andC #onse/uentl$ a solution *ill onl$ be true if it be#omes

pra#ti#alC'9 In other *ords man$ philosophi#al #ontradi#tions #annot be full$ resol&ed through

debates but the$ #all for addressing the #on#rete so#ial politi#al and e#onomi# #onditions that

ha&e gi&en rise to su#h #ontradi#tions in the first pla#e' Det #hanging the *orld in a #on#rete

sense is hardl$ possible *ithout reinterpreting it in fresh *a$s and therefore the differen#e

bet*een 8interpreting the *orld9 and 8#hanging the *orld9 #an be seen as onl$ a matter of

emphasis'

In light of this Prophet Muhammad:s in&ol&ement in so#io-politi#al a#ti&ism #an be seen

as a natural #onse/uen#e of the internal logi# of his religio-ethi#al &ision. at the same time it #an

also be seen as the ine&itable impa#t o&er his so#ial and material milieu of the po*erful for#es

that *ere generated *ithin him as a result of his en#ounter *ith the Ea#red' The propheti#

&o#ation #annot limit itself merel$ to interpreting the *orld in a fresh *a$. in order to remain

true to itself it must also attempt to transform its milieu in a##ordan#e *ith that interpretation'

7elia8ilit. of 9istorical Sources

Fne of the fundamental /uestions to be addressed at the outset #on#erns the reliabilit$ of

sour#es' There are t*o distin#t sets of images of Prophet Muhammad a&ailable to s#holars

images found in the traditional Islami# sour#es (primaril$ the ur:n but also Magh% Erah


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ma)ing it impossible to #onstru#t an a##ount of his life that *ould be a##eptable to e&er$one'

hile e&en Muslim s#holars sin#e #lassi#al times ha&e not re#ei&ed the Islami# oral

tradition *ithout #riti#ism the Frientalist s#holarship has sho*n mu#h more #aution and e&en

s)epti#ism' Igna% Hod%iher (+??>->0" and 4oseph E#ha#ht (+>50" are re#ogni%ed as the pioneers

of the s)epti#al approa#h' More re#entl$ s#holars of the so-#alled 8re&isionist s#hool9 ha&e

ta)en this s)epti#ism to its logi#al etreme. 4ohn ansbrough (+>77 +>7?" Patri#ia rone

(+>?0 +>?7" and Mi#hael oo) (*ith rone +>77" ha&e tended to*ards re1e#ting the totalit$ of

Islami# sour#es as ha&ing &er$ little &alue in terms of histori#al fa#t' hate&er the merits of their

#riti#al methodolog$ (Boren and e&o +>>+" the re#onstru#tions of earl$ Islami# histor$

in#luding a ne* interpretation of the histor$ of the ur:n as #arried out b$ these s#holars is

based on tentati&e and pro&isional foundations and has #ome under serious and sometimes fatal

#riti#isms (=ahman +>?0 J +>?. =obinson +>>6. Mot%)i 200+"' In #ontrast most historians

of Islam ha&e argued that the problems in traditional Islami# sour#es are not insurmountable and

that a fairl$ good pi#ture of histori#al fa#t #an be distilled after a thorough sour#e #riti#ism' This

for instan#e is the position of ' Montgomer$ att *ho belie&es that E#ha#ht:s #riti#ism of

hadith ma$ appl$ to 1uridi#al traditions but not to histori#al a##ounts. he notes that 8Cthere is a

solid #ore of fa#t9 in the 8Cundisputed or purel$ histori#al se#tion of the traditional histori#al

material'9 (+>56@336-33?"' hile att is &ie*ed as too gullible there is gro*ing e&iden#e that

Islami# sour#es originated mu#h earlier than *hat *as belie&ed in estern s#holarship until

re#entl$ (Mot%)i 200+"'

Gerg (2000" has sho*n that the apparentl$ irresol&able differen#es bet*een s)epti#s and

non-s)epti#s #on#erning the reliabilit$ of Islami# sour#es stem from different sets of assumptions

This paper ta)es a historian:s perspe#ti&e rather than that of a theologian:s. it bra#)ets the issue of the &era#it$ and

ultimate sour#e of Prophet Muhammad:s re&elator$ eperien#e and ignores all referen#es to supernatural e&ents as

ma$ be found in some Islami# sour#es' It brings to the fore onl$ those aspe#ts of Prophet Muhammad:s life that arehistori#all$ plausible and that allo* themsel&es to be studied through the tools of so#ial s#ien#es'

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on *hi#h the t*o groups of s#holars base their resear#h neither of *hi#h #an be definiti&el$

pro&ed' Ma)ing #ertain sub1e#ti&e assumptions is therefore ine&itable' Indeed the present paper

#ould not ha&e been *ritten *ithout assuming at least limited and #onditional reliabilit$ of

Islami# sour#es' !&en though later embellishments legend formation politi#al reshaping of

re#ei&ed tradition and other forms of distortions #an ne&er be ruled out the present paper is

based on the assumption that it is still possible to etra#t so#iologi#all$ signifi#ant data from the

#lassi#al Islami# sour#es parti#ularl$ *hen the$ are read in dialogue *ith the ur:n'

The Inevita8ilit. of Stor. onstruction

Eome epistemologi#al #aution ho*e&er is in order' The /uestion #an be raised as to

*hether it is possible to )no* *ith e&en relati&e #ertaint$ as to 8*hat reall$ happened9 in the

life and times of Prophet Muhammad; It has to be a#)no*ledged in an$ stud$ of this )ind that

human beings ha&e no a##ess to pure and unmediated histori#al truth and that all 8fa#ts9 are

presented to the human mind as alread$ pa#)aged a##ording to a gi&en perspe#ti&e. it is possible

to #hallenge that perspe#ti&e but onl$ to impose a ne* one' Paul =i#oeur (+>?+@27-2>6" has

pointed out that both histor$ and fi#tion use 8emplotment9 to estheti#all$ relate apparentl$

isolated happenings in a narrati&e *hole that appears meaningful from a #ertain perspe#ti&e'

Paraphrasing =i#oeur Mar) alla#e eplains the ine&itabilit$ of stor$ #onstru#tion in histori#al

*ritings (in =i#oeur +>>5@++-+2"@

Insofar as histor$ is a form of *riting that see)s #oheren#e in the #haos of real e&ents and not

simpl$ a dis#onne#ted re#ounting of these e&ents histor$ li)e fi#tion is go&erned b$ a *ide

&ariet$ of different aestheti# strategies for organi%ing past e&ents into a narrati&e *holeC'


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absolute and unmediated 8truth9 of the matter regarding *hat reallyhappened' Irrespe#ti&e of

the methodolog$ emplo$ed there *ill al*a$s be an element of emplotment *hi#h *ill impose

its o*n stru#ture on to the data in order to ma)e them #oherent and #redible from a #ertain

perspe#ti&e and for a #ertain audien#e' !&en those *ho re1e#t #lassi#al Islami# sour#es are not

immune from proposing their o*n plot. onl$ the$ stri&e to bring up a different set of data

through *hi#h to establish the reliabilit$ of their plot and the &alidit$ of their perspe#ti&e'

The re#ognition of the ine&itabilit$ of emplotment demands that one maintains a sense of

tentati&eness in dra*ing so#iologi#al #on#lusions from histori#al narrati&es' In this paper I do

not attempt to in&ent a ne* plot or to pretend that I #an loo) at histori#al e&ents in full light of

8s#ientifi# ob1e#ti&it$9 b$ trans#ending all humanl$ #onstru#ted plots' Instead I see) to *or)

more modestl$ *ithin the #lassi#all$ established plot of Prophet Muhammad:s biograph$ *hile

ta)ing ad&antage of #ontemporar$ anal$ti#al and interpreti&e tools to bring out some of its

so#iologi#al signifi#an#e'

The entral Imortance of the Qur;


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into a #oherent pi#ture that emerges from them all as a bod$' And most important *e #an often

rel$ on the ba#)ground detail *hi#h the reports ta)e for granted as )no*n to all'

espite these diffi#ulties it is ne&ertheless possible to #onstru#t a general *or)ing model of the

life of Prophet Muhammad that relies primaril$ on the ur:n and uses other sour#es sparingl$

and *ith #aution' onse/uentl$ if the ur:n is studied in #areful dialogue *ith the most

essential and reliable of the etra-ur:ni# data on Prophet Muhammad and his milieu it #an be

seen that the ur:n pro&ides #omments #riti#isms and step-b$-step instru#tions that *ere

dire#tl$ related to the progress of Prophet Muhammad:s mo&ement'5 Eu#h a histori#al reading of

the ur:n offers insights into the nature of e&ents *hose authenti#it$ ma$ other*ise be in

/uestion' In this #ontet the suggestion b$ aniel Madigan (+>>5" that the ur:n should be

read as a commentaryon the e&ents and situations that surrounded its re&elation should be ta)en

seriousl$' hile s$mpatheti# to the re&isionist s#hool Madigan (+>>5@352-353" argues for the

&alue of the ur:n as a histori#al do#ument@

Fne #ould see it Kthe ur:nL as a )ind of 8running #ommentar$9 on the situationso#ial

religious politi#al and sometimes e&en domesti#in *hi#h Muhammad found himself' This is

to regard the se&enth #entur$ 5"'

>


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preser&ing information it #an ne&ertheless be used to grasp the self-understandingof Prophet

Muhammad and his earliest follo*ers' Indeed starting from the a#tor:s &ie*point is a time-

honored eberian approa#h. to the etent that the ur:n refle#ts the mind of Prophet

Muhammad and the earl$ Muslim #ommunit$ its narrati&es referen#es allusions ehortations

and #riti#isms #an be seen as a treasure of so#iologi#all$ signifi#ant data' The ur:n ma$ not

re#ord histori#al details but it does gi&e a &antage point for eamining other data' efending his

approa#h el#h (+>?3@+5-+6" notes@

The Boran is an unusual histori#al sour#e' It is a #ontemporar$ and authenti# re#ord that

responds #onstantl$ to Muhammad:s situation and $et it #ontains no histori#al narrati&e or

des#ription and it does not ha&e as its purpose the re#ording of histor$ or biograph$'C

=egardless of *hat &ie* ma$ be ta)en as to the authorship of the Boran that is *hether Hod or

Muhammad is regarded as its author all *ould agree that as the Prophet and re#ipient of the

re&elation Muhammad must ha&e )no*n *hat the Boran sa$s and must ha&e agreed *ith the

&ie*s it espouses' In other *ords e&en if the traditional Islami# &ie* of re&elation is a##epted

that is that Hod is the author and spea)er of the Boran still it must be admitted that the

re&elation also refle#ts the &ie*s of the Prophet through *hom it *as imparted to KpeopleL'

espite the usefulness of the abo&e approa#h el#h:s /ualifi#ation that the ur:n is a reliable

histori#al sour#e onl$ 8if it is properl$ interpreted9 still lea&es room for different &ersions of the

rise of Islam based on different hermeneuti#al frame*or)s' onse/uentl$ the ur:n #an hardl$

be read as a #ommentar$ on #ontemporar$ e&ents *ithout pa$ing some attention to etra-

ur:ni# reports of those e&ents' =obinson (+>>6@-5" argues this position as follo*s@

The earliest etant biographies of the Prophet *ere #ompiled at a time *hen Islam had be#ome

the ideolog$ of a &ast empire' Their histori#al &alue as a sour#e of information about the earliest

da$s of Islam is therefore /uestionableC' Det if *e lea&e the Islami# sour#es tradition to one

side and approa#h the ur:n *ithout an$ presuppositions the pi#ture *hi#h emerges is

etremel$ s)et#h$C If *e *ish to fill in this s)et#h and sharpen its fo#us our onl$ option is to

dra* on the earl$ biographies' C despite their relati&el$ late date and their ob&ious ideologi#al

bias these biographies KareL nonetheless li)el$ to #ontain a##urate information parti#ularl$ aboutMuhammad:s raiding #ampaigns'

In re#onstru#ting the rise of Islam and parti#ularl$ Prophet Muhammad:s self-understanding

#on#erning of his mission I *ill therefore mainl$ rel$ on the ur:n *ith minimal help from

other Islami# sour#es' In interpreting the ur:n m$ methodologi#al assumption *ill be the

+0


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inner #oheren#e and unit$ of the s#ripture *hi#h allo*s it to be read inter-tetuall$'

"n Interretation of the 7ise of Islam

I suggest that Ma eber:s )e$ insight into the moti&ational d$nami#s of human a#tions

#an be fruitfull$ used to present a plausible &ie* of the rise of Islam for the purpose of this stud$'

In a famous passage eber (+>6@2?0" notes@

ot ideas but material and ideal interests dire#tl$ go&ern Kpeople:sL #ondu#t' Det &er$fre/uentl$ the 8*orld images9 that ha&e been #reated b$ 8ideas9 ha&e li)e s*it#hmen

determined the tra#)s along *hi#h a#tion has been pushed b$ the d$nami#s of interest'

eber apparentl$ in #on&ersation *ith the 8ghost of Mar9 *as tr$ing to in#orporate the role of

ideas in the materialist model of so#ial #hange'


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jihdmight ha&e #reated the 8*orld images9 through *hi#h #ertain ideal and material interests

#on&erged and #ontributed to*ard the rise of Islam' The ur:n ma)es it abundantl$ #lear that

sal&ation in the hereafter is as mu#h a matter of ha&ing faith as fulfilling the obligation ofjihd'

Ee&eral ytma$ be #ited in this regard@

o $ou thin) $ou *ill go to Paradise *hile Hod has not $et seen *ho among $ou struggle and

perse&ere; (3@+2"

o $ou thin) $ou *ill get a*a$ before Hod sees *ho among $ou *ould struggleC; (>@+6"

e shall guide those *ho struggle in Fur #ause to the paths leading to sC' (2>@6>"

F belie&ersN Ma$ I offer $ou a bargain *hi#h *ill sa&e $ou from a painful punishment;


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obligation and raison d:Otre' The notion that Hod #hooses #ertain people to fulfill Hod:s purpose

is also mentioned else*here in the ur:n (2@+3 J 3@++0"' There is a #lear emphasis that this

ne* #ommunit$ is being formed in order to #olle#ti&el$ struggle 8in the *a$ of Hod'9

Ee&eral ur:ni# $t ma$ be #ited to sho* the relationship bet*een so#ial 1usti#e and

the propheti# mission' ,or instan#e the ur:n presents the purpose of the ad&ent of Prophet

Muhammadhis mission statementin the follo*ing *ords@

KHodL is the one *ho has sent


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follo*ers might ha&e belie&ed the$ *ere tr$ing to a##omplish through their jihd' It seems that

in their understanding the triumph of Islam *as &irtuall$ identi#al *ith the establishment of

so#ial 1usti#e' This &ie* brings out the ur:ni# basis of the intimate intert*ining of the religio-

ethi#al and the so#io-politi#al spheres in the life of Prophet Muhammad as alread$ noted' It #an

be further supported through another pair of yt as follo*s@ 8F belie&ersN Etand up for 1usti#e

as *itnesses for HodC9 (@+35" and 8F belie&ersN Etand up for Hod as *itnesses for 1usti#eC9

(5@?"' This highl$ suggesti&e parallel #onstru#tion and the &irtual e/uation of 8Hod9 *ith

81usti#e9 pro&ide e&iden#e for the position that the struggle in the *a$ of Hod *as &er$ #losel$

asso#iated *ith struggle for the sa)e of 1usti#e. in fa#t it is li)el$ that the t*o *ere not #learl$

differentiated at all' A number of insightful students of the Islami# s#ripture ha&e rea#hed the

same #on#lusion' ,or instan#e ,a%lur =ahman (+>?0@62" #ontends that a##ording to the ur:n

the main purpose for the #reation of a Muslim #ommunit$ and for the imperati&e of jihd*as

none other than the establishment of so#ial 1usti#e@

There is no doubt that the ur:n *anted Muslims to establish a politi#al order on earth for the

sake of creating an egalitarian and just moral-social order' Eu#h an order should b$ definition

eliminate 8#orruption on the earth9 and 8reform the earth'9 To fulfill this tas) to *hi#h e&er$

people *hose &ision is neither trun#ated nor in&erted pa$s at least a lip-ser&i#e the ur:n

#reated the instrument ofjihdC' K!mphasis in the original'L

To the etent that the ur:ni# dis#ourse #an be seen as a refle#tion of the self-understanding of

Prophet Muhammad and his earliest follo*ers the yat/uoted abo&e pro&ide strong e&iden#e of

the role pla$ed b$ the impulse to*ards so#ial 1usti#e in the rise of Islam'

In a##ounting for the material interests in&ol&ed in the emergen#e of Islam Ma eber

has emphasi%ed the role pla$ed b$ the Gedouin *arriors: propensit$ for po*er and boot$' As is

*ell )no*n eber #ould not #arr$ out the s$stemati# stud$ of Islam that he had planned'


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lin) his #harisma to the material interests of a Gedouin 8*arrior #lass9 that subse/uentl$ be#ame

the 8#arrier9 of his message #hanging it substantiall$ in the pro#ess (+>>3@5+-52 ?7-??"' This

interpretation has been dul$ #riti#i%ed b$ Turner (+>7@3-35" as being a one-sided anal$sis

based on fla*ed assumptions' A##ording to Turner (+>7@36" eber did not ta)e the ur:ni#

a##ount seriousl$ *hi#h *ould ha&e sho*n him that the follo*ers of Prophet Muhammad

in#luded a group of opportunists or free-riders that #onsisted of some urban d*ellers of Medina

as *ell as of Gedouin tribes (ur:n >@+0+"' These indi&iduals *ere ne&er #onsidered among

Prophet Muhammad:s #lose and trusted asso#iates and the ur:n repeatedl$ #ondemns them in

the harshest terms #alling them munafiqnor h$po#rites' In general the religious sin#erit$ of

the Gedouins *as al*a$s a matter of suspi#ion. as nomads the Gedouins *ere usuall$ more

interested in the problem of sur&i&ing in the desert and *ere less in#lined to*ards supernatural

or purel$ ethi#al matters' It has been noted that the Gedouin 8C*ere ne&er parti#ularl$ %ealous

in the pra#ti#e of IslamC9 (5>+>?+@?" a fa#t reported b$ the ur:n (>@>7->?"

although it does eempt some of them from the #harge of h$po#ris$ and disbelief (>@>>"' The

*a&e of apostas$ among the Gedouin tribes immediatel$ after Prophet Muhammad:s death is a

#ase in point' Turner notes 8G$ lumping together a number of different t$pes of #ommitment to

Islam eber seemed to impl$ either that all Muslims *ere opportunists or that Muhammad *as

prepared to a##ept a redefinition of the #ore of religion in militaristi# terms9 (Ibid'"'

It ma$ be added that the &er$ notion of a Gedouin 8*arrior #lass9 is more of a nineteenth

#entur$ !uropean fantas$ about blood-thirst$ Arabs than an a##urate des#ription of histori#al

realit$' hile pre-Islami# Arab poetr$ is full of self-praise regarding the &alor and militar$

eploits of the poet:s tribe this 8e&iden#e9 should be treated *ith #aution' The ur:n suggests

that *hile raiding and looting *as part of the Gedouin e#onom$ these tribes *ere not eager to

fight in a situation *here the$ #ould lose their li&es for an ideal trans#ending mundane eisten#e'

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The fre/uent ur:ni# ehortations in the Medinan period to ta)e up arms and fight (2@2+6. @77.

?@65. 7@20 et#'" instead of sho*ing the militant nature of earl$ Muslims a#tuall$ demonstrates

the unwillingnessof man$ among Prophet Muhammad:s follo*ers to ris) their li&es'

Eula$man Gashir (+>7?" on the other hand &ie*s the material interests of the

#ommer#ial aristo#ra#$ of Me##athe elite of the tribe of ura$shto be at the heart of the rise

of Islam' In other *ords he argues that the mo&ement under Muhammad *as a means through

*hi#h eisting #lass relations *ere reprodu#ed and #onsolidated in a unified Islami# state *hi#h

be#ame an instrument for the #lass interests of the *ealth$ mer#hants of ura$sh' A similar

&ie* *as presented earlier b$ !ri# olf (+>5+" *ho argued that 8CMohammed a##omplished

for the Me##an traders that *hi#h the$ #ould not a##omplish themsel&es@ the organi%ation of

state po*er9 (353"' The numerous fla*s and defi#ien#ies of this interpretation ha&e been

dis#ussed in detail b$ Asad (+>?0" *ho #on#ludes that 8Cthe origin and de&elopment of Qthe

Islami# state: #annot be eplained in terms of the !ngels thesis *hi#h Gashir adoptsbe#ause

Qthe Islami# state: *as neither a response to the spe#ifi# needs of a parti#ular #lass prior to the

Prophet nor an unambiguous instrument of the ruling #lass after his death9 (66"'

In #ontrast to the &ie*s of eber Gashir and olf perhaps the most fruitful theor$

eplaining the rise of Islam is still that of ' Montgomer$ att' espite its problems and

limitations (f' rone +>?7. Peters +>>" att:s perspe#ti&e does pa$ attention to the

relati&el$ depri&ed and marginali%ed so#io-e#onomi# status of the ma1orit$ of Prophet

Muhammad:s follo*ers in Me##a' This is important in figuring out the role of material interests

in the rise of Islam' Ge#oming Muslim in Me##a *as not an immediatel$ ad&antageous

underta)ing for this often resulted in so#ial re1e#tions bo$#otts and perse#ution. it ma$

therefore be fruitful to thin) in terms of the #on&erts: long-term interests' If it *as in the long-

term material interest of the Prophet Muhammad:s follo*ers to be part of his mo&emente&en if

+7


18/39

it brought short-term disad&antagesthen it *ould be reasonable to argue that the$ must ha&e

#ome from relati&el$ depri&ed or marginali%ed se#tions of so#iet$ and that for this reason the$

had e&er$thing to gain and &er$ little to lose b$ 1oining the ne* religion' If this *as the #ase

then it is also reasonable to argue that the$ must ha&e readil$ embra#ed the idea of so#ial 1usti#e

as the *orldl$ goal of their religious mission'

A##ording to att (+>53 +>6+" the Me##an so#iet$ in earl$ se&enth #entur$ *as in a

state of transition from dependen#e on nomadi# pastoralism to urban #ommer#ial life and this

had #reated a #risis of &alues parti#ularl$ in terms of gross so#io-e#onomi# disparit$a situation

that disturbed man$ sensiti&e indi&iduals in#luding Muhammad' The rise of Islam #an be

interpreted as a response to this so#io-e#onomi# unrest' A##ording to att the ma1orit$ of

Prophet Muhammad:s earl$ follo*ers belonged either to *ea) #lans or *ere $ounger members

of more po*erful #lans. some of them ma$ be *ell off e#onomi#all$ but the$ *ere relati&el$

peripheral in the so#ial hierar#h$ be#ause the$ la#)ed effe#ti&e #lan prote#tion (+>6+@+2"'

hile there *ere some sla&es among the earl$ #on&erts it is ob&ious from att:s

des#ription that Islam #annot be #hara#teri%ed as a #lass mo&ement' It had attra#ted not onl$ the

marginali%ed but also some moderatel$ prosperous and relati&el$ po*erful indi&iduals of Me##a'

This is in a##ordan#e *ith eber:s obser&ation that the follo*ers of #harismati# prophe#$ are

not restri#ted to an$ parti#ular #lass (+>>3@+0+"'

>?" *ho #ontends that 8Cafter approimatel$ si $ears of a#ti&it$ as Prophet both in publi#

and in se#rete Muhammad had onl$ a *ea) and so#iall$ unimportant follo*ing that #ould not

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19/39

stand up to the opposition in Me##a9 (+0"' In other *ords the ma1orit$ of the earl$ #on&erts to

Islam #onsisted of the relati&el$ depri&ed and marginali%ed that #an be #hara#teri%ed as

belonging to the lo*er middle #lass *hile the main opponents of his mo&ement *ere the #hiefs

of different #lans andor po*erful mer#hants *ho had de&eloped a monopol$ in the Me##an

trade' This indi#ates that the primar$ #arriers of Islam belonged not to the #enter but to

peripher$ of the so#io-e#onomi# and politi#al hierar#h$ of Me##a'

This fa#t is of &ital importan#e in demonstrating the role of jihd as the integrating

element of material interests in the rise of Islam' The material interests of the most *ealth$ and

po*erful t$pi#all$ lie in maintaining rather than #hanging the status /uo and the desire or

moti&ation for so#ial #hange t$pi#all$ #omes from the disad&antaged se#tions' In addition as

eber has sho*n *ealth$ mer#hants are not li)el$ to be attra#ted to an ethi#al religion of

sal&ation' 8!&er$*here9 eber (+>>3@>2" notes 8s)epti#ism or indifferen#e to religion are and

ha&e been the *idel$ diffused attitudes of large-s#ale traders and finan#iers'9

This obser&ation #an be #onfirmed from the ur:n' In re#ounting the stories of the past

the purpose of the ur:n is ne&er to pro&ide histori#al re#ords but to sho* ho* those stories are

rele&ant to the present' onse/uentl$ it is possible to read the situation of Prophet Muhammad:s

time in the ur:ni# stories of


20/39

elite (+5@??. +?@2?. 26@2+5. ?0@+-+2"' ,inall$ the fa#t that the ur:ni# theodi#$ see)s to

eplain politi#al po*er so#ial status and material fortune as transient and ultimatel$

in#onse/uential (3@+>6-+>7. +?@32- et#'" indi#ates that the origins of the ur:ni# ethi#s lies

among the relati&el$ depri&ed and marginali%ed' As is *ell )no*n Prophet Muhammad himself

belonged to a relati&el$ *ea) #lan the GanR


21/39

of so#ial 1usti#e through the obligation of 1ihd. in the absen#e of the latter the ur:ni# solution

to the problem of meaninglessness in the fa#e of in1usti#e *ould ha&e been nothing more than an

8ideolog$9 in the Marian sense'

9uman "genc. an# Social hange

ur:ni# ethi#s is founded on the i&ine promise of re*ards and punishments in the


22/39

the sub1e#ti&e #ons#iousness' It is through eternali%ation that so#iet$ is a human produ#t' It is

through ob1e#ti&ation that so#iet$ be#omes a realit$sui generis' It is through internali%ation that

Kthe human beingL is a produ#t of so#iet$'

!&en though so#iet$ 8Chas no other being e#ept that *hi#h is besto*ed upon it b$ human

a#ti&it$ and #ons#iousness9 (+>67@3" it is neither simple nor eas$ to #hange so#iet$ in an$

substantial *a$ through #ons#ious human efforts' There are at least t*o reasons for this

diffi#ult$' ,irst Gerger (+>67@7" notes that 8Cthe *orld-building a#ti&it$ of Khuman beingsL is

al*a$s and ine&itabl$ a #olle#ti&e enterprise'9 In other *ords *hile the so#iet$ is #reated b$

human beings it is ne&er #reated b$ a single person in an$ deliberate *a$ but al*a$s #omes into

being as a result of a #olle#ti&e pro#ess that in#ludes both ph$si#al and mental a#ti&ities of

#ountless generations. most of these a#ti&ities are li)el$ to ha&e been performed b$ unsuspe#ting

indi&iduals going about their dail$ business' Ee#ond Gerger (+>67@>" points out that 8The

humanl$ produ#ed *orldC #onsists of ob1e#ts both material and non-material that are #apable

of resisting the desires of their produ#ersC this *orld #annot simpl$ be *ished a*a$'9 In other

*ords on#e a so#iet$ #omes into being it be#omes relati&el$ free of the #ontrol of its #reators.

the so#iet$ as *ell as its &arious #onstituents follo* their o*n logi# that ma$ &er$ *ell go

against the desires and epe#tations of the human beings *ho ha&e originall$ gi&en rise to them'

hat role then for #ons#ious human agen#$;

The )e$ lies in t*o related fa#ts pointed out b$ Gerger' The first is that a so#iet$ is

collecti#elyprodu#ed. the se#ond is that it is ongoinglyprodu#ed' Ein#e a so#iet$ is #olle#ti&el$

produ#ed it #an onl$ be #olle#ti&el$ #hanged' That is to sa$ a single indi&idual no matter ho*

po*erful is not going to be able to single-handedl$ #hange so#iet$ or an$ of its stru#tures in an$

signifi#ant manner. ho*e&er a substantial number of indi&iduals *or)ing together represent a

/ualitati&el$ different for#e that #an eploit the same me#hanism that originall$ ga&e rise to

so#iet$' Moreo&er the fa#t that a so#iet$ on#e produ#ed #annot maintain its ob1e#ti&e realit$ on

22


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its o*n but must be #ontinuousl$ supported and maintained b$ ongoing human ph$si#al and

mental a#ti&it$ indi#ates that human beings indeed ha&e a measure of #ontrol o&er it' The

internali%ation of so#ial realit$ ba#) into sub1e#ti&e #ons#iousness as if it *ere a realit$ sui

generisposes a limitation to the possibilit$ of #hange. $et as Gerger (+>67@+5" notes 8Ctotal

so#iali%ation is empiri#all$ non-eistent and theoreti#all$ impossible'9 Ein#e the pro#ess of

internali%ation is al*a$s in#omplete human sub1e#ti&it$ and agen#$ en1o$ a degree of freedom

o&er and against the #oer#i&e fa#ti#it$ of so#ial realit$'

or)ing *ithin this free spa#e human beings #an thin) and a#t in *a$s that are #ontrar$

to the *a$s in *hi#h the$ ha&e pre&iousl$ fun#tioned leading to #hanges in the ob1e#ti&ated

so#ial realit$' Fn#e that ob1e#ti&ated realit$ begins to #hange initiall$ in small *a$s but

in#reasingl$ in more signifi#ant *a$s the nature of *hat is internali%ed begins to #hange as *ell

*ith #hanges in the ob1e#ti&ated realit$ leading to #orresponding #hanges in sub1e#ti&e

#ons#iousness' As the sub1e#ti&e #ons#iousness begins to #hange in in#reasingl$ signifi#ant

*a$s the nature of *hat is eternali%ed also begins to #hange *ith human beings pouring out

ph$si#al and mental stuff into the *orld that is in#reasingl$ different from *hat the$ had been

pouring out pre&iousl$' 4ust as the #reation of a so#iet$ ta)es pla#e through a positi&e feedba#)

loop so does the pro#ess of its #hange the #ru#ial point of inter&ention being the transformation

of indi&iduals' To *it small but persistent #hanges in sub1e#ti&e #ons#iousness graduall$ lead to

in#reasingl$ signifi#ant #hanges in the stuff of eternali%ation and therefore in the ob1e#ti&e

fa#ti#it$ of so#iet$ itself the pro#ess be#oming in#reasingl$ effe#ti&e in ea#h su##eeding #$#le'

There are t*o signifi#ant points in this frame*or) that are *orth emphasi%ing' ,irst the

pro#ess of deliberate so#ial #hange must start from indi&idual human beings. this is not to

underestimate the po*er of ob1e#ti&ated so#ial realit$ or impersonal so#ial stru#tures but to

point out that the starting point of an$ so#ial #hange has to be a #hange of sub1e#ti&e

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#ons#iousness in the small area of freedom from so#iali%ation that all human beings en1o$'

Ee#ond *hile the initial #hange of sub1e#ti&e #ons#iousness does not ha&e to be a &er$

substantial one it must be represented in the ph$si#al and mental stuff that is eternali%ed into

the *orld and that shapes the #hara#ter of the ob1e#ti&ated realit$' This means that it is not

enough for some people to simpl$ thin) or feel in different *a$s but the$ must eternali%e these

sub1e#ti&e #hanges through *hat the$ do and *hat the$ sa$ and that the$ must do this

eternali%ation in a #olle#ti&eas opposed to isolatedmanner' It #an be seen that the

re#ognition of the human role in #onstru#ting and maintaining realit$ is the )e$ empo*ering

element for so#ial mo&ements' hile religion mostl$ ser&es to maintain so#ial realit$ it

o##asionall$ empo*ers human beings to #hange that realit$ as *ell'

7eligion as a Source of 9uman +mo0erment

Traditional Marist approa#hes failed to ta)e religion:s re&olutionar$ role seriousl$

falling into a unilateral &ie* a##ording to *hi#h religion *as al*a$s ideologi#al al*a$s

alienating al*a$s 8opium of the people'9 As Maduro (+>75@3+2" notes 8CMar and !ngels

*anted to sh$ a*a$ from #on#eptions defending the absolute autonom$ and effi#a#$

(independent of the so#ial stru#tures" of religious institutions'9 This emphasis resulted in an

un1ustifiabl$ one-sided &ie* of religion and #ulture among their earl$ follo*ers' Again as

Maduro (+>75@3+3" has pointed out *hile it is true that the ideas of the ruling #lasses tend to be

dominant in an$ so#iet$ there are al*a$s other ideas that #hallenge the dominant ones in &arious

*a$s' 4ust as so#iali%ation is al*a$s in#omplete the superstru#ture is ne&er a monolithi# entit$

pro&iding another *indo* of opportunit$ through *hi#h so#ial #hange ma$ be initiated'

ommenting on the re&olutionar$ potential of religion Maduro (+>75@3+" notes@

This unilateral emphasis at least *ith regard to religion #an alread$ be as#ribed not onl$ to their

su##essors but also to Mar and !ngels themsel&es' G$ ta)ing the proletariat to be the final

#lass and the one *hi#h *ould #onse/uentl$ re1e#t all religion our authors blo#)ed the path to

2


25/39

understanding that eploited #lasses fre/uentl$ find themsel&es related to a parti#ular religion in

su#h a *a$ that instead of finding it an obsta#le to their eman#ipation the$ #an find original

unepe#ted and fruitful perspe#ti&es in it for their re&olutionar$ struggle'

In a similar &ein Gerger (+>67@>5" eplains the double role of religion in #ausing both alienation

and de-alienation' Ein#e religion is the supreme defense against anomie it normall$ obfus#ates

the human origins of so#ial realit$' >@7-75 J 252" leading to its &irtual monopol$ in the Arabian trade' The monotheisti#

message prea#hed b$ Prophet Muhammad had a strong de-alienating /ualit$ in this #ontet for it

sought to demonstrate the human #onstru#tion of pagan deities as *ell as of the e#onomi#

organi%ation that *as dependent on the realit$ of those deities' Atta#)ing pol$theism *as not

simpl$ a theologi#al matter but had serious politi#al and e#onomi# impli#ations'

The ur:n stressed that all deities other than the one Hod are human in&entionsmerel$

8names9 *ithout a #orresponding ontologi#al status (7@7+. +2@3>-0. 53@+>-23'"' The ur:n

also #ondemned man$ Arab rituals and religious pra#ti#es on the grounds that these ha&e not

25


26/39

been epli#itl$ #ommanded b$ Hod and are therefore merel$ human fabri#ations (5@+03.

6@+3?-+3> +3-+. >@36-37"' The impli#ations of this *holesale de-sa#rali%ation of *hat *as

#onsidered most in&iolable stemmed partl$ from the fa#t that b$ pro#laiming su#h ideas Prophet

Muhammad *as threatening the s$stem of religious legitimation that had so far supported the

so#ial politi#al and e#onomi# status /uo' At the same time of #ourse he *as also #laiming a

trans#endent8#harismati#9authorit$ for himself that #learl$ *ent abo&e and be$ond the

tribal s$stem of lo$alties' Indeed su#h de-sa#rali%ation and de-alienation of the status /uo is in

the &er$ nature of propheti# #harisma and is also at the heart of so#ial #hange'

The 4imitations of 9uman "genc.

espite the realit$ of human freedom e&en #olle#ti&e human effort e&entuall$ meets

#ertain ob1e#ti&e limitations' ,ar from being a #ause for despair this onl$ means that the need

for utopian &isions must be balan#ed b$ a #ool and deta#hed a##eptan#e of the #on#rete realit$

*ithin *hi#h human a#tors must struggle' hile human imagination )no*s no limits so#ial

mo&ements must be #ogni%ant of the limits that histor$ imposes on them' Eome of the

limitations of human agen#$ are #learl$ &isible in the #ase of Prophet Muhammad' In #ontrast to

the interpretation of the rise of Islam that I ha&e adopted in this paper ?>@+7"

argues that the emergen#e of Islam #annot be des#ribed in terms of a mo&ement for so#ial 1usti#e

sin#e a number of un1ust pra#ti#es remained e&en after Prophet Muhammad:s death@

KMLan$ Islami#ists ha&e argued epli#itl$ or impli#itl$ that the 8#orruption9 of Arab so#iet$ ga&e

rise to a religious mo&ement that offered a more 81ust9 alternati&ea parti#ularl$ untenable

argument be#ause of the #ontinuit$ of su#h pra#ti#es as sla&er$ from the pre- to post-Islami#

periods' onsidering the Muhammadan mo&ement as a so#ial rebellion against an 8un1ust9s$stem is an ana#hronisti# reading of the phenomenon'

The point that has been missed here is that the #ontinuation of sla&er$ or other un1ust pra#ti#es

from pre-Islami# to Islami# times does not ne#essaril$ sho* that the rise of Islam *as not a

so#ial rebellion against in1usti#e' It is more fruitful to argue that *hile so#ial unrest and

26


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dis#ontent did pro&ide a substantial part of the moti&ation among marginali%ed elements for

1oining the ne* religion #ertain ob1e#ti&e #onditions pre&ented the full flo*ering of the Islami#

ideal of so#ial 1usti#e during Prophet Muhammad:s o*n life-time and e&en during subse/uent

#enturies' Among others this &ie*point has been presented b$ =obert Gellah' In his paper

8Islami# Tradition and the Problems of Moderni%ation9 Gellah (+>70@+50-+5+" #omments on the

remar)able modernit$ of earl$ Islam@

There is no /uestion but that under Muhammad Arabian so#iet$ made a remar)able leap for*ard

in so#ial #ompleit$ and politi#al #apa#it$' hen the stru#ture that too) shape under the prophet

*as etended b$ the earl$ #aliphs to pro&ide the organi%ing prin#iple for a *orld empire the

result is something that for its time and pla#e is remar)abl$ modern' It is modern in the high

degree of #ommitment in&ol&ement and parti#ipation epe#ted from the ran)-and-file members

of the #ommunit$' It is modern in the openness of its leadership positions to abilit$ 1udged onuni&ersalisti# grounds and s$mboli%ed in the attempt to institutionali%e a nonhereditar$ top

leadership'

In the larger flo* of human histor$ the emergen#e of su#h ideals in the tribal so#iet$ of Arabia in

the se&enth #entur$ represented an anomal$ an untimel$ inno&ation that re/uired institutional

support for its full manifestation' Gellah (+>60@+5+" argues@

In a *a$ the failure of the earl$ #ommunit$ the relapse into pre-Islami# prin#iples of so#ial

organi%ation is an added proof of the modernit$ of the earl$ eperiment' It *as too modern tosu##eed' The ne#essar$ so#ial infrastru#ture did not $et eist to sustain it'

There are se&eral realms in *hi#h the &alidit$ of this statement #an be as#ertained' In the

politi#al realm the inabilit$ of the earl$ Islami# #ommunit$ to e&ol&e institutions that *ould

guarantee the implementation of merito#ra#$ and demo#ra#$ has alread$ been noted' Gellah

(+>70@+5+" #ontends@

hen dissatisfa#tions and demands from important parts of the #ommunit$ built up under the

third #aliph the institutional stru#ture *as too fragile to #ontain and meet them' Instead a #hainof politi#al disturban#es *as set off that resulted in the establishment of hereditar$ )ingship

mulk under the mma$$ads' Cthe traditional Muslim suspi#ion of themCis another indi#ation

that something pre#ious *as lost *ith the #ollapse of the earl$ eperiment something that *ould

#ontinue to eer#ise the pressure of an ideal through subse/uent #enturies'

After onl$ a fe* de#ades of relati&el$ demo#rati# and egalitarian rule a series of #i&il *ars

ensued that e&entuall$ led to the degeneration of the Islami# go&ernment into a #lan-supported

27


28/39

monar#h$ the same imperial pattern of go&ernan#e that Islam had initiall$ sought to repla#e' In

this regard Hibb (+>62@3-6" notes that sin#e #i&il institutions did not e&ol&e in earl$ Islami#

histor$ po*er be#ame #on#entrated in the hands of the sole #ontender the go&ernment'

=egarding the 8politi#al traged$9 of earl$ Islami# histor$ Hibb (+>62@3>" notes@

uring the first #entur$ or so of its eisten#e the ne* ideolog$ had not $et embodied itself in an$

so#ial institutions other than that of go&ernment' onse/uentl$ there *as no other institution to

dispute the monopol$ of po*er en1o$ed b$ the institution of go&ernment' The alternati&e did not

lie bet*een the go&ernment:s monopol$ of po*er and its abdi#ation of some of its po*er to some

other institution' There was no other institution and in an$ #ase po*er #annot be transferred'

The onl$ alternati&e la$ bet*een a monopol$ of po*er*hether that *as eer#ised b$ the

ma$$ads or b$ some other groupand anar#h$' Kemphasis addedL

A similar #ase #an be made *ith regard to sla&er$' The histori#al #ir#umstan#es

pre&ailing in the se&enth #entur$ did not allo* the elimination of sla&er$ b$ means of a single

legislati&e de#ree e&en though its &er$ eisten#e represented a serious #ontradi#tion for the

Islami# ethi# of egalitarianism and so#ial 1usti#e' The ur:n restri#ted the pra#ti#e of

ensla&ement to the prisoners of *ar *hile suggesting *a$s to #hange the so#ial #ir#umstan#es

and #ultural attitudes that supported this institution' ,a%lur =ahman (+>?0@7-?" obser&es that

8Csin#e it *as impossible to legislate it a*a$ at one stro)e Kthe ur:nLC strongl$

re#ommended and en#ouraged eman#ipation of sla&es (>0@+3. ?@?>@ 5?@3" and in fa#t as)ed

Muslims to allo* sla&es to pur#hase their freedom b$ pa$ing an agreed sum in installments

(2@33"C'9 Indeed if the a##eptan#e of sla&er$ b$ the ur:n is ta)en as a permanent part of its

ethi#al and normati&e tea#hings then it is impossible to defend. on the other hand it is possible

to eplain it as a ne#essar$ #onse/uen#e of the limitations imposed b$ ob1e#ti&e #onditions'

It *ould therefore be erroneous to argue that if Islam *ere reall$ a mo&ement for so#ial

1usti#e then it *ould ha&e a#hie&ed full demo#ra#$ as *ell as elimination of sla&er$ *ithin the

life-span of Prophet Muhammad' Eu#h a &ie* *ould be based on an eaggeration of the po*er

of human agen#$ and a relati&e disregard for ob1e#ti&e #onditions that in&ariabl$ restri#t the

2?


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a#tual a#hie&ement of an$ ethi#al &ision that is suffi#ientl$ ahead of its time' Ein#e Prophet

Muhammad had to struggle *ithin a parti#ular histori#al #ontet it is *orth remembering that

that #ontet had put spe#ifi# limitations on the etent of so#io-politi#al #hanges that he #ould

ha&e brought (as *ell as the methods and strategies that he #ould ha&e adopted"'

The alance of ontinuit. an# hange

The ur:n #ontends that *hen Hod sends a messenger to a nation the messenger al*a$s

spea)s the language of his audien#e@ 8e ne&er sent a messenger *ho did not spea) the language

of his people that he ma$ eplain to them distin#tl$C9 (+@"' In se&eral other passages the

ur:n emphasi%es that it has been re&ealed in Arabi# e'g' 8e ha&e sent it do*n as an Arabi#

re#itation so that $ou ma$ understand9 (+2@2" emphasi%ing that a s#ripture in a language other

than Arabi# no matter ho* elo/uent *ould not ha&e fulfilled the re/uirements of #lear

#ommuni#ation to an Arab audien#e' Ta)ing the *ord 8language9 mentioned in the ur:n

(+@" in its broad sense of #ommon #ultural s$mbols it #an be argued that a so#ial mo&ement

must emplo$ and eploit the s$mboli# uni&erse of the &er$ so#iet$ that it *ants to #hange'

Indeed one of the #entral problems fa#ing a so#ial mo&ement is ho* to present a set of

fresh solutions to the intelle#tual so#ial politi#al or e#onomi# problems *ithout #ulturall$

alienating its audien#e' This point is the first of man$ arti#ulated b$ =odne$ Etar) (+>?7" in his

attempt to des#ribe a =ational hoi#e model of su##essful religious mo&ements' Among other

important fa#tors Etar) (+>?7@+3" identifies the retention of 8C#ultural #ontinuit$ *ith the

#on&entional faiths of the so#ieties in *hi#h the$ appear or originate9 as an important element

that determines the su##ess of a ne* religious mo&ement' This a#ute obser&ation #an be

etended to the #ase of a so#ial mo&ement *hi#h must #ou#h its arti#ulation of the targeted

problem and its en&isioned solution in a language that is familiar to its audien#e b$ using the

#onfiguration of s$mbols alread$ a&ailable and understood in so#iet$' es#ribing the *a$s in

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*hi#h Islam maintained its #ultural #ontinuit$ Etar) (+>?7@+" obser&es@

KILslam presented itself as the final unfolding of a propheti# tradition embra#ing both Fld and

e* Testaments thus maintaining #ontinuit$ *ith 4udeo-hristian #ulture (indeed Mohammed

epe#ted a##eptan#e from neighboring hristian and 4e*ish #ommunities"C' Ff #ourseMuhammed:s o*n Arab people *ere pagans' Det Islam a#hie&ed an etraordinar$ degree of

#ontinuit$ *ith this religious #ulture too' Thus *hile the Arabs *orshipped man$ gods their

pantheon in#luded a superior deit$ #alled Allah (albeit his fun#tions *ere obs#ure"' Therefore in

asserting the eisten#e of one all-po*erful god #alled Allah Mohammed *as not introdu#ing an

un)no*n deit$' Moreo&er the annual pilgrimage to Me##a to perform rites during a hol$ month

had been a prominent part of Arab religion sin#e long before Muhammad:s time'


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traditions of Arabia the rise of Islam also represents adaptation and etensi&e modifi#ation of

pre-Islami# Arabian ethi#al &alues' The semanti# stud$ of the ethi#al terms of the ur:n b$

I%utsu (+>5>2002" remains the most useful guide to this sub1e#t' nder 8The Islami%ation of

Fld Arab Sirtues9 I%utsu (+>5>2002@7" notes@

It is true that in man$ important respe#ts Islam bro)e #ompletel$ *ith the old paganism. but is

*e should not forget no less true that in spite of the bitter atta#)s on the pagans and their

idolatrous #ustoms the ur:n adopted and re&i&ed in a ne* form suited to the needs of

monotheism man$ of the outstanding &irtues of paganism' There is a #ertain respe#t in *hi#h *e

might perhaps spea) of the moral aspe#t of Islam e&en as a restoration of some of the old Arab

ideals and nomadi# &irtues *hi#h had degenerate in the hands of the *ealth$ mer#hants of Me##a

before the rise of this religion'

The restoration of old ideals ho*e&er *as not a simple matter of their re&i&al. instead the rise

of Islam represents a thorough re-*or)ing and modifi#ation of those ideals a##ording to a fresh

ethi#al &ision' I%utsu (+>5>2002@7" notes@

CIslam did not re&i&e or restore these nomadi# &irtues as it found them among the Gedouin' In

adopting and assimilating them into its s$stem of moral tea#hings Islam purified and freshenedthem ma)ing their energ$ flo* into #ertain #hannels *hi#h it had prepared'

The *a$ in *hi#h a&ailable #ultural resour#es *ere re&i&ed adapted assimilated modified and

#hanneled b$ the ur:n represents a *orth*hile sub1e#t of stud$ for so#ial mo&ements'

Three "reas of Social hange

ra*ing upon the life and #areer of Prophet Muhammad it is possible to identif$ at least

three more or less distin#t $et interdependent areas in *hi#h basi# transformati&e a#ti&it$ must

ta)e pla#e for a so#ial mo&ement to pro#eed optimall$' The$ in#lude@ +" the inner transformation

of a group of human beings *ho a#t as #atal$sts for the en&isioned so#ial #hange. 2" the

intelle#tual engagement of the mo&ement *ith its hostile or indifferent en&ironment. and 3" the

ee#ution of organi%ed politi#al struggle to bring about stru#tural #hanges' These three areas

*hile #on#eptuall$ separate influen#e ea#h other in fundamental *a$s'

The first area is based on the notion alread$ dis#ussed that an$ #hange at the #olle#ti&e

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le&el must in&ol&e a prior #hange in at least some indi&iduals' This area in other *ords

in&ol&es the #reation and maintenan#e of a #ogniti&e minorit$ that is able to eperien#e realit$ in

*a$s that are #onsistent *ith the en&isioned goal of the mo&ement $et are different from the

*a$s in *hi#h realit$ is normall$ and normati&el$ eperien#ed in that so#iet$' This area also

in#ludes the re/uirement of ps$#hologi#al de&elopment for #ertain traits of personalit$ must be

#ulti&ated in order to help this #ogniti&e minorit$ remain perse&erant in the fa#e of opposition

and so#ial pressure as *ell as pro&o#ation and perse#ution' Eu#h a transformation *hile

indi&idual #an onl$ ta)e pla#e *ithin the #ontet of a formal or informal group or mo&ement'

The se#ond area is related to the obser&ation that all so#ial politi#al and e#onomi#

stru#tures generate their o*n legitimations that are often #ou#hed in sophisti#ated philosophi#al

or theologi#al language' These legitimi%ing beliefs #onstitute an intelle#tual impediment for a

so#ial mo&ement aiming at #hanging the pra#ti#es that su#h beliefs ser&e to 1ustif$ support and

&alidate. #onse/uentl$ an$ so#ial mo&ement must in&ol&e itself in an intelle#tual engagement

*ith its milieu' The aim of su#h an engagement is to reinterpret realit$ in a fresh *a$ b$

emplo$ing eisting #ultural resour#es and to arti#ulate inno&ati&e or radi#al solutions to

#ommonl$ eperien#ed unrest or dis#ontent'

The third area has to do *ith the insight that the #ommon per#eption of truth or falsehood

of ideas or of rightness and *rongness of pra#ti#es is #losel$ related to the politi#al po*er of

the people *ho ad&o#ate and embod$ them' Moreo&er the transformation of pra#ti#es re/uires

#hanges in institutional stru#tures *hi#h remain impossible *ithout some sort of po*er struggle'

An$ set of established institutional stru#tures pro&ides &arious forms of ad&antages to spe#ifi#

groups or #lasses of people *ho in turn must defend and preser&e those stru#tures *ith *hi#h

the$ also #losel$ identif$ thereb$ ne#essitating the politi#al #omponent'

9ein$ =ohut an# Inner Transformation

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In the life and struggle of Prophet Muhammad the first areainner transformation

manifested itself as religious and moral #on&ersion of indi&iduals a transformation that in&ol&ed

not onl$ a different *a$ of )no*ing and eperien#ing realit$ but substantial de&elopment of

#hara#ter and personalit$ along a parti#ular tra1e#tor$' Gased on a number of ur:ni# allusions

it #an be argued that the ur:ni# re&elations themsel&es pla$ed a signifi#ant role in bringing

about this inner transformation (e'g' 25@32"' Among modern ps$#ho-anal$ti#al theories the self-

ps$#holog$ of 7+ +>77 +>? J +>?5" pro&ides po*erful anal$ti#al tools that

#an be used to illuminate the transformati&e role of the ur:ni# re&elations at an indi&idual

le&el parti#ularl$ for the earl$ #on&erts'

In des#ribing the pro#ess of the de&elopment of self Bohut argued that the grandiose-

ehibitionist self and the ideali%ed parent imago are t*o un#ons#ious #onfigurations that

#onstitute the #ore of the nar#issisti# se#tor of human ps$#he' In #ase of normal ps$#hologi#al

de&elopment the #hild:s need to be admired a##epted and appre#iated (8I am perfe#t9" is

fulfilled b$ the signifi#ant others in his or her life through *hat Bohut #alled 8mirroring

transferen#e'9 At the same time the #hild:s need to ideali%e and feel part of a perfe#t parental

figure (8Dou are perfe#t but I am part of $ou9" is fulfilled *hen the father and mother allo*

themsel&es to be ideali%ed b$ the #hild through *hat Bohut #alled 8ideali%ing transferen#e'9 If

gro*th pro#eeds normall$ the ar#hai# un#ons#ious #onfigurations of the grandiose-

ehibitionisti# self and the ideali%ed parental imago be#ome modified and integrated into the

mature personalit$ as health$ ambitions and ideals respe#ti&el$' A##ording to Bohut this

happens through one:s en#ounters *ith 8selfob1e#ts'9 Bohut distinguishes bet*een a 8true

ob1e#t9 *hi#h is ps$#hologi#all$ eperien#ed as separate and distin#t from the self (+>7+@5+" and

a 8selfob1e#t9 *hi#h is ps$#hologi#all$ eperien#ed as part of the self. the latter eperien#es ma$

be pro&ided b$ other indi&iduals as *ell as #ultural entities (+>?@52"' The need for selfob1e#ts

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is a life-long re/uirement for the maintenan#e of a health$ self although there is a differen#e

bet*een the pathologi#al and unlimited need for selfob1e#ts as found in nar#issisti# disorders and

the health$ and limited need for selfob1e#ts as found in indi&iduals *ith #ohesi&e sel&es'

Eelfob1e#t eperien#es #an be seen as spiritual nourishment. 1ust as one:s bod$ ne&er outgro*s

the need to eat one:s ps$#he or soul ne&er outgro*s the need for selfob1e#t eperien#es'

In a thought-pro&o)ing paper >7" has #on&in#ingl$ argued that the

ur:n a#ts as a Bohutian selfob1e#t in Muslim piet$ stimulating and nourishing the

de&elopment of a health$ and #ohesi&e self b$ pro&iding mirroring and ideali%ing transferen#es'

@5" parti#ularl$ in #on1un#tion *ith the

ehortation for remaining steadfast in the fa#e of perse#ution or temptation lin)s the ritual of

re#itation to the re/uirements of the so#ial mo&ement' The role of this re#itation in the li&es of

earl$ Muslims #annot be full$ appre#iated *ithout due attention to the primaril$ oral-aural nature

of the ur:n and its ph$si#al and sensual effe#ts (Hraham +>?7. Eells +>>+" parti#ularl$ in the

poeti# #ontet of pre-Islami# Arabia' The en#ounter *ith ur:ni# re&elations per#ei&ed as

messages from the Almight$ also ser&ed as a defense against despair and frustration' Prophet

Muhammad *as personall$ at ris) (+?@6. 26@3" and as a #harismati# leader his personal despair

*ould ha&e seriousl$ affe#ted the fortunes of the mo&ement' The ur:n repeatedl$ en#ouraged

him *ith supporti&e and soothing *ords ehorting him not to gi&e up and to remain patient and

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steadfast (++@++-++7. 30@60. 0@55-57. 7@7. 6?@? et#'"' The fa#t that the ur:ni# re&elations

pro&ided step-b$-step en#ouragement as *ell as timel$ feedba#) points to its role in sustaining

the ps$#hologi#al strength of the mo&ement through mirroring transferen#e' At the same time

the fre/uent and intimate eperien#es of the earl$ #on&erts *ith these re&elations also in&ol&ed

their internali%ation of *hat the$ per#ei&ed as di&ine spee#h (#f' 2>@>" allo*ing them to merge

*ith a realit$ that the$ eperien#ed as perfe#t omnipotent and omnis#ient. this #ontributed to

the ps$#hologi#al strength of the mo&ement through ideali%ing transferen#e'

>ramsci an# Social hange

Eome of the ideas de&eloped b$ Antonio Hrams#i #an illuminate the se#ond and third

areas dis#ussed abo&e' Although Hrams#i *as primaril$ #on#erned *ith the future of the

so#ialist mo&ement in the industriali%ed estern !urope some of his ideas ha&e a broader

rele&an#e parti#ularl$ his distin#tion bet*een 8#oer#ion9 and 8hegemon$'9 oer#ion is

domination b$ for#e *hile hegemon$ is popular #onsent' These ma$ be #hara#teri%ed as the t*o

mutuall$ supporti&e *a$s in *hi#h an$ status /uo is maintained and #onse/uentl$ the t*o

fronts at *hi#h a so#ial mo&ement must fo#us its endea&ors' Hrams#i argued that the institutions

of #i&il so#iet$ generate #onformism among the masses b$ #on&in#ing them that the eisting

distribution of po*er and resour#es represents the natural order of life' The ma1orit$ of masses

gi&e their #onsent either a#ti&el$ (*hen the$ embra#e the #ommon &alues and *orld&ie*" or

passi&el$ (*hen the$ are not full$ #on&in#ed but see no better alternati&e"' 7+. ,emia

+>75 +>?+"' The area of intelle#tual engagement suggested abo&e is #losel$ related to Hrams#i:s

notion of #ounter-hegemon$ the general aim of both being a transformation of sub1e#ti&e

#ons#iousness. the assumption here is that at least a partial #ultural #hange pre#edes and is a

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prere/uisite for #on#rete and stru#tural transformations (f' ,emia +>?+@+56"'

A signifi#ant part of Prophet Muhammad:s a#ti&ities during the Me##an period #an no*

be interpreted more pre#isel$' Fn the one hand he *as engaged in the effort to edu#ate train

and mentor the earl$ #on&erts. from a so#ial mo&ement perspe#ti&e this a#ti&it$ ma$ be

interpreted as the deliberate #reation of a #ogniti&e minorit$ through inner transformation' Fn

the other hand he *as engaged in the effort to #hallenge #riti/ue de-legitimi%e and de-sa#rali%e

the pagan *orld&ie* and related so#ial politi#al and e#onomi# arrangements. from a so#ial

mo&ement perspe#ti&e this #an be interpreted as an intelle#tual engagement *ith or #ounter-

hegemon$ against the dominant ideolog$' The latter manifested itself in *ide-ranging debates

and arguments on &arious religious moral and so#ial issues the gist of *hi#h finds etensi&e

refle#tions in the ur:ni# dis#ourse' This intelle#tual engagement resulted in a #ertain sha)ing

of the theoreti#al foundations underl$ing the Me##an status /uo'

Goth of these a#ti&ities *ere ne#essar$ but not suffi#ient' The Me##an status /uo *as

maintained not onl$ on the basis of hegemon$ but also #oer#ion i'e' the abilit$ of the ura$sh

to mobili%e &arious tribes against an$ threat to its as#endan#$ ne#essitating a politi#al struggle'

Prophet Muhammad:s effort for the transformation of sub1e#ti&e #ons#iousness *ent on for about

a de#ade until it be#ame ob&ious that no further gains are li)el$ to be a#hie&ed and a migration

to Medina be#ame ne#essar$' The area of politi#al struggle #ame to the fore at this point

manifesting itself in &arious allian#es and treaties as *ell as raids and armed en#ounters *ith the

ura$sh and its allies #ulminating in Prophet Muhammad:s triumphant return to Me##a' In this

#ontet Hrams#i:s re#ognition of the role of hegemon$ and #oer#ion pro&ides $et another *a$ of

#on#eptuali%ing the intimate relationship bet*een the religio-ethi#al and so#io-politi#al spheres

of a#ti&it$ in the #areer of Prophet Muhammad'

i8liograh.

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Gashir Eula$man' +>7?' Ta*a%un Al-a/a:id@ Muhadart f Al-4hili$$a *a Eadr Al-Islm' (The

Galan#e of ontradi#tions@ e#tures on the Pre-Islami# Period and !arl$ Islam" 4erusalem'

Gellah =obert ' +>70' Ge$ond Gelief@ !ssa$s on =eligion in a Post-Traditionalist orld'Ger)ele$ A@ ni&ersit$ of alifornia Press'

Gerg 77' ?7' Me##an Trade and the =ise of Islam' Prin#eton 4@ Prin#eton ni&ersit$ Press'!ndress Herhard' +>??' An Introdu#tion to Islam' (Translated b$ arole >7' 8The Eelfob1e#t ,un#tions of the Boran9 International 4ournal for thePs$#holog$ of =eligion' Sol' 7 no' pp' 2++-236'

5>2002' !thi#o-=eligious on#epts in the ur:n' Montreal@ M#Hill-

ueen:s ni&ersit$ Press'

Bohut


38/39

UUUUU +>?' 5-

+0'

Peters ,' !' +>>' Muhammad and the Frigins of Islam' Alban$ D@ Etate ni&ersit$ of e*

Dor) Press'

=ahman ,a%lur' +>?0' Ma1or Themes of the ur:n' Minneapolis and hi#ago@ Gibliothe#aIslami#a'

UUUUU +>?' 8Eome =e#ent Goo)s on the ur:n b$ estern Authors9 The 4ournal of =eligion'

Sol' 6 o' + 4anuar$ +>?'

UUUUU +>?6' 8Islam and Politi#al A#tion@ Politi#s in the Eer&i#e of =eligion9 in igel Giggar

4amie E' E#ott and illiam E#h*ei)er (!ditors" ities of Hods@ ,aith Politi#s and Pluralism in4udaism hristianit$ and Islam' estport T@ Hreen*ood Press'

=i#oeur Paul' +>?+'


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ansbrough 4ohn' +>77' ur:ni# Etudies@ Eour#es and Methods of E#riptural Interpretation'

Fford B@ Fford ni&ersit$ Press'

UUUUUU +>7?' The Ee#tarian Milieu@ ontent and omposition of Islami# Eal&ation 6+' Islam and the Integration of Eo#iet$' ondon@ =outledge and Began Paul td'

eber Ma' +>>3' The Eo#iolog$ of =eligion' Goston MA@ Gea#on Press'

olf !ri# =' +>5+' 8The Eo#ial Frgani%ation of Me##a and the Frigins of Islam9 in

Eouth*estern 4ournal of Anthropolog$' Sol' 7' o' ' pp' 32>-356'

the origin of islam as a social movement

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