the nominal pitch accent system of south kyungsang
TRANSCRIPT
The nominal pitch accent system of South KyungsangKorean
Hyunjung Lee · Jie Zhang
Received: 13 August 2011 /Accepted: 11 January 2013 / Published online: 19 December 2013
© Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013
Abstract The current paper investigates the nominal pitch accent system in South
Kyungsang Korean through an acoustic study and presents a phonological analysis for
the system based on the acoustic results. The data were collected from fourmale South
Kyungsang speakers by recording monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns with various
types of suffixes. The pitch results confirmed the accent distinctions reported in earlier
works on the language, and we found that suffixes may also bear contrastive accent.
We analyzed the pitch accent system as having three pre-linked accents and one
default accent. Two of the pre-linked accents count from the left and are linked to the
initial and peninitial moras of the root, respectively, and both spread one mora to the
right. The other pre-linked accent counts from the right (penult) and does not spread.
This analysis fits in with the culminative tone typology established in Evans (Types of
tonal culminativity in language of Sichuan and elsewhere, 2009). An Optimality
Theoretic analysis that derives the surface tone patterns for both the default and pre-
linked accents is proposed, and the proposal is compared with earlier analyses of pitch
accents in North and South Kyungsang Korean.
Keywords South Kyungsang Korean · Pitch accent · Culminativity ·
Tone spreading · Optimality Theory
1 Introduction
The current study examines the nominal pitch accent system in South Kyungsang
Korean. Unlike Standard Seoul Korean, which does not distinguish words using
H. Lee · J. Zhang
Department of Linguistics, University of Kansas, 1541 Lilac Lane, Lawrece, KS 66044, USA
H. Lee (&)
Department of Linguistics, University of Chicago, 1010 E 59th Street, Chicago, IL 60637, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
123
J East Asian Linguist (2014) 23:71–111
DOI 10.1007/s10831-013-9119-x
tonal contrasts, North and South Kyungsang dialects of Korean may use tonal
differences in a word to cue meaning differences. We refer to the systems as pitch
accent systems as the use of tone in these languages is different from that in a
canonical tone language (e.g., Chinese) in that tone is restricted in its distribution
(see, e.g., Yip 2002). The North and South Kyungsang dialects share many of the
pitch contrasts, as shown in (1). But South Kyungsang preserved the rising pitch
accent (R) from Middle Korean (15th century), while North Kyungsang did not.
This R accent1 is realized as a rising tone on monosyllabic roots and as LH on
disyllabic roots in South Kyungsang whereas R has merged with H(H) in North
Kyungsang, as shown in (2). Due to different historical development between South
and North Kyungsang, while North Kyungsang has only one LH pattern, South
Kyungsang has two types of LHs that are distinguished morphophonemically, as
shown in (3) (Kenstowicz et al. 2008). The Kyungsang data are transcribed
according to the Yale Romanization (Martin 1992).
(1) South and North Kyungsang:
HL kacı ‘kind (n.)’
HH kacı ‘branch’
LH kacı ‘eggplant’
(2) South Kyungsang: North Kyungsang:
R nwun H nwu:n ‘snow’
LH salam HH sa:lam ‘person’
(3) South Kyungsang: North Kyungsang:
LH-L palam-ı LH-L palam-ı ‘wind-nom.’
LH-H salam-ı HH-L sa:lam-ı ‘person-nom.’
We focus on the nominal pitch pattern of SouthKyungsangKorean in this study, but
we also refer to previous studies on North Kyungsang for analytical insights (e.g.,
Kenstowicz and Sohn 1997;Kim 1997; Chang 2005; Lee 2008).We start by reviewing
the descriptive patterns of pitch accent in South Kyungsang and proposing the goals of
the current study.We then report an acoustic study of four South Kyungsang speakers
on their use of pitch accent, followed by a formal analysis of the pitch accent system.
1 Some other studies (Utsugi 2009; Lee and Davis 2009) use the L tone description instead of R. We
adopt the R tone description for the following two reasons. First, the R description better reflects its
phonetic properties than the L description as it better captures (1) the fact that the rime duration of this
class of words is longer than that of the High tone class as the rising contour requires a longer duration to
implement (Zhang 2002), and (2) the lack of difference in the F0 peak values of this class from the High
tone class (Chang 2007). Second, the R tone description better matches the tone system of Middle Korean
(fifteenth century). The words in the monosyllabic R and disyllabic LH classes used to be in the R and RL
classes in Middle Korean, respectively (Ramsey 1975; Kenstowicz et al. 2008). Therefore, using the R
tone description allows us to directly indicate the different historical development of the pitch system
between the South and North Kyungsang dialects of Korean and thus allows us to be in a better position to
trace the historical changes of the Kyungsang accent system.
72 H. Lee, J. Zhang
123
Comparisons of our analysis with other approaches, directions for future research, and
other concluding remarks are provided at the end.
1.1 Descriptions of tonal patterns in South Kyungsang Korean
In monosyllabic words, South Kyungsang Korean has pitch accent minimal pairs
such as nwún (H) ‘eye’ versus nwǔn (R) ‘snow’ and mál (H) ‘horse’ versus mǎl (R)‘speech’ (Ramsey 1975; Kenstowicz and Park 2006; Kenstowicz et al. 2008; Chang
2007). The behavior of monosyllabic noun roots under suffixation indicates that
there are in fact two different types of H accents (Ramsey 1975; Kim and Schuh
2006; Schuh and Kim 2007; Chang 2007). For example, although both nwún ‘eye’
and mún ‘door’ have an H pitch in isolation, when the suffix -i (nominative case
marker) is added, the pitch pattern for ‘eye’ is nwún-í (H-H) while the pitch pattern
for ‘door’ is mún-ì (H-L). In addition, when expanded with the disyllabic suffix
-mankhum ‘as much as’, the pitch patterns are nwún-mánkhùm (H-HL) and mùn-mánkhùm (L-HL). Finally, when suffixed with -imyen ‘if’, the pitch patterns are
nwún-ímyèn (H-HL) and mún-ìmyèn (H-LL). We tentatively write the two different
H accents as H1 and H2. There is a consistent pitch pattern for the R accent under
suffixation: the suffix will take on the H tone while the root syllable takes an L tone.
Table 1 summarizes the pitch patterns for H1, H2, and R on monosyllabic nouns
under different types of suffixation.
For disyllabic nouns, we have already seen in (1) that South Kyungsang Korean
has three pitch patterns: HL, HH, and LH. But expanding the nouns with suffixes
indicates that there are in fact two LH classes. For example, although both sàlám‘person’ and pàlám ‘wind’ have an LH pitch pattern in isolation, they pattern
differently when suffixed: when the suffix -i (nominative case marker) is added,
‘person’ patterns as sàlám-í (LH-H) while ‘wind’ patterns as pàlám-ì (LH-L);
when the suffix -imyen ‘if’ is added, ‘person’ patterns as sàlám-ímyèn (LH-HL)
Table 1 Pitch patterns for H1, H2, and R in monosyllabic nouns under suffixation. Data were adapted
from Kim and Schuh (2006) and Chang (2007)
H1 H2
nwun H ‘eye’ mun H ‘door’
nwun-ı H-H ‘eye (nom.)’ mun-ı H-L ‘door (nom.)’
nwun-mankhum H-HL ‘as much as eye’ mun-mankhum L-HL ‘as much as door’
nwun-ımyen H-HL ‘if eye’ mun-ımyen H-LL ‘if door’
R
nwun R ‘snow’
nwun-ı L-H ‘snow (nom.)’
nwun-mankhum L-HH ‘as much as snow’
nwun-ımyen L-HH ‘if snow’
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 73
123
while ‘wind’ patterns as pàlám-ìmyèn (LH-LL). We tentatively label the two
accents as LH1 and LH2, respectively. The HL and HH accents have consistent
behavior under suffixation: the suffixed syllables will take an L tone while the HL
and HH tones remain on the root. The pitch patterns for HL, HH, LH1, and LH2
on disyllabic noun roots under different types of suffixation are summarized in
Table 2.
We can observe the following parallels between the monosyllabic and disyllabic
pitch patterns. (1) H1 in monosyllables and HH in disyllables behave in parallel in
having an H tone on the first and second syllables if there is a second syllable
available. (2) R in monosyllables and LH1 in disyllables behave in parallel in
having an H tone on the second and third syllables if they are available; otherwise
the H docks to the right edge of the monosyllable to create a rising tone. (3) Unlike
the H1/HH and R/LH1 tone classes that have a consistent pitch pattern regardless of
the suffix, the H2 and LH2 classes both have different pitch patterns depending on
the suffix. When the words in these tone classes are suffixed with -mankhum ‘as
much as’, the H tone always occurs on the first syllable of the suffix; but when they
are suffixed with -i (nom.) or -imyen ‘if’, the H tone occurs on the last syllable of the
root, and the rest of the syllables take an L tone. These parallels are summarized in
Table 3. They seem to indicate that, descriptively, there are four different pitch
patterns in South Kyungsang Korean nouns: HL, which only surfaces on disyllabic
roots, H1/HH, R/LH1, and H2/LH2. An additional reason for the parallel between R
in monosyllables and LH1 in disyllables is that the LH1 class was also derived from
the rising pitch accent in Middle Korean (Ramsey 1975; Kenstowicz and Park 2006;
Kenstowicz et al. 2008). The accent patterns of trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic nouns
will be discussed in Sect. 5 after our formal analysis for the nominal pitch accent
pattern is proposed.
Table 2 Pitch patterns for HL, HH, LH1 and LH2 in disyllabic nouns under suffixation. Data were
adapted from Kim and Schuh (2006) and Chang (2007)
HL HH
kewul HL ‘mirror’ kunul HH ‘shade’
kewul-ı HL-L ‘mirror (nom.)’ kunul-ı HH-L ‘shade (nom.)’
kewul-mankhum HL-LL ‘as much as mirror’ kunul-mankhum HH-LL ‘as much as shade’
kewul-ımyen HL-LL ‘if mirror’ kunul-ımyen HH-LL ‘if shade’
LH1 LH2
salam LH ‘person’ palam LH ‘wind’
salam-ı LH-H ‘person (nom.)’ palam-ı LH-L ‘wind (nom.)’
salam-mankhum LH-HL ‘as much as person’ palam-mankhum LH-HL ‘as much as wind’
salam-ımyen LH-HL ‘if person’ palam-ımyen LH-LL ‘if wind’
74 H. Lee, J. Zhang
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1.2 Problems posed by suffixes for H2/LH2
As noted above, the pitch pattern for words in the H2 and LH2 classes varies
depending on the type of suffix added to the root: disyllabic suffixes -mankhum and
-imyen elicit different pitch patterns on these nouns. Based on her preliminary
phonetic examination, Chang (2007) made the generalization that the tone pattern
difference is determined by whether the disyllabic suffix is vowel-initial or
consonant-initial. Specifically, when a monosyllabic word in the H2 class (analyzed
as an M-class by Chang) is followed by a monosyllabic or vowel-initial disyllabic
suffix such as -i (nom.), -to ‘also’, -un (topic), or -imyen ‘if’, the H tone is placed only
in the root. However, when a word in this class is followed by a consonant-initial
suffix such as -pota ‘than’, the H tone occurs on the first syllable of the suffix but not
on the root, and the rest of the syllables take L tones: mún-ìmyèn (H-LL) versus mùn-pótà (L-HL). Likewise, when a word in the disyllabic LH2 class (analyzed as an LM-
class by Chang) is followed by a monosyllabic or vowel-initial disyllabic suffix, the H
tone occurs only in the root but not in the suffix. But when the word is followed by a
consonant-initial disyllabic suffix, the H tone occurs in the suffix: pàlám-ìmyèn (LH-LL) versus pàlám-pótà (LH-HL). This suffix-determined tonal pattern led Chang
(2007) to control the suffix type in her phonetic study by including only monosyllabic
and vowel-initial disyllabic suffixes but not consonant-initial disyllabic suffixes.
Schuh and Kim (2007, pp. 16–17), on the other hand, argued that “Particles bear
H only when they are associated with H that is part of a lexical tone pattern.
Otherwise, particles bear L tone.” This means that H tones in suffixes must come
from underlying H tone specifications. In other words, the different pitch patterns
between the vowel-initial suffix -imyen ‘if’ and the consonant-initial suffix -pota‘than’ discussed in Chang (2007) should come from the difference in their
underlying pitch accent, not from the difference in initial segment type. This is
evidenced by the fact that a consonant-initial disyllabic suffix -tul-i (pl. nom.)
induces the H-LL pattern on monosyllabic nouns just like vowel-initial suffixes
Table 3 Parallels in pitch patterns between monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns
Monosyllables H1 R H2
Isolation H R H
Mono_suffix: -i H-H L-H H-L
Di_suffix: -mankhum H-HL L-HH L-HL
Di_suffix: -imyen H-HL L-HH H-LL
Disyllables HL HH LH1 LH2
Isolation HL HH LH LH
Mono_suffix: -i HL-L HH-L LH-H LH-L
Di_suffix: -mankhum HL-LL HH-LL LH-HL LH-HL
Di_suffix: -imyen HL-LL HH-LL LH-HL LH-LL
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 75
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while -mankhum induces L-HL. The implication, then, is that -mankhum and -tul-ibelong to two different underlying pitch accent classes.
The exact role of the suffix in the nominal pitch pattern of South Kyungsang,
therefore, is controversial. We believe that the clarification of the following two
issues can benefit its understanding. First, many Korean suffixes have allomorphs that
differ in the initial segment. For example, the topic marker is -un following a
consonant-final stem but -nun following a vowel-final stem; the suffix meaning ‘if’ is
-imyen or -lamyen2, also depending on whether the final segment of the stem it
attaches to is a consonant or a vowel. If the nominal pitch pattern is indeed determined
by the initial segment of the suffix, we would expect different pitch patterns when
different allomorphs are selected. But if the pitch pattern difference comes from the
pitch accent of the suffix, then we would not expect the allomorphy to influence the
tones. Second, we recognize that the disyllabic suffix -tul-i used in Schuh and Kim’s
(2007) study is in fact a combination of two monosyllabic suffixes. The question,
then, is whether there is indeed a contrast in disyllabic suffixes in their underlying
pitch accent. We aim to clarify these two issues in our own study.
1.3 Goals of the current study
The current study broadly aims to understand the underlying pitch accent system in
South Kyungsang Korean nouns with different types of suffixes. To this end, we first
conducted an acoustic study with four male South Kyungsang speakers by recording
monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns with various types of suffixes. Although
acoustics studies of tone in South Kyungsang Korean already exist (Chang 2007;
Lee 2008; Kim and Jun 2009), they did not focus on the tone patterns under
different types of suffixes as their research goals were to clarify the tonal
descriptions (Chang 2007), determine the location of the main accent (Lee 2008),
and examine the interaction between lexical tone and focus prosody (Kim and Jun
2009). Our acoustic study will provide a full picture of the nominal tonal patterns of
South Kyungsang Korean. In addition, it will also address Chang (2007)’s
assumption about the tonal variations conditioned by the initial segment of suffixes
and therefore resolve the controversy regarding the behavior of the suffixes. We also
paid attention to potential variations in the tonal patterns to see whether any
disagreements in earlier descriptions are due to such variations and whether any
systematicity emerges in the variations. Based on the acoustic results, we then
provide a formal analysis couched in Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky
1993/2004) for the nominal pitch accent system of the language and see how the
analysis works in longer nouns. We compare it with theoretical alternatives
(Ramsey 1975; Kenstowicz and Sohn 1997; Kim 1997; Schuh and Kim 2007; Lee
2008; Lee and Davis 2009) and see how the system fits in with our current
understanding of the typology of culminative tone systems (Evans 2009).
2 We would like to comment that -imyen is allomorphic with -myen, and -lamyen is allomorphic with
-ilamyen. The suffixes -imyen/-myen and -lamyen/-ilamyen have the same lexical meaning, ‘if’. Since each
of the allomorphs differs in their number of syllables, we selected the disyllabic suffix -imyen/-lamyen andtreated them as if they are allomorphs to test the relevance of the initial segment of the suffix to the
surface tone pattern.
76 H. Lee, J. Zhang
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2 Acoustic study
2.1 Methods
2.1.1 Speech materials
Our acoustic experiment recordedmonosyllabic and disyllabic nouns in different tone
classes as reported in earlier literature. The recording included nouns both in isolation
and with various types of suffixes. There were seven conditions for tone classes: three
for monosyllabic nouns (H1, H2, R) and four for disyllabic nouns (HH, HL, LH1,
LH2). For each monosyllabic tone class, we recorded five words, and for each
disyllabic tone class, we recorded ten words. These words are given in Tables 4 and 5.
In order to test the issues regarding suffixes, the following factors were considered
in the experiment: (1) the number of syllables in the suffix (monosyllabic or
disyllabic); (2) the initial segment of the suffix (vowel-initial or consonant-initial); and
(3) whether the suffix has allomorphs that differ in the initial segment. Table 6
summarizes the suffix conditions in the experiment. The monosyllabic suffix -to and
disyllabic suffix -pota do not have phonologically conditioned allomorphs. But the
monosyllabic suffix -un/-nun and disyllabic suffix -imyen/-lamyen have allomorphs
that are either vowel- or consonant-initial, and the allomorphy is determined by the last
segment of the noun root: a consonant-final noun takes the vowel-initial suffix
allomorph; a vowel-final noun takes the consonant-initial suffix allomorph.
With fifteenmonosyllabic and forty disyllabic nouns, eachwith five suffix conditions
(including isolation), we recorded 275 word tokens in total from each speaker.
2.1.2 Speakers
Four male speakers of South Kyungsang Korean participated in the study. Their age
ranged from 27 to 67 years old (mean = 40, s.d. = 18). All speakers had lived and
gone through primary and secondary education in the South Kyungsang region with
parents who spoke the same target dialect for at least 20 years; three of them were
from Pusan city, and one of them was from Masan city. Three speakers were
graduate or undergraduate students at the University of Kansas; the 67-year-old
speaker was a short-term visitor to the U.S. None of the speakers reported any
speech or hearing disorders, and all of the speakers were literate in Korean.
Table 4 Monosyllabic nouns used in the acoustic experiment
H1 R H2
mul ‘water’ mal ‘speech’ mal ‘horse’
nwun ‘eye’ nwun ‘snow’ mun ‘door’
pam ‘night’ pam ‘chestnut’ pi ‘tomb stone’
pi ‘rain’ tol ‘stone’ swul ‘alcohol’
son ‘hand’ ton ‘money’ son ‘guest’
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 77
123
2.1.3 Procedure
All four speakers were recorded in an anechoic chamber in the Phonetics and
Psycholinguistics Laboratory at the University of Kansas using a cardioid
microphone (Electrovoice-RE 20) and a solid state recorder (Marantz PMD 671).
The test words were randomized and presented to each speaker in standard Korean
orthography on a computer monitor using PowerPoint with a four-second inter-trial
interval. The speakers read each word once without repetition. Along with the
orthography, pictures were provided for the speakers to help distinguish segmental
homonyms in the orthography. For example, pictures of an eye and of snow were
used to distinguish nwun (H1) ‘eye’ and nwun (R) ‘snow’, both of which are written
as 눈 in Korean orthography. The stimuli were recorded at a sampling rate of
22,050 Hz and analyzed using Praat (Boersma and Weenink 2005).
2.1.4 Measurements
In order to locate theHpeak(s) in the testwords, the F0 peak valuewasmeasured for all
1,100 recorded tokens. Themeasurements of the F0 peak are described in Fig. 1, which
shows the measurements in Praat for the words nwun (H1)-pota ‘than eyes’ and nwun(R)-pota ‘than snow.’ In Fig. 1, the first, second, and third syllables are indicated as σ1,
Table 5 Disyllabic nouns used in the acoustic experiment
HL HH LH1 LH2
anay ‘wife’ ceksam ‘jacket’ angay ‘fog’ kamca ‘potato’
cangsik ‘decoration’ hinsayk ‘white’ imca ‘owner’ mati ‘joint’
kewul ‘mirror’ kulim ‘painting’ nongtam ‘joke’ menci ‘dust’
koli ‘ring’ kwulum ‘cloud’ papo ‘fool’ namu ‘tree’
kutay ‘thou’ moki ‘mosquito’ paychwu ‘cabbage’ palam ‘wind’
kwuli ‘copper’ mole ‘the day after
tomorrow’
popay ‘treasure’ namul ‘wild
vegetable’
meli ‘head’ nalgay ‘wing’ samul ‘object’ poli ‘barley’
mole ‘sand’ phali ‘fly’ salam ‘person’ sokum ‘salt’
napi ‘butterfly’ phwulmu ‘bellows’ tampe ‘cigarette’ tali ‘bridge’
yelum ‘summer’ swukcu ‘bean sprout’ wusan ‘umbrella’ elgwul ‘face’
Table 6 Suffix conditions in the acoustic experiment
Word in isolation
Monosyllabic suffix word + -to ‘also’ No distinct allomorphs
word + -un/-nun (topic marker) V- or C-initial allomorphs
Disyllabic suffix word + -pota ‘than’ No distinct allomorphs
word + -imyen/-lamyen ‘if’ V- or C-initial allomorphs
78 H. Lee, J. Zhang
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σ2, and σ3, respectively; F0 Peak 1 indicates the point of the first F0 maximum, and F0Peak 2 indicates the point of the second F0 maximum. The F0 maximum values
between F0 Peak 1 and F0 Peak 2 are comparable. With these F0 peak measurements,
we adopted the following simple criterion to decide whether a particular syllable has
an H tone. For example, if there was an observable F0 maximum before the end of the
first syllable and another F0 maximum before the end of the second syllable, both the
first and the second syllables were analyzed as carrying an H tone, as in nwun (H1)
-pota in Fig. 1; if there was an observable F0 maximum before the end of the second
syllable and a second maximum before the end of the third syllable, both the second
and the third syllable were analyzed as carrying an H tone, as shown in nwun (R)-pota.This procedure was used for all 1,100 tokens to determine their pitch patterns.
2.2 Results3
2.2.1 Dominant accent pattern
Our data from the four speakers provide general support for the nominal pitch
patterns in South Kyungsang Korean previously reported in the literature. In
nwun (H1)-pota nwun (R)-pota
1 2 3 1 2 3
F0 Peak1 1kaeP0F2kaeP0F F0 Peak2
Fig. 1 F0 peaks for the test words nwun (H1)-pota (left) and nwun (R)-pota (right). Solid-line arrowsindicate the point where the F0 shows the first local maximum; dashed-line arrows indicate the pointwhere F0 shows the second local maximum
3 There were lexical anomalies for five nouns: the LH1 word paychwu ‘cabbage’ with a monosyllabic
suffix had an LH-L pattern instead of LH-H by Speakers 1 and 4; ceksam ‘jacket’ in the HH group was
pronounced as an LH2 word for Speaker 4; the H2 nouns pi ‘tomb stone’ and son ‘guest’ patterned like
the H1 class for Speaker 2; pi ‘tomb stone’, mal ‘horse’, and son ‘guest’ from the H2 class were in either
the H1 or the R class for Speaker 3.
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 79
123
particular, Speaker 2’s pitch patterns are in line with earlier reports with few
exceptions. Thus, we first report the accent patterns for Speaker 2 and then discuss
variations observed both between and within speakers in the following section. The
F0 tracings for Speaker 2’s pitch patterns under suffixation are provided in
Appendix 1.
Speaker 2 (32 years old, Pusan) behaved identically to the previously reported
patterns in Table 3 except for the monosyllabic word mal ‘horse’ (H2). The word
mal ‘horse’ (H2) behaved like an H2 word under disyllabic suffixation but like an R
word under monosyllabic suffixation (L-H instead of the expected H-L). With the
exception of this word, Speaker 2’s pitch patterns are exactly in line with the earlier
reports given in Table 3.
Our acoustic data confirm that the neutralized H1-H2 and LH1-LH2 in isolation
pattern differently when suffixes are added, implying separate underlying tone
classifications for these stem classes. In addition, there is a parallel between H1 and
HH, R and LH1, and H2 and LH2. For H1/HH, High tones occur on the first and the
second available syllables for these stem classes; for R/LH1, two high tones occur on
the second and the available third syllables. For H2/LH2, different tonal patterns
emerge under different suffix types. An H tone occurs only in the root with -imyen/-lamyen for both monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns, consistent with the monosyllabic
suffix -to and -un/-nun.AnH tone in the root with the disyllabic suffix -imyenwas alsoobserved by Chang (2007). With the suffix -pota, on the other hand, an H tone always
occurs on the first syllable of the suffix, and there is noH tone in themonosyllabic root.
These pitch patterns in the H2 and LH2 classes indicate that the differences in pitch
patterns are not caused by the initial segment of the suffix, contra Chang (2007), as the
V-initial versus C-initial suffix allomorphy invariably did not have any effect on the
surface tones for any of our speakers. Given that we used two truly disyllabic suffixes, -pota and -imyen/-lamyen, our results lend further support to Schuh and Kim’s (2007)
suggestion that the suffixed-induced pitch differences are caused by different
underlying pitch accents on the suffixes.4We, however, are not in a position to address
the question of whether all pitch accents can appear in a suffix or whether
monosyllabic suffixes can also bear pitch accents. These will require further testing of
additional suffixes, and we leave them open as topics for future research.
2.2.2 Inter- and intra-speaker variation
While the four speakers generally agree with the accent pattern for the HL and HH/
H1 classes, Speakers 1, 3, and 4 show accent variations for the R/LH1 and H2/LH2
accent classes. The three speakers’ accent patterns for R/LH1 and H2/LH2 are
summarized in Table 7, and their tonal variations are indicated in bold.
For Speaker 1 (35 years old, Pusan), the variations were mostly observed in
monosyllabic R and disyllabic LH2 words. For the monosyllabic R class with the
4 Through his or her own elicitation with a Kyungsang consultant, one of our reviewers noted the
discrepancy between C-initial and V-initial suffixes in that C-initial suffixes tend to carry a high tone
while V-initial suffixes do not, indicating that Chang (2007)’s generalization may be valid. We do not
have an explanation for the imbalance in the suffixal tones. The possibility of the initial segment-induced
tonal allomorphy suggested by such an imbalance still requires further investigation.
80 H. Lee, J. Zhang
123
suffix -pota, Speaker 1 primarily showed L-HL (80%) while the reported pattern is
L-HH (20%). For the disyllabic LH2 class with the disyllabic suffix -imyen/-lamyen,Speaker 1 showed variation between LH-LL (the reported pattern, 40%) and LH-HL
(60%). These deviations from the reported patterns seem to indicate that Speaker 1
has a weakened contrast between the R/LH1 and H2/LH2 accents as the deviations
wipe out a pitch difference between these two tone classes. When the monosyllabic
R class is followed by the disyllabic suffix -imyen/-lamyen, there was one word that
showed L-HL instead of the expected L-HH (20% of the data for this class).
For Speaker 3 (27 years old, Masan5), the monosyllabic R class with disyllabic
suffixation, both -pota and -imyen/-lamyen showed an L-HL variant with a
frequency of 40% (in lieu of the expected L-HH), and for the disyllabic LH2 class
with suffix -imyen/-lamyen, the attested pattern was LH-HL instead of the expected
LH-LL. Although it is tempting to conclude that these patterns also indicate a
weakened contrast between R/LH1 and H2/LH2, we noticed that while L-HL is the
pitch pattern for the H2 class for the -pota suffix, it is not for the -imyen/-lamyensuffix, which should be H-LL. This, therefore, may indicate instead a weakened
contrast between the two suffixes.
The pitch patterns for Speaker 4 (67 years old, Pusan) also indicate a weakened
contrast between the two disyllabic suffixes. For the monosyllabic H2 class with the
suffix -pota, three words showed the expected L-HL, while the other two showed
H-LL—the pattern for the -imyen/-lamyen suffix. In addition, for the LH2 tone class,all disyllabic suffixes showed LH-LL, and there was no LH-HL pattern even with
the suffix -pota.Overall, we observed two general types of variations among the three South
Kyungsang speakers. One is the tendency for the R/LH1 and H2/LH2 classes to be
Table 7 Pitch patterns of R/LH1 and H2/LH2 for Speaker 1, 3, and 4. The tonal variations are indicated
in bold
Monosyllables R H2
Isolation R H
Mono_suffix: -to, -un/-nun L-H H-L
Di_suffix: -pota L-HH L-HL L-HL H-LL
Di_suffix: -imyen/-lamyen L-HH L-HL H-LL
Disyllables LH1 LH2
Isolation LH LH
Mono_suffix: -to, -un/-nun LH-H LH-L LH-L
Di_suffix: -pota LH-HL LH-HL LH-LL
Di_suffix: -imyen/-lamyen LH-HL LH-LL LH-HL
5 While the other three speakers are from Pusan city, Speaker 3 is from Masan, a city in the South
Kyungsang region. However, the reported accent pattern for the Masan dialect of Korean is identical with
that for Pusan (Utsugi 2009). Therefore, we do not expect that the tonal variation for Speaker 3 is due to
the geographical variation.
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 81
123
merged (Speaker 1), and the other is for the difference between the two types of
disyllabic suffixes to disappear (Speakers 3 and 4). In the following section, we
provide a formal analysis for our Speaker 2’s pitch patterns, which showed the least
variation and agreed with the patterns previously reported. We then discuss possible
ways in which analyses for other speakers’ systems can be built upon Speaker 2’s
analysis and compare our analysis with other formal approaches.
3 Analysis
3.1 Observations
From the pitch patterns for Speaker 2, summarized in Table 8 (except formal ‘horse’),we canmake the following observations. For the disyllabic HL class, the H tone always
occurs on the initial syllable of the root only, and the rest of the syllables take L tones.
Two interpretations are consistent with this observation: an H tone occurs on the initial
or the penultimate syllable of the root.Weopt for the penultimate-syllable interpretation
for the following three reasons. First, it provides an account for why this tone class is
missing in the monosyllables: a penult is simply not available in monosyllabic roots.
The initial-syllable interpretation, on the other hand, cannot explain the absence of this
tone class in monosyllables. Second, there are trisyllabic words with an LHL pattern in
South Kyungsang Korean, such as mìnálì ‘parsley.’ These words can be easily
accommodated in the HL class if the H tone occurs on the penultimate instead of the
initial syllable. Finally, in a cross-linguistic typology of culminative tone systems,
Evans (2009) proposed that there are two types of culminative tones: one that spreads
and one that does not spread.According to Evans (2009), tones in spreading systems are
typically left-aligned with respect to the relevant domain (e.g., Qiangic languages of
Sichuan), and spreading proceeds rightward while tones in non-spreading systems are
typically right-aligned (e.g., Jiarongic languages of Sichuan). In other words, there is a
directional asymmetry between the two types of tones: the spreading tones usually count
from the left edge of the word, and the non-spreading tones count from the right. This is
consistentwith both the phonetic observation that (1) tonal coarticulatory assimilation is
primarily progressive (e.g., Gandour et al. 1994; Peng 1997; Xu 1997) and (2) the
typological asymmetry in tone sandhi systems that left-dominant sandhi (sandhi that
preserves the leftmost tone) usually involves rightward spreading whereas right-
dominant sandhi (sandhi that preserves the rightmost tone) usually involves contour
reduction and neutralization onnonfinal syllables, not leftward spreading (Zhang2007).
Given that the H tone here does not spread, it is more likely that it counts from the right
according to Evans’s typology.
For the H1 class in monosyllables and HH class in disyllables, we can see that the
H tone always docks to the leftmost syllable and is associated with two syllables
whenever a second syllable is available. It therefore appears that the accent is an H
tone associated with the initial syllable and that it spreads one syllable to the right.
For the R/LH1 class, the H tone always occurs on the peninitial syllable and is also
associated to the following syllable whenever one is available. The only exception is
for monosyllabic nouns without suffixation, where the H is at the right edge of the
82 H. Lee, J. Zhang
123
syllable and creates a rising contour. A possible restatement of the generalization that
will capture the monosyllabic behavior is that the H tone occurs on the secondmora ofthe root and spreads one mora rightward, where the mora is equivalent to the syllable
everywhere except for the monosyllables, which are lengthened to two moras on the
surface. This lengthening is supported by the phonetic data inKenstowicz et al. (2008),
which showed that the word tǒn ‘money’ in the R class had a rime duration of 342 ms
while the words són ‘hand’ (H1) and són ‘guest’ (H2) had a rime duration of 212 ms
and 200 ms, respectively. Our own data support the lengthening as well: the average
rime durations across the four speakers for tǒn ‘money’, són ‘hand’, and són ‘guest’ are368 ms (s.d.= 16), 253 ms (s.d.= 36), and 267ms (s.d.= 26), respectively, and those
for nwǔn ‘snow’ (R), nwún ‘eye’ (H1), and mún ‘door’ (H2) are 397 ms (s.d. = 39),
284ms (s.d.= 14), and 303ms (s.d.= 29), respectively. This interpretation also finds a
historical correspondence: the Middle Korean Rising pitch first developed into
allophonic vowel length, which then became contrastive upon the loss of the initial
Low tone inNorthKyungsang (Ramsey 1975;Kenstowicz and Park 2006;Kenstowicz
et al. 2008). Finally, the initial-H and peninitial-H analysis for H1/HH and R/LH1
classes fits inwith the tone typology in Evans (2009) in that accents that count from the
left have a spreading property.
No clear generalization emerged for the docking of H tones for the H2/LH2 class.
Moreover, this is the only class for which disyllabic suffixes -pota and -imyen/-lamyen induce different pitch patterns. These point to the possibility that this class isunderlyingly toneless (Schuh and Kim 2007), and its surface pitch patterns are
determined by the interaction of a set of markedness generalizations (to be proposed in
Sect. 3.3) and the accent of the suffixes. Regarding the tone patterns for the suffixes, we
see that -pota always appears with an HL pattern, while -imyen/-lamyen appears withLL for this class ofwords, indicating that -pota has the same underlying pitch accent as
an HL-class word while -imyen/-lamyen does not come with any tonal specification.
When these suffixes are attached to nounswith their ownpitch accents, the pitch accent
of the suffix is unrealized, and the pitch pattern of the word is entirely determined by
the pitch accent of the noun. This is indicated by the fact -pota and -imyen/-lamyen
Table 8 Pitch patterns for Speaker 2 (except for mal ‘horse’)
Monosyllables H1 R H2
Isolation H R H
Mono_suffix: -to, -un/-nun H-H L-H H-L
Di_suffix: -pota H-HL L-HH L-HL
Di_suffix: -imyen/-lamyen H-HL L-HH H-LL
Disyllables HL HH LH1 LH2
Isolation HL HH LH LH
Mono_suffix: -to, -un/-nun HL-L HH-L LH-H LH-L
Di_suffix: -pota H-LL HH-LL LH-HL LH-HL
Di_suffix: -imyen/-lamyen HL-LL HH-LL LH-HL LH-LL
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 83
123
induce exactly the same pitch behavior in the other tone classes. Any H tone on the
suffix is then the result of spreading from an H tone in the root.
Our formal analysis in the next section is built upon these observations. We first
propose the underlying representations for the pitch accents and then propose the
necessary constraints to capture the observations made here. Analyses in tableau
form for each tone class are then provided.
3.2 Underlying pitch accents for South Kyungsang Korean nouns
According to the discussion in Sect. 3.1, we propose the following underlying
representations for the pitch accents in South KyungsangKorean nouns, as summarized
in Table 9. All pitch accents are marked by a culminative H tone, and the underlying
representation specifies two properties of the H: the location of prelinking and whether
theH spreads.The location is defined in terms of the number ofmoras fromeither the left
or the right edge of the root. But as previously discussed, moras are equivalent to the
syllables except formonosyllabicwordswith a rising tone. The spreading is restricted to
the rightward direction, and the span of the spread is restricted to two moras. In the
representation, the spread tone ismarked asH+. In the analysis, the entire tone pattern of
the word becomes predictable oncewe know the underlying tone and its location; this is
the sense in which our analysis is a pitch accent analysis.
In our analysis, the HL class has an H tone pre-linked to the penultimate mora, and
the H tone does not spread. The H1/HH class has an H tone pre-linked to the initial
mora that spreads one mora to the right. The R/LH1 class has an H tone pre-linked to
the peninitial mora that also spreads one mora to the right. The H2/LH2 class has no
H tone specification and is therefore toneless. The surface pitch patterns for the
words in this toneless class are derived by interaction of markedness constraints and
the underlying tone in the suffixes. The suffix -pota belongs to the HL class and thus
has a pre-linked local H on the penultimate mora. We will write this suffix as -pótafrom now on. Suffixes -to, -un/-nun, and -imyen/-lamyen, however, are toneless.
3.3 Constraints
Let us first consider the constraints necessary to derive the surface pitch patterns for
the three pitch accent classes.
First of all, the surface patterns always preserve the underlying H tones in the root in
their original location, and the spreading property of the H+ is always respected. This
indicates the necessity of the constraints in (4)-(7). Clearly, MAX-ROOT(H), MAX-ROOT
(Assoc), andSPREAD(H+) are undominated, andDEP(Assoc) is outranked bySPREAD(H+).
(4) MAX-ROOT(H): An H tone in the input of a root must have a corresponding
H tone in the output.
(5) MAX-ROOT(Assoc): An association line in the input of a root must have a
corresponding association line in the output.
(6) SPREAD(H+): An H+ tone must be associated with the mora following the
mora it is associated with in the input if such a mora is available.
84 H. Lee, J. Zhang
123
(7) DEP(Assoc): An association line in the output must have a corresponding
association line in the input.
We must also capture the fact that when both the root and the suffix have a pitch
accent, only the root accent is preserved, and the suffix accent is deleted. This can
be captured by the high ranking of the CULMINATIVITY constraint, defined in (8),
along with ranking the MAX-ROOT constraints in (4) and (5) over the MAX-SUFFIX
constraints, defined in (9) and (10) (cf. Root Faithfulness in Beckman 1998).
(8) CULMINATIVITY: Only one H tone representation can be realized per word
in the output.
(9) MAX-SUFFIX(H): An H tone in the input of a suffix must have a
corresponding H tone in the output.
(10) MAX-SUFFIX(Assoc): An association line in the input of a suffix must have a
corresponding association line in the output.
When the noun belongs to the toneless class (H2/LH2), we can divide the data up
into two situations. First, when neither the noun root nor the suffix has a pitch accent,
the surface pattern has an H tone that docks onto the root for monosyllabic roots and
onto the second syllable of the root for disyllabic roots. The presence of the H tone can
be derived by restating the CULMINATIVITY constraint in (8) as in (11) and ranking it
higher than DEP(H), defined in (12), and DEP(Assoc) in (7). To derive the H tone
docking site, we need the markedness constraints in (13) and (14). *SUFFIX-H will
prefer candidates in which the H is inserted in the root, and *INITIAL-H will prefer
candidates inwhich theH is not inserted on the first mora. Both of these constraints are
outranked by allMAX(H) andMAX(Assoc) constraints aswell as bySPREAD(H+),which
Table 9 Underlying representations (UR) for the pitch accents in South Kyungsang Korean nouns
Tone class Location of UR H tone Spread UR Examples
Mono Di
HL Pre-linked H on penult No H|µµ #
mólè ‘sand’
H1 HH Pre-linked H on initial Yes H+
|#µ
nwún ‘eye’
mólé ‘the day after tomorrow’
R LH1 Pre-linked H on peninitial Yes H+
|#µµ
nwǔn ‘snow’
sàlám ‘person’
H2 LH2 Toneless __ __ mún ‘door’
pàlám ‘wind’
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 85
123
protect underlying H tones’ pre-linking and spreading properties, and by *SUFFIX-
H » *INITIAL-H, which allows the inserted H to dock onto monosyllabic noun roots.
(11) CULMINATIVITY (restatement): Each word must realize exactly one H tone
representation.
(12) DEP(H): An H tone in the output must have a corresponding association in
the input.
(13) *SUFFIX-H: No H tone can be associated to any syllables in the suffix.
(14) *INITIAL-H: The first mora of a word cannot be associated with an H tone.
The second situation is when the root is toneless, but the suffix is -póta, whichhas a pre-linked H tone on the first syllable. The L-HL pattern when the root is
monosyllabic can be easily derived by the constraints and their rankings proposed so
far, but the LH-HL pattern when the root is disyllabic requires an additional
markedness constraint, defined in (15): a highly ranked *#LL will force the H on the
suffix to spread leftward onto the final root syllable. Notice that the L in the
constraint is shorthand for the lack of an H tone specification.
(15) *#LL: A phonological word cannot begin with two syllables, neither
of which has an H tone.
Our discussion so far has led to the following ranking among the proposed
constraints:
We illustrate this analysis in tableau form with commentary for all the tone
classes in the next section.
(16) Constraint ranking:
MAX-ROOT(H), MAX-ROOT(Assoc), SPREAD(H+), CULMINATIVITY, *#LL
|
MAX-SUFFIX(H), MAX-SUFFIX(Assoc), DEP(H), DEP(Assoc)
|
*SUFFIX-H
|
*INITIAL-H
86 H. Lee, J. Zhang
123
3.4 Tableaux
We start with the HL class in disyllabic nouns, which we have proposed to
have a pre-linked H tone on the penultimate mora that does not spread. The
analyses for the word móle ‘sand’ with disyllabic suffixes -lamyen (toneless)
and -póta (also pre-linked H on the penult that does not spread) are given in
(17) and (18), respectively. For (17), the winner (a) keeps the H tone on the
syllable from which it originates; spreading the H to the right (b) violates DEP
(Assoc) unnecessarily; moving the H to the following syllable to satisfy
*INITIAL-H (c) violates both MAX-ROOT(Assoc) and DEP(Assoc) and is thus too
costly; removing the H (d) violates all undominated constraints in the tableau.
For (18), the winner (a) preserves only the underlying H from the root as
preserving both the root and suffix Hs (b) violates the undominated
CULMINATIVITY, and preserving only the suffix H (c-d) violates highly ranked
root faithfulness constraints.
(17) Input: H | /mole-lamyen/ ‘if sand’ MAX-
RT(H) MAX-
RT(Assoc) CULMINAT *#LL DEP(Assoc) *INIT-H
H |
a. mole-lamyen
*
H | b. mole-lamyen
*! *
H | c. mole-lamyen
*! *
d. mole-lamyen *! * * *
(18) Input: H H | | /mole-pota/ ‘than sand’
MAX-RT(H)
MAX-RT(A)
CULMI
NAT
*#LL MAX-SUF(H)
MAX-SUF(A)
*SUF-H
*INIT-H
H |
a. mole-pota
* * *
H H | | b. mole-pota
*! * *
H |
c. mole-pota
*! * * *
H | d. mole-pota
*! * *
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 87
123
For the H1/HH class, which has a spread H+ pre-linked to the initial mora of the root
according to our proposal, we derive a monosyllabic root followed by the two disyllabic
suffixes -imyen/-lamyen (toneless) and -póta here. For themonosyllabic noun nwún ‘eye’,when it is followedbya toneless suffix -imyenas in (19), thewinner (a)preserves theH+on
nwun and also spreads the H+ onto the following syllable. Not spreading the H+ (b)
violates theundominatedSPREAD-H+, and spreading theH+but dislodging theoriginalH+
linking to avoid an initial H (c) violates the undominatedMAX-ROOT(Assoc).When nwún‘eye’ is followed by a toned suffix -póta as in (20), the winner (a) spreads the H+ onto the
following syllable and deletes the H tone on the suffix. Preserving both Hs (b) violates
CULMINATIVITY as well as SPREAD-H+, and preserving only the H+ but not spreading it (c)
violates SPREAD-H+. Preserving the H on the suffix only (d) violates undominated root
faithfulness constraints. For a disyllabic noun, the analysis is virtually identical: thewinner
spreads theH+ to the second syllable of the noun regardless of the suffix to satisfy SPREAD-
H+, and the suffix H is always deleted to satisfy CULMINATIVITY and the positional
faithfulness ranking that preferentially protects the root tone.
(19) Input: H+
| /nwun-imyen/ ‘if eye’
MAX-RT(H)
MAX-RT(A)
SPRD
-H+CULMI
NAT
DEP(A) *SUF-H
*INIT-H
H+
| a. nwun-imyen
* * *
H+
| b. nwun-imyen
*! *
H+
| c. nwun-imyen
*! * *
(20) Input: H+ H | | /nwun-pota/ ‘than eye’
MAX-RT(H)
MAX-RT(A)
SPRD
-H+CULMI
NAT
MAX-SUF(H)
MAX-SUF(A)
DEP
(A) *SUF-
H *INIT
-H H+
| a. nwun-pota
* * * * *
H+ H | | b. nwun-pota
*! * * *
H+
| c. nwun-pota
*! * * *
H | d. nwun-pota
*! * *
88 H. Lee, J. Zhang
123
For the R/LH1 class, the underlying representation has a spread H+ pre-linked to
the second mora. This makes the derivation of monosyllabic nouns without suffixes
particularly interesting. We illustrate this in (21) using the word nwǔn ‘snow’. We
assume that the input to the word has only one mora as vowel length is not
contrastive in South Kyungsang. The H+ tone, therefore, is associated to a second
mora that has no segmental content in the input, which we mark as μ. We assume
that this empty mora can be realized in the output either by being associated with
segmental content or merged with an existing mora to the right that is already
associated with segmental content in the input. The directionality requirement of
free mora merging can be considered as the lexical property of this class of words: if
the free mora is merged with a segmentally-associated mora to the left, the H+ tone
will be effectively realized on the initial mora of the word, which is in conflict with
the lexical tonal specification of this class of words. One way to formally capture
this is via an undominated constraint *μ ← μ·, which states that an empty mora
cannot be merged with the mora to its left. For nwun ‘snow’ in (21), the winner (a)
associates the empty mora with the segmental content (the rime) and lengthens the
rime. Candidate (b), which adds an association between the H+ and the first mora,
violates DEP(Assoc) one more time and causes the initial mora to have an H tone. In
the faithful candidate (c), since the H-tone-bearing mora is not associated with any
segmental content, the CULMINATIVITY constraint is therefore violated as the word
does not include any realized H tone. If the H+ tone is dislodged from the empty
mora and reassociated to the previous mora (d), then it violates both MAX-ROOT
(Assoc) and DEP(Assoc), the former of which is fatal. Finally, if the empty mora is
merged with the mora on the left (e), then it violates the undominated directionality
constraint for mora merging mentioned above and thus also loses. (Given that the
directionality constraint is undominated, in the tableaux that follow we will not be
considering candidates in which the empty mora merges leftward.) Notice that
candidates (d) and (e) have the same phonetic realization but differ in their
representation. Assuming that there is an undominated DEP(μ) that prevents the
insertion of a mora in the output, SPREAD-H+ is irrelevant in the entire evaluation
here as there is no available mora for the H+ to spread to.
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 89
123
(21) Input: H+
| µ µ | /nwun/ ‘snow’
*μ μ MAX-RT(H)
MAX-RT(A)
SPRD
-H+CULMI
NAT
DEP(A) *INIT-H
H+
| µ µ |
a. nwun
*
H+
| µ µ | b. nwun
**! *
H+
| µ µ | c. nwun
*!
H+
µ µ | d. nwun
*! * *
H+
| µ μ | e. nwun
*! *
When nwǔn ‘snow’ is followed by a toneless monosyllabic suffix such as -un, asin (22), the empty mora can then be merged with the mora provided by the
segmental content of the suffix to the right, which causes the word to have an L-H
pattern as in (a). Candidate (b) has the same phonetic realization as (a) but
representationally dislodges the H+ tone from the empty mora and reassociates it to
the following mora, thus causing violations of MAX-ROOT(Assoc) and DEP(Assoc),
the former of which is fatal. Leaving the empty mora unassociated with segmental
material (c), though satisfying *SUFFIX-H, incurs a fatal violation of the undom-
inated CULMINATIVITY. If we associate the empty mora with the segmental content of
the suffix, which effectively lengthens the vowel in the suffix, the candidate that
does not spread the H+ (d) loses due to SPREAD-H+, and the candidate that does (e)
loses due to DEP(Assoc) violations. Associating the empty mora with the segmental
content of the root, which lengthens the root vowel (not shown here), will also not
be a viable option similar to (d) and (e).
90 H. Lee, J. Zhang
123
(22) Input: H+
| µ µ µ | | /nwun - un/ ‘snow (topic)’
MAX-RT(H)
MAX-RT(A)
SPRD
-H+CULMI
NAT
DEP(A) *SUF-H
*INIT-H
H+
| µ μ µ | |
a. nwun - un
*
H+
µ μ µ | | b. nwun - un
*! * *
H+
| µ µ µ | | c. nwun - un
*!
H+
| µ µ µ | | d. nwun - un
*! * *
H+
| µ µ µ | | e. nwun - un
*!* *
When nwǔn ‘snow’ is followed by a toneless disyllabic suffix such as -imyen as in(23), there is a mora to the right of the empty mora for it to merge with and another
mora for the H+ tone to spread rightward to as shown in the winner (a). Its phonetic
equivalent, which dislodges the H+ from the empty mora and reassociates it
rightward, again loses due to a MAX-ROOT(Assoc) violation as in (b). Not spreading
the H+ tone (c) is not an option due to the high ranking of SPREAD-H+ (assuming
that the free mora is merged with the mora associated with the first vowel in the
suffix in this candidate). In (d), the free mora is associated with the first vowel in the
suffix instead of merging with its mora, and the H+ spreads. This candidate loses
due to an additional violation of the DEP(Assoc) constraint. Associating the empty
mora with the segmental content of the root similarly will not be a viable option (not
shown here).
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 91
123
(23) Input: H+
| µ µ µ µ | | | /nwun - imyen/ ‘if snow’
MAX-RT(H)
MAX-RT(A)
SPRD
-H+CULMI
NAT
DEP(A) *SUF-H
*INIT-H
H+
| µ μ µ µ | | | a. nwun - imyen
* **
H+
| µ μ µ μ | | | b. nwun - imyen
*! ** **
H+
| µ µ µ | | | c. nwun-imyen
*! * *
H+
| µ µ µ µ | | | d. nwun-imyen
**! *
When nwǔn ‘snow’ is followed by a toned disyllabic suffix -póta as in (24), the
winning candidate (a) merges the free mora with the first mora of the suffix and
spreads the H+ tone one mora to the right; the H tone on the suffix is deleted.
Dislodging the H+ from the empty mora and reassociating it with the following
mora (b) violates MAX-ROOT(Assoc) fatally. Not spreading the H+ (c) violates the
undominated SPREAD-H+ (again assuming the rightward merging of the empty
mora). Linking the free mora with the segmental content of the root, i.e.,
lengthening the root vowel, and spreading the H+ to the first mora of the suffix (d)
incurs an additional DEP(Assoc) violation, which is fatal. And keeping the H+ on the
root and H on the suffix, as in (e), violates both SPREAD-H+ and CULMINATIVITY.
92 H. Lee, J. Zhang
123
(24) Input: H+ H | | µ µ µ µ | | | /nwun - pota/ ‘if snow’
MAX-RT(H)
MAX-RT(A)
SPRD
-H+CULMI
NAT
MAX-SUF(H)
MAX-SUF(A)
DEP
(A) *SUF-
H *INIT
-H H+
| µ μ µ µ | | | a. nwun - pota
* * * **
H+
| µ μ µ μ | | | b. nwun - po ta
*! * * ** **
H+
| µ µ µ | | | c. nwun-pota
*! * * *
H+
| µ µ µ µ | | | d. nwun-pota
* * **! *
H+H | | µ µ µ µ | | | e. nwun-pota
*! * * *
Cases with disyllabic roots in this tone class are simpler as the H+ tone comes
associated with the second mora in the input. We illustrate the disyllabic cases with
the word sàlám ‘person’ followed by the disyllabic toned suffix -póta as an example
in (25). The winning candidate (a) spreads the H+ tone one mora to the right onto
the suffix and deletes the H tone on the suffix. Not spreading the H+ (b) violates the
undominated SPREAD-H+, and keeping the H+ on the root and H on the suffix, as in
(c), violates both SPREAD-H+ and CULMINATIVITY.
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 93
123
(25) Input: H+ H | | µ µ µ µ | | | | /salam-pota/ ‘if person’
MAX-RT(H)
MAX-RT(A)
SPRD
-H+CULMI
NAT
MAX-SUF(H)
MAX-SUF(A)
DEP
(A) *SUF-
H *INIT
-H H+
| µ µ µ µ | | | |
a. salam-pota
* * * *
H+
| µ µ µ µ | | | | b. salam-pota
*! * *
H+ H | | µ µ µ µ | | | | d. salam-pota
*! * *
For the H2/LH2 class, which we analyzed as toneless underlyingly, we illustrate
first with a monosyllabic word mún ‘door’ as in (26): the winner is the candidate thatinserts an H on the root syllable (a), which, despite its violations of DEP constraints
and *INITIAL-H, is more harmonic than the faithful candidate (b) that violates the
undominated CULMINATIVITY.
(26) Input: /mun/ ‘door’
CULMI
NAT
DEP(H) DEP(A) *SUF-H
*INIT-H
H |
a. mun
* * *
b. mun *
When mún ‘door’ is followed by a toneless disyllabic suffix -imyen as in (27), the
winner (a) assigns an H tone to the root syllable, violating *INITIAL-H. Its closest
competitor (b) assigns an H tone to the first suffix syllable, violating *SUFFIX-H,
which is higher ranked than *INITIAL-H. A faithful rendition of the input without H
insertion, though it fares better with DEP constraints, violates the undominated *#LL
and CULMINATIVITY.
94 H. Lee, J. Zhang
123
(27) Input: /mun-imyen/ ‘if door’
*#LL CULMI
NAT
DEP(H) DEP(A) *SUF-H
*INIT-H
H |
a. mun-imyen
* * *
H | b. mun-imyen
* * *!
c. mun-imyen *! *
When mún ‘door’ is followed by a toned disyllabic suffix -póta as in (28), the
winner (a) is the faithfulness candidate that keeps the underlying suffix H. Relinking
the H to the root syllable (b) violates both MAX-SUFFIX(Assoc) and DEP(Assoc), both
of which are higher ranked than *SUFFIX-H, which the winner violates. Deleting the
H (c) incurs costly violations of *#LL and CULMINATIVITY as well as the MAX
constraints.
(28) Input: H | /mun-pota/ ‘than door’
*#LL CULMI
NAT
MAX-SUF(H)
MAX-SUF(A)
DEP
(H) DEP
(A) *SUF-
H *INIT
-H H |
a. mun-pota
*
H | b. mun-pota
*! * *
c. mun-pota *! * * *
For a disyllabic toneless word pàlám ‘wind’, shown in (29), the winner (a) inserts
an H tone on the second syllable, and its closest rival (b), which inserts the H on the
initial syllable, incurs a spurious violation of *INITIAL-H. Not inserting the H violates
the undominated *#LL and CULMINATIVITY.
(29) Input: /palam/ ‘wind’
*#LL CULMI
NAT
DEP(H) DEP(A) *SUF-H
*INIT-H
H |
a. palam
* *
H | b. palam
* * *!
c. palam *! *
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 95
123
When pàlám ‘wind’ is followed by a toneless disyllabic suffix -imyen (30), the
winner (a) puts the H tone on the second syllable of the root, avoiding violations of
both *SUFFIX-H and *INITIAL-H. Putting the H tone on the suffix (b) incurs spurious
violations of both *#LL and *SUFFIX-H, and not inserting the H tone (c) again
violates both *#LL and CULMINATIVITY.
(30) Input: /palam-imyen/ ‘if wind’
*#LL CULMI
NAT
DEP(H) DEP(A) *SUF-H
*INIT-H
H |
a. palam-imyen
* *
H | b. palam-imyen
*! * * *
c. palam-imyen *! *
Finally, when pàlám ‘wind’ is followed by a toned disyllabic suffix -póta as in
(31), the winner (a) spreads the suffix H one syllable to the left to avoid a *#LL
violation. Not spreading the H (b) fatally violates the highly ranked *#LL, and
relinking the H to the second syllable in the root (c) incurs a violation of MAX-
SUFFIX(Assoc), which is more highly ranked than *SUFFIX-H, which the winner
violates. Finally, deleting the H (d) is again not an option due to its costly violations
of *#LL and CULMINATIVITY as well as the MAX constraints.
(31) Input: H | /palam-pota/ ‘than wind’
*#LL CULMI
NAT
MAX-SUF(H)
MAX-SUF(A)
DEP
(H) DEP
(A) *SUF-
H *INIT
-H H
| a. palam-pota
* *
H | b. palam-pota
*! *
H | c. palam-pota
*! *
d. palam-pota *! * * *
So far, we have provided a complete analysis for the pitch accent pattern of our
most consistent speaker, namely Speaker 2. The analysis relies on the following key
elements. First, we proposed three pitch accents and one accentless class for South
Kyungsang Korean nouns. The underlying representations of the accents observe
the culminative tone typology proposed by Evans (2009) in that accents that count
from the left have a spreading property while accents that count from the right do
not. Second, when both the root and the suffix have an underlying pitch accent, only
the one on the root surfaces. This is derived by the positional faithfulness ranking
96 H. Lee, J. Zhang
123
that preferentially protects the root accent together with the CULMINATIVITY
constraint. Third, other markedness constraints, such as *#LL, *SUFFIX-H, and
*INITIAL-H, interact with faithfulness constraints MAX and DEP regarding H tone and
association lines to derive all surface tone patterns.
4 Extending the analysis to variable patterns
In this section we make a preliminary sketch of how the analysis proposed above
can be extended to account for the speaker variations we have observed in our data.
We have seen two general types of variations. One is for the R/LH1 and H2/LH2
classes to merge (Speaker 1). In principle, this can be captured by proposing one
underlying representation for both classes. But in reality it is not clear what this
merged UR would be for this speaker as the merging only occurs for certain
suffixes, not across the board, for most of the lexical items. Therefore, it seems to us
that we have caught a language change in progress in this speaker, and his current
grammar likely includes a fair amount of lexical listing in order to produce the
irregular tonal behavior. Notice that this change is already complete in favor of the
H2/LH2 class in North Kyungsang Korean (see Sect. 1).
The second type of variation is for the difference between the two types of
disyllabic suffixes to disappear (Speakers 3 and 4). Between the two speakers,
Speaker 4 seems to be farther along in this merger, as the merger can be observed in
both monosyllabic and disyllabic noun roots. The direction of merging is also clear
in this speaker: -póta is taking on the behavior of -imyen/ lamyen, indicating that
-póta is losing its underlying tone. For the toneless nouns after which -póta still
keeps the underlying H tone behavior, the nouns then must be lexically marked with
a feature to preserve suffix tones. Alternatively, the suffix -póta needs to be
accompanied with a list of nouns after which it exhibits the H tone behavior. For
Speaker 3, however, the merger is observed only in disyllabic nouns, and the
direction of the merger is towards -póta. So for this speaker -imyen/-lamyen seems to
be in the process of acquiring an underlying H tone. The disagreement between
Speakers 3 and 4 is an indication to us that suffixal accent contrast is at an unstable
stage, and we have likely again caught a language change in progress.
Although we are not in a position to make strong generalizations regarding the
variable patterns based on only four speakers’ data, making a formal analysis of the
variations premature, a further study (Lee et al. 2013; Lee 2013), designed to
investigate the effect of age on the tonal pattern of South Kyungsang with a
considerably larger number of speakers, shows that the tendencies of accent merger
and the non-distinctive suffixal tones are systematic, not anecdotal, and a
comparison with pitch patterns in Seoul Korean indicates that the contact with
this dominant dialect is responsible for these changes. In particular, Lee et al. (2013)
show that (1) R/LH1 and H2/LH2 classes are less contrastive among younger
Kyungsang speakers compared to older Kyungsang speakers, and (2) for the H2 and
LH2 classes, while older Kyungsang speakers show distinct tonal patterns in
suffixes, younger speakers do not.
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 97
123
5 Extending the analysis to trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic nouns
This section extends our proposed analysis to longer nouns. Table 10 presents the
reported accent patterns of nouns in isolation including tri- and quadrisyllabic nouns
(adopted from Utsugi 2009 with some modifications). Table 10 also contains our
proposed underlying tonal classifications to show how our analysis fits into the
reported accent classes. In Table 10, we can see that our proposed tonal
classification fits Utsugi’s descriptive tone patterns except for the unavailability
of an underlying tone class for the trisyllabic HLL (Non-final (–3)) noun. In
addition, Table 10 shows an identical LHH pattern for trisyllabic Final and Medial-
Double nouns and an identical LHHL pattern for quadrisyllabic Medial-Double and
Non-final (–2) nouns. Utsugi (2009) proposed an accent merger for these identical
patterns.
We examined acoustic data for monomorphemic trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic
nouns to empirically verify the descriptive pitch patterns for the longer nouns and to
test the merger proposed by Utsugi (2009). The data were collected from a female
speaker (32 years old, Pusan), and the tri- and quadrisyllabic nouns for each accent
class were recorded twice with the same suffix conditions in Table 6: (1) isolation,
(2) -un/-nun, (3) -to, (4) -póta, (5) -imyen/-lamyen. The recorded word lists for
tri- and quadrisyllabic nouns are provided in Appendix 2.
Our acoustic data for tri- and quadrisyllabic nouns support the pitch patterns
reported in the literature for most cases. However, considerable mismatches
between the reported and observed patterns were found for trisyllabic HLL words.
Among the six HLL words recorded, only one word (a.ci.mey) showed a clear HLL
pattern; two other words (mye.nu.li and nam.tay.mun) could also be potentially
interpreted as HLL if we consider the later pitch peak to have resulted from peak
delay; an LHL pattern was observed for the other three words. The pitch patterns for
these six words were observed consistently under all suffix conditions. The F0
tracings for these six HLL words with suffixes are provided in Fig. 2.
Based on the considerable mismatch between reported and observed patterns for
HLL trisyllabic nouns, it seems premature to argue for a separate underlying tone
class for HLL. Notably, South Kyungsang Korean does not have monomorphemic
Table 10 Accent patterns of nouns in South Kyungsang Korean. The patterns in parentheses are com-
pounds or derived nouns. “–2”, “−3”, and “–4” indicate “penultimate”, “antepenultimate”, and“preantepenultimate” syllables, respectively
Current analysis Pre-linked H+
on initialToneless Pre-linked H+
on peninitialPre-linked H on penult
Utsugi
(2009)
Initial-double Final Medial-double Non-final
(–2)
Non-final
(–3)
Non-final
(–4)
Mono- H H Ra
Di- HH LH LH HL
Tri- HHL LHH LHH LHL HLL
Quadri- HHLL (LHHH) LHHL LHHL (LHLL) (HLLL)
a The monosyllabic R class is described as L in Utsugi (2009)
98 H. Lee, J. Zhang
123
4-syllabled HLLL and LHLL nouns with which the trisyllabic HLL class might be
categorized. In other words, the rarity of HLL nouns and the non-existence of
monomorphemic HLLL and LHLL nouns indicate that the pitch accent system of
South Kyungsang Korean does not necessarily need an additional tone class for
these accent patterns, and the tone class for HLL may be dispensable in the lexical
pitch accent system of the language. Figure 2, however, shows the HLL pattern for
the word a.ci.mey ‘a middle aged woman’ under different suffixes. There are two
possible explanations for this without having to resort to a separate underlying
representation. One is that the word a.ci.mey is a truncated form for the word a.cwu.me.ni (LHHL), and the other is that a.ci.mey is spoken only in the Kyungsang
region, not in other Korean regions. This possibly suggests that a different grammar
is required either for truncated forms or for lexical items used only in Kyungsang
Korean.
Regarding the accent merger for tri- and quadrisyllabic nouns, Utsugi (2007)
argued for a complete merger of the Medial-Double (peninitial H+) and the Non-
Final (–2) (penultimate H) tone classes for quadrisyllabic nouns. Note that the
accent pattern of the quadrisyllabic penultimate H words is not LLHL but LHHL,
due to *#LL. As a result of the *#LL constraint, both the Medial-Double (peninitial
H+) and the Non-Final (–2) (penultimate H) quadrisyllabic nouns have the LHHL
surface pattern. In his later study, Utsugi (2009) proposed an on-going merger of
Final (toneless) and Medial-Double (peninitial H+) accents for trisyllabic nouns.
The following pieces of supporting evidence were given by Utsugi (2009) for the
50
150
250
350
450
0 40 80 10 50 90 20 60 100 30 70 0 40 80
-1 -2 -3 -4 -5
F0
(Hz)
Time: % of each syllable
a.ci.mey'a middle aged woman'
50
150
250
350
450
0 40 80 10 50 90 20 60 100 30 70 0 40 80
-1 -2 -3 -4 -5
mye.nu.li'a daughter in law'
50
150
250
350
450
0 40 80 10 50 90 20 60 100 30 70 0 40 80
-1 -2 -3 -4 -5
nam.tay.mun'South gate of Seoul'
50
150
250
350
450
0 40 80 10 50 90 20 60 100 30 70 0 40 80
-1 -2 -3 -4 -5
F0
(Hz)
Time: % of each syllable
a.hu.le'nine days'
50
150
250
350
450
0 40 80 10 50 90 20 60 100 30 70 0 40 80
-1 -2 -3 -4 -5
e.lin.i'a child'
50
150
250
350
450
0 40 80 10 50 90 20 60 100 30 70 0 40 80
-1 -2 -3 -4 -5
ka.mul.chi'a mullet'
isolation(n)un(la)imyenpota
Fig. 2 Pitch patterns for the trisyllabic nouns in the HLL class with four suffixes: (1) isolation, (2) -un/-nun, (3) -imyen/-lamyen, (4) -póta. Each F0 track was pooled across two repetitions (The F0 contour ofthe fifth syllable does not appear clearly due to glottalization. The F0 track of test words with themonosyllabic suffix -to is consistent with that of the monosyllabic suffix -un/-nun.)
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 99
123
merger-in-progress between Final (toneless) and Medial-Double (peninitial H+): (1)
no difference in pitch register between Final and Medial-Double, (2) complete
merger of Medial-Double (peninitial H+) and Non-final (−2) (penultimate H) in
quadrisyllabic nouns, (3) identical accent pattern for Final (toneless) and Medial-
Double (peninitial H+) words with suffixes of different underlying tones.
Our acoustic data for the longer nouns also confirmed the merger between Final
(toneless) andMedial-Double (peninitial H+) for trisyllabic nouns proposed in Utsugi
(2009). Hypothetically, we expect the accent pattern of LHH-HL for the ‘toneless’
noun but LHH-LL for the ‘peninitialH+’ nounwhen thesewords are affixedwith -póta‘than’. For example, when tay.na.mu ‘bamboo’ in the toneless class is affixed with
-póta, the LHH-HL pattern is expected; when ho.lang.i ‘tiger’ in the peninitial H+
class is affixedwith -póta, the LHH-LL pattern is expected. Under the current analysis,
the tone in -póta surfaces with toneless words but not for underlyingly pre-linked H
tone words, due to the tonal culminativity. But in the actual data, both tay.na.mu-pota(toneless) and ho.lang.i-pota (peninitial H+) showed LHH-LL, consistent with
Utsugi’s observation. This indicates that the trisyllabic LHH in the two underlying
tone classes may lose their accent distinctions, preferring the peninitial H+ (Medial-
Double) pattern, and the merger is on-going. Given the merger of the toneless class
with the peninitial H+ class in trisyllabic nouns, the established constraints and their
ranking in the current study can derive the surface pitch patterns for trisyllabic LHH
nouns of the peninitial H+ class.
To sum up, the current analysis with the four underlying tone classes can be
extended to tri- and quadrisyllabic nouns with no required modifications regarding
both underlying tonal classes and constraint interactions. Given the rarity of HLL
words and the accent merger in tri- and quadrisyllabic nouns, our analysis can
successfully derive the surface accent patterns in these longer words.
6 Analytical comparisons
In this section we provide a comparison between our analysis of South Kyungsang
pitch accent and the analyses in the literature for both North and South Kyungsang.
We first review analyses that consider the accent tone to be an H tone and thus share
similarities with our own analysis; then we discuss Lee and Davis (2009), who
consider the accent to be a pitch fall. Table 11 summarizes the first type of analyses
in the literature along with our own for each tone class. For North Kyungsang, the
R/LH1 class has been merged with the H2/LH2 class (see Sect. 1).
For the HL tone class, our analysis is in line with that of Schuh and Kim (2007),
who also argued that this accented H is assigned to the penult in the root. The
advantage of this analysis over Ramsey’s (1975) and Lee’s (2008) analysis whereby
the H accent falls on the initial syllable lies in its easy account for the absence of
this pattern in monosyllabic roots6 without additional stipulations. The non-spread
6 Although we are not aware of native words that have an HL pattern on monosyllables, Kim (1997)
reports that English monosyllabic loanwords regularly take this pattern (e.g., ‘bell’ is pêyl with a falling
pitch contour). We currently do not have an analysis for this pattern.
100 H. Lee, J. Zhang
123
property of this accent also agrees better with cross-linguistic typology à la Evans
(2009) if it counts from the right edge of the root. Kenstowicz and Sohn’s (1997)
“non-final” analysis of this tone class requires further specification of where the
accent falls in longer words while our analysis, along with Schuh and N’s, makes
clear predictions. Kim (1997) argued that words in this tone class are toneless, or
unmarked, and a default H is assigned to the penultimate syllable based on the tone
patterns of loanwords and longer words in which the penultimate syllable takes a
high tone. However, Kim’s observation was made from only 34 loanwords; in
addition, given the fact that the LLHL pattern with the two initial low tones is
prohibited in South Kyungsang Korean, it seems dubious whether the default-H on
the penult is valid. For loanwords in South Kyungsang Korean, Lee (2009) indicated
other accent patterns such as HH/HHL and LH/LHH as well as HL/LHL and argued
the importance of syllable weight in predicting the accent patterns for loanwords.
Chang (2005) also argued against the default nature of penultimate H based on
phonetic data: under the assumption that marked tones are phonetically more
prominent than unmarked tones, the H in this class is better interpreted as a marked
tone as it is more prominent than the H tone in the H2/LH2 class. Finally, given that
words in this class consistently have an H tone on the penult, it is not clear what the
“default” analysis buys us. Under Optimality Theory, Lexicon Optimization (Prince
and Smolensky 1993/2004) would in fact select the pre-linked form as the input as
the derivation from it incurs the fewest faithfulness violations.
For the H1/HH tone class, we proposed the underlying representation “pre-linked
H+ at the initial mora,” where H+ is an H tone that spreads one mora to the right.
Other analyses in the literature generally fall into two types: those that treat it as a
doubly linked accent (Kenstowicz and Sohn 1997; Schuh and Kim 2007) and those
that treat it as an underlying floating H that docks onto two syllables (moras) on the
surface. Ramsey’s (1975) “pre-accented H” analysis is akin to the latter as it
assumes only that there is a pre-existing H accent in the tonal representation of this
class of words without specifying the association between the H and any syllables.
Similar to the “default tone” analysis for the HL class, the “floating tone” account
here also requires additional derivational mechanisms and is disfavored by Lexicon
Optimization. The doubly linked accent, though preferred by Lexicon Optimization,
causes the analysis to lose the typological asymmetry in the directionality of
spreading as there is no restriction on where doubly linked accent can occur. Our
analysis, on the other hand, restricts the H+ with a spread property to start from the
left edge of an accent domain and makes better typological predictions in this
regard.
For the R/LH1 tone class, our proposal that the underlying pitch accent is a “pre-
linked H+ at the peninitial mora” is again similar to Schuh and Kim’s (2007). But
our analysis specifies a spreading property of the H rather having a doubly linked H
in the UR for the same advantage outlined above. Our analysis draws a similarity
between the H1/HH class and the R/LH1 class in that both tone classes involve a
spread H accent, with their only difference being the location of the pre-linked H.
Consequently, we do not need to distinguish between accented Hs and accentless Hs
as Schuh and Kim did. The similarity between H1/HH and R/LH1 is also reflected
in Ramsey’s (1975) analysis in the sense that he treated both classes as having a
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 101
123
pre-accented H and differentiated them only by the presence (R/LH1) or absence
(H1/HH) of an initial L tone.
Finally, for the H2/LH2 class, the current analysis is in line with that of Ramsey’s
(1975) and Schuh and Kim’s (2007). We have argued that words in this class have no
underlying pitch accent and that the surface tone patterns are derived through the
interaction between markedness constraints such as *#LL, *SUFFIX-H, and *INITIAL-H
and faithfulness constraints MAX and DEP regarding H tone and association lines.
Kenstowicz and Sohn (1997),7 Kim (1997), and Lee (2008) have all suggested a pre-
linked H tone on the final root syllable for this tone class in North Kyungsang. This
analysis cannot be easily extended to South Kyungsang for the following reasons.
First, as we have seen, monosyllabic H2 words do not have an H tone in the root when
occurring with the toned suffix -póta. The absence of the root H cannot be due to the
strength of the pitch accent in -póta, as -póta does not cause the deletion of other rootaccents. Additionally, this is the only class of words that has different tonal behaviors
upon the addition of two suffixes -imyen/-lamyen and -póta. The difference can be
easily accounted for if this class of words is toneless and if -póta, but not -imyen/-lamyen, has an underlying pitch accent. If this class of words has an underlying pitchaccent, wewould expect it to override the pitch accent of the suffix under culminativity
and positional faithfulness, effectively rendering identical pitch patterns for both
Table 11 A summary of phonological analyses for Kyungsang pitch accent in the literature
North Kyungsang South Kyungsang
Tone class Kenstowicz
and Sohn
(1997)
Kim (1997) Lee (2008) Ramsey
(1975)
Schuh and
Kim (2007)
Current
analysis
HL Nonfinal
accent
Default H H |
Tonic:
initial H
Accented H /
Hσ/, /σHσ/
H |
µµ
H1/HH Double
accent
Floating H H Tonic: pre-
accented H
Accented H /
HHσ/ H+
| # µ
R/LH1 Tonic:
pre-accented H
with an initial L
Accentless H /
σHH/ H+
| # µ µ
H2/LH2 Final
accent
Pre-linked H H |
Atonic Toneless /σ/ Toneless
7 Kenstowicz and Sohn (1997) suggested that while the final H may spread to a following verb from an
upstep operation, presence of a case marker triggers downstep blocking H-spread to the following verb.
102 H. Lee, J. Zhang
123
-imyen/-lamyen and -póta suffixation. It would be interesting, however, to examine the
pitch patterns for this class of words under -póta suffixation in North Kyungsang to
evaluate the effectiveness of the “final-accent” analysis for this particular dialect.
Overall, our analysis is the most similar to Schuh and Kim’s (2007), but we have
restricted the dimensions along which pitch accents can vary to the location of pre-
linking and whether the accent spreads, with the additional requirement that the
location of spread tones counts from the left. We believe that the resulting system
fits better into our current understanding of culminative tone typology, and our
analysis for the accent patterns is formal and explicit.
A recent study (Lee and Davis 2009) addresses the pitch accent system of South
Kyungsang Korean by viewing the tonal pattern as ‘accented’ and ‘unaccented’
based on the presence or absence of a pitch fall within a word, an insight gained
from the Japanese accentual system (Haraguchi 1999). The phonological analysis of
Lee and Davis (2009) for the pitch accent system of South Kyungsang is presented
in Table 12.
Under Lee and Davis’s view, words are classified as either accented or
unaccented. The phonetic realization of the accented class is the presence of a pitch
fall within the word; no pitch fall surfaces for the unaccented class. In Table 12, the
accented syllable is indicated by H*, marking the high toned syllable immediately
before the low tone. According to the location of H* + L, one can tell whether a
word belongs to the first-, second-, or third-syllable accented class. Along with the
accented and unaccented classifications, Lee and Davis (2009) proposed that South
Kyungsang has an initial tone register: if the initial syllable is accented, (e.g., in
Table 12 The accent pattern of South Kyungsang Korean and its phonological analysis in Lee and Davis
(2009, p. 8)
1st σaccented
1st σregister tone(unaccented)
2nd σaccented
2nd σunaccented
3rd σaccented
monosyllabicnouns
Registertones
H H
L L
None None H*
disyllabicnouns
Registertones
HH H*
LL H* LH
None None H*L
trisyllabicnouns
Registertones
HH H*L
LL H*L LHH*
None None H*LL
quadrisyllabicnouns
Registertones
HH H*LL
HLL H*L
None None
Adopting Table 12 from Lee and Davis (2009) has been permitted by the journal, Langauge and Research
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 103
123
H*L), then it has no register tone; if the initial syllable is unaccented, then it belongs
to the H register class if it has an H tone (e.g., in H or HH*) and to the L register
class if it has an L tone (e.g., in LH* or LH). The properties of the initial register H
or L tone include (1) the register tones are never changed under suffixation, and (2)
the initial register L tone belonging to the unaccented class deaccents the tone in
suffixes. Therefore, the underlying tones under Lee and Davis’s analysis are
determined by (1) the presence or absence of the falling accent, (2) the location of
the accented syllable, (3) the presence or absence of the initial register tone, and (4)
the type of the initial register tone: (a) register H of an accented class (HH*), (b)
register H of an unaccented class (H), (c) register L of an accented class (LH*), or
(d) register L of an unaccented class (LH). Together with the constraints such as
*#LL, *#HHH, and *HHH#, this theoretical analysis in Lee and Davis (2009)
accounts for the pitch accent system of South Kyungsang.
Comparing Lee andDavis’s analysis (Table 12)with the current proposal (Table 9),
we can see that our analysis seems more economical in terms of its underlying tones.
Specifically, while we account for the full range of nominal accent patterns of South
Kyungsang with four underlying tonal classes, Lee and Davis’s analysis requires six
underlying tones (assuming that the monosyllabic accented pattern H* and the
disyllabic first-syllable accented pattern H*L are the same underlying pattern) to
derive the monosyllabic and disyllabic accent patterns. This is due to the fact that Lee
andDavis (2009) did not consider some of the commonality between themonosyllabic
and disyllabic tone patterns. For example, Lee and Davis (2009) analyzed the
monosyllabic nwun H(H) ‘eye’ as an unaccented pattern with an H register tone and
the disyllabic kunulHH(L) ‘shade’ as a second-syllable accented pattern, but we wereable to analyze both of them as an initial H+ pattern. Similarly, the monosyllabicmunH(L) ‘door’ and the disyllabic palam LH(L) ‘wind’ were analyzed differently by Lee
and Davis (2009) as an accented pattern without register tone and a second-syllable
accent pattern with an L register tone, respectively, but they can be both subsumed
under the toneless pattern under our analysis.
Table 13 lists how Lee and Davis (2009) and the current study analyze the
representative tone patterns, highlighting the underlying representations and the
other constraints necessary to derive all the current surface tone patterns. We can
see that Lee and Davis (2009) appeal to markedness constraints such as *HL-HL,
*#HHH, *HHH#, and *#LL and also require an L register tone to deaccent the suffix
tone. Our analysis, on the other hand, uses CULMINATIVITY, *#LL, *SUFFIX-H, and
*INITIAL-H as well as faithfulness constraints MAX-ROOT(H) and MAX-SUFFIX(H). We
believe that three points of comparisons are in our favor.
First, in terms of the generality of the constraints, although both analyses use
markedness constraints that reflect the idiosyncratic tonotactic generalizations of the
language (*#HHH, *HHH#, in Lee and Davis (2009), *Initial-H in our analysis,
*#LL in both), our analysis has more generality in the rest of the elements:
CULMINATIVITY is a property that characterizes many pitch accent systems (Evans
2009), and the preservation of the H accent in favor of the root is also common;
*HL-HL in Lee and Davis (2009) does not have the generality of CULMINATIVITY,
and the requirement for an initial register tone to influence the tone of a non-local
suffix is cross-linguistically rare.
104 H. Lee, J. Zhang
123
Second, for the tonal pattern of the suffixed forms, our analysis also has greater
cross-linguistic validity and is more straightforward than Lee and Davis’s. In our
analysis, the H tone of the suffix -póta ‘than’8 is preserved only when the root is
underlyingly toneless due to MAX-ROOT(H) » MAX-SUFFIX(H) and the high ranking of
CULMINATIVITY. The root faithfulness pattern is cross-linguistically common, as shown
Table 13 Analytical comparison between Lee and Davis (2009) and the current study for the accent
patterns of monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns under suffixation
Lee and Davis (2009) Current analysis
kewul ‘mirror’ HL Initial accent; no register tone Penult H
kewul-i HL-L HL-HL for kewul-pota is ruled out by*HL-HL.
HL-HL for kewul-pota is ruledout by CULMINATIVITY, MAX-RT
(H) » MAX-SUF(H).kewul-imyen HL-LL
kewul-pota HL-LL
nwun ‘eye’ H Unaccented; H register tone Initial H+
nwun-i H-H H-HH for nwun-imyenis ruled out by*#HHH.
HH-HL for kunul-pota is ruledout by CULMINATIVITY, MAX-RT
(H) » MAX-SUF(H).nwun-imyen H-HL
nwun-pota H-HL
kunul ‘shade’ HH Final accented; H register tone
kunul-i HH-L HH-HL for kunul-pota is ruled out bydeleting H in the suffix accordingto *#HHH.
kunul-imyen HH-LL
kunul-pota HH-LL
mun ‘door’ H Initial accented; no register tone Toneless
mun-i H-L H-LL for mun-pota is ruled out(see comment below).
*#LL, CULMINATIVITY
MAX-SUF (H) allows the underlyingH in -pota to surface.
*SUF-H prefers H in a root.
*INITIAL-H prefers non-initial H.
mun-imyen H-LL
mun-pota L-HL
palam ‘wind’ LH Final accented; L register tone
palam-i LH-L LH-LL for palam-pota is ruled out(see comment below).palam-imyen LH-LL
palam-pota LH-HL
nwun ‘snow’ R Unaccented; L register tone Peninitial H+
nwun-i L-H L-L for nwun-i and L-LL for nwun-imyen are ruled out by *#LL.
L-HL for nwun-pota is ruled out bydeaccenting the suffixal toneaccording to the nature of theunaccented L tone register.
LH-HH for salam-imyen and forsalam-pota are ruled out by*HHH#.
nwun-imyen L-HH
nwun-pota L-HH
salam ‘person’ LH
salam-i LH-H
salam-imyen LH-HL
salam-pota LH-HL
8 Lee and Davis (2009) used -chélem ‘like’ whose underlying tone is presumably identical to -póta ‘than’.
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 105
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in Beckman (1998), and the analysis captures the identical tone pattern between the
-imyen and -póta suffixes when the root is toned straightforwardly. In Lee and Davis’sanalysis, the identical tone pattern between the two types of suffixes after nwun ‘eye’and kunul ‘shade’ is due to the more ad hoc *#HHH, as shown in Table 13: the H-HLpattern of nwun-imyen ‘if eye(s)’, which is unaccented, but H-registered in both the
root and the suffix, is derived very differently from the H-HL pattern of nwun-pota‘than eye(s)’, the former due to the conversion of the final H into L to satisfy *#HHH,
the latter due to the first-syllable accent nature of the suffix; the identical tone pattern
between the two suffixes for the final-accented, H-tone-registered kunul ‘shade’ is dueto *#HHH in both cases. Formun ‘door’ and palam ‘wind’, which our analysis treats as
toneless, the surface tone patterns of the isolation and suffixed forms are derived
through the interaction among CULMINATIVITY, *#LL, *SUFFIX-H, and *INITIAL-H as
well as faithfulness constraints MAX-ROOT(H) and MAX-SUFFIX(H) as detailed in Sect.
3 and summarized in Table 13. The analysis of these patterns in Lee and Davis (2009)
are less than convincing. Bothmun and -pota are initial accented in their analysis, andthe L-HL pattern formun-pota is explained as follows: “One can understand the outputas reflecting a rule of deaccentuation that deletes the first of two consecutive accents.
Since the accent on mun ‘door’ is immediately before the accent on the suffix, it
deaccents and surfaces as low tone (Lee and Davis 2009, p. 10).” There are two
problems with this account. First, it directly contradicts the HH-LL tone pattern for
kunul-pota ‘than shade’ (kunul has final accent with an H register initial tone), which
shows the deletion of the second accented tone to satisfy *#HHH, but also to avoid twoconsecutive accents. Second, the fact that it is the root accent that is deaccented is
cross-linguistically surprising. In otherwords,H-LLwould have been amore expected
outcome for deaccenting for mun-pota. A similar problem arises for LH-HL palam-pota ‘than wind’. According to Lee and Davis (2009), palam is in the ‘final syllable
accented class with an L register tone’. To explain the LH-HL pattern, Lee and Davis
(2009) stated that “The root-final syllable cannot acquire low tone because of the
constraint against SK words beginning LL. It (the root-final syllable) stays as a high
tone, but it is not accented since it does not occur before the pitch fall (Lee and Davis
2009, p. 15).” Their analysis needs to explain why the root gets deaccented rather than
the suffix. In otherwords, it needs to explainwhyLH-LL is not the surface tone pattern.
Finally, Lee and Davis’s analysis does not consider the accentual correspondence
between contemporary Kyungsang and Middle Korean. Although historical
innovations have shaped the accentual system of Kyungsang Korean through the
Kyungsang Accent Shift (Ramsey 1975) as well as other accent mergers, many
researchers have noticed remarkably systematic correspondence in accent classes
between contemporary Kyungsang and Middle Korean (Kenstowicz et al. 2008).
For example, the words that used to have the initial R in Middle Korean now show
monosyllabic R and disyllabic LH(H) patterns, which correspond to our ‘peninitial
H+’ class. We recognize that the historical correspondence by itself cannot serve as
an argument for the synchronic analysis, but given that a historically more accurate
analysis also does better in terms of predicting the correct surface tone patterns and
having greater cross-linguistic validity, it is then less likely for the speakers to
undergo substantial restructuring, as Lee and Davis’s analysis would entail.
106 H. Lee, J. Zhang
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7 Concluding remarks
In this paper we investigated the nominal pitch accent system in South Kyungsang
Korean both empirically and theoretically. Our acoustic data confirmed the accent
distinctions reported in earlier works on the language: there are three accent classes for
monosyllabic nouns (H1, R, H2) and four accent classes for disyllabic nouns (HL, HH,
LH1, LH2), and there is a parallel between H1 and HH, R and LH1, and H2 and LH2.
Suffixes may also bear contrastive accent: we have observed the HL accent on the
suffix -póta ‘than’; whether other accents can also appear on suffixes remains to be
seen. Theoretically, we analyzed the pitch accent system as having three pre-linked
accents and one default accent. Two of the pre-linked accents count from the left and
are linked to the initial (H1/HH) and peninitial (R/LH1) moras of the root,
respectively, and both spread one mora to the right. The other pre-linked accent
counts from the right (penult) and does not spread (HL). The H2/LH2 class has the
default accent (toneless). The surface tone patterns for both the default and pre-linked
accents are derived through constraint interaction in Optimality Theory. Compared to
other analyses, our approach provides a closer fitwith the data and fits in better with the
culminative tone typology established in Evans (2009).
There are a number of directions in which this study can be extended. Within the
language itself, we have pointed out that our understanding of pitch accent on suffixes
can benefit from investigating a larger range of suffixes, and additional accents beyond
theHL class on suffixes, if any, can provide a further test to the grammarwe proposed in
Sect. 4. It would also be interesting to investigate the pitch accent pattern of the verbal
system inorder tounderstand the extent towhich thenominal systemweproposedcanbe
extended to the entire language. Some of the pioneeringwork on verbal accent has been
done by Schuh and Kim (2010). Finally, empirical and theoretical investigation for
loanwords of SouthKyungsangKoreanwill also advance our understanding of the pitch
accent system in the language. For extensive data and a formal account for the loanword
tone patterns of South Kyungsang Korean, see Lee (2009).
In our acoustic study, we noticed a fair amount of inter-speaker variation, much of
which we were not able to provide a formal analysis for. The tendencies we observed,
however, are interesting: it seems that there are speakerswhoare in the process of losing
theR/LH1 andH2/LH2distinction and the accent distinctions on suffixes, the former of
which losses is in fact observed in full force in North KyungsangKorean.With a larger
speaker pool, we will be in a position to better understand the nature of these variations
and the changes that the Kyungsang Korean accent system is going through. This is an
interesting issue for both sociolinguistics and theoretical phonology. Sociolinguisti-
cally, the Korean government’s language policy has given Seoul Korean a strong
normative bias (Silva 2011), and consequently, the non-tonal system of Seoul Korean
may have had an influence on the tonal systems ofKyungsangKorean dialects, causing
them to weaken their tonal contrasts (but see Silva 2006 on how Seoul Korean may be
developing a tonal system from the changes in the speakers’ use of voice onset time to
cue laryngeal contrasts). The question, then, is whether we can document, and more
importantly, make predictions on how the changes occur. Phonologically, the issue of
variations and exceptions is playing an increasingly important role in its theoretical
development (see for example, Coetzee and Pater 2011). Phonologists strive to
Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 107
123
understand whether speakers have active knowledge of the patterns of variation, and if
so, what the synchronic grammar must look like to account for this knowledge. South
Kyungsang Korean pitch accent, therefore, can provide us with another empirical case
to further test and refine phonological theories of variations and exceptions.
Acknowledgments The JEAL editors and four anonymous reviewers have provided us with manyinsightful comments and critiques that helped us improve the quality of this work. Russ Schuh, AllardJongman, Joan Sereno, and fellow participants in the Empirical Research seminar in the KU LinguisticsDepartment have also provided us with valuable feedback and encouragement. We are grateful to all theseindividuals, but we remain fully responsible for the data content and opinions expressed in this article.
Appendix 1
See Fig. 3.
507090
110130150170190
0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100
σ-1 σ-2 σ-3
F0
(Hz)
Time: % of each syllable
R (Pen-initial H+)
50
70
90
110
130
150
170
190
0 20 40 60 80100 0 20 40 60 80100
σ-1 σ-2 σ-3
Time: % of each syllable
H1 (Initial H+)
50
70
90
110
130
150
170
190
0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100
σ-1 σ-2 σ-3
Time: % of each syllable
H2 (Toneless)isolation(n)un(la)imyenpota
50
70
90
110
130
150
170
190
0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100
σ-1 σ-2 σ-3 σ-4
F0
(Hz)
Time: % of each syllable
HL (Penult H)
isolation(n)un(la)imyenpota
50
70
90
110
130
150
170
190
0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100
σ-1 σ-2 σ-3 σ-4
Time: % of each syllable
HH (Initial H+)
isolation(n)un(la)imyenpota
50
70
90
110
130
150
170
190
0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100
σ-1 σ-2 σ-3 σ-4
F0
(Hz)
Time: % of each syllable
LH1 (Pen-initial H+)isolation(n)un(la)imyenpota
50
70
90
110
130
150
170
190
0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100
σ-1 σ-2 σ-3 σ-4
Time: % of each syllable
LH2 (Toneless)isolation(n)un(la)imyenpota
Fig. 3 F0 tracing for each tonal class in monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns with different suffixes. Alldata are from Speaker 2. F0 was averaged across the word stimuli within each accent class + suffix
108 H. Lee, J. Zhang
123
Appendix 2
See Table 14.
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