the jonathan presidency, by abati, the guardian, dec. 17, 2010 to jan. 23, 2011 _2

8/7/2019 The Jonathan Presidency, By Abati, The Guardian, Dec. 17, 2010 to Jan. 23, 2011 _2

1/40

The Jonathan PresidencyBy

Reuben Abati

Published by


2/40

The Jonathan Presidency

Dr. Reuben Abati, Lagos, Nigeria 2


By

Reuben Abati

A review of the Goodluck Jonathan Presidency in Nigeria should provide significant insight into bothhis story and the larger Nigerian narrative. We consider this to be a necessary exercise as the country

prepares for the next general elections and the Jonathan Presidency faces the certain fate of becoming

lame-duck earlier than anticipated. The general impression about President Jonathan among

Nigerians is that he is as his name suggests, a product of sheer luck. They say this because here is a

President whose story as a politician began in 1998, and who within the space of ten years appears to

have made the fastest stride from zero to stardom in Nigerian political history.

Jonathan himself has had cause to declare that he is from a relatively unknown village called

Otuoke in Bayelsa state; he claims he did not have shoes to wear to school, one of those children who

ate rice only at Xmas. When his father died in February 2008, it was probably the first time that

Otuoke would play host to the kind of quality crowd that showed up in the community. The beauty

of the Jonathan story is to be found in its inspirational value, namely that the Nigerian dream couldstill take on the shape of phenomenal and transformational social mobility in spite of all the inequities

in the land.

With Jonathans emergence as the occupier of the highest office in the land, many Nigerians who

had ordinarily given up on the country and the future felt imbued with renewed energy and hope. If

Jonathan could do it, they too could. And it was not only the ordinary Nigerian that felt this way, the

people of the South South who had always complained of being marginalized by the majority groups

felt encouraged that one of their own, of Niger Delta extraction had come to power. Given the

religious nature of the Nigerian people, a few commentators also added that Jonathans emergence as

President was of divine origin and design. The cynics among us argued differently noting that since

Jonathan was Vice President anyway, he was bound to be President.

But no one could deny that there was something most extra-ordinary about Jonathans politicalcareer in a country where it helps to have a Godfather, some money, a family name, or substantial

talent for criminal conduct. When his profile was published in 2007, ahead of the Presidential

elections in which he stood as running mate to late President Umaru Musa YarAdua, it contained

such minor details as his being the Secretary of a Food Committee in his secondary school days and

Chairman of a Committee of House Prefects. Such minutiae are included in a resume when there is

very little to report! He also had worked as a Customs preventive officer (whatever that means) after

his secondary school education! In 1977, he gained admission to study zoology at the University of

Port Harcourt, Nigeria, graduating in 1981. He took part in the National Youth Service Corps

(NYSC), serving as a school teacher at Community Secondary School, Iresi, Osun state. He later

worked in the Rivers state Civil Service as a Science Inspector in the Ministry of Education, and

subsequently as a lecturer in the Department of Biological sciences of the state College of Education.He got a Masters degree in Hydrobiology and Fisheries in 1982, and a Ph.D in the same discipline in

1995.

By March 1993, Jonathan was appointed an Assistant Director (ecology) at the then Oil Mineral

Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC) now known as the Niger Delta

Development Commission (NDDC). He served in this capacity for five years, and joined politics in

1998, when he was chosen as running mate to Chief Diepreye Alamiyeseigha in the 1999

Gubernatorial elections in Bayelsa under the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). This

was Jonathans first major appearance on the public stage. Nothing in his background, either in terms

of training or exposure had prepared him for that moment. He was by Nigerian standards, an

ordinary man, the regular guy who had been chosen as running mate because he would behave well

and respect the Boss. Governor DSP Alamiyeseigha was indeed the Boss. Jonathan, whose strongassets include his loyalty and humility, reportedly still calls Alams my oga even if that ogas tenure as


3/40



Governor ended unceremoniously and in disgrace, and Jonathan is today Nigerias most powerful

man. Of Jonathan, Alamiyesiegha wrote in a book titled Goodluck to Bayelsa (Treasure Books, 2009)

edited by Neghi Ilagha as follows: Sometimes, I wonder what life inside Creek Haven (Bayelsa Government

House) would have been if Dr Jonathan were not by my side. Stories abound of repeated conflicts and crises of

confidence erupting between some chief executives and their deputies in this nation. But I am glad to report that

I never lost sleep over Goodluck Jonathan.Both men sought re-election in 2003 and won. In 2005, Jonathans boss ran into trouble with the

Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), another version of that story is that he stepped

on President Olusegun Obasanjos toes; however, he was removed from office and he ended up in jail.

Jonathan, in accordance with the law, replaced Alams as Governor of Bayelsa state on December 12,

2005. After completing the remainder of the Alamiyeseigha tenure, Jonathans ambition was to seek

election on his own as Governor. But he got handpicked as running mate to late President YarAdua

in the 2007 Presidential elections. His emergence in that position, as announced on December 17,

2006, was rather surprising. There were far more established and influential political figures in the

South South and the Niger Delta. Some of his ogas, Alamiyesieghas peers from the Governorship

class of 1999 had shown interest in the Presidential race and would have been glad to be chosen as

Vice presidential candidate. But they were ignored by President Obasanjo who had taken it uponhimself to choose his own successors. Jonathan, in comparison seemed so unenthusiastic about being

Vice President; newspapers kept asking him if he really wanted the position. He reportedly confided

in close associates that he preferred to stay on as Governor of Bayelsa state. On another occasion, he

said he often appeared like that at first, as if am not committed to something and once I set my mind

to the thing, I always excel. In Bayelsa indeed, Jonathan had appeared as if he was not interested in

being Governor. He seemed happy to have been in his ogas shadows. Commissioners and special

assistants were said to have been more powerful than the Deputy Governor.

By 2007 when he showed up as running mate to Umaru Musa YarAdua, he seemed to have

learnt a few lessons about power. As Bayelaa Governor for two years, he had one of the most

aggressive campaign strategies in the country. He cleverly promoted his administration while passing

off the publicity as other peoples efforts. He had promised the people of Bayelsa in December 2005,I will rather fail myself as Goodluck Jonathan than disappoint Bayelsans. Ten months later, his

administration had not yet been able to address the problem of militancy in the state; on one occasion,

the Governor reportedly went into hiding when militants attacked the Bayelsa state Government

House. But the Jonathan administration managed to build schools, more hospitals, provided more

drugs for the hospitals, bought buses to aid public transportation, started work on a five-star hotel in

the state capital to promote tourism, launched a 50-unit Housing scheme, built roads, paid civil

servants salary arrears, gave out N60 million to 600 youths in the state under an empowerment

programme, managed to control all the hawks who tried to capitalize on Alams humiliation to gain

political capital of their own, and so on.

In the main, Jonathans public image was that of a quiet and humble public administrator, the

only chink in that armour being allegations that his wife was too over-bearing, and a reported casewith the EFCC involving her. During the 2007 Presidential campaigns, Jonathan was again the perfect

running mate; very happy to stay in the shadows. The first person from the South South to inch so

close to the most powerful office in the land, Jonathans selection by the PDP was seen as an attempt

by the party leadership to pacify the people of the Niger Delta who had been involved in a running

battle with the authorities over the marginalization of that part of the country and the inequities

attendant upon the management of Nigerias extractive resources. Militants in the Niger Delta had

made oil exploration activities almost impossible with their organized assault on oil exploration

infrastructure and personnel. Jonathans emergence on the big stage may have served the purpose of

encouraging the people of the Niger Delta but the excitement was short-lived. Indeed in April 2007,

his country home was bombed by unknown persons.

The PDP won the 2007 Presidential election, it was a grossly flawed election marred bymalpractices and irregularities, raising questions about the urgent need for electoral reform. On May


4/40



29, 2007, Jonathan was sworn in along with President Umaru Musa YarAdua as Vice President and

President respectively. The man from Otuoke, who only nine years earlier was a struggling public

administrator had become Nigerias no 2. For him, it was bound to be a learning opportunity, as he

received his first baptism of fire when the media insisted that he should follow the example of his

new boss, Umaru Musa YarAdua by declaring his assets publicly. The President had declared his

assets publicly in June 2007. In August, Vice President Goodluck Jonathan succumbed to publicpressure and declared his assets, totalling N295, 304, 420, some N56 million more than what a Federal

legislator now earns per annum for doing so little. The list included properties in Abuja and Bayelsa

(N67 million), undeveloped plots of land (N60.538 m); household items (N26m), BMW car (gift) (N15

m); income yielding investments (N62.072m); cash in banks (N58.984 m); foreign accounts (nil) wifes

assets (included). Jonathans assets declaration pacified the media which at the time had raised

serious questions about the stupendous wealth of public officials, and the need for closer monitoring

of public funds and assets. Greater challenges however awaited Goodluck Jonathan in his new

position as Nigerias Vice President.

To be continued

Published The Guardian, Dec. 17, 2010


5/40



The Jonathan Presidency (2)

By

Reuben Abati

To understand the Jonathan Presidency, we must return to its roots in the YarAdua era and tracedevelopments therefrom. The YarAdua presidency at its inception announced a seven-point agenda,

focusing on key issues of power and energy, Niger Delta, land reform, national security, wealth

creation and employment, transportation, and food security and agriculture. The objective according

to the then President was to reduce poverty in a country where more than 70% of the 150 million

population lives below the poverty line, on less than a dollar per day, ensure peace in the troubled

Niger Delta region, achieve the UN Millennium Development Goals, and fast-track the countrys

development process. President YarAdua in a remarkable show of candour also admitted publicly

that the 2007 elections which brought him and others to power was indeed flawed and that there was

an urgent need for electoral reform to which his administration was committed. This raised a critical

question of legitimacy but whereas Nigerians may have been suspicious of the PDPs performance in

the 2007 elections, they seemed willing to give the new administration a chance.It was the first time since 1960 that two university graduates would take charge of the reins of

power at the top. This in a way underscored the importance Nigerians attach to education, but the

output from the administration would end up a telling comment on Nigerian university education.

President Umaru Musa YarAdua had a Masters degree in Analytical Chemistry, he had worked as a

college teacher, and in his early days, he had been a fire-brand Marxist, one of the radicals from the

North despite the aristocracy of his pedigree. He had also served in Katsina state as Governor for

eight years. He was 56. His Vice President, Goodluck Jonathan, 50, had a Ph.D, had also been a

college teacher, worked in a development agency, and served as Deputy Governor and Governor. The

duo may not have been the best leadership materials that the country could have at the time but it

was assumed in many quarters that they would understand the issues at stake and go to work in the

public interest.The first signs of trouble had occurred long before YarAdua took office, but more trouble

became evident when the administration could not put a cabinet together on time, and when it did, it

was an uninspiring team, many of whose members were meeting the President for the first time. The

new Federal Government also displayed much indecisiveness as it found itself in a difficult situation

whereby early policy decisions were soon reversed and so much intra-governmental dissonance was

advertised. The most celebrated in the latter regard was the announcement of a redenomination of the

Naira policy by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) which the Presidency claimed it had no

knowledge of, and which it ordered Charles Soludo, then CBN Governor to reverse; his complaints

that he was backed by the CBN Act notwithstanding. Senior government officials routinely

contradicted each other, showing a seeming lack of direction.

One of the arguments that the Obasanjo team had put forward in the lead up to the 2007 electionswas that the Yar-Adua-Jonathan ticket would be in Nigerias interest, because it would be a

government of continuity; and that the foundations that had been laid by the Obasanjo administration

would yield bountiful fruits under YarAdua. This did not happen. One of the first things the

YarAdua government did as it settled down was to distance itself from the Obasanjo legacy. The so-

called Obasanjo boys who had expected to be rewarded for their contributions to the YarAdua

campaign were marginalized and replaced with a Katsina mafia which surrounded the new

President, that Mafia would soon assume the title of a cabal before the end of the YarAdua

Presidency. Jonathan was an outsider to that group.


6/40



In due course, President YarAdua settled down fully in office. Some of the highlights of his

administration included the launch of an amnesty programme in the Niger Delta which served the

purpose of helping to reduce the national security crisis in that region, albeit poorly conceived. The

President also set up a committee on the power sector with a promise that he would declare a state of

emergency in that sector. The countrys power supply crisis was already almost an intractable

problem with many companies relocating from Nigeria on that account. The emergency that waspromised was never declared.

However, in a speech he delivered on May 29, 2009, to mark Nigerias Democracy Day,

President Umaru Musa YarAdua offered his mid-term report and gave himself a pass mark: He said

among other things that his administration had made tremendous impact in the countrys agricultural

sector in two years, by constructing five agro-export conditioning centres and 10 rice processing

centres. He claimed also that his government had increased irrigated land from 4,000 hectares in 1999

to 150, 00 hectares, and a N200 billion long-term concessionary loan had been instituted for large-

scale farmers.

He cited the Niger Delta as a region where "our agenda for the resolution of the developmental

problems of the region" was being successfully implemented. In addition to a Niger Delta amnesty

programme, his government had also created a Federal Ministry for the Niger Delta, saddled with thetask of providing infrastructure and employment. He added: "We also have retained the Niger Delta

Development Commission as a Federal Government intervention agency and ensured that its

statutory allocations are paid in fullKnowing that these efforts and other developmental efforts will

be ineffectual if there is no peace in the region, we are taking necessary steps to ensure greater

security in the areaOur offer of amnesty to militants in the region who lay down their arms remains

on the table.

The speech also referred to the Petroleum Industry Bill which the Executive had submitted to the

National Assembly for consideration; which when passed into law should result in far-reaching

reforms in the extractive sector which accounts for 99% of the countrys foreign exchange earnings.

This was to be complemented by a restructuring of the downstream sector for greater efficiency and

transparency in addition to self-sufficiency in domestic petroleum refining.The administration by May 2009, had also submitted to the National Assembly seven bills on

electoral reform, sequel to the establishment of the National Electoral Reform Commission led by

Justice Muhammadu Uwais, and the consideration of that Commissions report. YarAdua further

promised Nigerians a target of 6, 000 megawatts of electricity by December 2009. He said: "I am

pleased to report that we have taken concrete steps towards meeting this target and achieving 10,000

MW by early 2011."

"We have also provided US$ 1.5 billion for investment in gas network infrastructure which will,

among other things, ensure the adequate supply of gas to our thermal stations." His administration

according to him, had also awarded contracts for the rehabilitation of 34 Federal Highways across the

country at a cost of about N140 billion in addition to completing 13 major highways inherited from

the previous administration.This was the last major report President Umaru YarAdua presented to Nigerians before his death

a year later, possibly one of his last public appearances before October 1, 2009. Positive as the report

sounded, very few Nigerians were impressed. The YarAdua Presidency was widely considered to be

rather slow and ineffective, so much that the President was given the sobriquet - Baba Go Slow.

Many of the achievements he claimed raised more concerns. The Federal Ministry of the Niger Delta

was another bureaucracy, with the appointed Minister Ufot Ekaette embarking on a wasteful

familiarization tour of the region, even when he is from that same part of the country. The so-called

amnesty programme by 2009 was already failing with no hope of sustainable peace in the Niger

Delta.


7/40



Both the Presidency and the National Assembly had played so much needless politics with electoral

reform and the report of the Uwais Commission, that the seven bills submitted to the National

Assembly made complete short-shrift of the core recommendations of the Commission on the

independence of the Electoral Commission, its funding, and the system of elections. More than 140

billion had been spent on roads, but across the country the state of public infrastructure remained

deplorable. Till date the disbursement of the N20 billion agric fund is a subject of official mystery.For two years, the government could not address the crisis of electricity supply in the country,

and whereas there was so much to be done in terms of development projects, every December,

Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) ended up returning money to the treasury simply

because they had not done anything in the course of the year. In 2008, there was the celebrated

scandal of such monies being shared by Federal Ministry of Health officials in collusion with

members of the Senate! There were also many untidy developments: the removal of Nuhu Ribadu as

Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the attendant politicking

which gave the impression that the YarAdua administration was not so committed after all to the

fight against corruption. There were also allegations of a re-Northernization of the Federal

Government, particularly of key government departments.

But the bigger source of concern was the failing health of President YarAdua. This had been amajor issue during the Presidential campaigns of 2007, with persons who knew him reporting that the

only reason Katsina state under his watch as Governor did not spend so much money was because

the Governor was on sick bed most of the time. Nevertheless, he won the election and became

President because he was the man that former President Olusegun Obasanjo wanted and whom he

swore would succeed him. It did not take long before Nigerians knew the truth: they were saddled

with a sick President. There were reports of Federal Executive Council meetings being cancelled

because the President was indisposed. He also travelled abroad frequently for medical treatment, first

to Germany and later Saudi Arabia. He was Chairman of ECOWAS, but he missed many of its

meetings, and also important UN engagements.

The Nigerian press was largely sympathetic however. YarAduas illness provided a perfect alibi

for the slowness of his administration at a great cost to Nigeria. The poser then was: if he had aDeputy who was healthy, why could he not delegate most of his functions, and allow the country to

move on while he sought medical help? In Nigeria, processes and traditions that work elsewhere are

rarely respected. Since 1999, there has been at both Federal and state levels, a crisis of relationships

between substantive political figures and their Deputies (Governor/Deputy Governor, President/Vice

President).

When Governors travelled, they often did so with their entire cabinets including the Deputy

Governor, leaving the state in the care of either the Head of Service or the Speaker of the Assembly, or

whoever would not pose a threat to the Governor. Before the end of their tenure in 2007, President

Olusegun Obasanjo and Vice President Atiku Abubakar were sworn enemies. The 1999 Constitution

assigns no specific role to Deputy Governors or the Vice President, placing the occupiers of such

positions at the mercy of their bosses. The oft-stated consensus among Nigerians is that these arespare tyre positions. Ambitious Deputies readily found themselves in the line of fire; various

stakeholders have learnt to defer only to the man in power, who also does not usually leave anyone in

doubt about the scope of his authority.

President YarAdua may have been ill, but he was assertive. He left no one in doubt that it was his

Presidency and that he was in charge of it. There was never at any time any public display of

disaffection between him and his Deputy but Dr Goodluck Jonathan wielded no extraordinary

influence. Members of the Katsina Mafia inside the Presidency were reportedly far more powerful.

Aides of the Vice President complained about how their bosss office was cash-strapped. The Vice

President did not even live in the official residence of the Vice president. He was quartered in a

Presidential Guest House. It was not until January 2010 that the Federal Executive Council hurriedly

and most conveniently approved a sum of N7 billion for the design and construction of a befittingresidence for the Vice President.


8/40



Adamu Aliero, then Minister of the Federal Capital Territory said: The vice president is staying in a

guest house meant for visiting heads of state. It is not right. It is not befitting for the vice presidentIt is

unbecoming for the vice president to stay in a guest house This was nearly three years after Jonathan

became Vice President!

Members of the Ijaw Monitoring Group (IMG) had in fact complained before then that notenough security was being provided for the Vice President. The BBC has described Jonathan as a

low-key deputy to a low-key President and that if his Vice Presidency was distinguished at all, it

was only in terms of the role he played in the negotiations with Niger Delta militants, his own

kinsmen. Jonathan, as in Bayelsa, again played the role of a loyal Deputy: he was not a threat to his

boss. But his age of innocence ended in November 2009 with developments that thrust him closer to

the big job, and serious lessons for Nigeria.

To be continued

Published, The Guardian, Dec. 19, 2010

______________________________________________________


9/40




By

Reuben Abati

The month of November 2009 marked a turning point for Dr Goodluck Jonathans political career anda wakeup call for all Nigerians with regard to the powers of Presidents as well as constitutional

provisions guiding the conduct of Presidents and the relationship between them and their Deputies.

Emergent developments further proved to be a major test of character for Dr. Jonathan, and for

virtually every power centre in the country including the military, civil society, parliament, the

media, political parties, and ethnic nationalities. On November 23, 2009, President Umaru Musa

YarAdua left the country for Saudi Arabia. The original official explanation for his absence, which

would later turn out to be terminal, was that he had gone on lesser hajj or umrah, which is a common

practice among Nigerian Muslim leaders even if this advertisement of private morality has no

connection whatsoever with their public conduct.

The President had made a few of such trips since 2007; concerns about his ill-health had also been

a recurrent issue in his presidency. Indeed, before his Saudi Arabia trip, the President had reportedlycomplained about chest pain and fever shortly after returning from a Friday Jumaat service in

Abuja. Within 48 hours, word went round quickly that the President had died in Saudi Arabia, with

many Nigerians demanding the whereabouts of their President and the exact status of his health.

On November 26, 2009, the Presidency was forced to issue a statement on the Presidents

condition. In a statement sent from the King Faisal Hospital, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, Dr Salisu Banye,

then Chief Physician to the President reported that at about 3.00 pm on Friday, November 20th after he

returned from the Abuja Central Mosque where he performed the Jumaat prayers, President Umaru Musa

YarAdua complained of left sided severe chest pain. Preliminary medical examination suggested acute

pericarditis (an inflammatory condition of the coverings of the heart)It was then decided that he should take

confirmatory tests at the King Faisal Specialist Hospital and Research Centre in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia where he

had his last medical check up in August. The medical review and tests undertaken at the hospital have confirmedthe initial diagnosis that the President is indeed suffering from acute pericarditis. He added that the

President was responding remarkably well. Mr. Olusegun Adeniyi, Special Adviser (Media) to the

President, further added that the President was indeed responding well to treatment and that the

country would be regularly updated on his progress.

That however did not happen. Instead what followed was high-wire politicking with the

countrys affairs and future. President YarAdua would remain in Saudi Arabia till February 24, 2010

about 93 days. Once the nature of his illness was announced, the entire country became more or less a

hall of medical experts as it soon became public knowledge that acute pericarditis could take up to six

weeks to treat. The experts on the subject however pointed out that given President YarAduas

medical history complicated by problems with his heart and kidneys, it could turn to be a terminal

ailment for him. One expert opinion stated that even if he survived, he would be in a vegetative state.Where the President is likely to be away from his office for a period of time for health or vacation

reasons, he is required by the Constitution to write formally to the National Assembly to that effect,

and with this the Vice President is empowered to act on his behalf. Section 145 of the 1999

Constitution is explicit enough: whenever the President transmits to the President of the Senate and the

Speaker of the House of Representatives a written declaration that he is proceeding on vacation or that he is

otherwise unable to discharge the functions of his office, until he transmits to them a written declaration to the

contrary such functions shall be discharged by the Vice president as Acting President. President YarAdua

refused to comply with this Constitutional provision, thereby leaving the entire country in a lurch.

What should have been an ordinary procedure, and an action taken in accordance with the Oath of

office which the President took on assumption of office ended up polarising the Presidency and the

rest of the country, with palpable threats to national stability. By November 30, a group of eminentNigerians under the umbrella of G53, had called on the President to resign from office and allow the


10/40



country to move ahead. This view was soon echoed by other stakeholders in the Nigerian project who

felt that the country had suffered enough from having a sick President. Apart from the slowness of

the administration, the country itself was beginning to look sick in the eyes of the international

community.

In September, the president had travelled to Saudi Arabia to attend the opening of a university of

science and technology and visit the King (in Nigeria, university teachers were on strike at the time!).He also could not attend a UN Summit of world leaders in New York, United States. In November, a

scheduled state visit to Brazil had to be cancelled. YarAdua was Chairman of the Economic

Community of West African States (ECOWAS); that body had to postpone its 37th summit twice

because its incumbent Chairman was ill.

The effect on governance at home was worse as a pro-YarAdua group led by his wife Turai

YarAdua, and others suddenly took over the reins of power and began to exercise power by proxy.

This group, the cabal as it became known, was said to have insisted that the YarAdua Presidency

needed to be protected in the interest of the North. They wanted the state of confusion in the country

to persist because to allow Goodluck Jonathan to hold power as Acting President, would amount to

robbing the North of its claim to power. There were clear indications however that the cabal was

interested in its own agenda, and was not acting in anyones interest. Indeed, there were voices ofreason from the North who insisted that the laws of the land should be respected; former Governor of

Kaduna State and leader of the Conference of Nigerian Political Parties (CNPP) in fact called for the

activation of Section 143 of the Constitution; that is impeachment proceedings against the absentee

and invisible President. General Aliyu Gusau (veteran National Security Adviser) and other Northern

leaders would also later step forward to help Jonathan maintain stability. Other Northerners who

defended the rule of law included Mallam Yahaya Mahmud and Uba Sani.

This was a season however, when the irresponsibility of a segment of the Nigerian political elite

was well-advertised. Michael Aondoakaa, Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice

at the time had argued shamelessly that the President of the country could exercise power from

anywhere in the world, whereas there is no such thing in the countrys Constitution. Pundits drew

attention to models from other parts of the world, but the YarAdua cabalists stood their ground.Rather than the law of the land being respected, what was soon became an issue was Goodluck

Jonathans continued stay in office. There were allegations that he was being pressurized to resign his

position as Vice President, to prevent the South South from benefiting from YarAduas ill-health.

The game plan as revealed was for the Senate President, David Mark, to take over as Acting

President and then organize elections within three months. This caused some tension in the polity.

The Ijaw Monitoring Group, the Ijaw National Congress, and the Joint Revolutionary Council, a wing

of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), also representing the Reformed

Niger Delta Peoples Volunteer Force, and The Martyrs Brigade issued a statement that if Jonathan

was forced to resign instead of the YarAdua group respecting the Constitution, there would be

anarchy in the land. The seed for the later division over the politics of zoning within the PDP had

been sown; the country on account of one mans illness was already tottering on the brink. TheNigerian Rally Movement (NRM), an NGO also rose in Jonathans defence. The Lawyers of

Conscience also later issued an ultimatum asking YarAdua to resign.

Apparently to douse the tension, Vice President Goodluck Jonathan, through his Special Adviser

Media (Ima Niboro) described reports of his alleged plan to resign as false and mischievous. The

general public was advised to discountenance such drivel. But it would soon be clear to all and

sundry that Vice President Jonathan (as he then was) was having a running battle with those who did

not want him in power. In February 2010, close to three months after the Presidents absence,

Jonathans Ima Niboro would again issue a statement in response to allegations that his boss, anxious

to become Acting President had lobbied and bribed state Governors and Federal lawmakers with $2

billion and another N300 million.

Niboro wrote about a campaign of calumny against Jonathan. The real calumny however lay inthe resistance of Jonathans authority by YarAduas Ministers. In spite of the regime of uncertainty in


11/40



the country, Jonathan whose strength of character and loyalty were the high points of this troubled

season tried as much as possible to hold the reins of power. On November 27, he told the country that

he had spoken with his boss a day earlier and that he was hale and hearty. He is okay, he said.

During Sallah, he played host to Muslim leaders. In a 2009 Christmas message he thanked Nigerians

for their prayers for YarAduas recovery which he said was having a good effect, asking them not

to relent. There were so many calls for prayers for the ailing President during this period: the ArewaConsultative Forum, Vincent Ogbulafor, then PDP Chairman, and all kinds of persons. Jonathan did

his best to hold the government together, but he was grossly handicapped.

The Ministers treated him casually. The Constitution requires the cabinet in the event of the

Presidents incapacitation to so declare and thus activate Section 144 of the Constitution. But the

Ministers were reluctant to act in the national interest. In September 2009, former Secretary to the

Government of the Federation, Baba Gana Kingibe was reportedly relieved of his position for

conducting himself as a possible replacement for YarAdua. When the ailing President returned to the

country, Kingibe was sacked. And so every Minister played safe. Jonathan presided over the

Wednesday Federal Executive Council meetings, but the Ministers usually arrived late. The Vice

President signed memos, and the approval of contracts. But he lacked real authority. In December

after five FEC meetings, he tried to assert himself by stopping the Ministers from going on Xmasholiday. He also presided over the 49th NEC meeting of the PDP, where he boasted that if elections

were conducted 100 times the PDP would win, drawing the ire of the opposition.

But the same Vice President could not sign the 2010 Appropriation Bill because he had no powers

to do so, he also could not swear in the countrys new Chief Justice (CJN), Justice Aloysius Katsina-

Alu. The country was saved an imminent embarrassment by the Oath Act of 2004, which allows a

departing CJN to swear in his successor. The amnesty programme in the Niger Delta was stalled and

the 2009 National Honours Award could not hold. On Christmas day, one Nigerian Umar

Abdumuttallab tried to bomb a US-bound plane; it was Jonathans call to stand up for Nigeria.

Exasperated by the drift, The Save Nigeria Group (SNG) led by Professor Wole Soyinka, Pastor

Tunde Bakare, Femi Falana, Uba Sani, Ayo Obe, Ndubuisi Kanu, Yinka and Joe Odumakin staged

rallies in Abuja and Lagos, protesting the lack of respect for the laws of the land. The Nigerian LibertyForum wrote to the King of Saudi Arabia asking him to produce YarAdua. The Jubilee Group gave

YarAdua a seven-day ultimatum!. But where was the Federal Executive Council and the National

Assembly whose responsibility it was to act as guardians of the national interest?

To be continued on Sunday

Published The Guardian, Dec.24, 2010

____________________________________________________________________


12/40




By

Reuben Abati

The framers of the Nigerian Constitution had contemplated such a situation in which Nigeria founditself with President Umaru Musa YarAduas illness and hence Sections 143-146 of the 1999

Constitution address issues of vacation, indisposition, incapacitation and impeachment with regard to

that office. But in applying the law in Nigeria, the main issue has continuously been one of leadership

responsibility, and the failure of those who should protect the common good. The handling of

YarAduas illness was a classic case of impunity. With President YarAdua having failed to transmit

a letter to the National Assembly to cover his absence as required in Section i45 of the Constitution,

and with it becoming public knowledge that the President was terminally ill (NEXT newspaper

would soon publish a scoop announcing that YarAdua was brain dead), there were several options.

Section 144 empowers members of the executive council of the Federation, through a two-thirds

majority to declare the President or Vice president incapable of discharging the functions of his

office. A medical panel is then set up to verify the report and the National Assembly is required totake consequential action. which would be officially gazetted, and from the date of the publication of

the gazette, the President will cease to hold office. But the Executive Council of the Federation,

defined by the Constitution as the body of Ministers of the Government of the Federation refused to

so act. There was so much inane talk among them about loyalty, although this in retrospect seems

understandable. Offices of Ministers are as established by the President (Section 147 (1)) which means

that Ministers are his appointees. In the tough terrain of culture and tradition that is part of the

governance culture in Africa, it would have amounted to betrayal for such persons to bite the same

fingers that invited them to come and eat.

Given conflicting reports about the Presidents ill-health, the Ministers also deemed it necessary to

play safe. By the 39th day of President YarAduas absence, the government had been effectively taken

over by his wife, Turai and a small cabal of pro-YarAdua loyalists. There were organized trips toSaudi Arabia, with select Governors and Ministers (including Governors Isa Yuguda and Bukola

Saraki) returning from Saudi Arabia and claiming to have seen the President. The Ministers were on

the leash of the emergent cabal. Indeed, this was a learning period for Nigerians seeing how a First

lady and a team of sycophants could hold 150 million Nigerians to ransom. The cabal proved to be

deviously inventive. Section 148 of the Constitution says the Vice President can only act at the

discretion of the president. Through the auspices of the cabal, two cases were instituted in court to

stop Jonathan from pretending to act on behalf of his boss. In the first case in which ruling was

obtained within two days, Justice Daniel Abutu of the Federal High Court, Abuja ruled that Jonathan

was not in any position to act as President.

Aondoakaa, then Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) and a key YarAdua fire-fighter, told

the National Assembly to respect the court ruling. In the meantime, there was public pressure on theExecutive Council of the Federation to invoke Section 144. But Abutus ruling was explicit and

declaratory. He said: the only condition that could warrant his (Goodluck Jonathan) change of status

from Vice President to Acting President is willful compliance by President YarAdua to activate the

provisions of Section 145 of the 1999 Constitution via transmitting a written declaration to the

National Assembly endorsing power shift. The learned Judge added that he could not and would

not invoke the doctrine of necessity as being urged by the Nigeria Bar Association (NBA) to declare

that the VP was entitled to perform the functions of the President in an acting capacity in view of the

omission or failure by President YarAdua to transfer powers.

Still, the Executive Council of the Federation refused to act. On February 3, 2010, Professor Dora

Akunyili later broke ranks and wrote a five-page memo to the Council asking that a resolution should

be passed by its members to make Jonathan acting President. If we fail to act now, she said, historywill not forgive us. Akunyili had upstaged her colleagues and it became unfashionable for anyone


13/40



of them to continue to hide behind a finger. This resulted in a face- off between Aondoakaa and

Akunyili, with an exchange of abusive letters, and the latter demanding an apology from fire-spitting

Aondoakaa who had impugned her integrity. There was in every respect, at this period, a wanton

display of opportunism. But the Akunyili memo had the effect of emboldening a few of the Ministers

who had also thought that the country needed to be saved. The EXCOF became divided with the

emergence of a group known as G-10. More on this later.The National Assembly is empowered to exercise oversight functions. Specifically under Sections

143 -146, it is its remit to ensure that the Presidency is not violated. But the lawmakers dilly-dallied,

and refused to initiate impeachment proceedings as advised. On December 15, 2009 or thereabouts,

Senator Victor Ndoma Egba tabled a motion, as a matter of urgent national importance, asking the

Senate to discuss the matter of President YarAduas ill-health. His request was shot down personally

by the Senate President, David Mark, who dismissed the motion as premature and asked instead for

the declaration of a nine-day prayer session for YarAdua. The House of Representatives also refused

to inquire into the matter. The Nigerian civil society was however unrelenting in its insistence that the

country is more important than any individual. In addition to aforementioned groups in civil society,

the Concerned Nigerian Group led by former Senate President, Anyim Pius Anyim, and the Eminent

Elders Group led by General Yakubu Gowon, sent a letter to the Senate President, the Speaker of theHouse of Representatives and the Vice President asking that the National Assembly should pass a

resolution to empower the Vice President to act as Acting President and to save the country from

anarchy.

The international community was also justifiably worried about the state of confusion in Nigeria,

as recent revelations by WikiLeaks on Nigeria during the period would seem to confirm. The tension

was so much that one newspaper reported that Vice President Goodluck Jonathan had stopped eating

food prepared by cooks in the Presidency. It was alleged that there were either plans to eliminate him

or stage a military coup. The January 15, 2010 Armed Forces Remembrance Day also created some

challenges. It was initially not clear whether Dr Jonathan would lay the wreath at the parade since he

had no powers to act as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces. He eventually attended the

ceremony, persuaded by those who advised him to act Presidential, but he went to the event wearinga bullet proof vest, and the soldiers on parade were not allowed to carry live ammunition.

Meanwhile, the National Assembly seemed to have had no option but to respond to pressure. The

pro-YarAdua cabal and Turai YarAdua had become more desperate. Earlier, there were reports that

the ailing President signed the 2010 Appropriation Bill which was taken to him on sick bed in Saudi

Arabia around December 30, 2009, to give the impression that he was indeed recovering. Principal

Secretary to the President, David Edevbie was said to have taken the Bill to Jeddah and back. On

January 11, 2010, President YarAdua also made what was considered a public appearance when he

spoke for three minutes by telephone on BBC telling Nigerians in Hausa and English: At the moment

I am undergoing treatment and Im getting better from the treatment. I hope that very soon there will be

tremendous progress which will allow me to get back home. I wish at this stage to thank all Nigerians for their

prayers for my good health and for their prayers for the nation.He then wished the Super Eagles who were taking part in the African Cup of Nations in Angola

success. His voice was weak. The interview conducted by Mansur Liman of BBC Hausa Service was

relayed by local radio stations. But Nigerians were inconsolable. They demanded a television

interview. They wondered why the President of Nigeria would prefer to speak to his own people

through the BBC, from a foreign hospital! They insisted that the interview was contrived the same

way the Presidents signature was forged with regard to the signing of the N352 billion 2010

Appropriation Bill. On January 12, The Save Nigeria Group took to the streets in protest in Abuja, the

Federal Capital Territory.

A week earlier, the Nigeria Bar Association and other lawyers including Bamidele Aturu and Femi

Falana had also gone to court asking President YarAdua to resign. NBA President Oluwarotimi

Akeredolu also asked YarAdua to act as a patriot and put the country first. Meanwhile, Nigeriasactive rumour mill turned hyper-active with all kinds of stories about the Presidents condition and


14/40



how the treasury was being looted. On January 12, 2010, the National Assembly passed a resolution

giving YarAdua a 14-day ultimatum to transmit a letter of medical leave to the Senate. The National

Assembly also constituted a team to go to Saudi Arabia to ascertain the true state of the Presidents

health. The national leadership of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) also sent a delegation.

The Secretary of the Government of the Federation, Alhaji Mahmud Yayale Ahmed was

summoned by the Senate. He was not of much help other than pointing out that the required letterhad in fact been written by the President and that the National Assembly should summon the Special

Adviser to the President on National Assembly Matters, Senator Mohammed Abba-Aji to explain

why the letter was not delivered. For almost a week, the presidency played games with the issue of

this letter. Abba-Aji promised to produce the letter, then the SGF changed his story, both men passed

the buck. It was a sordid advertisement of the ineffectiveness of the Nigerian system.

On January 21, a group of Senators formed the National Interest Group. Its members included

Senators Smart Adeyemi, Abubakar Gada, and Bala Mohammed (as Chairman) who took it upon

themselves to mobilize their colleagues in the National Assembly to act in the best interest of Nigeria.

The National Assembly was polarized into two camps. But by January 27, the Senate began fresh

discussions of President YarAduas ill-health. On February 9, the same National Assembly passed a

resolution empowering Vice President Goodluck Jonathan to assume office as Acting President.The Assembly based its action on the BBC interview by President YarAdua, submitting that

under the doctrine of necessity, the interview and its transcription could be taken as written

application for leave by the President. This of course was not true and questions were raised about

the legality of the National Assemblys action by Professor Omo Omoruyi, the NBA, Anselm Eyo of

the Citizens Forum for Constitutional Reform, Inuwa Bakari, Supo Shonibare, Balarabe Musa, Mike

Ibanga and other concerned citizens. One Farouk Aliyu Adamu and Ataguba Aboje also went to court

in protest. But the country had drifted for so long, that the people were willing to accept any solution

to the logjam. Even the House of Representatives which had resisted the transfer of power to

Jonathan separately endorsed the resolution.

The Integrity Group, a body in the House, led by Farouk Lawan had insisted, like Alhaji Tanko

Yakassai, a Northern leader, that the balance of power in the country will be affected if Jonathan wasallowed to act as President. Nonetheless, the National Assembly on February 18, further passed a

resolution amending Section 144 of the 1999 Constitution placing a time limit of two weeks for the

President to be absent from office without transmitting a letter to the National Assembly. In such

circumstance, the Vice President automatically assumes office in an acting capacity, thus robbing the

President of any claim to discretionary powers in the matter. YarAdua and his loyalists had shown

that a country could be held to ransom through the manipulation of gaps in the law. In passing the

resolution, the National Assembly reportedly consulted many groups and stakeholders including the

Bukola Saraki-led Governors Forum which had become more influential in the country than hitherto.

Jonathan immediately accepted the verdict. He was the first Niger Deltan to be Nigerias Vice

President and the first person from that part of the country also to act as President, more than 50

years after the Willinks Commission report on the right of minorities within the Nigerian Federation.Nigerians, particularly civil society heaved a sigh of relief even as the laws of the land had been

compromised. To give its action the cover of legality, the National Assembly issued a letter addressed

to the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, referenced NASS/C5/R/05/III/92 and dated

February 10, 2010, which stated inter alia that Vice President Jonathan will henceforth act as president

and cease to do so when the President transmits to the National Assembly in writing that he had

returned from his medical vacation. Alex Izinyon, in an informed opinion, wrote that the resolution

had the force of law. (The Guardian, Feb 16, 2010 at page 78.)

This was the formal commencement of the Goodluck Jonathan Presidency. In 78 days, so much

had happened in Nigeria in terms of respect for the rule of law and the conduct of public officials. All

through, Goodluck Jonathan conducted himself after the fashion of a gentleman. It is most unusual

for a man in his position not to hanker after power, but he did not, and no one could accuse himdirectly of seeking to depose his boss. His humility and reticence worked in his favour as YarAduas


15/40



loyalists depleted his store of goodwill with the public; subsequently, Turai and her collaborators did

more damage to the YarAdua persona. Niger Delta youths were understandably excited that their

kinsman was now President, but the more interesting fact of the Jonathan Presidency was how a once

reticent political figure suddenly became an assertive man of power. The story of Jonathans

Presidency provides very strong lessons in the power of power itself and its multifaceted impact.

To be continued on Friday.

Published The Guardian, Dec. 26, 2010


16/40




By

Reuben Abati

The major challenge that Acting President Goodluck Jonathan faced on his assumption of office onFebruary 9, 2010, was indeed how to assert himself and consolidate his hold on power. He showed

quite a surprising dexterity in this direction, confirming the clichd view that you never really know

the true character of a man until you give him power. In his maiden address, he had observed: The

circumstances in which I find myself assuming office today as acting President of our country are

uncommon, sober and reflective. Indeed.

It was the first time Nigeria would be saddled with a sick President who also chose to go AWOL

(Absent Without Official Leave), thus creating a constitutional crisis. Jonathan added that the events

of the recent past have put to the test, our collective resolve as a democratic nation. I am delighted to

note that our nation has demonstrated resilience and unity of purpose. Today affords us time to

reconnect with ourselves and overcome any suspicion, hurts and doubts. He promised that he

would move the nation forward in a more determined manner, and that his administration would becommitted to the goals of Vision 20-2020 - the plan to make Nigeria one of the 20 leading economies

in the world by the year 2020.

He also talked about creating employment for the youths, tackling corruption, Niger Delta

insurgency, the crisis in the power sector, and much later, about electoral reform and its urgency.

Goodluck Jonathans emergence as Acting President helped to dispel the air of uncertainty that had

overtaken the country, and reassure the international community that Nigeria was back on track. The

United States, Britain and the countries of the EU wasted no time in supporting the emergence of

Jonathan as Acting President: the drift in Nigeria had caused so much anxiety about the stability of

the West African sub-region and the implications for global security and human rights. But the more

interesting part of this moment in Nigerian history was its exposure of the lower depths of the

Nigerian character. The drama began with the first meeting that Jonathan chaired as Acting President.Two weeks earlier, he had in an attempt to assert himself locked out Ministers who came late to the

meeting of the Executive Council of the Federation. But on the said day of his first meeting, most of

the Ministers were seated by 8.30 am. The meeting was scheduled to begin at 10 am. At previous

meetings during the 78 days of uncertainty, Dr Jonathan had reportedly sat in the Vice Presidents

chair, but on this occasion, he went straight to occupy the Presidents seat, pointedly ignoring the

Director of Protocol who tried to direct him to his usual seat as Vice President, and who had failed to

usher him in as is appropriately required. He also personally ordered the Ministers to sing the

National Anthem. He also ordered two Ministers to offer prayers. The same day, the Acting

President redeployed three Ministers: Mr Michael Aondoakaa Attorney General and Justice Minister

became Special Duties Minister, Prince Kayode Adetokunbo, Labour Minister became the new

AGF/Justice Minister and Alhaji Ibrahim Kazaure, Minister Special Duties was moved to the LabourMinistry.

It looked like a minor cabinet reshuffle but it was a strong power statement. It was actually a

demotion of Aondoakaa who had been most vocal in justifying YarAduas prolonged absence and

disregard for the laws of the land. Immediately after Aondoakaas redeployment, a truck load of

policemen was sent to the Ministry of Justice to search his office! Many Nigerians wanted Aondoakaa

sacked from the cabinet; there were also strident calls for a complete dissolution of the YarAdua

cabinet. It turned out that in reshuffling the cabinet, Dr Jonathan did not even consult the leadership

of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and Vincent Ogbulafor, Chairman of the PDP, who had also

been supportive of the YarAdua cabal would so complain. He would later be consumed by the

emerging power tussle. But clearly Jonathan had served notice that he truly intended to take charge of

power.


17/40



Previously, he had presided over meetings of the Executive Council, merely approving memos

and limited expenditures, receiving dignitaries, and having to manage the Abdumuttallab incident in

December, but now he was in charge. On February 10, he received a special envoy from the

Government of Kuwait who brought a special message from the Emir of Kuwait. Fresh vitality had

returned to the Nigerian Presidency, and at the time, there were talks that Nigeria should begin to

move beyond President Umaru YarAdua. In the meantime, Acting President Goodluck Jonathan stilloccupied his old office as Vice President, in deference to the clause in his appointment that he could

only act as President until President YarAdua returned, and the latter had informed the National

Assembly accordingly.

There was however a lot of pressure from the public as many Nigerians tried to set an agenda for

the Acting President. They wanted the Jonathan acting Presidency to tackle the issues of power

supply, the renewed conflict in the Niger Delta, or better still, energize the YarAdua seven-point

agenda, and focus especially on electoral reform. There was also a lot of praise-singing in the form of

general commentaries on how Goodluck Jonathan was such a lucky man who without putting

himself up for any election in his individual capacity, had found his way to the highest office in the

land. Persons expressed the view that it is advisable to name ones child, Goodluck, apparently

forgetting that some other public officials named Lucky had been so unlucky in public office. In theface of the growing sycophancy over his name and emergence as Acting President, Dr Jonathan

immediately announced that nobody should place congratulatory adverts in the media, or pay

solidarity visits to Aso Villa, because the country is at a critical juncture where we must begin to

focus on the daunting challenges that confront us. Still, this did not stop state governors, the

leadership of the National Assembly and the leadership of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party from

visiting him. The Acting Presidne3t also personally invited to Aso Villa, a group of eminent

personalities, mainly former Nigerian leaders, including General Yakubu Gowon, Alhaji Shehu

Shagari, Dr Alex Ekwueme and Chief Ernest Shonekan. This was also a again, a clever power

consolidation move: the former leaders identifying with Jonathan were more or less endorsing him.

The same Jonathan that everyone treated shabbily hitherto had suddenly become significantly

relevant.But of this group, one person whose sudden claim to influence riled the Nigerian public was

former President Olusegun Obasanjo. Obasanjo had tried to benefit unfairly from the situation in the

country by publicly disowning President Umaru YarAdua, more or less asking him to throw in the

towel if he could no longer continue. The Nigerian public is often so forgetful, and needs to be

constantly reminded of historical details (many Nigerian schools no longer teach history!), but this

time around, the people did not disappoint. They did not forget that it was in fact Obasanjo who

imposed a sick president on Nigeria.

Soon after his assumption of office in 2007, YarAduas mother, his wife and sister had gone to

Ota to thank Obasanjo for making him President: one of those funny signs of the underdevelopment

of Nigerias democracy! Given the crisis that enveloped the nation, Obasanjo tried to explain that he

was told YarAdua was fit enough medically to be president and that he had no reason o doubt themedical report. The truth is that Obasanjo was poorly treated by the YarAdua administration. As

soon as YarAdua settled down in office, the first thing he did was to castrate the Obasanjo group or

whatever remained of it in power. With time, Obasanjo kept a low profile. But with Jonathan now

Acting President, Obasanjo suddenly became more visible, and began to show up again in the

corridors of power rather frequently. There were protests that Jonathan should not turn his Acting

Presidency into an extension of the Obasanjo Presidency. Obasanjo had also handpicked Jonathan as

running mate to YarAdua in the 2007 Presidential election!

The Conference of Nigerian Political Parties (CNPP) in fact considered it necessary to issue a

statement advising Obasanjo not to meddle in Jonathans affairs! In its words: CNPP is worried that

Chief Obasanjo, if allowed to meddle in the Jonathan presidency, might halt genuine electoral reform, the Niger

Delta post-amnesty programme and revamping of infrastructure that collapsed under Obasanjo. Now that weare out of the woods, or so it seems, we reason that what Nigerians do not need at this time is (sic) the leprous


18/40



fingers of Chief Obasanjo to pollute the subsisting fragile peace of the graveyard. He should therefore be barred

from Aguda Lodge so that our acting President can take his decisions independently.

But Jonathans big problem was not his association with Obasanjo. He tried to focus on the

assignment. Two days after assuming office, he swore in 17 new permanent secretaries whom he

advised, instructively to eschew corruption. The following week, the 37th summit of ECOWAS

which had been postponed twice due to YarAduas ill-health was finally held and Jonathan waselected ECOWAS Chairman. He made a strong speech deploring undemocratic change of

government in the West African sub-region given his own circumstances, this was not exactly an

innocent statement as there were fears in Nigeria of a possible military take-over. He also arranged a

meeting of the principal staff of the Presidency in an attempt to unify the team. Within a week, he

met with the steering committee of the Federal Government National Integrated Power Projects

(NIPPs). Jonathan was obviously under heavy pressure. Many Nigerians wanted the Executive

Council under his watch to take a firm decision in line with the Constitution, on President YarAduas

continued absence, by declaring him incapacitated, and for the National Assembly to commence

impeachment proceedings.

As public clamour in this regard intensified, the leadership of the ruling PDP decided to travel to

Saudi Arabia to see the President. The Governors Forum also sent a team. In response to publicoutcry, the Federal cabinet also decided to send a six-man delegation to Saudi Arabia to thank the

Saudi King for keeping the Nigerian President and looking after him at the expense of the people of

Saudi Arabia (many Nigerians thought this was an assault on Nigerias sovereignty), and to use the

opportunity to see the President. The delegation never got a chance to see the President.

On February 24, the power game suddenly changed when President Umaru YarAdua was

smuggled into the country, back from Saudi Arabia, under the cover of darkness. It was the boldest

move so far by Mrs Turai YarAdua and other members of the YarAdua cabal, and their crudest act

of desperation. Although there were reports that the Acting President was informed at the last

minute of the Presidents return, he was kept completely in the dark. Security men were deployed to

the airport to receive the President without the Acting Presidents knowledge or approval. Patrick

Obahiagbon of the House of Representatives argued like others, that this was in breach of section213(1) of the 1999 Constitution. The intention was to raise doubts about the legitimacy of Jonathans

acting Presidency; what followed was a season of intrigue. YarAdua was taken away from the airport

in an ambulance but no one saw him or could ascertain the state of his health.

The following morning, the spokesman to the President, Olusegun Adeniyi issued a statement in

which he said: After being discharged by the team of medical experts overseeing his treatment in

Saudi Arabia, President Umaru Musa YarAdua returned to the Presidential villaearly this

morning. While the President completes his recuperation, Vice President Jonathan will continue to

oversee the affairs of state. The reference to the Acting President as Vice President was noteworthy.

President YarAdua returned to the country, two weeks after Jonathan was empowered to take over

power, a day after the Acting President had sent a list of nominations to the National Assembly with

regard to appointments of Chairman and members of the Code of Conduct Bureau. He had also justsent a draft bill of the 2010 budget for the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) for accelerated passage by

the Senate. YarAduas return practically threw the country into another round of uncertainty.

The extent of this became clear when the February 24Wednesday meeting of the Federal Cabinet

could not hold. It was meeting time as usual, but the Council Chambers had been taken over by

President YarAduas bodyguards. Jonathans body guards were chased away. The Ministers arrived

but they waited for over hour, waiting for either YarAdua who had just arrived to chair the meeting

or Jonathan, the Acting (Vice?) President.

Around 11 am, YarAduas BGs (as they are called) were withdrawn, and there was a fresh

announcement that Dr Jonathan would preside over the meeting. He did not. Instead, he sent the

Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) to announce that the meeting had been

postponed till further notice. YarAduas return had halted Jonathans attempt to assert himself asActing President, but it also marked the beginning of an intense power struggle between the


19/40



YarAdua cabal and the pro-Jonathan, civil society backed group, again a demonstration of elite

recklessness. What exactly were the issues at stake beyond power for its own sake? And how did the

Jonathan group, as well as civil society respond to the obvious attempt by the YarAdua cabal to place

narrow personal interests above the common good?

To be continued.Published, The Guardian, January 2, 2011


20/40




By

Reuben Abati

The various forces that had resisted Dr Goodluck Jonathans emergence as Acting President showedtheir hands fully with the return of President Umaru YarAdua. This included to start with, the

protest by the Northern political establishment, prompted obviously by the YarAdua cabal, that

allowing a Jonathan Acting Presidency could result in Presidential power being taken away from the

North whereas the North needed to complete its eight-year turn under, as it turned out, a

controversial zoning/rotational principle. This marked the beginning of a long, drawn out debate

over Jonathans eligibility for Presidential office. Ordinarily this should not have been an issue.

President YarAdua had returned to the country and under the terms of the doctrine of necessity

that brought Jonathan to power, YarAdua only needed to notify the National Assembly of his return

and then continue in office. But no one saw YarAdua in public.

No letter to the National Assembly came from his office either. Jonathan could only in any case,

hold office till May 29, 2011, that is till the end of the YarAdua four-year tenure. But those within thepolitical class who thought that after being allowed to spend more than a year in office as Acting

President, Jonathan could be tempted to seek election as President in the 2011 general election

immediately began a campaign to stop him, incumbency is after all, a dreadful factor in Nigerian

politics. They argued that the status quo in terms of power sharing should not be altered: with the

South West having spent eight years (1999- 2007) in the presidency; the North should also be allowed

to complete eight years, in other words, Jonathan whatever happened, should not nurse the idea of

ever becoming President in 2011.

Every step that was taken by the cabal and the Northern power mongers was informed by this

resolve. A propos, there were attempts to choose a Vice president for the Acting President, notably by

the self-styled YarAdua political family. The story then was that the cabalists were in the process

of recommending as Vice President someone from the sick Presidents Political zone, and twoprominent names were Isa Yuguda (Governor of Bauchi State) and Saidu Dakingari (Governor of

Kebbi state), both President YarAduas sons in-law, which says something about the character of the

Nigerian political elite and the personalisation of power. Other names included Adamu Aliero, the

then Federal Capital Territory Minister. But it was not just the North and the YarAdua cabal laying

claim to power and seeking to check the Acting President, the Governors Forum also insisted that

whenever a Vice President was chosen he must come from the ranks of Governors. This

personalization of power, or what Mathew Hassan Kukah calls themyownisation of power

(Democracy and Civil Society in Nigeria, Spectrum, 1999) is the bane of Nigerias development process,

and it came to the fore most poignantly during the dark season of instability occasioned by Nigeria

having a terminally ill president. For public figures trapped in this bind, nothing matters except

personal ambition and so it was.While Jonathan faced resistance on the national stage, there was also some resistance to his

ascendancy in the South South region, his main political constituency. By emerging as Acting

President, Jonathan had become a major political player in the South South and therefore a big threat

to the political ambitions of existing power-brokers in the region. Of what use is a President without a

political base? This is a major consideration in Nigerian politics as Obasanjo learnt with bitterness in

the run up to the 2003 elections, forcing him and his political strategists to construct a political base in

the South West, which due to its artificiality has now almost completely collapsed. One major

supporter of Jonathan in the South South was Chief Edwin Clark, the leader of the Niger Delta

Leaders, Elders and Stakeholders Forum, but some of the Governors were said to be against him. Two

of the five serving Governors in the Niger Delta reportedly funded the legal protests against

Jonathans declaration as Acting President and also held meetings with the YarAdua political family.It was revealed then that a South South Governor gave 21 Senators $100, 000 each to encourage them


21/40



to scuttle the motion proposing Jonathan as Acting President. Clearly, there were political

stakeholders in the South South who preferred to stay with the YarAdua political camp. One key

referent was the issue of loyalty and the politicians hedged their bets carefully. By the end of

February, the newspapers were already reporting that there was no love lost between Jonathan and

Timipre Sylva, Governor of Bayelsa state.

The rallying point for all the anti-Jonathan forces was the sudden return of President UmaruYarAdua. And there was a deliberate attempt to shut out the acting President. He was not allowed to

see his boss. The First lady, Turai YarAdua also refused to see him or offer him any information

about the Presidents condition. Apparently to deceive the Acting President, a week before his boss

was smuggled into the country, the Presidents Chief Physician< Dr Salisu A. Banye, had written a

letter to the Acting President, dated February 17, telling him: This is to inform His Excellency that

the President has been receiving treatment for his pericarditis with a remarkable improvement since

our arrival on 23rd November 2009. He has however been confirmed by a team of medical specialists

to have developed episodes of chest infections that necessitated his isolation and intensive therapy.

He is now recuperating and will be discharged from the hospital as soon as advised by the medical

team. He has specifically instructed me to convey his gratitude and best wishes to you and the entire

people of Nigeria. This letter was written at about the same time that the Executive Council of theFederation was under pressure to invoke Section 144 of the Constitution and accordingly begin the

process of declaring the President incapacitated and unfit to rule.

Other medical experts immediately took on Dr Banye and argued that there was no way President

YarAdua could be said to be recuperating. In some other climes, a thorough investigation of that

entire drama would have been conducted and people like Dr Salisu Banye would have been

summoned to give evidence and the Medical and Dental Council would have asked him pointed

questions about how he seemingly mixed medical practice and politics, creating a funny alchemy that

more or less raised public doubt about the medical profession. Where is Dr Banye these days, by the

way? Is he still writing medical reports?

The lie was soon exposed albeit the YarAdua cabal was more pre-occupied with sustaining it.

For more than two months, this group led by Turai YarAdua and a few loyal Ministers (their numberreduced as soon as Jonathan became Acting President!) took the Nigerian public on a roller coaster

ride of deception. They organized a pro-YarAdua propaganda machinery meant to convince the

public that the man was alive. Pro-YarAdua rallies were held in Abuja. Newspaper advertorials were

published reminding the public of the great achievements of YarAdua. There were also reports of

selective sightings of the President. On one occasion, there was a story in the papers that he was

planning to attend Friday service at the Abuja Central Mosque. Nobody saw him, although the

presidential convoy was driven around the city. Then, there was another story about YarAdua being

sighted in the gardens of Aso Villa playing with his grandchildren! Some characters reportedly saw

him and they confirmed this to be true, including a cousin who drank tea with him! And there were

rumours that the President would soon show up in public. Many of the Governors and traditional

rulers who helped the YarAdua cabal to sustain that charade are today also patronizing Dr Jonathan.But nothing demonstrates the hypocrisy of the Nigerian elite more than the ugly involvement of

religious clerics in that YarAdua saga.

In April 2010, after four months of a needless hide and seek between the Nigerian people and

their sick President, Nigerians were told that Muslim and Christian clerics had visited and seen

YarAdua in Aso Villa! The Muslim clerics, including Dr Ibrahim Datti Ahmad, and the Chief Imam

of Abuja, Alhaji Ustaz Mohammed told Nigerians that they not only saw YarAdua, they also shook

hands with him, and prayed with him. The four Christian clerics were the then Catholic Archbishop

of Abuja and Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) President John Onaiyekan, founder of the

Living Faith Church (Winners Chapel), Bishop David Oyedepo, former Aso Villa Chaplain, Professor

Yesufu Obaje, and Throne Room Trust Ministry Pastor Emmanuel Kure.The Muslim clerics said theymet a YarAdua that was recuperating. The Christian clerics declined comments. The public wasoutraged. Professor Itse Sagay, the Conference of Nigerian Political Parties (CNPP) and the Afenifere


22/40



Renewal Group, among others, immediately protested that this was yet another illustration of the use

of religion to achieve political ends. Again, this is one of the predictable features of Nigerias

underdevelopment; religious leaders like traditional leaders are often invited by political figures to

endorse nonsense and they are ever so willing. Nigerians were not only disappointed, they felt

insulted, but ironically this has not stopped them from trooping to the same churches and mosques to

listen to the same clerics who are yet to make a clean break with that ugly past by telling Nigeriansexactly what they saw.

In the midst of all of this, Acting President Goodluck Jonathan managed to hold on to the reins of

government. The allied forces against him were not only playing politics, they were also engaged in

psychological warfare; they were determined to break his spirit. Even the general public was

skeptical: Jonathans image was that of a weak, self-effacing man who suddenly found himself at the

centre of history by just being lucky. Everyone had a small piece of advice for him including roadside

mechanics. But whatever the people thought about his inner strength, they were all resolved in one

regard: that the laws of the country should be upheld and that the YarAdua cabal had taken the

country for a ride for too long. It was around this period that Balarabe Musa, former Governor of old

Kaduna state and a Northern progressive issued a statement insisting that YarAdua should be

impeached, and that it was time the YarAdua shadow stopped hovering over Jonathan. Indeed,President YarAdua had become a shadow.

Jonathan was unflappable. He still chaired the meetings of the Executive Council of the Federation,

signed bills into law, and received dignitaries. In his inaugural speech as Acting President, he had

referred to the goodwill and understanding of the international community. As Acting President,

he enjoyed the support of this critical constituency, particularly the United Kingdom, the United

States and the EU. In March, Jonathan set up a Presidential Advisory Council chaired by former

Defence Minister, Lt Gen. T.Y. Danjuma. It had been his call to manage the violence in Jos in March

2010, with 400 people dead. He fired YarAduas National Security Adviser, Sarki Mukhtar and

appointed General Aliyu Gusau to take charge. Smart move. Jonathan was playing a game of chess

with his opponents, and with the likes of Obasanjo, Danjuma, and Aliyu Gusau behind him, in

addition to the international community, and the Presidential Advisory Council, he was about tocheckmate the enemy. But the high point in that game came when Acting President Goodluck

Jonathan was invited to the United States by President Barack Obama in April 2010, to attend the

Nuclear Disarmament Summit along with other world leaders. This was a turning point for the

Jonathan Presidency.

To be continued.

Published The Guardian, January 7, 2011


23/40




By

Reuben Abati

The trip to the United States on April 10, 2010 was the first time President Goodluck Jonathan wouldtravel outside the country since his assumption of office as Acting President in February 2010. He was

scheduled to attend the Global Nuclear Disarmament Summit from 12-14 April, but for Jonathan, this

turned out to be more than a four-day working visit. It was a demonstration of American support for

his Presidency; a sub-text that would soon be clear in the course of the visit. Nonetheless, there was

some opposition to the trip at home, coming notably from Mallam Ghali NaAbba, former Speaker of

the House of Representatives (1999-2003) who insisted that the visit was ill-timed given the

mounting problems at home. In his words: Honestly I believe the acting president shouldnt have left this

country at this critical timeHe should take time to think of how to administer this country in a situation

whereby a sick and substantive president is side by side with him, a situation whereby there is no vice president

and a situation where there are so many weighty things waiting to be attended to within the country

I thought going out to attend a meeting which I understand is on nuclear weapons, for our president is ill-timed and I must advise the acting president to sit down and face the most important domestic problems before

him.

We have an entrenched situation whereby certain people got hold of power through manipulation. When

you look at various layers of power, particularly within the political parties, you will agree with me that we are

facing a very dangerous situation as far as this democracy is concerned because you will find out that the

majority of these people have never been elected anywhere and they are entrenched and they are moving people

from position to position just by manipulating the partys constitution.

As NaAbba observed, there were indeed very serious problems at home. The YarAdua shadow

was threatening the stability of the Acting Presidency with YarAduas loyalists claiming stridently

that there was only one presidency and no such thing as a Jonathan Presidency. Civil society groups

continued to insist that President Umaru YarAdua should appear in public and that it wasunconscionable for the First Lady and a few persons to hold him hostage. Even the Presidents mother

and sister were said to have been turned back by the First Lady when they went to Aso Villa to see

him. A few days earlier, the Acting President still in an attempt to hold on to power and assert

himself had dissolved the cabinet and appointed new Ministers.

A total of 38 Ministers were appointed, including 13 returnees, and new ones. Goldman Sachs

executive Olusegun Aganga was appointed Minister of Finance, Diezani Allison-Madueke was made

Petroleum Minister and the Acting President said he would personally take charge of the Power

Ministry. The Acting President also changed the Group Managing Director of the NPPC, replacing

Muhammed Barkindo with Shehu Ladan. He told the nation that his government will hit the ground

running. He further boasted: I have confidence in this team, which I believe reflects the federal

governments commitment to take bold steps in solving the nations problems. He also appointednew Special Advisers. Further appointments to the cabinet will be made in August 2010. But with

what Jonathan had done, there were already concerns about the character of the emergent cabinet in

form of protests about the seeming Niger Delta-nisation of the Presidency.

This is a familiar scenario in Nigerian politics. Every man of power who gets into high position

surr

the jonathan presidency, by abati, the guardian, dec. 17, 2010 to jan. 23, 2011 _2

Documents