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GAZETTEVol. 2 Nos. 13 New Deihl, 5 Ju ly -19 July 1987

The PresidentSage or

SaboteurA

fter a gap of abouteighteen years and fourPresidential terms , the

office of the President of theIndian Republic is beingcontested seriously once again .The last serious contest for theoffice took place in 1969 wlienNeelam Sanjiva Reddy theofficial Congress candidate,was opposed by a faction of theCongress Party itself. Thisfaction was led by PrimeMinister Indira Gandhi whosupported V.V . Giri , technicallyan independent, and helpedhim win .

The contest in 1969 wasimportant in view of thespeculations regarding thepowers of the President todismiss the Prime Minister andthe alleged plans to use thosepowers by the Congress factionkno wn as the Syndicate

against the leadership of Mrs .Gandhi. This faction in themajority in the then CongressWorking Committee , hadforced the candidature ofNeelam Sanjiva Reddy againstMrs. Gandhi 's choice ofJagjiwan Ram .

A somewhat similar situationprevails once again . In view ofthe recent developments withregard to the relationshipbetween the President and thePrime Minister, claims andattempts by various groups andparties for the Prime Minister'sdismissal by the President ,asse rtion by President ZailSingh of his rightto be informedand claims of completeministerial superiority by PrimeMinister Rajiv Gandhi and hissupporters , the question ofPresident's powers and theiruse have become significant

In This IssuePage

V.R . Kri s hna Iyer . A Mission not Contest

issues. This time not only is it aracademic issue it is also amatter of real political concern .More important is theobservation of Giani Zail Singhthat he is leaving it to hissuccessor 'to take up the issue .How far and in what directionthe successor takes ' this issuedepends upor who wins theelection?

States Dependence 3on Centre

Restructuri ng 4Punjab Economy

PolicyTowards

8Punjab Communalism and

Secularism in India 9 Short Story 12 Long Trek to 16

Jodhpur

The choice

In all likelihood the Congressnominee Sh . R Venkataraman will be elected. Given

the com position of the electoralcollege which includes themembers of Parliament andState assemblies and the

A S Narangrelative value of votes theOpposition candidate JusticeV.R. Krishna Iyer (retd .) can winonly if there is a significantcross voting by theCongressmen . Such apossiblity, though notimpossible, does not appear tobe on the cards, at least for thetime being .

It is not because there are nodissensions or conflicts in theparty. Dissensions are there butpresumably these will not comeIn the open . The reason issimple the character ofCongress legislators . The typeof M Ps and M .L.As theCongress (I) has at present aremore concerned with theirpersonal gains rather thancommitment to any ideology orprogramme. They , therefore,have their eyes on theirunfinished term, their perks andpensions and all that goes withbeing a legislator and a memberof the ruling party . They knowthat the most probable outcome of their revolt would bethe dissolution of the LokSabha and new elections . Inthat situation most of them willbe neither here nor there . Sowhy take any risk?

For the time being , theOpposition too is .notcompletely united . Apart fromparties like the AIADMK and theNational Conference and somesmaller parties of the North Eastexpressing their support for theCongress nominee, the BJP , sofar, is keeping itself at adistance from both theCongress and the vppositinncandidates .

Emerging IssuesWill Mr . Venkatraman, if

elected , continue thecontroversy or debate raised byGiani Zail Singh. At least theelement of personal antagonism will disappear for RajivGahdhi has some what softerfeelings for Mr . Venkataramanthan he had for Giani ZailSingh. In all likelihood he will begiven due respect andrecognition by the PrimeMinister and his men . Howeverthis does . not settle the issuewhich got posed so sharply.This is for two reasons ; Firstly,

ontiuned o page 1

Fortnightly Rupees Two

R Venkataraman. Will he continue the debate?

The Muslim MindThe Meerut riots and its spill

over Delhi both started overnon - issues . In Meerut after afight between a landlord and atenant and in Delhi after a tiffbetween an eve teaser and axouple . They were not causesof the riots but symptoms ofSimmering tension that wasslowly but surely building upbetween the Hindus and theMuslims.

Neither the riots nor thekillings by the Provincial Armedconstabulary in Meerut were anew phenomena for the

Muslims. Whether it wasMoradabad, or Aligarh orMeerut, the Muslims had alwayssuffered and borne the bruntbecause of the administration'santlmuslim stance , particularly,of Uttar Pradesh's communalpara-military force, the PAC.Over the year. they had quiteaccepted the fact. The eruptionthis time In both Meerut andDeihl was an expression of ananger that stemmed fromelsewhere.

Since independence theMuslims have been at thereceivinft end in India . Even ascitizens of this country theyhave been denied rights anddenied constantly. They havesuffered a economic insecurityand physical insecurityfollowing frequent riots butnone of it united them or madetheir alienation as collective asthis time .

The problem started with theSupreme Court judgement inthe Shah Bano caseinterpretting the Quran. AsSyed Shahbuddin, M P and a

H.G. DeshpandeMuslim leader puts it: The casewas not important in itself butbecame symbolic-who is theSupreme Court judge tointerpret the QuranT Hencewhen the issue of MuslimPersonal law was raised theyunited to protect theirfundamental right. This siegecomplex in the Muslims that hasbeen building up culminated inthe Babri Masjid issue .

Take over of MasjldsThere is evidence that several

Masjids were taken over ,arlierin various parts of the countryby Hindu fundamentC' ,iists but itdid not evoke any reaction .Babri Masjd was viewed as aculmination of a process thathad begun to challenge Islam-aprocess that had earlier causedphysical insecurity, economicinsecurity, cultl:lral insecurityand was now threatening theirreligion. The decision to openthe gates of Ram Janmabhoomito Hindus , says Shahbuddin ,was a contrived order . It wasan order based on the SeniorSuperintendant of Police andDeputy Commissioner whogave an asurance to thesessions judge that if a law andorder situation arose theywould control. The order wasimplemented within twentyminutes , which is unheard of ,and without giving a hearing tothe Muslims. When theadministrative machinery failsto give a hear ing to the commonman it is bound to breedhostility . Naturally, the Muslimsconstrued it as a challenge to

Contiuned on page

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Media wath ORUM~ G Z E n C

What goes in RPF-camps in Punjab

HOw the CRPF gives thirddegree torture to thosewho happen to be

suspects in their eyes and howit acts in an autocratic manneris revealed in a report of theIndian Post, Bombay in its issueof June 23 198??

Blind-folded and hog-tied,Mr . Amrik singh a schoolteacher from Jhanjotti village,30 kms from Amritser,alternately shrieked and faintedas Central Reserve Police Force(CRPF) men stuffed red chilliesup his rectum with bamboos foreight consecutive days fromMay 23 to June 1 .

The soft-spoken 42-year-oldteacher was beaten senselessby rifle butts, starved anddehumanised by CRPF jawansunder the supervision of theDeputy Commandant, Mr .Mahabir Singh, posted in theAjnala area."

The CRPF officer, egged onby Mr. Amrik Singh's brother,Mr . Harjit Singh, both of whomare involved in a family wrangle,

Side LightsWhen on 21st June Sadhu

Mohan went on an indefinitefast at Rajghat (later removed toGandhi Peace Foundation) forthe release of the detainees inJodhpur and other jails, manyimportant personalities visitedhim to share his concern forhuman rights .

The oppositions preSidentialcandidate Shri V.R . Krishna Iyeras that any aide or security metthe Sadhu and spoke to himsomething in confidence,apparently in Malyalam . TheChief Minister of Punjab S .Surjit Singh Barnala togetherwith his followers ana securitypersons was already there. Iwished Shri Krishna Iyer goodluck in the election. Putting hishand on one of the gun totingsecurity personal, he smiledand added that he was fighting

tried to pin on the schoolmaster the recent killings ofthree Hindus in the village byalleged terrorists . The familiesof those killed rose in AmrikSingh's defence, but wereunable to saway Mr . MahabirSingh's convictions ."

"Picked up from his house bythe CRPF on May 23 morning,Mr . Amrik Singh was beaten byan inebriated Mr . MahabirSingh .

Blind-folded and tied AmrikSingh was carried by a jeep toan unknown CRPF adda(camp). Mr . Mahabir singh'ssupervision of his torture andraucous abuse are only thingsAmrik Singh remembersclearly".

Giving the details , the reportsaid , On June 1 stillblindfolded, a semi-consciousAmrik Singh, the lower half ofhis body numb, was thrown bythe roadside."

"Totall, disorientated andhaving no idea how long he wasin CRPF custody, he was picked .

for the welfare of this man andnot the weapon he wascarrying .

Dr . Farooq Abdullah, ChiefMinister of Jammu andKashmir, unaccampanied byany paraphernalia, also paid avisit to Sadhu Mohan that day .When he was about to leave, I.suggested to him to speak toGod to put compassion in thehearts of the Centre forreleasing hundreds of nnocentswho are languishing in Jodhpurwithout . trial so that theprecious life of the Sadhu couldbe saved . With an innocentsmile rediating his face, hereplied that he was alreadyspeaking to God but he did notappear to listen. He willhowever, continue to do so, Dr .Farooq said wit ,h a grim faceand walked back t6 :-his car .

Gurmukh Singh Jeet)

The words used by the Prime Minister are undoubtedly anarticulation of this philosophy . It cannot mean casting aspersionson anyone in particular .

Vasant Sathe, Cabinet Minister)

THE

up by a truck heading forDelhi."

Amrik Singh's twocolleagues, Mr . Hardev Singhand Mr . Lakhbir Singh, whowent to the CRPF camp at theDegree College, Ajnala seekinghis release, were detained andtheir houses raided".

The report quotes Mr . SatpalDang , CPI leader, who took upthis case as saying, "Bothpolice and the CRPF think thatthe President's rule is theirrule".

The repol1 further says,Imposition of President's rule

in Punjab has made little or ; 0difference to the situation.Apathy to killings andshootings, harassment of Sikhsand a sense of general ennuienvelops the State law andorder machinerv .

The report further quotes Mr .Dang as saying, "President'srule merely serves . nperpetuating and legitimisingharassment".

Muslim MindContinued from page 1

their very existence by the stateexecutive and the judiciary .

This anger became v isiblewhen nearly two lakh Muslimsfrom all over the countrygathered at the Boat Club onMarch 30 to express theirresentment, anger and anguish .For the first time afterindependence the Muslimsstood united over the BabriMasjid issue that had come tosymbolise their apprehensionsand aspirations . Notsurprisingly then when theImam of Jama Masjid, SyedAbdullah Bukhari, warned thegovernment about the powderkeg which could set the nationon f ire the Slogans like "Nara-etakbeer" "Allah 0 Akbar rentthe air expressing the rage oftbe Muslims . It was not angertargetted directly at the Hindusbut the executive which hadbecome instrumental in givingfillip' to Hindu fundamentalism .The process coupled with therecent riots not only added tothe existing powder keg buttotally alienated the Muslimsfrom the mainstream-and thetrouble is far from over.

ORUMGAZETTE NEWSHOUND

Managing- EditorAmrik SinghEditorsG .S. Sandhu, A .S. NarangCirculation

Lt. Col. Manohar Singh(retd.)PublishersEkta Trust2-26 Sarva Prlya VlharNew Deihl 110016

Ph. 660738Business3-MasJld Road , JangpuraBhogal ,N.,w Deihl 110014Ph. 694756

2 5 July-19 July 1987

Sound and FuryShould I reply to every dog that barks.

Prime Minister, Sh r i Rajiv Gandhi)

I may be a dog that barks, but my barking has clearly rattled the PM.I also assure him that my bite is worse than my bark . I do not feeiinsulted in the least, for dogs do not tell lies and they bark when seea thief . I am proud to be a watchdog of democracy .

Ram Jethmalani leading lawyer)

I learn my English from professors of the language and not fromair-hostesses .

Madhu Dandavate)

This remark of the Prime Minister was a little too harsh.Prem Shankar Jha, Editor Hindustan Times)

This is the language of the street. No Prime Minister talks like this. Itis such language which enables Arun Shourie to call the PrimeMinister a double faced liar and get away with it.

Romesh Thapar, Editor Seminar)

Basically his remark shows the calibre of the person . It shows he istotally frustrated and panic-stricken .

Ajit Singh President Lok Dal A)

One of the casualties of Rajiv's newfound aggressiveness is the

image of a gentle ; gracious man, inexperienced but urbane andconsiderate. Current)

On persistent inquiries, it was said he did not want to talk about it.Girilal Jain, Editor Times of India)

The utterances of persons holding high public office are expectedto be marked by restraint, consideration and dignity . .I am sorry that such a sense of dignity is conspicuous by itsabsense in the case of the Prime Minister .

Anand Sharma, President Youth Congress)

Such aberrations s hould be treated as aberrations and should notbe given undue importance .

Amrita, Pritam , MP , Punjabi writer)

I would not like to express an opinion on su ch issues even though Ihave retired from the Supreme Court.

Justice P.N. Bhagwati retd)

Not the kind of dignified language to be used by a person in suchhigh office . It is the language used in tea and paan shops. Similarlythe expression Nani yaad kara denge" was not fit to be used by ahead of the Government. What Rajiv Gandhi is dOing is digging hisown grav ,e politically , particularly in view of the continueouspolitical reverses, the latest of which came in Haryana .

Saifuddin ChOWdhury , MP .)

The Prime Minister's outburst against Shri Ram Jethmalani whohas been a parliamentarian and an eminent leader of public opinoneven if one disagrees with him and a forceful and an eminent leaderof the legal profession make one sad. It is a sad commentary on animmature Prime Minister who explodes at the slightest provocationforgetting that he is accountable to every citizen .

K.P. Unnikrishnan)

His remark is part of a series of uncouth remarks unecorning of a

Prime Minister. The Prime Minister's remark is evident also of panicand loss of nerve .L.K. Advani President BJP)

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FORUM Perspective- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - G A ~ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

Federalism n IndiaStates Financial Dependence

on the Centren essential requirementfor the preservation of afederal state structure is

that each level of governmentmust be basically, if not wholy ,self-relient with regard tofinanc ial resources required fordue discharge of itsresponsibilities under theConstitution .

Excessive financialdependence of one level ofgovernment on the otherinevitably erodes, over time, theauthority , role and freedom ofaction of the former andeventually brings about a basicchange in the state structure .

Indeed, in India , such a processhas been under way since thevery commencement of theConstitution n 1950 .

It p l ~ k e d up furthermomentum In the 1980s. s aresult of the States' serious andgrowing financial dependenceon resource transfers from theCentre, their role In the Indianpolity as originally envl ed Inthe Constitution has bIncre ngly undermined andthe country Is defacto visiblymoving further away from thefederal concept.

States depend on resourcetransfers from the Centre forfinancing both their revenueand capital expenditure . Thecapital expenditure of States isthat which either adds to theirassets (for example , investmentin land and irrigationdevelopment, factories and

mines , roads and roadtransport, administrat ive andcultural buildings , shares anddebentures of companies,loans , etc .) or reduces the irfinancial liabilities (forexample, repayment of debts tothe Centre , the financialinstitutions , or the public) . Incontrast, their revenueexpenditure neither adds toassets; nor reduces financialliabilities . Such is , for instance,their,expenditure on police andadministrative services , interestpayments on State debts,salaries Of government

teachers , doctors and welfarepersonnel, grants tomunicipal ities, panchayats and

. aided schools, purchase ofmedicines for hospitals andstationary ifor offices, etc .

From the standpoint ofdevelopment of the Stateeconomy, capital expenditureon asset creation is of greatimportanc e. In recent years , hisexpenditure has formed well 'over 60 of States ' totalBudgetary outlay on StatePlans . In this article states have-een taken to include Union

Territories with legislature . Ofthe four such UTs at the end of

March 1986, two (Mizoram anaArunachal Pradesh) were

raised to Statehood in 1986-87and one (Goa) on 30 May 1987 .The fourth (Pondicharry) mightfollow suit before long .

Dependence forRevenue ExpenditureThe data compiled by the

Union Finance ministry fromthe State Budgets and given inthe annual issues of the albumentitled "Indian EconomicStatistics-Public Finance"show that over the 11 yearperiod from 1974-75 to 1985-86

(R.E.), t he proportion of States'revenue expenditure financedby revenue from State taxes andnon-tax sources has declinedfrom 66 .6 to 55.8%, that is , byas much as 10 .8 percent.

Correspondingly H,e Statesdependence on variouschannels of revenue transfersfrom the Centre has gone upfrom 33.4% to 44 .2 of thisexpenditure . If this trend .persists, the states'dependence on revenuetransfers from the Centre mightrise by the close of the 1980s toaround 50 of thier revenueexpenditure .

In the past revenue transferfrom the centre have generallyexceeded the amount of State'sshortfall in own resources forfinancing their revenueexpenditure . The excesstransfer has enabled the Statesto show a revenue surplus inmost years . This surplusreflects not healthy Statefinance but centre's"generosity " to its dependents .The Centre has perSisted in t his"generosity ", even though,

- - - O - - t h - - - h - - h - - d - - - - I - - - - - - - -" " ' - - . since 1979-80, it has had itselfn e ot er an ,certa n supra-and antl- to suffer sharply rising deficits

people social forces and their leading on revenue and hence overallpersonalities, In their ruthless drive for (combined revenue and capital)unbridled dominance and exploitation of account.India's teeming millions of a ~ linguistic, The Centre can Indulge In.

. sustained fiscal mlsmanage-cultural and ethnic groups have, among oth er ' ment of this sort as there Is nosteps, made use of the Constitutions', Internal statutary, limit on Its recourseunbalances and departures from the strict to deficit financing (that Is, netfederal concept to embark on a relentless borrowing from the Reserve

Bank to finance the overallcentralisation drive which Is IncreaSingly deficit). Thecountry uconomyeroding Its essentlaly federal character. Inevitably hastobeerthecostof

L... .... this mismanagement. But for

TableDependence of the States on Central Transfers (1951-84)(figures in percentage)

Plan PeriodII III AP IV V VI

1 Revenue transf eras percentagereven l e ex p en - 22.4 28 .2 33 .4 35 .1

diture ofstates

2 . Loans as per-centage of 71 .9 58 .7 64 .5 63 .2capital expen-diture of States

3 . Aggregatetransfers as

percentage of 37 .8 39 .8 45 .7 45 .2expenditure of

states

39 .5 40.4 41.4

63.2 83 .1 74 .6

47.4 42 . 41.6

Source: K .K. George and I.S . Gulati, "Centre State ResourceTransfer 1951-84 An Appraisal, " Economic and Political Weekly,February 16, 1985

the demand neutralizing Impactof huge annual Importsurpluses (t hat Is, the exce ofImports over exports of goodsand services) the economywould have been by nowengulfed In severe Inflation as aresult of excessive ' deficit'. lnanclng by the Centre Inrecent year. (Rs. 8285 croresln1986-87 alonel).

The unprecedented importsurplus of recent years ,however , involves its ownonerous costs. A major one,among others, is that thecountry has to suffer a huge andperistent current accountbalance of payment deficit, asmuch as Rs . 5958 crores in1985-86 alone The financing of

this deficit involves anequivalent increase in thecountry 's net externalindebtedeness, thus pushingthe country relentlessly

I towards the dreaded debt trap .

K.S. Gili

Dependence for CapitalExpenditure

The States ' dependence onthe Centre is particularly severewith respect to finanCing of thiscapital expenditure . The states'own capital receiptscomprising (i) net borrowingfrom the capital market,financial institutions and others(including ways and meansadvances and overdrafts fromthe Reserve Bank), (ii) recoveryof government loans andadvances , (iii) net accretion toState Provident Funds, depositsadvances, reserve funds etc .held with the StateGovernment, and (iv) othermiscellanceus capital receiptsare largely absorbed in meetingrepayments due on the States 'rapidly growing indebtednessto the Centre, estimated as atthe end of 1986-87 at the hugeamount of RS .43 ,737 crores(including Rs . 1075 crores ofUT Governments ' debts) .

The balance available fo(financing States' other , mostlydevelopmental , capitalexpenditure is meagre. Theproportion of capitalexpenditure financed by th isbalance has declined from33 .2 in ' 1984-85 to 24.9% in1985-86 (R .E.) and a mere16 .8 in 1986-87 (B.E.) . Forfinancing the balancee x p e n d ~ u r eexcept for the

small proportion that the Statesmight finance by their usualsurplus in revenue account(mentioned above), they aredependent on fresh borrowingfrom the Centre.

OverdraftsFor several years prior to

October 1985, a growingnumber of States had begun toresort to unauthorizedoverdrafts from the ReserveBank to finance a portion oftheir expenditure . Every fewyears (1972-73,1978-79, 1982-83, 1983-84 and 1985-86) theCentral Government wasobliged to regularise theposition by granting specialloans to enable the concernedStates to clear theiraccumulated unauthorizedoverdrafts . The Centre financedthese loans by itself borrowingfrom the Reserve Bank . Thus , ineffect, deficit financing by theCentre was substituted for that

by the States .The States ' unauthorized

overdrafts were no more than atemporary expedient andeventually the entire r m ~ n n ggap in States ' financialresources had to be financed byborrowing from the Centre .Now that with effect fromOctober 1985 the States 'unauthorized overdrafts (for

. loAger than 7 continuousworking days) have beeneffectively forb idden, theStates ' entirely depend on theCentre for financing theircapital expenditure in excess ofthe small fraction financed from

their own resources . The states'dependence on the Centre forfinancing their capitalexpenditure is , indeed ,overwhelming .

This dependence is actuallyeven more onerous than thatsuggested by the above data onthe proportion of capitalexpenditure financed from theStates ' own capital receipts .This is because the capitalreceipts traditionally classifiedas the States ' own in fact are notquite so . For instance , States ',market borrowing are a major ,in recent years the largest , itemincluded in these receipts.

While clause (I) of Article 293of the Constitution doesenpower the States to borrowwithin the country on thesecurity of their respectiveConsolidated Fund, clause (3)of the same Article lays downthat a State may not without theconsent of the Government ofIndia raise any loan If anyprevious loan to it granted orguaranteed by the CentralGovernment was stilioutstanding. Since all Statesare now heavily Indebted to theCentre, the effect of Article293(3) Is that the approval ofGovernment of India Is Inpractice necessary for allborrowing by the StateGovernments.

Clearly, the States ' marketborrowings , indeed all thierreceipts under nternal debt , arestrictly not their own capitalrece ipts . That is why individualstates ' ma rket borrowings bearlittle relationship to their creditworthiness . In the Seventh FiveYear Plan the market-

ontiuned on p ge 3

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View point FORUMGAZEnC --------

Restructuring of Punjabconomy II

Problem of IndustrializationIn an attempt to start a dialogue to build a

consensus on the policy initiatives and directionsneeded to root out the socio economic causes ofthe present crisisin Punjab Dr. B.M. Bhatiasuggested for the diversification of agriculture inhis article in the last issue. In this second andconcluding part he suggests the importance ofindustrialization and type and nature ofindustrialzation that is possible in the State .

I utside the sphere ofagro-based and foodprocessing industries

the scope for industrializationin the State is rather limited .This is because of the kind ofresource endowment that theState has . There are no mineralresources worth the nameavailable in the State . Becauseof the remoteness of the statefrom the centres producingimportant raw materials likecoal, iron and steel, cement etc.and from the port towns,development of large scaleindustry in it has been severelyconstrained in the past.Considering the fact that

haulage ofbulky

materials overlong distances has become socostly , much hope in this e g a r dcannot be entertained for futureeither .

In view of this, specialtreatment of the state in thematter by the Centre has beensuggested in some quarters .Two principal proposals havebeen made in this connection.The first is that a scheme offreight equalization wherebycheaper freight rates areoffered by the railways fortransport of raw materials forindustry so that the locationdisadvantage of the State inindustrialization is neutralized.The sCQnd proposal is that thewhole 6f Punjab or at least itsborder districts adjoiningPakistan be declaredIndustrially Backward Area toallow them to enjoy the fiscaland financial benefits givenunder the Industry-BackwardDistrict Scheme .

Freight Equalization Schemein respect of steel has alreadybeen in operation in Punjab forsome time. It might have helpedindividual small scaleagricul tural implements andm c h i n ~ tools producingindustrial units in raising theirprofitability but there is notmuch evidence to show that ithas made a significantcontribution to growth ofindustrial production or settingup of any new steel-basedindustry in the State .

Accordingly a thinking is now

going on at the Centre that thescheme has failed to serve itspurpose and, therefore, itshould be discontinued. As fordeclaring the whole or parts ofPunjab as industry-backward

4 5 July-19 July 1987

area for purposes of grant offiscal and financial incentives toindustrialist to locate their newindustrial plants there, onemust have serious reservationson the usefulness of this policytoo for promoting industrialgorwth in the State . Taxexemption of profits for 5 years 'and availability of concessionalfinance from the public sectorfinancial institutions cannotoffset the permanentdisadvantage of location ofindustrial units far away fromthe supply base of rawmaterials . One cannot expectmuch from this concessioneither in the matter ofpromoting

industrial growthof

the State . The sights onindustrialization of Punjab havenecessarily, therefore, t o be setrather low .

It is this realization thatappears to have been at theback of the Industrial Policy

Statement of PunjabGovernment dated 10 March1978. According to thatstatement, the major thrust inthe industrial field was to bealong the foliowin J lines :

(i) building a network of ruralvillage and small industries, soas to cover all the villages overthe next five years;

(ii) achieving a sustainedgrowth of small scale industries(in the towns) with special

emphasis .on tiny units so as tocreate maximum employmentopportunities; and

(iii) promoting growth ofmedium and large scale agrobased industries e .g . foodprocessing, cotton textile,sugar, woolens etc .

The Importance of the policya ement Ilea not ao much Inthe reaulta achieved-It haaremained unimplementedproperly-but In the pragmatlamIt ahowa on the poaalbllltiea andIcope of Induatrlallzatlon In theStete. The atatement deflneaclearly the IImlta ofInduatrlallzetlon and the natureof Induatrlea that can beaucce ully a ted In Punjab.It neatly auma up the

expectatlona that may bereallatlcally entertained onInduatrlallzetlon front In anyprogramme of reatructurlngand dlveralflcatlon of Punjabeconomy.

Non-conventional Induatrlea

There are, however , somen ~ n c o n v ~ n t i o n ~ 1n ~ s -

tnes available In which

Punjab has a distinct advantageover other States. Theseinclude ricebran oil, cellulose,and prefab building material.There is an enormous quantityof rice husk available in Punjabwhich , at present, is practicallygoing to waste . Development 6frice ' bran oil and celluloseindustries could not only savethis baluable resource fromgoing to waste but also providenew avenues of employmentand income to the local people .

There is a considerabledemand for rice bran oil in thecountry but its annua l output isrelatively small being no morethan around 70,000 tonnes.This rather insignificantquantity of output is due to

technological reasons .Technology for this industry isyet in its infancy. A serioustechnological problem is thatthe extracted oi l gets rancid in ashor.t time after extraction. Thisrenders it unfit for humanconsumption . If a solution tothis technological problemwere found and appropriatetechnology for stabilization ofthe extracted oil in the originalform discovered, way would bepaved for development of ahighly promising industry inPunjab which has become inrecent years a leading riceproducing state in the countryand has, therefore , plentifulsupply of raw mateiral for thisindustry .

Cellulose manufacturingfrom rice husk, sugarcane,bagasses, "sarkanda" grass and

B.M. Bhatiaother agricultural refuse isahuther industry with brightprospects in the State . Inpractically all parts of the state ,suitable agricultural wastes andbag asses of one type or theother are available in plenty .Five to six villages could begrouped together for thepurpose of locating a commoncellulose digester plant at acentral place for them forutlization of these in theproduction of cellulose which isan important raw material forpaper and board, rayon ,explosives and other industries.

If small scale celluloseindustry were organized on awide scale and sufficientsupplies of the materialensured , it could give rise tofactory prod uction of paper andstrawboard , rayon, explosivesetc . This at first sight modestlooking proposal of setting up a .chain of cellulose plants in therural areas all over Punjab has ,thus , far reaching implicationsfor industrial development ofthe State .

Manufacture of buildingblocks for prefabricatedbuilding ,ate ial is yet anotherindustry offering scope forconversion ~ f agriculturalwastes and refuse into avaluable industrial product.Cellulose produced bydiagester plants together withclay, straw and other materiallocally available could provide asound base for development ofprefab building materialindustry .

Two other industries whosepossibilities need to beexplored are production ofstarch and vodka frompotatoes . There is extensivecultivation of potatoes in theDoab area . Feasibility studiesfor starting these industries inthis area should be undertakenand if either or both are found tobe a viable proposition, stepsshould be taken to establishthem there .

Energy

In any massive drive forindustrial development inPunjab, power supply is

Table

going to constitute one of thebiggest constraints . The Statehas made considerable stridesin the development of powersector . The per capitaconsumption at 354 Kwh in1983-84 was the highest of al lthe states in the country , thenational average being 154 Kwhand that of Gujarat ,Maharashtra and Haryana , thethree other top consumers inthe country, respectively being274,267 and 245 Kwh .

All the 12126 villagea of the

State had been electrified by1984-85 aa agalnat 3695 In1965-66. The number ofenerganlzed pumpaets In 1984-85 atood at 406000 as agalsnt25000 In 1965-66. This Is ahighly Impreaalve record. Buttwo facta have to e placedagalnat It. Firat, the State hasalready exhauated Itahydelpower potential, andbecauae of prohibitivetransport coat of coal from thecoal flelda In Bihar and WeatBengal, availability to It ofthermal power In any largemeaaure la almply not poaaible.Second, at the preaent level ofsupply, the State faces a deficitof 19.2 percent (in 1984-85)which la next only to Blt:ar 39.4percent and Haryana 28.9percent In the country.

Some cushion foraugmenting the supply isavailable in the form ofimprovement of operationalefficiency of the power system .At present the efficiency (asmeasured in terms of powergeneration during a year perKW of capacity) at 3694 KWwhich is below the none toosatisfactory national average of3739 KW. Some relief can beexpected from an improvementin the operational eff iciency ofthe plants and by avoiding thewaste that is gOing on at presentin the use of energy in the State :But that at oest can reduce theexisting deficit in electriCitysupply . It cannot make anymaterial difference to thepower-supply position for

Punjab; Eatlmated Work Force In March 1971, 1973 and 1978 In Population 5 Years and More bySex and Residence

-(Thousand persons)

Labour Force Chronic U n e m ~ l o ~ m e n tWork Force1971 1973 1978 1971 1973 1978 1971 1973 1978

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 91 Rural 3, 125 3 180 3,587 53 55 62 3 072 3 ,125 3 ,525

1. Male 2,894 2,946 3,322 47 49 55 2,847 2 ,897 3,2672 Female 234 235 265 6 6 7 225 228 258

2. Urban 956 975 1 095 43 44 49 913 93 1 1 0461 Male 867 884 893 32 3 3 37 835 851 9562 Female 89 91 102 11 11 12 78 80 90

3 . Total 4,681 4,155 4 ,682 96 99 111 3,985 4 056 4 ,5711 Male 3,761 3 830 4,315 79 82 92 3,682 3,748 4 .2232. Female 320 325 367 17 17 19 303 308 348

Sources : 1 ) for 1973 : Employmgnt-Unemployment Situation at a Glance ", op . cit.2) For 1971-1978: Employment and Manpower, 1978 ", op. cit.

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starting new industries . Thatposition is none tooencouraging .

T State can explore thepossibil ities of getting somepower from the neighbouring states of Himachal Pardesh andJ & K. Thein Dam project in theformer can make available apart of the generated power onpermanent basis but financialco ns .traints are understood tobe standing in the way of rapidprogress towards completionofthe Dam project .

Now that the Centre hasaccepted the principle ofallowing power plants even inthe private sector , Punjab couldexplore the possibilities ofmobilizing funds fromremittances from Non residentPunjabis from abroad for thepurpose of financing jointlywith H.P . government , theconstruction of the Dam .H imachal is reported to bewill ing for such collaborationwith Punjab . Possibilities alsoexist of similar collaborationwith J .K. where there is aconsideration potential

available for construction ofminor and medium hydel powerplants . The expert op inion herealso, however , is that theadditional supplies obtainedthrough this source could takecare of the existing powerbacklog but would beinsufficient to meet futuregrowth of demand especially ifany large programme ofindustrialization were to beundertaken .

Nonconventional sources

Th e State, however , isideally situated withregard to development

so u rces of energy . The se, iffully developed , couldcompletel y transform thepower situation there. Thepote nt ia l of these source s is sogreat that practically the wh ol eof conve nt ional -s ou rc e po werno w co nsumed in the ruralareas and agriculture could bereleased for use in feedi n g thepower-s tar ved existingindustrial units and in set ting upnew ones .

If the proposal for setti ng up amodern tiary industry by importof high milk y iel ding HolsteinFreiesen cows and setting up ofsemen Bank s as a part ofprogramme improving the loalbreed of animals asrecommended by the JohlCommittee , is accepted, therewill be plenty of dung availablein the areas where dairies arelocated . This should serve as a

ba se for starting a chain ofgobar gas plant a l lover theState . At other places bioassplants using rice husk andbagasses can be started on awide scale . A network of gobargas and biomass plants spreadall over its whole rurallandscape could revolutionizethe power supply scene of theState by opening up analtogether new avenue of thatsupply .

Ethyl Alcohl)1

Another non-conventionalsource of energy that canbe tried in Punjab is the

production of Ethanol or Ethylalcohol which has been used asmotor fuel all over the world buthas not been used as co ok ingfuel so far. Ethnol traditionallyhas been produced in India andelsewhere from sugarcane ,molasses, grain etc . A valuablesource that has yet not been

exploited in India for thispurpose is sweet sorghum. Ithas been suggested that thepresent area of 17.6 millionhectares under cultivation ofsorghum which gives a crop of8.52 million tonnes of.grain caneasily yield 17.6 million tonnesof grain if cultivated with newhigh yielding sweet sorghum

varieties. The same area canalso produce about 35 billionlitres of alcohol equivalent to 18million tonne s of kerosene .Country's total demand forkerosine by 2000 AD has beenprojected at 18 million tonnes .Thus from 17 .6 million he'Ctares(an areas already undersorghum crop) we can get twicethe present yield of grain and atthe same t im e enough alcoholto completely replace prOjected2000 AD kerosine requirements(vide D r A K Aajvansh i, SolarlyDistilled Ethanol from sweetSorghum as cooking fuer:') .

The technology for this hasalready been developed and isnow in experiemental stages .Could Punjab which led the wayin the country to the greenrevolution, not do the same inthe matter of development ofnon-conventional sources ofenergy , thereby not onlysolving its own energy , andtherefore , economic growthproblems but also showing thewa y to the rest of the country inth is matter also? Punjab withthe genius and enterprize of itsfa rmers can do it. Aobert Frostwrote:

Two road d iverged in awood and I,I took the one lesstravelled byAnd that has made alldifference .

By choosing to go by the roadof exploring and usingunconventional sources ofenergy, Punjab can make all thedifference to the solution ofenergy problem of its own as

well as of the country as whole.

Industrial Estates: GolndwalExperience

Industr ial estate concept hasbeen a favourite as aninstrument of fostering

industrial growth with the Stat egovernments and the Centre .An industrial estate which is anindustrial complex promotedby the government at a selecteds ite by offering land, workshopsheds, infrastru ct ural faci li t iesand finance for setting upindustries at the s ite, to pr ivateentrepreneurs, is intended toserve as a nucleus for indu st rialgrowth of the conc ern edterritory.

This was the intention w it hwhich the Goindwal IndustrialEstate was set up in Punjab inNovember 1980 . Because ofvarious factors includ in gc ircum stan ce s beyond the

control of the State

government, the project has notmade much of a headway . Thefoundati on stone of tr.ecomplex was laid on 14November 1980 . Within a yearafter that , the governmentconstituted the GoindwalIndustrial and InvestmentCorporation (GIICO). The ideawas to give one -windowservice" to entrepreneurs byallotting plots and arrangingfinances.

It was hoped that the Estatewould develop into a townshipof 5 lakh people . TheGovernment undertook to buildhousing colonies, and prov ideelectricity, water s upplysewerage, hospitals, markets ,and schools for that popl,Jlation.The Punjab State IndustrialDevelopment Co rporation wasassigned the task of prov idingAs. 100 crores investments inthe Estate . These expectations

At its roots, therefore, the Punjab economic have be en largely belied . TheP ro blem is that of lack of opportunities for project has remained jinxedfrom the very start because ofinvestment of available funds and the insufficient support fromem ployment for surplus manpower. the concerned governmentAgriculture cannot absorb the capital and agencies which again seems to

be due not so much to Jack oflabour surpluses that have emerged in the will as that of ability on the partstate tellingly. New avenues of investment of the Government to do all thatand employment outside the agricultural was promised to the:sector have, therefore, to be found. entrepreneurs and investors at. . . . . . . . . . the start.

TableNumber of Looms and Spindles In Cotton Textile

Industry and Share of Cotton Production

State

Maharashtra

Gu jarat

Uttar Pradesh

Madhya Pradesh

Tamil Nadu

West Bengal

Karnataka

Punjab

Total (All India)

Mills Spindles'Powerloom2

Percentage('000 nos ) ('000 nos) ('000 nos) share ofcotton

production(78-79)

772.7(37.4)

631 .6(30 .6)132 .6

(6.4)128 .9

(6.2)93 .5(4 .5)90 .74.4) I

62 .9(3.0)12.4(0.6)

2064 .7

(100)

4874(23.5)3957(19 .11350(6.5)742(3.2)

5080(24.6)1015(4 .9)816(3 .9)262(1 .3)

20682

(100)

1245(35 .8)5591(17 .0)

170(4 .9)

1107(3.4)328(9.4)146

(4 .2)239(6 .9)196(5 .6)8477

(100)

17.44

26.82

4.12

7.43

1107

16 .89

Note : 1.2.

As on January 1, 1980 .

Sources :As on December 31, 1980.CMIE , Basic Statistics Tables 9,13Statistical Abstract of Punjab-1979

and 10 .1 and

These agencies neither hadthe necessary financialresources at their command tofulfil their obligations nor therewere congenial politica a r ~administrative environment toimplement the programme ofdevelopment of tJ:le estate. Theeagerness of Punjabentrepreneurs to seize anyopportunity offered to them to

enter the industrial field may beseen from the faCt that 4000applicants came forward to buyplots of land in the estate anddepOSited As.45 lakhs asearnest money towards thepurchase price of the plots . Butso far only half a dozenindustrial units have come onthe stream . Even atrotment of allplots remains to be completed .Meanwhile the owners whoselands were acquired have notbeen paid their dues .

Ancillary Units

Among the units that havecome up are CentralPublic Sector Under

taking, BHEL's industrial valveplant set up at a cost of As. 2.74

The Youthfull energies and no letout

crores, a private entrepreneur s

export oriented shoemanufacturing unit whichprovides daily employment to200 girls from neighbourhood ,a private sec tor steel castingsunit costing As. 2 crores whichprovides castings fo r text ile andsugar machinery manufacturingplants , and a spinning mill with25000 sp indles.

Go indwal is situated only 24kilometre away fromHussainpura (Kapurthala)where the Aailways integ ratedcoach factory is being built. Assuch it is an ideal place to set upancillaries manufacturing unitsto supply the needs of thecoach factory . It has thepromi se of develop ing into avibrant and hum in g ce ntre ofindustri al activ ity . What isholding up its progress is notthe cussedness of theGovernmen t or the lack ofinvestible funds in the State.The main obstacle is thepoli ti cal atmosphere andinsecurity of life and propertyp revaili ng there.

Golndwa l experiencehighlights the basic economicproblem In Punjab today whichIs the rack of sufficientopportunities In the State foremployment of surplus capital,entrepreneurial energies andeducated and skilled labourforce.

The Gree n revolutionbrought with it to the Punjabfarmer a degree of prosperityand cash flow undreamt ofbefore. A part of the newincome flow, of course , wentinto conspicuous consumptionand raiSing material well-being

j of farming householdS . But alarge part of its was usedproductively in the agriculturalsector itself for purchase offarm machinery , constructionof tube wells and provision ofpumpsets for irrigationalpurposes, and undertakingother land improvementmeasures .

Inveltment OpportunitiesAn index of hectic

investment activi ty inagriculture during the firsttwelve years following the startof the green revolution is theprogress in installation ofelectrical and diesel pumpsetsby the f a r m ~ rfor irrigationalpurposes . The number . ofelectrical pumpsets in the State

ontinued on page 4

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Deforestation inSouth Rajasthan

Most of the tribals of

Rajasthan are Bhil tribals andthey are heavily concentrated inBanswara and Dungarpurdistricts and parts of Udaipurand Chittorgarh districts .Nearly 6 lakh tribals live inBanswara , 4 lakh in Dungarpur ,2 lakhs in Chittorgarh and 8lakhs in Udaipur . In Banswarathe percentage of tribals in thetotal population is 72 and inDungarpur they constitute 64per cent of the total population .in Udaipur district as a wholetheir percentage is only 34 butin Kotra tehsil ofthisi t isashighas 87 and in Kherwara it is 73.

So in speaking of Rajasthan'stribal belt broadly we includeBanswara-and Dungarpurdistricts and some parts ofUdaipur and Chittorgarhdistricts , although pockets oftribal population certainly existin some other districts ofRajasthan, specially Kota andSirohi .

Social ErosionThe tribals constitute the

majority of the population inthis region . The overwhelmingfactor in their lives in recentyears has been the destructionof forests . Several village eldersrecall how they have seen thegreen hills around their villagesturning into barren, erodedland . A study of Kotra blockmade by the Tribal Research

Id Training Institute , Udaipur

The Centre for SocialResearch , New De .hi, has

undertaken to do a study onThe Problems and Needs ofAdolescent Girls in Rural Areas :Need for ProgrammeIntervention .

It is important to understandthat the treatment of anadolescent girl is largelyconditioned by our society'sexpectations of the woman shewill eventually grow into . As agirl child she shares the adultwork environment. Sheobserves and participates in it.Yet , this does not mean that sheis considered an adult.

6 5 JuIy 1 I July 1987

says:

Till 30 years back the entiretopography of ' Kotra wassurrounded by thick forests .Tribal population living therewere wholly dependent uponthe forests, as their life-cycleround the year was based onthe forest wealth . However, theprocess of deforestation startedat such a fast rate , that today theconcept of thick forests hasbecome a matter of historyonly . This situation has createdan imbalance in the economiclife of tribals who now findlimited employment opportunities in forests.

Thus it is important to keep inmind when studying life in tribalvillages today is that what wesee is a life-style with its base

gone, and adjustments made inthe form of migration and reliefworks to somehow survive .Deforestation denied tribalsmany of their basic needs of lifeincluding food and it alsodiminished to a sUbstantialextent the productivity of theiragriculture and animalproductivity by acceleratingsoilerosion and reducing theavailability of fOdder andorganic fertilisers . I n brief,deforestation harmed thepeople directly as well as bybreaking the harmony of amixed forestry-agriculture-animal husbandry system .

Out of the 750 million peoplein India today, 362 million are

females and 143 of these oralmost 4 per cent are below theage of 15 years. Discrimination,here, begins at birth. Genderbased differences In Infant andchild mortality rates create acritical situation. This neglect sevident regarding access tohealth services too. Despite theevidence of higher morbidityamong female children,attendance records at OPDsand clinics reveal apreponderence of males.

Similarly female literacy ratesfor the country as a whole

Bharat DograFrom food to fertilizers the

villages become dependent onthe market for everything .

In some parts of thecountry if can be clearlyseen that the working andliving condition is steadilydeteriorating instead ofimproving . Within thethree-four decade longmemory of village elderslife in their villages hasbecome much poorer. Onesuch area is the tribal beltof South Rajasthan . This isa 2-part article on thE)changing life of the weakersections-specially thetribals-of this region .

Children of ForestsJust as the impact of

deforestation resulted in avicious cycle I1Ke s Ituation withone bad effect leading toanother, similarly the process 'of deforestation followed a changed and as they saw otherspattern of one cause leading to rapidly destroying the forestsanother . In the fi rst stage forest for their profits, they sawrights of the villagers were nothing wrong in stealing somecurtailed and large-scle wood from the forest to sell in .commercial exploitation was the market.started . After some resistance Moreover as economicthe villagers Were forced to pressures on them becomeaccept this reality but their acute , as productivity of theirattitude towards forests a.9.riculture decl ined and there

were frequent droughts , theirdependence on this source ofearnings also increased greatly .And as the pressure for foodscarcity grew and some of th eexisting good land passed int othe hands of outsiders due t o anumber of reasons the pressureincreased on tribals to bring

ontinued on pag e

dolescent Girls nRural areasProblems and Needs

provide the context ofhighlighting differential rates inthe Educational development ofmen and women . Althoughliteracy among females hasrisen from 0 .69 percent in 1901to 24.88 in 1981, this increase isfar behind its counterpart formen, where the correspondingfigures are 9 .83 to 46.47percent.

Girls Lag BehindThe Indian Constitution

requires that universal primaryeducation be provided for allchildren in the age-group 6-14years. A look at the enrolmentfigures , drop out rates andsecondary school achievementshows that this goal stillremains a distant dream .

Under the Sixth Plan Review,nearly 73 per cent of the totalnon-enrolled children in the 6-11 years age group are girls. Inthe age group 11-14 years, only38 per cent of the girls havebeen enrolled for formaleducation. According to the1975 report on EducationalDevelopment by the Committeeon the Status of Women inIndia, In classes I to V one girlout of three was out of schooland of every 1 girls enrolledonly 30 reach class V. In classesV to VIII only one girl oulof fivewas at school. In the age group

14 to 17 years , only 12 per centwere enrolled.

The drop out and repeaterrate is much higher for girls(74%) than for boys (62.4%) .Similarly at the secondary level,sustained enrolment for girls is13 per cent, against 35 per centfor boys .

While roughly one third ofgirls below 15 years are still .nthe pre-school years and so arewithin the ambit of prog rammesaimed at very young children,the other two thirds, girlsbetween say 6 to 14 years, areno ones special concern . Theymust wait until after the age of 15to join another target group

women in their productiveyears . .

Yet these are the years ofchange-of development at thebiological , psychological andsocial levels. This is the periodwhen girls start menstruating ,get married and some of themhave their first child . These areyears of maturation of newsocial responsibilities androles. It is in these years ofpassage from childhood towomanhood that a woman

perhaps needs utmost attentionto be healthy and productive inlater life .

An Ignorant LotThe adolescent girls in rural

nju Dubeyareas are neither exposed to theknowledge about health ,hygiene and nutritior nor arethey aware of new science andtechnology and its applicabilityin their lives . They are burdenedwith the responsibilities ofcaring for the siblings and'helping ' their mothers athome . Their tasks generallyinclude sweeping , washing ,cleanihg utensils , cooking ,fetching water and collectingfire wood, etc . To these areadded others like deweedingfields , husking grains , etc ,depending upon theagricultural activity during theseason . This leaves them withhardly any time and energy tolearn about their sociMy andenvironment.

Their roles are almost clearlydemarcated between the prepuberty and post-pubertystages . An ignorant lot , they arepushed into marriage leading toearly motherhood roles. Sincethese girls are not aware of birthcontrol, child care and controlover their bod ies, they fail to gethealthy children . Thus we havea high rate of infant mortality onthe one hand and a growing rateof population on the other .Careful planning for theirdevelopment thus becomes

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Sadhu Mohan s FastA Call for Justice to the Jodhpur

Detenues

Three years passed sincethe Jodhpur detenues

have been languishingbehind the bars without anytrial. Picked up from the GoldenTemple Complex during theenactment of OperationBluestar during first week ofJune , 1984, 300 men , womenand children have been facingcharges of waging war againstthe state . Detenues, includingscores of sewadars of theShiromani GurdwaraParbandhak Committee(SGPC) and innocent pilgrimswere to be tried by a SpecialCourt within a period of six totweleve months . But this did nothappen . It has confirmed thebelief of the countrymen thatthe majority of them areinnocent and are being kept

under detention illegally and fornarrow political interests ofrulers at Delhi.

For last two year., the releaseof the Jodhpur detenue. ha.been the mal... I ue for thesettlement of the Punjabproblem. The Centre made anumber of commlttment. In thl .regard and the Oppo.ltlonequivocally .upported theirrelease. A number of prominentpersonalities have pleaded tothe Power. that be that Illegal,unlawful and revengefuldetention of the Innocent., forulterior purpo.es, wouldenhance the human tragedy ofbleeding Punjab.

Sadhu Mohan

At this juncture, a

wandering renuciate fromKerala, Sadhu Mohan

undrwent a fast of self-sufferingfor the cause of the Punjab,particularly, those confinedwrongfuly in Jodhpur . He sat onfast on June 20 at Rajghat to stirthe Conscience of theCountrymen for the release ofthe detenues , hungering forhuman freedom . His symbolicfast was a challenge to thecountry's campassion andcapacity to overpower injusticewith justice, pasion with reasonand hatred with love . SadhuMohan, a Gandhian, had to shifthis venue of fast to the GandhiPeace Foundation on theinsistance of the Delhi policethat his presence at Rajghat wasa security risk to Prime MinisterRajiv Gandhi, who was comingto lay wreath, at Sanjay'sSamadhi next morning .

Former Supreme Court judgeand oppoo.ltlon'. presidentialcandidate Ju.tlce V.R. KrI.hnaIyer, Janta Party leader GeorgeFernandes, (Chief Mln.ter ofKarnatka Ram Krl.han Hegdeformer Punjab chief mlnl.terSurjlt Singh Barnala along withhi. party .upporter. and scoreof other Political leader.Including BJP leader Mr YagyaDutt Sharma, al.o joined thefast.

The Sikh Forum al .o joinedthe fait. It provided medical andother a stance to SadhuMohan during hi. fast.

The United Akall Dalleader.,Bhal Shamlnder Singh M.P. andMr. Mewa Singh Gill M.P .vl.lted the Sadhu. Mr. FarooqAbdullah, chief mlnl.ter Jammu

and Ka.hmlr al .o paid a vl.1I to

Deforestationontiuned from page

cheated by intermediaries andcontractors for the price oftrees

Corruption

Sadhu Mohan and extended hi..upport to hi. cause

As Sadhu Mohan's health wasfast failing. Justi.ce Iyer made arepresentation to the PrimeMinister seeking his immediateattention . He beseeched thePrime minister to make a'Justice Gesture' of releasingthose at least known to beguiltless but are incarcerated asan over-reactive aftermath ofOperation Bluestar .

President's AppealUltimately, a pressure was

exerted on the Governmentfrom various corners . Thismade President Zail Singh toissue an appeal to SadhuMohan to break his fast andpromise that the government isconSidering the cases of theJodhpur detenues . ThePresident also expressed hopethat the Government wouldexpedite these cases .

While presenting a glas. 01juice to Sadhu Mohan, markingthe end of the fa.t on 26 June,Justice Iyer said .. Not thepunitive prl.on but the forgivingheart alone heal . The complexand e.calatlng Is.ue. of thePunjab haemorrage cannot be.olved by a magic wand. Wemu.t begin on the right humanenote at lea.t at the belated hourby giving a ju.tlce touch to theJodhpur detenue ...

While breaking his five-daylong fast , Sadhu Mohan said

My humble endevour is todraw the attention of the nationand the government to the

illegal detention of the Jodhpur

evident, efforts are being made Ito check this ruin in the form ofafforestation and soil-waterconservation works ; workingthrough by and large the samesystem which destroyed theforests in the first place .

Is it any wonder that there islarge-scale corruption in these

Sadhu 'Mohan with S . Surjit Singh Barnala, For a Cause

detenues . I will continue tostrive to convince the nationthat without assuaging tnepsychological factor involved inthe Punjab issue if we rush intosome political activities theyeither will not take off or end infiasco . This is yet to be seenthat whether or not the 'historicmission of love of SadhuMohan enters the Conscienceof the Country 's ChiefExecutive . But he hassucceeded to an extent inhighlighting the injustice being

done to the innocent Jodhpur

works, the results are low andthe involvement of the peopleminimal? True there areexceptions in the form ofdedicated work by someofficials and social workers , butthese do not change the overallsad reality of continuingecological ruin .

(N .F .S . INDIA)

detenues, No doubt, theyrepresent the human tragedy,reminiscent of one of medievalperiod, when a king would puthis victims in the cells andforget for years together, butthey are bitter and grimreminder of a pOlitical blunder'Operation Bluestar .

. Indian rural context in general ,and problems and needs ofadolescent girls in particular .

The study would beconducted in 12 villages: 6villages of Bharatpur(Rajasthan) 4 villages ofome forest land under

cultivation . Thus from being thech ildren of forests who satisfiedso many of their needs fromforests they were turned intothieves and encroachers offorests in the language of thelaw.

According to a seniorresearcher N .N. Vyas , of TribalResearch Training Institute,Udaipur For just a pettyamount , forest cropes weregiven on short and long leasesto forest contractors until 1969who worked on with the help oftribal labourer on low wages.The agency of contractors andintermediaries has not beencompletely eliminated evennow . He then describes themode of operating ofmiddlemen under the newsystem . The intermediariespurchase wood from private'beers' on throwaway pricesfrom tribals and sellon sizeableprofits .

Giving specific instancesVyas alleges that the owners ofthe saw mills around tribalvillagers of Dhariawad inUdaipur district purchase teakwood from tribals at 1/10 of themarket value and sell the sameat very high rates . According toone estimate, into the year1978 , in Dhariawas tehsil ofUdaipur District alone, 82 such'No Objection Certificates wereissued for cutting 1,61,000trees .

Girls Adolescent

Jaunpur (Uttar Pradesh) and 2villages of the Union Territoryof Delhi. The sample willconsist of 400 adolescent girls(10-16 years) and their r e n t s ~the ratio between the unit ofstudy and pa rents being 1 1 .Keeping in view the setobjectives, required data wouldbe collected through : (a) asuitable schedule and(b) unstructured interviewsand group discussions . Thiswould provide vaiuable feedback and confirmation of theresearch findings and anopportunity to the adolescentgirls to participate in theformulation of therecommendations for policiesand programmes. Ourapproach would be essentiallysocio-psychological bysituating the unit of study in her

.societal context.

According to RajasthanTenancy Act, the tehsildars areempowered to issue 'NoObjection Certificate ' to ownersof private 'beers' for felling andremoving trees in the beer area.

In connivance with tehsildar(for issuing 'No ObjectionCertificate' for felling andremoving valuable sal andSag w a n trees). tribals are

Thus while enriching a fewpeople in the legal and illegaltimber trade the future of thetribals of this area and theecology of this area-so closelytied up with each other-weresacrificed . The system whichwas behind this destruction isstill active today, as seen in thenew form taken by illegal fellingof trees . Recently the pressureson tribals to make a living offillegal work in forests hasincreased greatly due todrought and crop-failure fornearly 3 continuous year. So

the destruction of even theremaining forest-cover goes onunh ndered.

Now that the impact of thisdestruction has become all too

ontinued from page

There are many schemes, both at the 'central and state

level , which are projectedtowards the upliftment ofwomen in general but notadolescent girls in particular.Thus, for instance under IRDP,both Training of Rural Youth forSelf Employment (TRYSEM)and Development of Womenand Children in Rural Areas(DWCRA) focus Primarily onthe age group 18-35 years andlay emphasis on incomegenerating activities .

The Seventh Plan under itsobjectives and strategies does

improving the adverse sex ratio.Rural Context

The proposed study thusbecomes not merely relevantbut necessary . It would be

.situated in the context of ruralsociology . As the search for aparadigm that describes specialfeatures of rural life-thepatterns of change anddevelopment continues , thestudy will bebased on detailedresearch anal ysis making use ofempirical data to arrive at anunderstanding of thephenomenon of adolescence in

talk about disseminating I r - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -knowlege about the nutritionalstatus of girls and its impact onthe health and weight of thebabies born . It aims at creatingpublic opinion against social

evils like child marriage , dowry,illiteracy and atrocities onwomen . It also aims at makingsustained efforts for increasing

For Those who CareADHIKAR

R KSHQuarterly Bullet .n of the Committee for the Protection of Democratic RightsC O Super Boo k House Sind C hamoer Col aba, Bom bay-5Annual Subscription Rs. 10.00; M. O. Only .

the age at marriage of girls for .L . J

5 Ju ly -19 July 1987 7

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ORUM Off handG ~

TH Minority Rights .Civil Liberties Equality for WomenORUM

GAZETIE Democratic Values Environmental Prot&ction

THE LIMITS OF REPRESSIONSome recent developments points to a somewhat grim future for

Punjab in tl:le years to come.The Prime Minister has taken the position that the Governor's

rule in Punjab would continue as long as the terrorist problem isnot solved. This view might have been expressed in the course ofan election campaign and to that extent need not be taken at itsface value. At the same time, it cannot be dismissed out of handeither. The least that can be said about it is that it was a view whichwas held when the election was in progress in Haryana . If theoutcome of that election dictates another amended version of it ,:hat is another matter.

Two other factors are the combination of the 'saviour ' of WestBengal and the 'victor ' of Bombay and Ahmedabad . I n the situationthat now prevails in Punjab, the Governor has no Advisers and isacting entirely on his own . Furthermore, the Director-General ofPolice has no Home Secretary to report to nor any minister tooverrule him . In consequence, he is the only man to decide whatrequires to be done or not done. Such concentration of power in

'the hands of one person can lead to a situation where its misusecannot be ruled out.

What is the track record of the Director-General of Police? He is acapable professional who likes to keep a highly visible profile. Thisis what most people would agree upon . But there is another aspectof his performance which must not be overlooked . He is able tofreeform onry as long as he is around . The moment he leaves,things return to normal. In other words, it is through his sheerpresence that he can keep things under control. But they get out ofcontrol the moment his presence is withdrawn.

Why that should happen is not difficult to understand . Noindividual, however capable and effective, can thwart socialprocesses at work . If for instance, the nexus between politics andcrime was close and intimate, as it was in Bombay, all thathecoulddo was to keep the lid on there for a while , indeed as long as he wasthere . In that respect also his success was only partial. InAhmedabad he did not stay there long enough to be able to makeand kind of impact other than temporary and transient. Whathappens in Punjab remains to be seen but two things are clear.

One is his public posture that the police will succeed to theextent that people will cooperate . Will they? In a sense it amountsto bagging the question . The people will not cooperate for anumber of reasons, the most basic of them being the sense ofcontinued grievance that a large number of there have . Somebodycan turn around and say those are imaginary . To get into theargument whether these are real or imaginary is beside the point.The fact remains that there is a perception of being aggrieved andthis is what counts

Over theyears, a

number of factorshave

aggravated the. situation . large scale smuggling has led to the arosion of state

authority. More often than not, the police and other authorities actin collusion with smugglers. This in turn undermines the capabilityof the government to act in a dispassionate manner. The nexusbetween politics and crime is a very substantial factor whichcannot be ignored in any appraisal of the situation .

What has been happening during the last ten years has furthercontributed to the erosion of the state administration and itscredibility as an instrument of purposeful action. Indiscriminatearrests, killings and torture of a large number of innocent peoplehave alienated most of them from the administration. To ask fortheir support or even in that situation is to ask for more than what ishumanly possible . The recent crop failure has made things futuredifficult for the Punjab peasantery. Though the state has tried toextend some kind of help, it has not succeeded beyond a point. It spossible to enumerate several other causes also All of them point toone thing-the administration is alienated from the common

. people.T h ~second factor is no less crucial. Even hundred percent

success in the field of administration will not solve the problem .The problem will be solved only when there is a polical settlement.

One attempt made in July, 1985, has come unstuck. Meanwhilethere have been all kinds of developments including the recent routof the ruling party in Haryana. Perhaps a bilateral understandingbetween Haryana and Punjab is what is required. But then thequestion is of the ruling party would accept this kind of a bilateralarrangement. It is so accustomed to fishing In troubled water andits existence is so much dependent upon plaYing one state againstthe other that it is difficult to conceive of an alternative scenario .

Be that as it may, what about the present? Ample evidence hasalready come to light which indicates that the forces of law ~ n ~order function in lawless way . If the present wave of repressioncontinues, hundreds and thousands of innocent people are boundto suffer This is not to suggest that a certain number of those whoare committing crimes will not be also amongst them. But the ruleof law requ ires, and . this is somethln J fundamental to theConstitution of the country, that a distinction must be drawnbetween the innocent and the guilty . To blur .the distinctionbetween the two is to create circumstances which can have longrange unsettling implication for the country. Furthermore, therewould be such a tremendous backlash of bitterness and hatred thatit would take years and years before the situation returns to normal.

To put it plainly , there are limits to repression. The questionwhich bothers one is if these limits are recognised and respected orwill they be violated with most people looking on as if t was none oftheir concern. Those who think or function like this fail to see onething. What happens in Punjab will happen elsewhere toq at somestage or the other. For them to believe therefore that it does notconcern them is to think only of today and not of tomorrow . .

8 5 Ju ly -19 July 1987

olicy Towardsunjab

What was the occasion for thePrime Minister saying at anelection meeting in Faridabadthat the President's rule inPunjab would not be lifted tillterrorism had been finallyt a c k l ~ d ?

He was addressing a meetingin Haryana and not in Punjab .Secondly , it was an electionmeeting and Punjab wascertainly not on the agenda. 'Thirdly , only a few weeks earlierhe had told a group ofsponsored Sikhs who hadcalled upon him that thePresident's rule had bee anunfortunate necessity and thedemocratic process would berestored in the near future . Forall these reasons he was notexpected to say anything onPunjab, particularly at anelection meeting in Haryana.

And yet he chose to do so . Indoing so he contradictedhimself. Not only that, he ' wentmuch beyond his own selfimposed brief. To say that thePresident's rule had to beenforced because of certaincircumstances is one thing . Butto say that it would not be littedtill terrorism had been broughtunder control is another thing .There is a world of differencebetween the two statements.

Once can legitimately ask ifhis declaration in Faridabadwas an impromptu one orrepresented a shift of policy . If itwas the laUer, the minimum that

should have been done was tohave taken the members of thePolitical Affairs Committee ofthe Cabinet irito confidence .Was that done? One does notknow. At least the newspapersdid not report any such thing.But then newspapers reportwhat they are fed with . Maybethis decision was arrived at notso long ago kept confidential.

In all likelihood no suchdecision had been taken and Itwas some kind of a off the cuffannouncement. Perhaps theaptest comment came from acartoonist. He showed somebody asking the Prime Ministerhow he explained thecontradiction between hisearlier stand and his lateststand. His answer wasdisarmingly simple. He repliedthat were there to be an electionIn Punjab, he would make anequall) helpful statement.

All th s discussion about whatthe Prime Minister said andwhat he meant should not betaken to mean that the situationin Punjab before the President'srule was imposed was all thatwonderful. Nor will anybody, onehopes , have the braienness tosay that it has imporved sincethen. If anything, it seems tohave got worse . Maybe this isonly passing phase time andthat it would improve a littlelater. According to the DirectorGeneral cf Police, the terroristsare wanting to put across themessage that they can hit back .Such an assessment need notbe taken to be wildely off themark.

OBJECTIVEThe pOint at i s ~ u ehowever is

what is the objective. Is it tocontrol the situation or to servesome other end for instance,the election in Haryana? If theobjective is to control thesituation, neither the dismissalof the Barnala Miriistry nor thePresident's rule have acheved orcan achieve the purpose :intended. This is not to Icondone the set-back to thedemocratic process not to 'decry the efforts being made tocontain terrorism . There is agood deal to be said for both thepoints of view but neither ofthem, either in isolation or inconjunction, will achieve theobjective.

The objective could havebeen achieved provided theapproach adopted In July,1985,had been pursued to Its logicalend. The objective had been towork out a political settlementwith the AkaUs whose quest forpower had been frustrated timeand again by all kinds ofdubious means, Including Stateterforlsm. The real meaning ofthat Accord between RajlvGandhi and Sant Longowal wasno more and no less than thisthat the ruling party, havingpursued a particular policy for anumber of years, had come tothe realisation that the earlierpolicy had been faulty andhence and arrangement wasworked out In terms of which anew chapter was to beInaugurated In Punjab pOlitics.

Within a few months therewas a sliding back from theposition taken in July, 1985. Itmay have been gradual andhalting; it may not have beeneasy to identify, to start with; itmay have come about as aresult of pressures from withinthe party. Whatever be theexplanation and several morecan be thought of the mostexplicit repudiation of theAccord came on January 26,1986. That date had been set forthe transfer of Chandigarh andthat date was not adhered to . Itmust have been for the first timein contemporary affairs that theplighted word of the head of thegovernment was violated without so much as a word of regret.On the contrary, a completelycontrary position has beentaken now and the situation hasgot further complicated. Nomore needs to be said about itfor that is not the issue underdiscussion.

The issue under discussion isif the Centre has a policytowards Punjab. The answer isin the negative. Whether thePresident's rule was enforcedbecause of Haryana electionsor some other compulsions, is amatter of detail. the inescapablefact is that faced with thebankruptcy of its policy on thepolitical and economic fronts,the ruling party is left with nochoice except to appeal tocommunal paSSions and in theprocess deflect attention from

other more urgent issues of therestructuring of the economyand the strengthening Of the-democratic process . It ispossible to provide mor e details

Amrlk Singhin this regard but then this is notthe occasion to do so .

What about the role of theAkali party and S .S . Barnalahimself . Should he not haveresigned after January 26 ,1986? Did his continuance inoffice help Punjab in any way?did the split in Akali party a fewmonths later come aboutbecause of a genuine differenceof perception or because offactionalism that has alwayscharacterised the Akali party?Did the Centre have a role toplay in promoting thisfactionalism and therebyweaken the Barnala position tosuch an extent that for several

months he became dependenton the support of the rulingparty? There are several otherquestions like this that one canraise, Opinion in regard to themwould be divided but there isone thing from which there is nogetting away and that is thedivision within the Akali party.

Ecllpse or liquidationThere is hardly any political

party which does not sufferfrom factionalism . To thatextent the Akalis can defendtheir position. But then there isa difference between the Akalisand the rest and rather a crucialone which should not beoverlooked under anycircumstances. While the otherpOlitical parties are striving toget into power, the Akalisactually enjoyed power. Forthem to have split over anyissue amounted to playing intothe hands of those who wantedto weaken and divide them . Nopolitical leader, whetherBarnala or Badal or anyoneelse, can offer a convincingexplanation for their politicalconduct. Anyone who tries todo so offers only a partialexplanation .

The simplest way to describewhat the various Akall factionshave done Is to say that whatthey have done and are . doingwill lead to their eclipse orliquidation In the long run. Thesentiment that they representwill not.dle but the political andorganisational form In which Itexpresses Itself will undergochanges. Maybe a newleadership will emerge. ' Maybea younger group of people takeover. Maybe there Is furtherdecimation of their ranks andmuch worse. Anyone of thesethings can happen. But onething t at will not happen is thatthey develop a capacity tooppose the Centre's policytowards Punjab.

The Centre has no policyother than to wield the whiphand. A declaration lik e the onethat the Prime Minist er made inFaridabad is a blow todemocracy in the country . Butthen the situation ha s becomeso muddled that even when

democracy is buried fathomsdeep there is hardly any protest.This is comment both onIndian democracy and theoppOSition p a r t i e ~

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THF

Open Forum FORUM~ G A ~

ommunalism andSecularism in India

It is forty years since Indiabecame independent. Thepremises of this indepen

dence were a specific denial of

the 'two-nation theory' .The circumstances and themode of the birth of the newnation clearly dictated a coursethat would positively opposecommunalism and anywidening of the religious divide .But the India we see today is "one that has exasperated ratherthan encouraged the people onthe prospects of living together.Despite the great strides by wayof integration in thedevelopment pattern, anddespite the benefits ofdevelopment getting more orless equally distributed amongthe elite of variouscommunities, the problem ofnational integration stillcontinues .

It is this exasperation with thefutility of battles agaisntcommunalism and the frequenteruption of communal violence,as well as its increasingly hoarynature, thaf has made manyindividuals develop a cynicalview about the wholefunctioning of democracy inthis country . It has led to thebelief th '\t communalism is apaying proposJtion . It will soonlead to (perhaps has alreadybegun the process of) anumbing of our sensibilities tocommunalism, to the enormousviolence it is causing, andperhaps even to the need fornational unity .

Secul.rllm

Secularism was adopted in1947 as a political policyand was incorporated in

the Constitution as a piousobjective . How far was thisconcept, a well debated andthought out one? Had its

implications for the society andpolitics in India beenunderstood or analysed?

Secularllm wal adopted

more a l an ad hoc anlw.r to anImm.dlate problem-thecarnage that mark.d thepartition of India. It wasbelieved that secular policyalone would keep the futureunity of India Intact. This wasbecaUI., the partition of India,and the aUendant migration. nd bloody r lot l were tracede ntlally to religioul disunity,communal discord anddilloyaity to the nation andnational unity. Thul It I .ck.d aproper empirical and loclalanalYll1 of the f .ctorl that ledto partition, of the nature ofpartition, of thole who mlgr.tedand abov. all those who did not.A loclo-economlc analYlls ofthe new nation known asPaklltan wal tl.1 . v. n tounderStand the nature andballl of Communalilm In India.

Instead the issue ofCommunalism was approachedin a much moreemotionalway .Sentiments rather than hardrealities, a wishful and liberalidealistic notion of what Indiashould be rather than whatIndia was made of, bothculturally and economically,seemed to have been the basisof the policy to deal withCommunalism . Concepts like' one nation' 'religioustolerance ', 'unity in diversity'etc . came to be floated .

Not that these notions werewrong or untimely. They had tobe spelt out and played up in thetimes one lived then or one livesno w . But they cannot bemistaken as substitutes forfinding a way to prevent or solvethe problem . For, those notionsin turn came to form the

Susheela Kaushlkbedrock of our political policies

known in a package form as'secularism'. This packet in turngave birth to many policies andactions that had their own longterm implications :-

(a) Secular ism in tun,became the antidote toCommunalism and both weretreated in terms of apsychological, cultural andreligious attitude to life, ratherthan as one based on strongand real material bases .

(b) In view of the historicalconditions under which theywere coined , secularism wasidentified as positive andnationalistic and communalismas anti-national.

Once again, it meant, forthenas well as for the future Indianpolity, that concepts likenationalism, nationalintegration and national unitywere essentially vague culturalattitudes and politicalcategories . That one can becommunal and nationalistic, infact one can be more communaland thereby be morenationalistic, that nationalintegration can be alongcommunal lines , and above allone can be communal in one 'spublic and professionalrelations and secular in one 'spersonal life and socialrelations, and vice versa or allthese possibilities are ruled outwhen one juxtaposessecularism with communalism .

Any number of examplel liketholeof Jlnnah and otherl, haveprov.d that th.re can b . luch adichotomy In actual life, andthat communalilm II born andbr.d by more than an attitud e ora patt.rn of Int.r-p.rsonalrelation Hard politi calcalculatlonl, real economicben.fltl, ballc Itructurald.flclenclel and concr.teInternational and diplomaticpay-oHI c.n In an Iiolated aswell a l a collullve pattern,exploit underd.velopment In aloclety, particularly within aloclal group, to creat., nurtureand aggravate communaltend.nclel within and betweenthe groupl. Th. rol . of mon.ypow.r In cr.atlng communaltenllonl can nev.r beund.r.ltlmated. I t l UI. to buy

the mUlcle pow.r II , by now,well docum.nted.(c) The policy of secularism

as adopted in India, in theabsence of any such concreteand materialistic interpretationof the origin and growth ofcommunalism and revivalism inthe twentieth century, t me toidentify ' itself as a pattern ofinter-group relations . Notionslike majority and minorityreligious (or other) groups werefreely used rather than an

attempt at analysing theinternal composition of thesegroups . Accusations weremade, remedies were sought,and policies were formulated interms of group interests andgroup behaviour. The rasultwas that the state in itseagerness to preventcommunalism and propagatE.secularism, adopted anumerical measurement,

extended protection to thenumerical minority , andintervened on the basis of socialc a t e g o r h ~ s rather thanindividuals.

In this pattern, elections andpolitical parties created andutilised Instit ution like votebanks conslltlng of religiousheads and sectional chiefs.Ritualism rather thanreligiosity, fundamentalismrather than the philosophicalkernel, truths of religions,obscurantist traditionalismrather than the deep rootedIndian culture came to beprojected and promoted. Itbecame the common Interest ofall political groups to preserveand protect communal vestedinterest of the various religioulsections 10 as to further theirown political and personalends.

FundamentalismCalled otherwise as

fundamentalism, this trend isdangerous to democracy-for itcuts into the rights anddevelopment of individuals; it 'blocks social change andsuffochokes attempts at socialreforms and liberation of theoppressed sections withinthose communities. It leads toan intervention by the state thatseeks to bring about socialunity and national unity on thebasis of a balance . This is anappeasement of t h ~ variousreligious groups and is asecularism that recognisesthese groups; that believesthese groups to behomogenous social entities :hence negotiates with theleadership, (at which level thefundamentalist religion ,business and politics colludeand coincide) . It is a secularismwhere the state does intervene(and not be neutral) ; but

intervenes to promote andprotect the social and genderheirarchy within thereligion/sect, rather than helpto dissolve or dilute thisheirarchy .

It Is, henc., Itate Interventionthat helther promotel jUltice,nor democr.cy, nor In factlecularllm Itself.

A historian in his/her superiorwisdom, an anthropologist inhis/her knowledge ranging overtime and space, give us a view ofthe vast canvas of the culturaldepth and plurality of the Indiancivilisation . To a socialscientist, particularly to apolitical scientist who isimpatient with the present, andis anxious towards the future,such a canvas not merely lookslike a tour-de-horizon into thepast, but rationalisation of the

present . An argument based onthe cultural plurality of India jisthe basis of communal strainS isdangerous even for culturalplurality-since it can make onebelieve in and demand anartifical uniformity of a fasciststate .

Alternatively , the religioustolerence , ' unity in diversity ,

live and let.live' etc .-equallyderived from our religious andcultural plurality and rooted inthe historY ,-whi le true can

lead to an escapism and afailure to face the reality .One thus needs to formulate

a new analysis of the class-baseof communalism . The old andtraditional analysis , is no longervalid , at least not in its totality .One also has to move awayfrom identifying one or theother religion , or one or theother community on the basisof numerical analysis .

The Nexus

While a politicalapproach is needed tosolve communalism as

a political issue, of late onestrongly believes , communalism has a base in the politicianbureaucratic-commerce nexus.If so what is the remedy for this?

Obviously a political -administrative solution . Ifsmuggling , foreign trade,foreign money andinternational factors work incollusion to bring aboutcommunal riots and violence ,the remedy lies in a strongadministrative cum politicalapproach . One cannot be acynic to believe that thesecannot be removed, or that theyare a part of the system or thatthey emanate from the socialstructure-for the simple reasonthat secularism is also part ofthe values of the presentsystem, and that the system andthe structure demandsecularism for its very stabilityand sustenance . One need'notbe a misanthrope and predictthe inevitability ofcommunalism, as a part of the

ontiuned o page 5

Secularism should .make use of the s.memedium that Communalism employs-groupcontacts, person to person talk etc. It shouldemploy the good offices, the religious portaliof the various religious heads, etc.Fortunately the bulk of them are notcommunal In their orientation. Communalismharps on the weak pOints of religion when Itinvokes the slogan of Religion being if'danger", or when it emphasises th i . .observance of religious ritualism; above all it .seeks to rally the people around to protectand perserve the religi on which otherwise, inan emerging, market oriented capitalistsQclety is getting pushed behind the secular .economic forces.

5 July-19 July 1 1 9

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lliE

FORUMG ZEnc

The Presidentontinued from page

the issue is not new but hasbeen there right from theinception of the Constitution . Ithas been surfacing f rom time totime . So much depends on theparty positions , personalitiesinvolved and the generalpolitical atmosphere prevailingin the country and so on. So farit has remained limited to thelevel of discussion and debate .But that is no guarant ee againstactual political action.

powers of the President wereexpressed both openly andprivately .

AssertionOn September 18 1951 Dr .

Rajendra Prasad sent a note toNehru in which he expressedthe desire to act solely on hisown judgement, independent ofthe council of ministers inregard to giviing asent to