THE FEBRUARY REVOLUTION:

A WIDER PERSPECTIVE

INTRODUCTION

Neither the revolutionaries nor the Tsarist authorities expected that the almost daily signs

of unrest in January and February 1917 – industrial strikes, street protests, mutinous

soldiers and sailors – would escalate into a full-scale revolution capable of overthrowing the

regime [NOTE: Russia at that time like most Eastern Orthodox countries still used the Old

Style Julian Calendar while the rest of the world had adopted the Gregorian Calendar

which was 13 days ahead. As a result some Western historians refer to the March

Revolution of 1917].

Lenin, in exile in Zurich, told a meeting of young socialists a month before that “we of the

older generation may not live to see the decisive battles of this coming revolution.” He was

46 years-old at the time. Nikolai Sukhanov, a pro-Menshevik journalist said “Not one party

was prepared for the great overturn”.

On 18 February, workers at the Putilov steel works, the largest producer of military

armaments within the Empire, went on strike for higher wages because of the rising cost of

living. The strike continued for five days and other workers joined in the protest. Then, on

23 February, 7000 women textile workers came out on the streets demanding ‘More Bread!’.

By the afternoon the protesters had grown to nearly 100 000 and some were breaking into

food shops to ‘liberate’ the food. Even so, neither the authorities nor the Mensheviks and

Bolsheviks believed that these events were particularly significant. On that day, for

example, the Tsar was content to leave his Imperial residence at Tsarkoïe-Selo, just south of

the capital, and travel by train to the Military Headquarters at Mogilev 650 km from

Petrograd. But by 9.00 am the following morning tens of thousands had taken to the streets

and were converging on Nevsky Prospekt – the main thoroughfare of the capital – where they

clashed with the police. The revolution had begun in earnest.

Early Days of the February

Revolution: The strike at the

Putilov Steel Works, 22

February 1917

Workers at the The Putilov Steel Works were amongst the most militant workers in Petrograd and had been so since before the 1905 Revolution. They came out on strike on 18 February 1917 after talks with the management about an increase in wages to match rising prices of food and other necessities had broken down. When the management locked out 20 000 workers others came out on strike in their support. By 22 February, when this photograph was taken, over 100 000 workers were on strike and the dispute had widened. The banner on the left reads: ‘Feed the children of the defenders of the motherland’. The banner on the right reads: ‘Increase payments to the soldiers’ families’.

Source: State Museum of Political History of Russia

Public Domain

Early Days of the February

Revolution: The Women

Textile Workers’ March, 23

February 1917

On International Women’s Day, 23

February 1917, thousands of women

textile workers marched through the

Vyborg District of Petrograd

demanding that the authorities make

more flour and bread available.

Their banners said ‘Give us bread’;

Our children are starving”; “We

must have bread”. They marched to

nearby factories calling on the

workers to join them. Many did and

by mid-afternoon the number of

protesters had risen to nearly 100

000. However, the Putilov workers

did not join this particular

demonstration. Their leaders had

not thought that this would be the

trigger for a full-scale revolution.

Source: State Museum of the Political

History of Russia

Public Domain

According to one historian, recent research has indicated that bread supplies in February 1917 were

“still sufficient for the capital’s basic needs.” [Michael Lynch, Reaction and Revolutions: Russia

1881-1924, p.69]. However, there is also evidence that the food was not getting to poor people and

some evidence that it was being intentionally hoarded by the authorities.

Queuing for food outside a shop in Petrograd,

February 1917

Wikimedia Commons, Public Domain

Flour sacks being hoarded at the central

police station in Petrograd, February 1917

Imperial War Museum, re-used under IWM Non-

Commercial Licence Q69403

Ordinary soldiers and

sailors join the Revolution

By 25 February there was a general

strike in Petrograd. Even small

factories were closed. There was no

public transport and no newspapers

were being published. Students also

joined the demonstrations. Police

estimated nearly a quarter of a

million workers on strike, which was

probably an under-estimate. Police

opened fire on the crowds marching

down Nevsky Prospekt but most of the

Cossacks and infantry on the streets

took no direct action against the

protesters. On 26 February the Tsar

telegraphed this order to General

Sergei Khabalov, head of security in

Petrograd and he gave his orders to

his subordinates. The centre of the

city was now under military

occupation.

Sources: Neil Faulkner, A People’s History of

the russian Revolution, 2017, pp.122-123

Instructions telegraphed to General Khabalov

from Tsar Nicholas II:

I ORDER YOU TO BRING ALL OF THESE

DISORDERS IN THE CAPITAL TO A HALT AS OF

TOMORROW. THESE CANNOT BE PERMITTED IN

THIS DIFFICULT TIME OF WAR WITH GERMANY

AND AUSTRIA.

NICHOLAS

Orders from General Khabalov to his subordinates and senior police officers in Petrograd:

26 February,

If the crowd is small, if it is not at all aggressive, and if it is not carrying banners, then use your cavalry detachments to disperse it. But if the crowd is in any way threatening, and if it carries banners, then you are to act according to regulations. Give three warnings, and then open fire.

Khabalov

Ordinary soldiers and

sailors join the Revolution

By 26 and 27 February ordinary life in

the capital had broken down. General

Khabalov could not find a printer

where the workers were not on strike

to print the poster declaring Martial

Law. Although roads into the city were

blocked by police and troops, large

crowds of city dwellers were on the

streets. While they were still

demanding bread there were also cries

of “End the war”, “Down with

autocracy” and “Down with the Tsar.”

By early evening on the 26th soldiers

were leaving the barracks and going

onto the streets to persuade their

comrades to join the revolution. There

were instances of soldiers firing on

police who had been shooting at

civilian protesters.

.

On the evening of 26 February General

Khabalov informed the Tsar that:

”The majority of units, one after the

other, have betrayed their oaths,

refused to fire upon the rebels. Other

units have joined the insurgents”.

Source: W.B. Lincoln, Passage through

Armageddon: The Russians in War and

Revolution, (1986) p.333]

General Sergey

Khabalov.Source: ru.m.wikipedia

Public Domain

troductionREVOLUTION FROM BELOW OR REVOLUTION FROM ABOVE?

Events in Petrograd from 18 to 27 February 1917 seemed to resemble a revolution from below.

Observers point out that what took place was in many respects spontaneous. Workers, ordinary

soldiers and sailors took to the streets in large numbers and, if anything, the organised

revolutionaries followed rather than led the uprising. Indeed, although there were Bolshevik and

other social revolutionary organisers amongst the crowds on the streets of Petrograd, Lenin,

Radek, Zinoviev and others were in Switzerland, Trotsky and Bukharin were in the United States

and Stalin and Sverdlov [all prominent in the Bolshevik leadership] were exiled in Siberia. But,

while the Kadets and other liberals and progressives in the Duma who favoured constitutional

change were slow to react in the early days of the revolution, they quickly seized their

opportunity to take control once large numbers of soldiers and sailors in Petrograd had defected

to the revolution.

The Duma had been suspended on the orders of the Tsar but an unofficial Duma continued to

meet in the Tauride Palace and, when they were confronted by soldiers who had gone over to

the revolutionaries, the socialist Alexander Kerensky persuaded the Duma to take control. On 27

February they established the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and on the 28th the

Provisional Committee announced that it was “taking responsibility for restoring national and

public order” and then took control of all the government ministries. On 2 March they informed

the Tsar that they and the senior military commanders at the Front required him to abdicate in

favour of his son. The Tsar agreed but stipulated that he would only abdicate in favour of his

brother, Prince Michael. Before abdicating he also appointed Prince Lvov as the new Prime

Minister.

The Petrograd Soviet of

Workers and Soldiers’

Deputies, first meeting

in March 1917.Wikimedia Commons

Public Domain

While the Duma was establishing a Provisional Government, mainly of liberals and conservatives,

the Socialist Revolutionaries set about organising their own representative body, The Petrograd

Soviet of Workers and Soldiers Deputies. It comprised one delegate per thousand workers and

one delegate for each military company. The first elected president was the Menshevik, Nikolai

Chkheidze, who had led the socialist opposition in the Duma. Kerensky also had a foot in both

camps. He was a leading member of the Soviet and also the only socialist member of the Duma’s

Provisional Committee. The Duma’s Provisional Committee may have had the de jure (i.e. legal

or official) power in post-revolutionary Russia but the Soviet could reasonably claim to be the de

facto (or real) power by virtue of its mass support. This division proved decisive in creating the

conditions that led to the October Revolution and to the Civil War.

RUSSIAN EMPIRE ANDNEIGHBOURING STATES

Sources representing the view from the

Introduction: The Socio-demographic reality of Russia bevor theRevolutionary events

Contributed by Tatiana Koval

Source extracted from: 1917.The Code of Revolution Exhibition Catalogue // Ministry of Culture of Russian Federation, Federal Archival Agency, State Central Museum of Contemporary History of Russia, Russian State Archive of Socio - Political History. Moscow, 2017. P. 10-11.

This is an example of the placards

(printed posters for public

display), which were published by

the Committee of Petrograd

Journalists, when newspapers

were not being published due to

industrial action by the printers

during the February Revolution.

Below the title it says:

‘Newspapers are not being

published. Events are happening

too fast. The population should

know what is going on.’ It was

first issued on 28 February 1917.

Source: British Library HS74/1870

Public Domain

Curated and translated by Katie

McElvanney

The cartoon depicts a man collecting

newspapers and bulletins (symbolising

empty government promises) to use

as cigarette papers.

It appeared in the satirical magazine,

Novyi Satirikon in June 1917 at a time

when people were becoming

increasingly disillusioned with the

Provisional Government that took

control after the February Revolution.

The cartoon reflected a growing

perception that the popular demands

that had led to the uprising, including

more bread and an end to the war,

were being ignored by the new

government.

Source: British Library LB.31.c.900

Public Domain

Curated and translated by Katie

McElvanney

This is the front cover of a special issue of the magazine Krasnoarmeets (Red Army Soldier) which was produced to mark the third anniversary of the formation of the Red Army. The title says: Three Years on Active Military Service. This refers to the role played by the Red Army during the civil war. It was published in Moscow in 1921.

Source: British Library 8820.f.41

Public Domain

Curated and translated by Katie

McElvanney

Whilst acknowledging that Leon Trotsky’s History of the

Russian Revolution is not exactly a neutral account of

events at that time, given that he was one of the

leaders of both the February and October Revolutions

and a key figure in the Bolshevik Party, it is interesting

to note that his account of what was happening on the

streets is very similar to that of a number of foreign

observers, not least the French Ambassador at that

time, Maurice Paléologue.

[See the extracts from Paléologue’s Memoirs in this

Collection]

“…the February revolution was begun from below, overcoming the resistance of

its own revolutionary organisations, the initiative being taken of their own

accord by the most oppressed and downtrodden part of the proletariat – the

women textile workers, among them no doubt many soldiers’ wives. The

overgrown breadlines had provided the last stimulus. About 90,000 workers, men

and women, were on strike that day. The fighting mood expressed itself in

demonstrations, meetings, encounters with the police. The movement began in

the Vyborg district with its large industrial establishments; thence it crossed

over to the Petersburg side. There were no strikes or demonstrations elsewhere,

according to the testimony of the secret police. On that day detachments of

troops were called in to assist the police – evidently not many of them – but

there were no encounters with them. A mass of women, not all of them workers,

flocked to the municipal duma demanding bread. It was like demanding milk

from a he-goat. Red banners appeared in different parts of the city, and

inscriptions on them showed that the workers wanted bread, but neither

autocracy nor war. Woman’s Day passed successfully, with enthusiasm and

without victims. But what it concealed in itself, no one had guessed even by

nightfall.”

Leon Trotsky, The History of the Russian Revolution, Vol 1, The Overthrow of Tsarism, Chapter 7: Five Days (February 23-27 1917)

“About one-half of the industrial workers of Petrograd are on strike on the

24th of February. The workers come to the factories in the morning; instead

of going to work they hold meetings; then begin processions toward the

centre. New districts and new groups of the population are drawn into the

movement. The slogan “Bread!” is crowded out or obscured by louder

slogans: ‘Down with autocracy!’ ‘Down with the war!’ Continuous

demonstrations on the Nevsky – first compact masses of workmen singing

revolutionary songs, later a motley crowd of city folk interspersed with the

blue caps of students. The promenading crowd was sympathetically disposed

toward us, and soldiers in some of the war-hospitals greeted us by waving

whatever was at hand. How many clearly realised what was being ushered in

by this sympathetic waving from sick soldiers to demonstrating workers? But

the Cossacks constantly, though without ferocity, kept charging the crowd.

Their horses were covered with foam. The mass of demonstrators would part

to let them through, and close up again. There was no fear in the crowd.

‘The Cossacks promise not to shoot’ passed from mouth to mouth. Apparently

some of the workers had talks with individual Cossacks. Later, however,

cursing, half-drunken dragoons appeared on the scene. They plunged into the

crowd, began to strike at heads with their lances. The demonstrators

summoned all their strength and stood fast. ‘They won’t shoot’. And in fact

they didn’t.”

Leon Trotsky, The History of the Russian Revolution, Vol 1, The Overthrow of Tsarism, Chapter 7: Five Days (February 23-27 1917)

A letter to Alexandra Fyodorovna, Empress of Russia

Contributed by Tatiana Koval

Source extracted from: State Central Museum of Contemporary History of Russia (2017), The Code of Revolution Exhibition Catalogue, Ministry of Culture of Russian Federation, Moscow, p. 69-70.

Only for Your Majesty 26th of February, 8 PM

Your Majesty,

As You can see, everything I forecasted is coming true. In the morning you have received a report about things getting calmer, but at 4 AM a new unexpected storm came on and a large group of workers faced off with troops. […] What tomorrow will bring? Everybody hopes for the best, but there is no good arguments for that: in the morning we could not predict, what is going to happen in the evening, then how can we predict anything else? […] There is definitely a revolutionary movement going on at last three days. Trepov and Golytsin, who assured You that civil disturbances will take place after the State Duma dissolution, but guaranteed peace if it keeps to be in session, may pay through the nose for their mistake. […] The State Duma Session continues and boosts the temperature of indignation of people’s masses. Kerensky pronounced the treacherous speech and was not arrested immediately. In fact, he continues to take part in the State Duma Session. Four days ago Skobelev and Rodichev followed his lead and encouraged the leftist part of the State Duma to act by the example of Frenchmen who “overthrew the crown”.

[…] I’m sure that the situation will only become worse, and the Government needs to be prepared. Here’s my plan:

1. We should proclaim the state of siege in both cities - Petrograd and Moscow. State Duma needs to be dissoluted and many of its members need to be arrested, committed for trial and […] executed.

2. We need to appoint a new Chairman of the Council of Ministers. […]

6. Your Majesty can only leave Tsarskoe Selo for 3-4 days.

7. Your Majesty should make a public speech to calm down the people and to remind that every revolutionary action will be considered as a treachery.

8. I suggest appointing the Prince of Oldenburg for Food dictator post and opening lots of military bakeries. Protopopov is desperate about indecision of Golytsin.

P S. The strikes on the streets are still happening (on Nevsky prospect near the Nikolaevsky bridge). If it won’t dissolve soon, the troops won’t bear the strain and can follow the example of that squadron, which denied to shoot today.

I beg Your pardon, Your Majesty, to write this letter and cause a lot of worries. But, I believe, I do not have a choice. I hope, Your Majesty fully understands that the time for decisive actions has come.

A sincerely and devoted friend of Your Majesty N. Burdukov.

The launch of the Latvian RiflementNewspaper

This is the cover page of the first LatvianRiflemen Newspaper.This newspaperprinted with golden letters in April 1917 addressed the issues of war and peace anddemands the replacement of oldinstitutions by democratically electedones.

After the February Revolution political forces started competition for influence in army, also in Latvian Riflemen Regiments. At the beginning (April and May, 1917) newspaper "Brīvais Strēlnieks" expressed democratic and national ideas. It broadly discussed and advocated autonomy of Latvia and joining eastern part- Latgale, which was a part of Vitebsk gubernia, to the rest of Latvia. It published articles against Bolsheviks and Lenin.

Contributed by Dzintra Liepina

Source: The Latvian War Museum, 8647-VII

The reaction of Latvian workers to theFebruary Revolution

Workers of the Mantel Machine Factory with a red-white-red flag before demonstration in Petrograd. Summer 1917. During this demonstration the political autonomy of Latvia was demanded.

On the flag it says: "Latvijai autonomijubrīvā Krievijā" ("Autonomy for Latvia in free Russia“)

Contributed by Dzintra Liepina

Source: The Latvian War Museum, LKM 2- 54665/3 958-FN

Nationally oriented Latvian Riflemen who were in opposition to Bolsheviks in 1917.

Members of the Latvian National Union of Soldiers, riflemen and artists NiklavsStrunke, Voldemars Tone and Karlis Johansons at a red-white-red flag in Jacob's Barracks in Riga, 1917

Nationalist movement in Latvia

Contributed by Dzintra Liepa

Source: Copy from Latvian National Museum of Art

Latvian riflemen fraternizing with a German officer

Contributed by Dzintra Liepina, retreived from The Latvian War Museum

This photograph depicts two Latvian riflemen and one German officer meeting at a barbed wire fence.

After the February revolution the Bolsheviks called for the end of the war and the possibility of reconciliation with the German worker class. A lot of workers were at German army. Bolsheviks also called for turning the imperialist war into a civil war and due to that the fraternizing was their tool to show their will to implement their programme. Germans responded to it, they used meeting Russian army soldiers also for obtaining military information.

Appeal of Russian State Duma deputies Janis Goldmanis and Janis Zalitis to Latvians

In March 1917, the deputies of the RussianState Duma Janis Goldmanis and Janis Zalitis appeal to the Latvians to support theprovisional Government led by Georg Lvovto keep discipline, organise political associations and to fight for unification of Latvian ethnic regions on the bases of wide autonomy.

Nationally oriented Latvian politicians believed that support to the Provisional Government will lead to wider autonomy of Latvia.

Contributed by Dzintra Liepina

Source: The Latvian War Museum, LKM 3-619/62-DK

ALLIED POWERSSources representing the view from the

The British press, even the more

conservative newspapers, such as The

Morning Post, The Daily Mail and the

Times, reacted positively to the

February Revolution of 1917:

The Morning Post reported: “One result

of the revolution in Russia will be to

make the Russian Army more formidable

to Germany than ever before”.

The Daily Mail called it “a benign

revolution”.

The Times in its editorial wrote: “A

great revolution has been accomplished

in Russia. After nearly a week of chaos

in Petrograd something like a

parliamentary government controls the

situation”.

The Morning Post was a conservative

newspaper which was eventually bought

up by an equally Conservative paper, The

Daily Telegraph. The Daily Mail had only

existed for 20 years before the outbreak

of war. It was more populist than the

Morning Post and The Times and was

strongly imperialist in its editorials to

the point of being accused of war-

mongering in the years leading up to the

war. The Times, often referred to as The

Times of London outside Britain to

differentiate it from The New York Times

(also often referred to as The Times by

American journalists and readers) had

existed since 1785. Historically it was

neither seen as pro-Conservative or pro-

Liberal. Rather it saw itself as the

newspaper of the English Establishment.

However, it would be fair to say that all

three of these papers were politically to

the right of centre and pro-Imperialist in

1917.

“I have been very much astonished indeed, in

visiting various places recently, at seeing a

feeling springing up in this country which I

did not believe possible — that is, a deep

revolutionary feeling springing up among

many of the workmen of this country... I do

assure you that you will be astonished

and, unless you are very careful, you will

bring the country to the very verge of

revolution. Only a week ago, I saw 70,000

people — the estimate was made not by any

Labour people, but by one of the local

newspapers — march through the streets of

Glasgow with bands and banners, every one

of the members of that procession wearing

the revolutionary colours.”

W.C. Anderson, Member of Parliament

representing the Independent Labour Party,

House of Commons, 14 May 1917

William Anderson was a

Socttish socialist who joined

the Social Democratic

Federation in the mid-1890s

and then in 1900 joined the

Independent Labour Party and

was elected to Parliament in

1914. He died in 1919 at the

age of 42 from Spanish

influenza.

“The first news we had of any serious trouble in

Russia came by telegram on Friday night last [9 March

1917]. It was to the effect simply that there were

disturbances in the streets. Since then we have had

daily telegrams giving more or less authentic news – I

mean it came from our embassy, but they themselves

had not all the possible means of obtaining accurate

information in the circumstances which existed in

Petrograd. But by degrees it became plain that

Petrograd was becoming more or less under ordered

rule, and that the rule was a rule over which the

President of the Duma was exercising control

[cheers].. almost all our information leads us to

believe that the movement is not in any sense

directed towards an effort to secure peace, but, on

the contrary, the discontent – this is the substance of

all our information – is not against the Government

for carrying on the war, but against it for not

carrying on the war with efficiency and with the

energy which the people expect [cheers].”Mr Bonar Law, Chancellor of the Exchequer in the British

Government speaking in Parliament on 15 March 1917.

Revolutionaries attacking the

Tsarist police during the

February Revolution.

Source: Wikimedia Commons

Public Domain

British Prime Minister, David Lloyd

George:

“So far as our information goes, the

Revolution has been brought about with

very little bloodshed, and the new

Government is receiving the support both

of the country as a whole and of the

Army and Navy……[The Government are

confident that these events will result] in

the even closer and more effective co-

operation between the Russian people

and its Allies in the cause of human

freedom.”

House of Commons Debates, 19 March 1917,

Volume 91, cc1536-8

David Lloyd George, British

Prime Minister, 7 December

1916 – 19 October 1922.

Source: US Library of Congress

Public Domain

“Russia engaged in this great war for the freedom of Serbia,

of Montenegro, of Bulgaria, and has fought for the freedom

of Europe. They wanted to make their own country free,

and they have done it.

The Russian revolution is not merely the outcome of the

struggle for freedom. It is a proof of the character of the

struggle for liberty, and if the Russian people realize, as

there is every evidence they are doing, that national

discipline is not incompatible with national freedom - nay,

that national discipline is essential to the security of

national freedom - they will, indeed, become a free

people”.

British Prime Minister David Lloyd George's Address to the

American Club, London, on America's Entry into the War, 12

April 1917

Source: Source Records of the Great War, Vol. V, ed. Charles F.

Horne, National Alumni 1923

“Does not every American feel that

assurance has been added to our hope

for the future peace of the world by

the wonderful and heartening things

that have been happening within the

last few weeks in Russia?.....The

autocracy that crowned the summit of

her political structure, long as it had

stood and terrible as was the reality of

its power, was not in fact Russian in

origin, character, or purpose; and now

it has been shaken off and the great,

generous Russian people have been

added in all their naive majesty and

might to the forces that are fighting for

freedom in the world, for justice, and

for peace. Here is a fit partner for a

league of honour.”

President Woodrow Wilson, Address to

Congress, 2 April 1917.

President Wilson addressing Congress in

April 1917Source: Flickr

No known restrictions on use

US Ambassador David R. Francis, 5 May 1916 to 7 November 1917Source: US National ArchivePublic Domain

“This revolution is the practical

realization of that principle of

government which we have championed

and advocated, I mean government by the

consent of the governed.” US Ambassador Francis to Secretary of State

Lansing, Petrograd 18.3.1917

Document No. 861.00/284, State Department

Secretary of State Lansing replied

instructing Francis to call on Foreign

Minister Miliukov to inform him that “the

Government of the United States

recognises the new Government of

Russia.” Secretary of State Lansing to Ambassador

Francis, Washington 20.3.1917

Document No. 861.00/284, State Department

“American literature gives a one-sided

presentation of the allegedly enthusiastic

reaction of the ruling classes of the United

States to the February Revolution in Russia.

Actually the reaction was conflicting and as

the revolutionary process deepened it

became increasingly hostile….the

government and the expansionists saw great

opportunities in Russia under the provisional

government…[But] the Root mission [led by

Senator Elihu Root, former US Secretary of

State under President Theodore Roosevelt]

made it clear to the provisional government

that it would recommend to Woodrow Wilson

that he render financial and other assistance

to Russia, but only on the condition of

stability, that is, counter-revolution on the

part of the regime and continuation of the

war.”

N.V. Sivachev and N.N. Yakovlev, Russia and

the United States, (Chicago 1979)pp.28-29.

What the members of the Commission said in public and even in internal meetings was sometimes contradicted by advice they were giving to Russian politicians or sending back to Washington. Two Russian historians found that their archives revealed a different perspective.

From his diary it is clear that Cyrus

McCormick, Samuel Bertron the

banker, and Charles Crane, the other

industrialist on the Root Commission,

were getting a coherent message from

Russian bankers that ran counter to

President Wilson’s belief that there

was a growing commitment to liberal

democracy amongst the Russian elite.

The Russian bankers they were talking

to believed that Russia “needed a

dictator who would maintain control

until elections provided for a

permanent government”.McCormick’s diary, 19 June 1917, Cyrus H.

McCormick’s Papers, Russia 1917-20, State

Historical Society of Wisconsin.

McCormick records in his diary that

Root saw a potential for US capitalists

to invest in the new Russia:

“As I think over the question of

Russia’s finances, with the richness of

its mines and the wealth of its

agriculture, I feel that ample American

capital is ready to come to Russia to

help in its development if only one

quesiton could be settled, and thast is

the stability of the present

government. That is the only menace I

see to Russia’s future prosperity.”McCormick’s diary, 31 May 1917, Cyrus H.

McCormick’s Papers, Russia 1917-20, State

Historical Society of Wisconsin.

Aneurin Bevan recalling the

reaction of Welsh miners to the

news of the overthrow of the

Tsar:

“I remember the miners, when

they heard that the Tsarist

tyranny had been overthrown,

rushing to meet each other in

the streets with tears streaming

down their cheeks, shaking

hands and saying: ‘At last it has

happened’.”Bevan speaking at the Annual Labour

Party Conference in 1951.

Helen Crawfurd, one of the

founders of the Women’s Pea ce

Crusade:

“The people of Russia have

appealed to the common people

of every country to let their

voices be heard demanding

peace without annexations and

without indemnities! They have

called to us to subdue our

Imperialists as they have

vanquished theirs… It is to

the common people that the

people of Russia have appealed.

Shall we remain silent any

longer?”Quoted in The Labour Leader, 21

June 1917.

The May Day march in Glasgow was

reported by the Daily Herald:

“The greatest of the Scottish

demonstrations was held in Glasgow and

was taken part in by…between 70,000

and 80,000 persons…every face in the

processions was lit with the new hope

for democracy which has come from

Russia… A cheering feature was the large

number of soldiers who fraternised with

processionists.”

The Daily Herald, 12 May 1917.

May Day celebrations

around Britain in 1917

were used as an

opportunity by working

class people to

demonstrate their support

for the February

Revolution.

The Lower East side of New York City had

long been an area where poor migrants

from Europe had lived in tenament

buildings such as those seen in this

photograph. In 1917 many of the residents

deonstrated their support for

revolutionary change and not just in

Russia.

According to American historian Ross J.

Wilson:

“large rallies welcoming the abdication of

the Tsar and the replacement of his

ministers by the Provisional Government

were held in Madison Square Gardens on 20

March and Carnegie Hall on 23 March.

Thousands attended and some were quick

to draw links between the poverty and

hunger experienced in New York as well as

in Russia. Representatives of the

establishment, such as Mayor Mitchel of

New York, sought in the 1917 election to

present Russian Jews, Germans, Irish and

Italians as unpatriotic and supporting un-

American movements such as socialism. He

lost the election to a Democrat.”

Ross J. Wilson, New York and the First

World War, New York 2014, p.147.

The official line in London about the

February Revolution was passed on to the

New York Times correspondent based

there who then sent a dispatch to New

York reflecting his discussions with

‘sources close to the British

Government’:

“As the situation is explained to The

New York Times correspondent [in

London] the revolution simply means

that German sympathizers within the

Russian government have been

overthrown, and that no chance remains

for a separate peace being secretly

arranged with Germany. This, it is felt,

is the real basis of the revolution.”

New York Times, 16 March 1917

The February Revolution had occurred

before the United States entered the War

in April 1917. In February there were not

many American journalists based in Russia

and they relied heavily on external

sources, particularly those based in

London and Paris.

“It is impossible for people who have not lived

here to know with what joy we now write of the

new Russian Government…Only those who knew

how things were only a week ago can understand

the enthusiasm of us who have seen a miracle

take place before our eyes….Russia has broken

her chains and stands as the greatest free

nation in Europe with republican France and

liberal England”.

Arthur Ransome, Daily News 17 March 1917

These two British journalists had been working in Russia since the beginning of the war and their dispatches were often syndicated to other newspapers.

“It is a wonderful thing to see the birth of

freedom. With freedom comes brotherhood, and

in Petrograd today there is a glow of brotherly

feeling….Good news comes this evening that the

moderate group in the soviet is gaining the

upper hand, and the prospects are brighter than

ever.”

Harold Williams, Daily Chronicle, 21 March

1917

On 16 March 1917 the New York Times

reported from London that “Bankers here are

pleased with news of revolution” [and that]

“most prominent financial and business

leaders in London and New York had a

positive view of the revolution.”

Elsewhere in the same issue the New York

Times quoted an interview with a prominent

New York banker:

“The Russian revolution is a people’s

movement and not a nihilist or anarchist

enterprise in the opinion of John B. Young of

the National City Bank, who spent some

weeks in Russia last Spring and Summer in

connection with the first Russian loan in this

country. Even then….it was apparent that

the influences back of [the revolution] were

the solid, respectable and conservative

element of the community.”

New York Times 16 March 1917

Both the New York Times and the

Times of London were eager to

convince their readers that bankers,

financiers and prominent businessmen

were taking a positive line on the

February Revolution.

A telegram from the Portuguese legation on theevents in Saint Petersburg

Telegrama: Jaime Batalha Reis (1847-1935) Legação de Portugal em Petrogrado16 de Março de 1917São Petersburgo completamente em poder da revolução. Duma vitoriosa nomeou G.º Provisório anunciando à cidade e Império da Rússia exército marinha assumiu a gerência negócios públicos. Adesão por parte de Moscovo aderiram Grão-duque todas tropas S. Petersburgo Moscovo e quase todas forças navais mar Báltico. Houve combate nas ruas muitos generais e oficiais mortos a tiro pelos seus soldados quatro dias completa anarquia que ainda dura. Com presos políticos revolucionários soltaram todos criminosos queimaram arquivo Ministério da Justiça e Tribunal e todas estações de polícia. Últimos presidentes do conselho de M.os muitos antigos Ministros e Presidentes do Conselho do Império presos para serem julgados pela Duma.

Telegram: Jaime Batalha Reis (1847-1935) Legation of Portugal in Petrograd16 March 1917Saint Petersburg totally in revolution hands. Victorious Duma nominated Provisional Government announcing to city and empire of Russia army navy assumed management public administration. Moscow adhered. Adhesion of Grand Duke all troops S. Petersburg Moscow and almost all naval Baltic forces. There were combats in streets many generals and officers shot dead by their soldiers’ four days complete anarchy that still lasts. Revolutionary prisoners and criminals freed burned archive Ministry of Justice and Court and all police stations. Last presidents of Council of Ministers many previous Ministers and Council Presidents of Empire arrested to be judged by Duma

Source contributed by Miguel Barros,

Extracted from the publication: Silva, Joaquim Palminha (2017), Jaime Batalha Reis na Rússia dos Sovietes. Dez dias que abalaram um diplomata

português, Porto, Edições Afrontamento, p. 44.

Legação da República Portuguesa em França (João Chagas, 1863-1925)Paris, 24 de Março de 1917Ex.mo Snr. Ministro dos Negócios EstrangeirosA revolução liberal russa é o acontecimento que mais profunda influência está tendo no desenvolvimento político da guerra e é na Alemanha que essa influência vai talvez fazer-se mais profundamente sentir. (...) [A] reivindicação dos socialistas alemães, que desde o princípio da guerra afirmavam a necessidade de combater e destruir na Rússia o espírito autocrático, caiu por terra, pelo facto mesmo da revolução. Esse pretendido objectivo da guerra alemã deixou de ter razão de ser. (...) A Alemanha liberal parece ter tido subitamente a consciência do estado de inferioridade política em que a revolução russa a colocou // perante as outras nações da Europa.

Legation of the Portuguese Republic in France (João Chagas, 1863-1925)Paris 24 March 1917Your Excellency, Minister of Foreign AffairsThe Russian liberal revolution is the event that is having the biggest influence in the political development of the war and it is in Germany that that influence will maybe be more felt.(…) [The] claim made by the German socialists, since the beginning of the war, stressing the need to fight and destroy in Russia the autocratic spirit fell to earth because of the revolution. This purpose of the German war is no more. (…)Liberal Germany seems to have gained sudden conscience of the state of political inferiority in which the Russian revolution positioned it regarding the other European nations.,

On the political influence in Germany

Source contributed by Miguel Barros,

Extracted from the publication: Silva, Joaquim Palminha (2017), Jaime Batalha Reis na Rússia dos Sovietes. Dez dias que abalaram um diplomata português, Porto, Edições Afrontamento, p. 54-55.

ORDEM E TRABALHO

Terminada a guerra em que o nosso paiz também foi envolvido (...) é necessario que haja ordem para que, adentro dêla possamos trabalhar, facto indispensável do progrésso dum Povo.Porem, falsos operarios e maus politicos, soviets e bolchevichs (...), combinaram-se para um movimento que devia estabelecer em Portugal uma salada russa, em miniatura, é claro.Enganaram-se redondamente como não podia deixar de ser.O exército, forte e disciplinado, esfarrapa-os-hia, se acaso alguma coisa de anormal se esboçasse.Não vingaram, pois, os desordeiros, nem tampouco as suas doutrinas arrivistas.Hoje tudo caminha para o progresso e caminhar para o progresso é querer ordem para que, adentro dela possamos trabalhar.

Luiz Martins

ORDER AND WORK

The war in which our country was also once involvedhas ended (…) it is necessary to have order so that, within it, we can work, which is indispensable for theprogress of a People.However, fake workers and bad politicians, soviets and bolcheviks (...), were united for a movement that should establish in Portugal a Russian salad, in miniature, of course.They were totally mistaken, as it was obvious.The army, strong and disciplined, would tear them apart, if anything unusual happened.Therefore, the troublemakers did not take revenge, nor did their arrivist doctrines.Today everything is moving towards progress andmoving towards progress is wanting order so we canwork within it.

Luiz Martins

Source contributed by Mariana Lagarto

Source: A Voz D’Amora (18); Editor – Manuel Saraiva de Carvalho, 08.04.1917, Biblioteca Municipal do Seixal - Polo de Amora

A portuguese Newspaper on theevents of the February Revolution

A French perspective on the

February Revolution

Extracts from the Memoirs of the French

Ambassador to Russia, Maurice Palëologue

M. Palëologue, An Ambassador’s Memoirs, trans. By F.A.

Holt, New York 1925

MauricePaleologue, Memoirs, Tuesday March 6, 1917 [21 February in

the Julian Calendar]

“Petrograd is short of bread and wood, and the public is suffering want.

At a bakery on the Liteïny this morning I was struck by the sinister

expression on the faces of the poor folk who were lined up in a queue,

most of whom had spent the whole night there. Pokrovski [Nikolai

Pokrovski, Foreign Minister in the Tsar’s Government (1916-1917)], to whom I

mentioned the matter, did not conceal his anxiety. But what can be

done! The transport crisis is certainly worse. The extreme cold which has

all Russia in its grip has put more than twelve hundred engines out of

action, owing to boiler tubes bursting, and there is a shortage of spare

tubes as a result of strikes. Moreover, the snowfall of the last few weeks

has been exceptionally heavy and there is also a shortage of labour in

the villages to clear the permanent way. The result is that at the

present moment fifty-seven thousand railway wagons cannot be moved”.

Maurice Paleologue, Memoirs, Thursday March 8, 1917 [23 February in the Julian Calendar]“There has been great agitation in Petrograd all day. Processions have been parading the main streets. At several points the mob shouted for "Bread and peace!" At others it sang the Working Man's Marseillaise. In the Nevsky Prospekt there have been slight disorders…..In spite of the fact that revolution is in the air in his capital, the Emperor, who has spent the last two months at Tsarskoïe-Selo, left for General Headquarters this evening.”

Maurice Paleologue, Memoirs, Tuesday March 13, 1917 [28 February in Julian Calendar]

“About five o'clock, a high official,. K-----, came to tell me that the executive committee of the

Duma is trying to form a "provisional government," but that President Rodzianko, Gutchkov,

Shulgin and Maklakov are utterly taken aback by the anarchical behaviour of the army.

"They never imagined a revolution like this," my informer added; "they hoped to direct it and keep

it within bounds through the army. The troops recognize no leader now and are spreading terror

throughout the city."

He then told me abruptly that he had been asked to see me by President Rodzianko, and asked me

if I had no advice, no suggestion to send him.

"As French Ambassador," I said, "the war is my main concern of course, so I want the effects of the

revolution to be kept down as much as possible and order to be restored at the earliest moment.

Don't forget that the French army is making preparations for a great offensive and that the

Russian army is bound in honour to do its share."

"So you think it necessary to retain the imperial system?"

"Yes, but in a constitutional as opposed to an autocratic form."

"Nicholas II cannot be allowed to reign any more; no one has any confidence left in him and he has

lost all authority. In any case, he would never consent to sacrifice the Empress."

"You may change the Tsar, but you should stick to tsarism."

NOTE: Mikhail Rodzianko was President of the State Duma from 1911 to October 1917.

Alexander Guchkov was leader of the Octobrists and with Vasily Shulgin went to Army

Headquarters to persuade the Tsar to abdicate. He later became Minister for War in the Provisional

Government, supported the Whites and fled to Germany when the Whites were defeated.

Vasily Shulgin was a conservative, nationalist and pro-monarchist who later supported the Whites

in the Civil War. He believed that in persuading Nicholas II to abdicate in favour of his son he would

preserve the monarchy.

Vasily Maklakov was a member of the Kadet Party. The Provisional Government appointed him as

Ambassador to France. No sooner did he take up post than the Bolsheviks took power in Petrograd.

He later supported the Whites but remained in exile in France.

THE CENTRAL POWERSSources representing the view from the

General Ludendorff on the outbreak ofthe February Revolution

Ludendorff, Erich: Meine Kriegserinnerungen, ESM&S (Erich Siegfried Mittler und Sohn): Berlin 1919, p. 327

«Im Osten war eine gewaltige Änderung eingetreten. Im März stürzte die von der Entente begünstigte Revolution den Zaren. Eine stark sozialistisch gefärbte Regierung ergriff die Gewalt. Welche Gründe die Entente hatte, mit der Revolution zu arbeiten, ist nicht klar. Sah sie sich einer Volksbewegung gegenüber, an der sie nicht vorbeigehen konnte und sich daher ihr zugesellte, oder war der Zar aus Sorge vor innerem Umsturz friedlich geworden und deshalb zu beseitigen? […] Das eine ist sicher, die Entente versprach sich von der Revolution Vorteile für ihre Kriegsführung, zum mindesten wollte sie retten, was zu retten war. […] Auf die Zustände in Russland warf der Ausbruch der Revolution ein grelles Schlaglicht; Volk und Heer waren morsch, sonst wäre sie unmöglich gewesen. Das Heer war auch dort ein Teil des Volkes, wie bei uns; auch dort waren Heer und Volk eins. Wie oft hatte ich auf die russische Revolution zur Entlastung unserer militärischen Lage gehofft, immer war es nur ein Luftschloss gewesen; nun war sie da und kam doch überraschend.»

"There had been a tremendous change in the East. In March, the revolution favoured by the Entente overthrew the tsar. A strongly socialist government seized the violence. The Entente's reasons for working with the revolution are not clear. Did it face a popular movement which it could not ignore and therefore joined, or had the tsar become peaceful out of concern for internal upheaval and therefore had to be eliminated? [...] One thing is certain, the Entente expected the revolution to have advantages for her warfare, at least she wanted to save what could be saved. [...] The outbreak of the revolution cast a harsh light on the conditions in Russia; the people and the army were rotten, otherwise it would have been impossible. There too the army was a part of the people, as it was with us; there too the army and the people were one. How often had I hoped for the Russian Revolution to relieve our military situation, it had always been just a castle in the air; now it was there and yet it came as a surprise."

Austrian Newspaper on the outbreak of the revolution

On March 15, the weekly Austrian newspaper Das Interessante Blatt titles:

The Revolution in Russia.

The tremendous drama at the Tsar's court and in the Russian people - collapse of the Tsarist tyranny

Das interessante Blatt, Issue of 15 March 1917, Austrian National Library

NEUTRAL STATESSources from the

Socialists in Luxembourg welcome the February Revolution

The source is a record of the motion filed by a socialist member of the Luxembourgish parliament to welcome the February Revolution.

It states: «With enthusiasm, the Socialist Members of the Luxembourgish Parliament embrace the news of the Russian February Revolution. In fact, as in Petrograd, Luxembourg has gone through riots and strikes over the scarcity of food. The Luxembourgish government, in office during WWI despite German military occupation, cannot guarantee a minimum of food in particular for the workers and their families of the industrialized south. The day, Jos Thorn, Socialist deputy in the Chambre des Députés, invites the national legislature to welcome the Russian February Revolution, the National Union government is about to step down over food shortages and political turmoil. Given the fact that Luxembourg is under German occupation, some members of Parliament argue that the Chamber should not mix in international relations. Others argue that external affairs do not fall in the realm of its competences. In fact, external affairs are a prerogative of the executive under the Grand-Duchesse. The Chamber rejects the Socialist motion for constitutional reasons, but fears of political developments similar to Russia contribute to the rejection of the motion with 26 votes against and 20 votes in favor with 4 abstentions.

Source contributed by Guido Lessing

Compte-Rendu de la séance du 24 Avril 1917, Chambre des Députés

ALBANIAN SOURCES

The independence of Albania in 1912

Albania’s independence was proclaimed in Vlora at 28 November 1912.

The Great Powers recognized Albania as a state under their control and warranty in London at29 July 1913.

The new nation had an area of 28 thousandskm sq and a population of 740 thosandsinhabitants.

Source contributed by Lulzim Abidaj

Albania in the First World War

During the first world war, the Albanian state was put under a collective warranty by the Great Powers. They granted to the new state a Constitution, known as“Organic Statute of Albania” and appointed the German Wilhelm von Wied as a monarch. But, when the First World War exploded, the Great Powersforgot all their engagementsconcerning Albania. Furthermore, Albania was leftalone in such a difficult moment.

Source contributed by Lulzim Abidaj

London Treaty

The Entente Powers signed with Italy the Secret Treaty of London at26 April 1915.^Under this treaty, the Albanian State would lose partsof his territory in favour of hisneighbours. The Albanian State, stretching from the river Drin in the north to the river Vjosa in the South, would become an Italianprotectorate.Source contributed by Lulzim Abidaj

The Albanian Post on the FebruaryRevolution

“Posta e Shqypnies”, in English translation “Albania’s Post” was in 1917 the only newspaper published in Albania. Unless the occupation and the censure, it offered a pretty good coverage of the revolution movement in Russia. In this coupure, the newspaper informs about the February Revolution.The newspaper “Albania’s Post” No. 29, 17 March 1917: The main title in Albanian and German languages: “The Uprising in Russia” – “Tsar Abdication”

Source contributed by Lulzim Abidaj

An Albanian newspaper on theUprising in Russia

This article is published about two weeks after the February Revolution took place.

The newspaper listed the February Revolution as a very important development, after the Revolutionof the XVII IN England and the French Revolution of the end of XVII century. The analyse make clear the difficult situation in Russia and the uncertainty of the political force that will size the power. OtherAlbanian newspapers, published out of Albania manifest their enthusasm for the February revolution.

The newspaper“Albania’s Post”, No. 32, 28 March 1917: The editorial article:

“The Uprising in Russia”

There are two weeks since the outbreak of the uprising in Russia. Woefully, even today we can’t have objective news on serious events shaking the Russian Tsardom.

The matter in Russia is the matter of Duma against the reactionary and bureaucratic government in which was supported all the trust of the Tsar.

At 12 of this month, the Executive Commission, composed from 12 people took all the power in its hand. Imprisoned the Ministers and made a proclamation to all the people of Russia, forced Tsar Nicholas to leave the residency and together with the Ministers and his government to disappear from the political skyline.

Many newspapers have the opinion that in the Russian Revolution have a role France and the Englishmen. Duma has prepared the uprising and this doesn’t testify other than the prolongation of war.

The Executive Committee immediately began work and, as the agency from Petersburg notifies, helpfully. The Executive Committee will have too many big things to do, which in our opinion, won’t be realised. It would be difficult to go till the end with the promises in that proclamation even in normal times.

There are nowadays undoubtedly two parties in Russia: one, represented by the new government, which wants to continue the war till the final victory; the other, the party of Tsar and his friends, which aims the peace.

Today the people is claiming in the roads: Bread! And the Committee is answering: You will have everything you want. It is not a difficult thing to made proclamations, but is a difficult one to keep them. The contest is not over, the Russian Uprising is today in its first step.

Such events, unical in history after the uprisings of the Englishmen and France, shake the founds of the early constructions of life. Today we are living in an epochal time, which was unthinkable for our ancestors.

Source contributed by Lulzim Abidaj