the experience of gay and lesbian students of color in counterspaces

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Running head: THE EXPERIENCE OF GAY AND LESBIAN STUDENTS 1 The Experience of Gay and Lesbian Students of Color in Counterspaces Cornell F. Woodson Advisor: Dr. Shametrice Davis April 4, 2013

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Due to their multiple marginalized identities, gay and lesbian students of color have a different developmental experience and journey towards self-authorship than their peers in the White mainstream queer and heterosexual communities, as well as among heterosexual people of color. As a result, counterspaces should be equipped to support gay and lesbian students of color in a way that may be quite different than the support for the mainstream communities they typically engage with. This paper examines the literature that exists on this topic and offers suggestions for improving our counterspaces on college and university campuses.

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Running head: THE EXPERIENCE OF GAY AND LESBIAN STUDENTS 1

The Experience of Gay and Lesbian Students of Color in Counterspaces

Cornell F. Woodson

Advisor: Dr. Shametrice Davis

April 4, 2013

THE EXPERIENCE OF GAY AND LESBIAN STUDENTS

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Prologue

The inspiration for this topic derives from my positionality as a gay Black male and

experiences with the Black heterosexual community and the Black and White queer

communities. According to Paulo Freire (2006), instead of rising above the oppressor, the

oppressed groups emulate the oppressor to satisfy their desire to be in a position of power. Since

subordinated groups cannot have power over the dominant White, male, and straight community,

they attempt to dominate those within their own community. Each of the groups mentioned

above have shown how they have taken on characteristics of the oppressor by discriminating

against people within their own community.

In the Black heterosexual community, I have been called “faggot” in both a quiet room

and in the middle of a teacher’s lesson. It was as if this treatment was normal, because no one

ever said anything about it, not even the teachers. In middle school, my peers beat me like a rag

doll. They knocked me to the ground, spit on me, kicked me in my ribs, and even threw rocks at

my head. Meanwhile, the school security guards watched and cheered them on as if it was an

Olympic sport. In the Black church, I have sat through Sunday morning sermons about the sinful

ways of the homosexual lifestyle and of my future to spend eternity burning in Hell. At the same

time, the pastor preaches how we need to be more loving of our fellow man [sic]. I have watched

how members of that same church fight to hide secrets of their sexuality as they spew hate in the

name of God from the pulpit.

I have felt rejected by the Black queer community, because of the dark pigmentation of

my skin. When in a social setting, such as a nightclub, I have noticed how the dark skin and light

skin people congregate away from each other. In the same social setting, I am aware of the

different reactions people have when a dark skinned or light skinned person walks into the room.

THE EXPERIENCE OF GAY AND LESBIAN STUDENTS

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When a dark skin person enters the room, people return to their conversations and ignore their

presence. When the person who walks into the room is light skinned, people smile widely, start

pointing at them, and scurry toward them to start a conversation. I have been in conversation

with people in the Black queer community who have blatantly stated they would never date a

person who was darker than a brown paper bag. This community gives into the dominant

narrative of what is considered attractive in order to fit into a culture that continuously rejects

them because they are not White.

Members of the White queer community have neglected my experiences as a Black gay

man. I have been told again and again by White gay men that they feel there is no difference

between the experience of White and Black gay men, because we are all gay and fighting for the

same rights. I have been called overly sensitive and told that things really are not that bad. It

appears that the White queer community has no interest in understanding the experience of queer

students of color. In my experience, the only time some members of the White queer community,

mainly White gay men, have been interested in students of color is when they are looking for an

amazing sexual experience. I have had White gay men approach me and share their sexual

fantasies that include Black gay men and their large extremities. In social settings, I have

watched White gay men chase after Hispanic, Asian, or Middle-Eastern gay men because they

are, “exotic”. Some White gay men see gay men of color only as sexual beast or some rare item

to be acquired.

It is for these reasons that I chose to highlight some of the experiences of gay and lesbian

students of color. We do not walk through the world or experience life through a singular lens.

Unlike the White queer and heterosexual communities, and the heterosexual students of color,

gay and lesbian students of color deal with discrimination from numerous other groups all at

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once. Therefore, it is important that affinity spaces be open to these diverse narratives and the

issues that sometimes come with the intersection of multiple marginalized identities.

THE EXPERIENCE OF GAY AND LESBIAN STUDENTS

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Abstract

Due to their multiple marginalized identities, gay and lesbian students of color have a

different developmental experience and journey towards self-authorship than their peers in the

White mainstream queer and heterosexual communities, as well as among heterosexual people of

color. As a result, counterspaces should be equipped to support gay and lesbian students of color

in a way that may be quite different than the support for the mainstream communities they

typically engage with. This paper examines the literature that exists on this topic and offers

suggestions for improving our counterspaces on college and university campuses.

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Literature Review

While there have been studies completed on gay and lesbian students of color (Adams,

Cahill & Ackerlind, 2004; Bridges, Selvidge & Matthews, 2003; Goode-Cross & Tager, 2011;

Griffin, 2000; Harris, 2003; Misawa, 2010; Strayhorn, Blakewood & DeVita, 2008), most have

only focused on the experience of Black gay men. A small sample of literature (Harris, 2003;

Mobley & Levey, 1998; Savin-Williams, 1996; Boykin, 1996) mentions other racial minorities

besides African Americans, as well as women of color and their experiences in the queer

community. However, there has not been enough research conducted that focuses on queer

students of color equally. Similarly to how the White master narrative is used, most of the

literature attempted to provide insight into the experience of all queer students of color through

the lens of Black gay men.

This review of literature focuses on the broader umbrella of issues of the GL community

of color. Most if not all of the literature only highlights the experience of Black gay men in the

classrooms, residential halls, fraternities and sororities, athletic teams, and student organizations

(Unks, 1995; Evans & Wall, 1991; Sanlo, 1998). There is a lack of focus on the experience of

queer students of color in counterspaces on college and university campuses, which are meant to

serve as a safe havens for students who hold marginalized identities (Jones, 2005; Sanlo, 2000).

Although not all of the literature was higher education specific, the literature reveals four major

themes that describe experiences some GL students of color face on campus.

The Rocky Relationship between the Queer and the Black Community

Boykin (1996) argued the conflict between the two groups was and still is instigated by

White religious conservatives who tell the Black community that the Queer community threatens

the legitimacy of the civil rights movement. The 1993 National March on Washington for

THE EXPERIENCE OF GAY AND LESBIAN STUDENTS

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Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual (LGB) Equality challenged the Black community to include the LGB

community in the mainstream American civil rights movement. Influenced by White religious

leaders, the Black community was convinced that the LGB community would threaten their fight

for racial equality.

High-ranking Black leaders, such as Coretta Scott King, supported the LGB movement,

but many conservative-religious leaders refused to consider the connection between the Black

and Queer community and their fight for equality. Boykin (1996) quoted Former Chairman of

the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Colin Powell when he stated, “Skin color is a benign, non-behavioral

characteristic. Sexual orientation is perhaps the most profound of human behavioral

characteristics. Comparison of the two is a convenient, but invalid argument” (p. 32). It is easy to

understand the hesitation of the Black community, who has endured years of organizing against

racial inequality, to be seen as equal to a community who is considered the most disfavored in

society. Showing support for the Queer community would have, in the eyes of the Black

community, ruined everything they had worked so hard to gain. The lack of support and

condemnation from the Black community caused a huge divide between these respective groups.

Instead of joining together to fight for equality, the two groups now compete against one another.

To avoid discrimination both ethnic communities and the LGB community try to emulate

their oppressors (Freire, 2006). Boykin (1996) noted that the Black community and the Queer

community learn to hate themselves and each other. In order to stop the cycle of internal and

external hatred, both groups must reestablish their own self-images. The debate here is not

whether the two groups are the same, but rather that both communities are fighting for the same

equal rights. Both groups share a common thread of dealing with prejudice from the dominant

groups that oppress and place them against each other.

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Racism in the Queer Community and on Campus

Despite the Queer community’s long history of fighting for equality and acceptance,

racial discrimination still exists in the community (Battle, Cohen, Warren, Fergerson, & Audam,

2000; Savin-Williams, 1996). GL students of color often find themselves not feeling part of the

larger Queer community because they are expected to place their sexual identity at the forefront

of their lives; therefore, their experience as a queer person of color is ignored (Savin-Williams,

1996; Boykin, 1996). On college campuses GL students of color may struggle to find a

connection with the LGBTQA Center that lacks programming which supports the intersection of

their sexual and racial/ethnic identities (Dumas, 1998; Wall & Washington, 1991).

Many GL students of color report their racial identity as being their most salient identity

due to the racial discrimination they face and the sense of feeling invisible (Goode-Cross &

Tager, 2011; Battle et al., 2000; Adams, Cahill & Ackerlind, 2005). Bridges et al. (2003)

mentioned that some GL students of color choose to remain in the closet to avoid losing their

support system, which helps them combat the racism from the dominant society. For some, it is

easier to hide their sexual identity and assimilate into the straight ethnic community than it is to

be out and try to navigate a culture that is dominated by Whiteness (Boykin, 1996). As a result,

GL students of color also reported feeling like the only one in their classes and other areas of

campus because other out GL students of color were hard to find (Goode-Cross & Tager, 2011).

In other ethnic communities, such as the Asian-American community, scholarship on the

issues of sexuality is limited (Manalansan, 1996). Wooden, Kawasaki, and Mayeda’s (1983)

study described common stereotypes placed upon Asian men in the queer community as being

passive and more likely to fit into the role of the housewife in a relationship. Other stereotypes

included being seen as more feminine or subservient, youthful due to the lack of body hair, and

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having small genitals. Manalansan (1996) noted that White men who desire Asian men

commonly call them “rice queens” and places that cater to Asian men and the White men who

desire them are called “rice bars”. Wooden et al. (1983) noted, “the gay community reflects the

prejudices of the White society” (p. 407).

According to Johnson (2009), “one of the most insidious and widespread issues for Black

gay men to contend with is racism from the White [queer] community” (p. 158). For example,

Queer students of color rarely see images of people who look like them in queer advertisements

and films. The lack of images of queer students of color makes it seem as if they do not exist and

therefore everyone comes to think that the queer community is completely White (Boykin,

1996). Ninety percent of all queer advertisements still have only White male models (Johnson,

2009). Furthermore, Tat (2008) argued that Black, Hispanic, and Asian American gay men have

always had to work extra hard to live up to the standards of beauty created by the White queer

community.

Homophobia in Ethnic Communities

Although many GL students of color hold their racial identity as most salient, the racism

they experience within the LGB community is not the sole reason. Homophobia is more visible

within the ethnic communities than the White community (Battle et al., 2000; Goode-Cross &

Tager, 2011; Parker et al. 2004). According to Savin-Williams (1996), an ethnic community

rarely serves as an escape from homophobia. GL students of color are usually welcomed as long

as their sexual orientation remains invisible (Griffin, 2000; Savin-Williams, 1996). The Black

community views homosexuality as a result of the White culture (Boykin, 1996; Savin-Williams,

1996). They also see those within their community who are homosexual as heavily influenced by

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White culture. Therefore, some members of the Black community reject anyone who strays away

from cultural norms.

Since GL students of color must hide their sexuality due to homophobia in their ethnic

communities, it is harder to find a community who can support them as they navigate the

intersection of their sexual and racial identity development (Wall & Washington, 1991). Goode-

Cross & Tager (2011) found that due to the perceived small number of gay men of color and the

inability to access the larger LGB community on campus, gay men of color found it difficult to

find people who shared their identities. Boykin (1996) argued that GL students of color, if out to

their families, often lack the family support that heterosexual students of color have in dealing

with racial prejudice. As a result, some GL students of color, who become fed up with the

homophobia they experience, seek solace within the White gay community (Boykin, 1996;

Griffin, 2000).

Often the homophobia found within ethnic communities is due to a strong connection to

religion (Boykin, 1996; Johnson, 2009; Savin-Williams, 1996; Wall & Washington, 1991;

Harris, 2003). Religious ethnic communities often justify their homophobia by stating that the

bible considers homosexuality a sin (Dumas, 1998). Even when the person of color does not

consider himself or herself religious they seem to use that sentiment to make their argument.

Boykin (1996) argued that religious ethnic communities, such as the Black community swear by

their interpretations of the bible. Meanwhile, those are the same interpretations that White people

used to defend slavery and racism.

The underlying issue that some ethnic groups have with homosexuality is that it will stunt

the growth of the community and break apart families (Boykin, 1996). For example, the Asian

American and Black community contend that lesbianism threatens the growth of the community

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because lesbians are not seen as child bearers (Boykin, 1996; Bridges et al., 2003). Furthermore,

butch lesbians present a threat, because Black men feel they could potentially seduce their

women. Perhaps the most disturbing point Boykin (1996) noted is that some Black men do not

consider butch lesbians real women.

Intersectionality of Identities

Some students, who have more than one marginalized identity, tend to have a much

harder time with their development and are more prone to stress (Harris, 2003; Zamboni &

Crawford, 2006;). For example, GL students of color are prone to stress directly caused by their

experience with discrimination from the mainstream American culture, the mainstream gay

culture, and their own families and communities (Adams et al. 2005; Fukuyama & Ferguson,

2000). Given their multiple marginalized identities, GL students of color do not enjoy the luxury

of focusing their energy solely on one form of oppression in their lives (Boykin, 1996). Sexuality

is only one of the identities that make GL students of color a minority. For White queer people

and heterosexual people of color, they only have one identity separating them from the dominant

culture. Therefore, they only have to focus on one form of discrimination; homophobia and

racism.

Given the discrimination from various groups that GL students of color face, they have a

considerably different experience coming out than their White GL peers (Mobley & Levey,

1998). Harris (2003) focused on the experiences of GL students of color on campus and argued

there are four factors which affect their development: (1) campus climate, (2) double-burden

phenomenon, (3) Programmatic issues, and (4) down-low issues. White GL people do cope with

discrimination based on their sexuality, but they do not have to cope with racial and cultural

hostility (Blanco, 1998). White GL people have a layer of protection that GL students of color do

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not have; White privilege. Likewise, heterosexual people of color are considered more socially

acceptable, because of their privileged identity as a straight person.

While having two marginalized identities can be extremely difficult to navigate, lesbian

women of color must simultaneously deal with the triple oppression of racism, sexism, and

heterosexism (Adams et al., 2005; Ferguson & Howard-Hamilton, 2000; Parks, Hughes &

Matthews, 2004). They must learn to cope with the oppression coming from all the dominant

cultures. Bridges et al. (2003) discussed lesbian women of color’s frequent concern of being

unable to integrate multiple identities. They go on to state that lesbian women of color feel as if

they must choose one of their identities as their most salient.

On campus, GL students of color have to decide whether or not to join an organization

that affirms their ethnic identity or their sexual identity. Having an option to join a queer student

organization does not mean that GL students of color will feel comfortable and may even attempt

to avoid them (Mobley & Levey, 1998). Mobley & Levey (1998) also mention how GL students

of color have to think about whether or not the group will meet their needs as ethnic individuals,

because of the racism they experience within the LGB community. As mentioned before, this

experience causes GL students of color to remain in the closet and stay close to multicultural

organizations on campus.

As the literature review illustrates, the experience of GL students of color is not only

shaped by their interactions with the mainstream queer community. Therefore, a much deeper

dialogue must be had about how to make all counterspaces places where people with multiple

marginalized identities can go for holistic support; beginning with LGBTQA centers.

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Implications

For this discussion, it is important to have an understanding of what exactly

defines a counterspace. According to Solórzano, Ceja, and Yosso (2000), counterspaces serve as

“sites where deficit notions of people of color can be challenged and where a positive climate

can be established and maintained” (p. 70). Jones (2005) mentions that these spaces are

comprised of individuals with a common narrative and experience dealing with oppression. As a

result, these spaces serve as an escape, for any student with a marginalized identity (e.g. racial

and sexual minority individuals, etc), from the tyranny they face from the dominant culture.

They also help “promote positive self-concepts among marginalized individuals”, which is more

likely to happen in spaces like these (Case and Hunter, 2012, p. 261).

While I am using the term counterspace, it is important to note that these spaces are also

referred to as safe spaces and alternative settings (Cherniss and Deegan, 2000), free spaces (Fine,

Weis, Weseen, and Wong, 2000), sites of resistance (Hooks, 1990), critical spaces (McCorkel,

1998), sites of resilience (Payne, 2008), and empowering community settings (Maton, 2008). All

of these spaces exist to challenge the White, hetero-normative, and male narrative that dominants

our culture (Case and Hunter, 2012). The term affinity space is also commonly used. However,

Gee (2005) argues that affinity spaces are different because within these spaces people relate to

each other primarily in terms of common interests and not primarily in terms of race, gender,

age, disability or social class. Therefore, affinity spaces would not serve as a place where people

with marginalized identities can develop a positive sense of self-worth.

If counterspaces such as LGBTQ and cultural centers serve to ensure that the cycle of

oppression that takes place in society is not reproduced in the space, then they have fallen short

of their purpose (Case and Hunter, 2012). Although LGBTQ centers were established to address

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issues around sexual identities (Sanlo, 2000) and cultural centers to address issues around race

and ethnicity (Solórzano et al., 2000), they must work to meet the changing and growing needs

of today’s queer students of color. Intentional efforts to understand how multiple identities affect

the holistic development of students must be consistent. Based on the existing literature and the

initial findings of a pilot study I conducted with two queer students of color, I put forth the

following areas of improvement.

Provide Training for Students and Staff

A major step in the right direction is partaking in the self-work needed to become more

culturally sensitive and embrace the various narratives that exist among students. There are

numerous organizations that provide trainings and work with staff to understand their own

privileged identities and how people of multiple marginalized identities experience that privilege.

However, initiatives of this kind can be extremely expensive. To offset the cost, joint trainings

for multiple departments could be beneficial. Another cost-effective way to begin the self-work

is to implement professional development during staff meetings. Read articles and research

studies on topics, such as intersecting marginalized identities and work to establish concrete

plans to utilize the information.

This form of development need not stop with the administrators. Staff members in the

centers who advise student organizations can implement similar initiatives during check-ins with

the executive boards or when they meet during fall or spring retreats. Challenging our students to

find ways to make space for other voices within their organizations is beneficial to their

development as leaders on campus and beyond.

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Collaboration Among Counterspaces

One can never fully understand another group’s experience with their identity. Reading

articles and research studies followed by authentic discussions are great ways to develop basic

knowledge of the issues they face, but that is learning in a vacuum. Direct interaction and

intentional relationship building with GL students of color can help to provide context and

humanize their issues. Counterspaces, such as cultural and LGBTQ centers should consider

developing opportunities to collaborate with each other to bring students together during

different times of the year.

One of the major concerns for both participants in my pilot study was the lack of

visibility of other queer students of color at events. Developing new programming that brings

both the cultural and LGBTQ centers together can potentially help show GL students of color

that they are wanted in the spaces. Furthermore, it provides the opportunity for the staff in both

centers to meet and develop relationships with GL students of color. If the centers are going to

continue being separate entities then at least they can be more intentional about working together

more often.

Establish Multicultural Centers Instead

As student affairs professionals we are guilty of compartmentalizing our student services.

For example, we make GL students of color choose which center to interact with at a given time.

The literature shows that the gross separation of the various communities force students to

choose an identity that is most salient to them (Bridges, Selvidge, and Matthews, 2003; Mobley

& Levey, 1998). In actuality, our GL students of color do not experience their lives that way.

Their identities are woven together as one piece of fabric (Boykin, 1996). As the intersection of

THE EXPERIENCE OF GAY AND LESBIAN STUDENTS

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identities become more and more prevalent in our work, we should consider organizing our

services that way as well.

I propose we move the various counterspaces that exist on our campuses into one

combined space where students can access all of their services and encourage more

collaboration. To clarify, the new space would need to be intentionally designed to provide some

sense of privacy for the cultural center since the LGBTQ center does cater to White queer

students too. This space could have several floors or various wings for each counterspace;

however, the concept is that they are close enough for GL students of color to access without

having to trek all around campus. Furthermore, the image of the different counterspaces working

closely together and in close quarters could have a positive effect on our students with multiple

marginalized identities. hooks (1990) described these spaces as “sites with radical possibility” (p.

149). We can live up to the standards Hooks mentioned by no longer letting what happened in

the past hinder our future and come together to do this critical work.

Diversify Staff

The students in my pilot study referenced the need to have other people who look like

them or share their experiences in order to feel safe in a space. In order for queer students of

color to feel like the various counterspaces exist to support them too, all counterspaces must

diversify their staff. Combining the counterspaces into close quarters is not sufficient enough;

there must be staff members who also identify as queer and a person of color. Queer staff

members of color will not only be able to support queer students of color as they navigate the

oppression they experience from having multiple marginalized identities; they can also help the

staff become more culturally sensitive by advocating for queer students of color.

THE EXPERIENCE OF GAY AND LESBIAN STUDENTS

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Conclusion

GL students of color face discrimination from the mainstream dominant community, the

mainstream gay community, and their own ethnic community due to their multiple marginalized

identities. This discussion serves as a call to action for student affairs administrators within

counterspaces to consider a change in the way they provide their services to be more inclusive.

The purpose is not to minimize the experience of the White gay community or the Black

community and the discrimination they endure; nor is it meant to be divisive or point fingers.

Instead the purpose is to highlight another narrative of inequality that hopefully we can all rally

behind.

Lastly, a large amount of energy is spent on changing the hearts and minds of people

fully immersed in the dominant culture. However, we have not spent the necessary time on

strengthening the innumerable types of people who make up our community and heal the wounds

from the past. I believe that if we are to win life’s greater battles, then we must do the self-work

needed to make our communities and ourselves strong.

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