the evolution of magdalenian societies in south-west france between 18,000 and 14,000 calbp

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Quaternary International 272-273 (2012) 138e149Contents lists availableQuaternary International

journal homepage: www.elsevier .com/locate/quaintThe evolution of Magdalenian societies in South-West France between 18,000and 14,000 calBP: Changing environments, changing tool kits

Mathieu Langlais a,*, Sandrine Costamagno b, Vronique Laroulandie a, Jean-Marc Ptillon b,Emmanuel Discamps a, Jean-Baptiste Mallye a, David Cochard a, Delphine Kuntz a

aCNRS PACEA UMR 5199, Univ. Bordeaux, Avenue des facults btiment B18, 33405 Talence cedex, FrancebCNRS TRACES UMR 5608, Univ. Toulouse Le Mirail, Maison de la Recherche, 5 alles A. Machado, 31058 Toulouse cedex 9, Francea r t i c l e i n f o

Article history:Available online 2 March 2012* Corresponding author.E-mail addresses: [email protected]

univ-tlse2.fr (S. Costamagno), v.larou(V. Laroulandie), [email protected] (J.-M. Pti(E. Discamps), [email protected] (J.-ubordeaux1.fr (D. Cochard), [email protected]

1040-6182/$ e see front matter 2012 Elsevier Ltd adoi:10.1016/j.quaint.2012.02.053a b s t r a c t

In south-western France, between 18,000 and 14,000 calBP, socio-economic changes are evident inseveral spheres of Magdalenian hunter-gatherer activities which brought with them an array of trans-formations in osseous and lithic tools. Targeted prey species, although still dominated by ungulates, alsoshow an evolution during a period that was marked by significant climatic and environmental changesthat can be correlated with cultural developments. Changes in procurement strategies and new patternsin osseous and lithic weaponry are accompanied by the maintenance of social networks across largeregions, while at the same time there appears to be a geographic contraction of groups within regionalprocurement networks. Ungulates remain the primary prey species but are supplemented by small game.While it is important to evaluate the forces driving behind technological and socio-economic processesthrough time, cultural evolution within each techno-complex ought to be accounted for as well. In orderto evaluate these internal developments, a more precise radiometric framework is necessary, whichintegrates studies of osseous and lithic technology with available archaeozoological data. This contri-bution presents the first results of such an undertaking based on a higher-resolution seriation of tech-nological innovations and their implications in hunting activities. The rhythm of change appears to becomplex and nonlinear, and it highlights the innovative nature of Magdalenian weaponry. These rapidchanges, with respect to the Upper Paleolithic as a whole, provide insight into the impact of socialinteractions as cultural stimulation, as well as how resource availability and human demography func-tioned as factors of changes.

2012 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.1. Introduction

The variable Late Glacial environments of Western Europe wit-nessed significant, sometimes irreversible, changes in hunter-gather technology, mobility patterns and hunting strategies.Ecologically induced changes or reconfigurations in the structureand distribution of available animal biomass brought with theminnovations in material culture, particularly hunting weaponry. Thediffusion of technical know-how through expanded communica-tion networks allowed human groups to respond to sometimesrapid climatic changes and fluctuations with dynamic solutions..fr (M. Langlais), costamag@[email protected]), [email protected]. Mallye), [email protected] (D. Kuntz).

nd INQUA. All rights reserved.The archeological record of the Magdalenian in south-westernFrance provides insights into several elements of these changes.While several studies have provided in-depth and often site-specific analyses of Magdalenian technological patterns (Pigeot,1987), subsistence economies (Enloe, 2010; Kuntz andCostamagno, 2011) or on-site spatial organization (Audouze,2010; Bodu, 2010), integrative approaches uniting diverse lines ofevidence concerning Late Glacial human adaptations whichconsider their environmental or climatic context are slightly lesscommon (although see Straus et al., 2002 for Cantabrian Spain andLanglais, 2011 for the Pyrenean isthmus). With this in mind, thisstudy moves beyond the scale of the site by bringing togethera regional synthesis of the rhythms and forces driving changesobserved in technical systems and socio-economic strategies ofMagdalenian societies in south-western France. The significantcultural transformations and changing social dynamics whichmarkthe internal evolution of the classic Magdalenian (i.e. Middle andUpper) are considered against their proper environmental context.

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M. Langlais et al. / Quaternary International 272-273 (2012) 138e149 139Furthermore, a series of new radiocarbon dates on taxonomicallyidentifiable faunal material and osseous artifacts securely attrib-utable to the Magdalenian has enabled a more precise chronologyfor this period to be constructed. This revised radiocarbon chro-nology also allows the most important technological, socio-economic, and subsistence trends of the Middle and Upper pha-ses of this techno-complex to be more accurately compared withrecently established marine and terrestrial climate records for theLate Glacial. Finally, transformations in particular elements ofMagdalenian hunting weaponry serve as the basis for a newmodelof the evolutionary trajectory of these hunter-gatherer societies.This synthesis incorporates new research and data concerning noless than 30 archeological collections comprised of both osseousand lithic tools (Figs. 1 and 2).Fig. 2. List of sites depicted in Fig. 1.2. Contrasting spatio-temporal frameworks rich in diverseresources

South-western France presents an environmental mosaicextending from the plains of the Aquitaine and Languedoc up to thefoothills of the Pyrenees, incorporating the limits of the Poitouregion to the north, the limestone plateaus of the Massif Central tothe east, and is bound to the west by the Sands of the Landes(Figs. 1 and 2). However, the actual space that would have beenavailable to Late Glacial hunter-gatherers is today significantlytruncated to both the west and south-east, as a direct consequenceof raised sea levels associated with the retreat of the coastline(Fairbanks, 1989). Apart from the Sands of the Landes, whichseemed to have been a marginal geographic zone (Bertran et al., inpress), the region is found at the southernmost extension of theEuropean permafrost zones (Texier and Bertran, 1993; Van Vliet-Lanoe and Hallegouet, 2001). Available archeological sequences,coupled with the corpus of associated radiocarbon dates, indicatethat the region was continuously occupied throughout the LateGlacial and therefore presents an ideal scenario for a diachronicevaluation of the Magdalenian.Fig. 1. Location of principal Magdalenian sites in South-western France and its margins (coaLandes), map created with ArcGIS 9.3, WGS 84 projection and MNT. After Amante and EakThe profiles of several ice, marine and terrestrial cores providea detailed record of paleoenvironmental change during this period,however in order for these calendar scale events to be accuratelycomparedwith the archeological radiocarbon chronology, the latterstlines at 120 and 110 m below modern sea level; dotted line: limit of the sands of Lesins, 2009.

M. Langlais et al. / Quaternary International 272-273 (2012) 138e149140must be calibrated using the IntCal09 curve (Reimer et al., 2009).This new calibration curve presents numerous radiocarbonplateaus and fuzzy episodes, particularly between 16,200 and15,700 calBP (or ca.13,000 BP), that were not detected by the earlierIntCal 04 version.

The period between 18,000 and 14,000 calBP witnessed signifi-cant climatic variability (Fig. 3) with conditions fluctuating betweencold and humid conditions during its early phase, followed by drierenvironments later on (Naughton et al., 2009). The climatic deteri-oration of the final Heinrich stadial or HS1 (dated to between 15.1and 13.4 ka BP according to Elliot et al., 2002; and calibrated tobetween 18.3 and 16.3 ka calBP based on the IntCal09 curve orbetween 18 and 15.6 ka calBP by Sanchez-Goi and Harrison, 2010)sees a return of nearly glacial conditions including increased ice-flowFig. 3. Climatic contexts between 20 and 15 ka calBP according to glacial data (Langlais, 202006; Rasmussen et al., 2006), marine data (Heinrich Stage 1 limits after data from Elliot ePailler and Bard, 2002; Bard, 2003) and continental data. Blling-Allerd (BeA), Younger Dand the cooling of sea surface temperatures. Chronologically, itcorresponds to the Oldest Dryas in the continental record. Thewarming event of Greenland interstadial 1 (GS1 or the Blling-Allerd), whose official limit is dated to 14,692 186 (before 2000AD) according to the GICC05 isotopic curve (Fig. 3), follows HS1 byseveral hundred years, taking into account problems of calibration.These contrasting climatic conditions would have had inevitablerepercussions on both terrestrial animal and plant communities.

Paleovegetation records provided bymarine cores drilled off theAtlantic and Mediterranean coasts of the Iberian Peninsula(Sanchez-Goi, 2006; Beaudoin et al., 2007; Naughton et al., 2007,2009) together with continental samples (Jalut et al., 1998; Jalutand Turu, 2009) indicate that with the onset of HS1 there isa clear tendency for a reduction in forested environments and the07b after data from; Andersen et al., 2006; Svensson et al., 2006; NGRIP dating group,t al. (2002); surface sea temperatures (SST) after data from Cacho et al. (2001), 2006;ryas (YD), Holocene (H).

Fig. 4. Direct radiocarbon dates on reindeer remains (light grey: Jura and Alps; dark grey: South-western France). After Costamagno et al., 2009; Costamagno, unpublished data;Laroulandie, unpublished data; Bgouen et al., 2009; Oberlin and Pion, 2009; Bridault and Chaix, 2009; Szmidt et al., 2009a.

M. Langlais et al. / Quaternary International 272-273 (2012) 138e149 141expansion of steppe biomes consisting of grasses and Artemisiashrubs. This trend is progressively reversed from the end of HS1and throughout GS1, however open landscapes persisted until atleast GSc 1c (Allerd).Faunal remains preserved in archeological sites represent theprincipal source of information for reconstructing the compositionof Late Glacial animal communities. Across France, large ungulateherds preferring cold open landscapes gave way to more temperate

M. Langlais et al. / Quaternary International 272-273 (2012) 138e149142species at the Blling/Allerd transition or approximately14,000 calBP (Delpech, 1999; Bridault and Chaix, 2002). The lack ofprecise modern analogues for these animal communities, coupledwith the fact that their composition is largely a function ofecological tolerance and the size and structure of available biomes,renders it difficult to estimate the rate in which these populationsreestablished themselves. HS1 environmental conditions favoredthe development of steppe ungulates such as reindeer, saiga ante-lope, horse and bison on the Aquitaine plain (Delpech, 1983;Costamagno, 2003; Costamagno et al., 2008, 2009). Saiga antelopeplayed a particular economic role in the northern margins of thesands of Les Landes, as well as in the Gironde and Charente(Delpech, 1989; Costamagno, 2001), however their numbersdiminished significantly towards 16,500 calBP, in other words,during the course of the Oldest Dryas or HS1.

Reindeer and horse were available throughout the Magdalenian(Costamagno, 2003). Several recently obtained dates on reindeerremains from final Late Glacial assemblages, with the exception ofa questionable date from Faurlie c.4 (11,850 /70 BP, Ly5366-SacA-12059), considered physicochemically unreliable by thedating laboratory, indicate an age earlier than ca. 14,000 calBP(Szmidt et al., 2009a; Costamagno et al., 2009; Costamagno,unpublished data, Laroulandie, unpublished data, Fig. 4). These newresults do not argue in favor of reindeer populations persisting inthe Aquitaine region beyond the Blling interstadial and is similarto the case suggested for the northern Alps and the southern Jura(Bridault and Chaix, 2009; Oberlin and Pion, 2009). However,whether or not they definitely disappeared from the South-west ofFrance during this period depends largely upon a critical tapho-nomic reevaluation of assemblages containing reindeer, inconjunction with new direct dates on remains associated withchronologically ensuing techno-complexes such as the Azilian. Thisis especially the case with samples from the Laborian and Azilianlevels of Morin (A1/2) and Dufaure c.3 that have produced datesolder than 14,000 calBP (Fig. 4). Attempts to directly date reindeerremains from these more recent contexts (e.g. Arancou A, Gazelc.5e6) have been unsuccessful due to insufficient collagen preser-vation. On the other hand, new direct dates on red deer remainsfromMorin and Bourrouilla demonstrate that red deer populationspersisted and played a more prominent role in Magdaleniansubsistence strategies after 15,500 calBP (Szmidt et al., 2009a;Sommer et al., 2008, Fig. 5).Fig. 5. Direct radiocarbon dates on red deer remains (light grey: Jura and Alps; dark grey:Laroulandie, unpublished data; Oberlin and Pion, 2009; Bridault and Chaix, 2009; Szmidt eThe development of steppe environments during the OldestDryas may have favored a near tenfold increase in ungulate biomasswhich would have subsequently diminished with the return ofmore forested landscapes (Delpech, 1999). The growth of helio-philous shrublands composed of junipers, birch, willow or seabuckthorn, especially in the Pyrenees (Jalut et al., 1998; Jalut andTuru, 2009), presented ideal conditions for small animals such asgrouse (Lagopus) and mountain hares (Lepus timidus) that feedupon the fruits of these shrubs (Laroulandie, 2009). The interplaybetween varying accessibility to certain geographic spaces andresources, the occupation of different territories, economy, tech-nical traditions and the demography represents one of the centralareas of research.

3. Key socio-economic elements and hunting patterns of theLate Glacial Magdalenian

Between broadly 18,000 and 16,000 calBP or the beginning ofHS1, the cultural landscape of a major portion of Western Europewas dominated by the Middle Magdalenian. Around 16,000 calBPthe Upper Magdalenian emerged and was replaced by the Azilianaround 14,000 calBP (Ptillon, 2006; Langlais, 2010). This paper willnot address the issue of the Azilianisation (Barbaza, 2011) of thesesocieties, or the emergence of theMagdalenian. Instead, the focus ison its Middle and Upper phases which developed several hundredyears before the Blling interstadial (or GS1e).

Middle Magdalenian hunting practices essentially focused onlarge ungulate herds. Saiga antelope dominate faunal assemblagesfrom the Gironde, where they are also associatedwith bovids, whilein the Prigord, Quercy, Languedoc and western Pyrenean regionsreindeer dominate faunal assemblages (Fontana, 1999;Costamagno, 2001, 2003; Castel et al., 2007; Fig. 6, Table 1). Horseand large bovids are frequently found together and sometimes evendominate the prey signal (Costamagno, 2003, 2004). In the foothillsof the western Pyrenees, faunal assemblages are more diversified,most notably in the presence of deer. Small game were only rarelycaptured in large numbers with the exception of grouse andmountain hare as at Gazel c.7, dated to between 17,000 and16,000 calBP (Fontana, 2003; Laroulandie and Vilette, in press) andonly the latter at La Madeleine between 16,000 and 15,000 calBP(Fontana and Chauvire, 2007). As seen above, increased ungulatebiomass during this period created ideal conditions for theSouth-western France). After Costamagno et al., 2009; Costamagno, unpublished data;t al., 2009a.

Fig. 6. Distribution of sites with quantified faunal lists for the Middle (a) and UpperMagdalenian (b). Pie-charts represent NISP percentages of main herbivore species (ofthe total number of identified ungulate remains) for each assemblage. Only assem-blages with a total ungulate NISP greater than 50 have been included. Stratifiedassemblages are represented by a white bar according to their position. The grey linesplaced offshore represent the past coastline for each period based on sea level esti-mations by Lambeck and Chappell (2001).

M. Langlais et al. / Quaternary International 272-273 (2012) 138e149 143demographic growth of hunter-gatherer groups (Delpech, 1999).The documented increase in the density and geographic distribu-tion of Middle Magdalenian sites lends further support to thisexpansion (Bocquet-Appel and Demars, 2000; Bocquet-Appel et al.,2005; Langlais, 2010).

Middle Magdalenian bone and antler tools are extremelyabundant, varied, often decorated and were mass produced fromthe same block of raw material by a more productive multiplelongitudinal groove technique (Averbouh et al., 1999; Ptillon,2006). Access to reindeer antler varied seasonally, and evidenceexists for the transport of prepared blocks of raw material oralready prepared blanks (Averbouh, 2005; Ptillon, 2006; Rigaud,2006; Chauvire and Rigaud, 2009). Amongst rarer elements,whale bone, presumably from the Atlantic Ocean, is represented bysome fifty objects recovered from the site of Isturitz in the BasqueCountry (Ptillon, 2008a). This material was transported as finishedproducts over several hundred kilometers, as demonstrated by thepresence of whale bone projectile points at Mas dAzil in the Ariege(Ptillon, unpublished data).

This anticipation of future needs in terms of procurement strat-egies for osseous materials parallels patterns seen with lithic rawmaterials. However, a clear distinction can be made between themanufacture of blades for domestic tools and bladelets for huntingarmatures (Langlais, 2010). This division is also evident in associatedchanes opratoires, as well as in the circulation and geographicdistribution of these types of artifacts. Demand for large standard-ized blades for tool manufacture required a system of apprenticeshipand the transmission of high levels of technical know-how (savoir-faire), as well as excellent quality raw materials (Lacombe, 1998;Bundgen, 2002; Simonnet, 2007; Langlais, 2007a; Angevin andLanglais, 2009). These requirements were met through the crea-tion of extensive networks of exchange and circulation, as can beseen by the example of Gazel, where certain raw materials wereintroduced from sources several hundred kilometers from the site(Langlais and Sacchi, 2006; Langlais, 2010). Domestic activitiestherefore underlie strong social interactions within and betweengroups. Despite the fact that the production of bladelets for equip-ping composite hunting weapons was less constrained by rawmaterials, their distribution shows a clear territoriality whencompared with the pattern seen with blades (Langlais, 2008).

Certain aspects of Middle Magdalenian material culturedemonstrate the significant anticipation of material needsevidently supported by extended social networks that developed inopen, largely steppe, environments rich in ungulate biomass. Thisenhanced socio-economic character is seen in the optimization oflithic and osseous debitage strategies and by a tendency for moreelongated and standardized blanks. These choices did howeverentail certain constraints in terms of both the transmission ofknow-how (by apprenticeship for example) and the quality ofavailable raw materials.

The maintenance of previously established long distance socialrelations during the Upper Magdalenian can be seen in the pan-European diffusion of barbed points (Julien, 1982; Ptillon, 2008b)and schematic feminine representations onmobiliary art (Fritz et al.,2007). Differences do however exist in the treatment of certainmaterials and the types of resources exploited, which becomeincreasingly local during this period (cf. infra). Ungulates continue tobe the dominant prey. Although reindeer and horse remains are stillpresent in numerous sites in the northern Aquitaine, the represen-tation of deer in faunal assemblages increases significantly and evensurpasses other ungulates in the western Pyrenees, as at Arancouand Troubat (Costamagno, 2005, 2006; Fig. 6, Table 1). Thereplacement of reindeer by deer in Upper Magdalenian subsistencepractices is therefore quite progressive and may have been onlyseasonal at first (Costamagno et al., 2008, 2009).

The deglaciation of the Pyrenees opened its valleys to newspecies, such as ibexwhichwas heavily exploited at Belvis, La Vacheand Les Eglises (Delpech and Villa, 1993; Fontana,1999; Pailhaugue,2003; Delmas et al., 2008). In parallel with the exploitation ofungulates, small vertebrates come to occupy a more importantplace in the prey spectrum; this is evident not only in the number ofUpper Magdalenian sites with small fauna, but also in the sheerquantities of remains present in the assemblages (e.g. Cochard,2004; Cochard and Brugal, 2004; Costamagno and Laroulandie,2004). However, intensification in the consumption of smallfauna during the Upper Magdalenian (ca. 16,000 calBP) should notbe confused with the diversification of hunting practices after14,500 calBP (i.e. Fontana and Brochier, 2009).

Table 1List of sites providing data for Fig. 6 (NR UNG: Number of Ungulate Remains).

Culture Code Site Level NR UNG References

MM Aur Aurensan ? 159 Clot, 1983MM Bra Brassempouy 1 66 Patou-Mathis and Boukhima, 1996MM Can Canecaude CII 5799 Fontana, 1998MM Com4 Combe-Cullier 41 et 42 117 Delpech, 1975MM Com5 Combe-Cullier 5 82 Delpech, 1975MM Com8-13 Combe-Cullier 8,9,11,12.13A, 13C 1926 Delpech, 1975MM Dur5 Duruthy 5 322 Delpech, 1983MM Enl4 Enlne 4 351 Fosse, 1992MM Enl5 Enlne 5 59 Fosse, 1992MM Esp Esplugues 322 Clot, 1985MM Fla Flageolet II IX 734 Delpech, 1983; Deplano, 1994MM Gan Gandil 2 to 14 816 Griggo, 1997MM Gaz7 Gazel 7 7358 Fontana, 1998MM Gaz8 Gazel 8 295 Fontana, 1998MM Laa1 Laa 2 US 4003-4009 244 Kuntz unpublished dataMM Lab Labastide secteur II 156 Clot in Omns (1982)MM Lau2 Laugerie-Haute 20 to 9 (sect. EAST) 1647 Delpech, 1983MM Mou Moulin Neuf 2 1905 Costamagno, 1999MM Peyru Peyrugues 3 746 Allard 1992MM Roc1 Roc de Marcamps 3/3b 4/4b 163 Slott-Moller, 1988MM Roc2 Roc de Marcamps 4C 237 Slott-Moller, 1988MM Roc3 Roc de Marcamps 4D/5 96 Slott-Moller, 1988MM Sai3 Sainte Eulalie III 92 Delpech, 1983MM StG St-Germain-la Rivire 1 2221 Costamagno, 1999MM TucA Tuc dAudoubert Salle du Cheval Rouge 294 Fosse in Bgouen et al. (2009)MM TucB Tuc dAudoubert Galerie Bouquetin, Balcon 1 196 Fosse in Bgouen et al 2010UP AraB1 Arancou B1 80 Costamagno unpublished dataUP AraB2 Arancou B2 293 Fosse, 2000UP AraB3 Arancou B3 71 Fosse, 2000UP Bel Belvis 1 to 4 1286 Fontana, 1998UP Biz Bize G 6057 Patou-Mathis et al., 1999UP Boi Bois-Ragot 5 6 1561 Griggo, 2005UP Duf Dufaure 4 4011 Altuna and Mariezkurrena, 1995UP Dur3 Duruthy 3 2851 Costamagno, 2006UP Dur4 Duruthy 4 348 Costamagno, 2006UP Egl Les Eglises all 9097 Delpech and Le Gall, 1983UP Faur La Faurlie II C.5 594 Berthet, 1999UP Faus Faustin all 94 Delpech, 1971UP Fon Fontanet ? 91 Clottes, 1979UP Gar La Gare de Couze B C D E F GO G G1 H 5332 Delpech, 1983UP Ist Isturitz 1 and F1 274 Letourneux in Ptillon (2006)UP Laa2 Laa 2 US 4010-4012 373 Kuntz unpublished dataUP Lau1 Laugerie-Haute 8 to 2 (sect. EAST) 2892 Delpech, 1983UP Mad1 La Madeleine 2 to 12 5570 Delpech, 1975UP Mad2 La Madeleine 13 to 17 2260 Delpech, 1975UP MorA Morin A (AI AIV) 2800 Delpech, 1983UP MorB Morin B (BI et BII) 364 Delpech, 1983UP Mur5 Murat V, Vn 395 Costamagno unpublished dataUP Mur6 Murat VI 91 Costamagno unpublished dataUP Pey1 Peyrazet 6 52 Costamagno unpublished dataUP Sai1 Sainte Eulalie I 92 Delpech, 1983UP Trou Troubat 7a 1012 Costamagno, 2005UP Vac La Vache Salle monique 81603 Pailhaugue, 1995, 1998

M. Langlais et al. / Quaternary International 272-273 (2012) 138e149144Amongst bird species exploited, Ptarmigan (Lagopus) was hun-ted in mountainous zones and, at least in the Pyrenees, was soughtalongside Chough (Pyrrhocorax graculus). While available archeo-logical evidence definitely indicates that these two species formedpart of Upper Magdalenian subsistence strategies, it remains diffi-cult to determine the precise role of other avian resources. In theAquitaine Basin, Snowy Owl (Bubo scandiacus) was hunted not onlyfor its meat and bones, but probably also for its feathers and claws(Eastham, 1998; Laroulandie, 2003, 2005, 2009). Several directdates on cut-marked Snowy Owl bones indicate that this subsis-tence behavior began at the very latest sometime between 16,000and 14,000 calBP (Szmidt et al., 2009a). Available informationconcerning fishing practices also demonstrates a more intenseexploitation of aquatic resources during this period (Le Gall, 1999,2003). In addition to these taxa, the consumption of smalleranimals such as ground squirrel is attested to at Rochereil,Bois-Ragot and Morin (Jude, 1960; Marquet, 2005; Mallye, unpub-lished data). Furthermore, the recent re-examination of severalcollections (Mallye, in prep.) has shown that small carnivores werealmost systematically exploited not only for their teeth (for themanufacture of ornaments), but for their meat as well. However,the deliberate extraction of pelts or feathers remains difficult toestablish from the archeological record alone (Mallye, 2007;Laroulandie, 2009).

Upper Magdalenian techno-economic systems remain basedaround blades and bladelets, although their technical roles evolved.Blade tools continue to be transported over long distances, howevertheir production is freed from technical and economic constraints(Langlais, 2010). This is most evident in the greater optimization oflocally available raw material sources, however this entailednotable consequences in terms of size and quality, especially in thePyrenees (Simonnet, 2003; Lacombe, 2005; Langlais, 2010). The

Fig. 7. Diagram illustrating the changing trajectories of Magdalenian osseous and lithic weaponry between 18 and 14,000 calBP in the South-West of France (RTI: regionaltechnological innovation).

M. Langlais et al. / Quaternary International 272-273 (2012) 138e149 145integrated production of blades and bladelets broadened thespectrum of blank choice and permitted the production of smallblades to be transformed into points. While lithic armaturesdemonstrate an appreciable regional diversification of morpho-types (Langlais, 2008), Upper Magdalenian osseous tool traditionscontinue those of the earlier phase (Averbouh, 2000). Nonetheless,certain innovations, such as fork-based antler points and the spreadof barbed points bear witness to regional idiosyncrasies (Ptillon,2008b).This evolution of both lithic and osseous tool kits during theUpper Magdalenian also implies new hunting practices and it istempting to draw parallels between this evolution and the access to(and selective choices of) new species. For example, the exploita-tion of small game, from a technological and subsistence stand-point, necessarily implies the acquisition and development of newknowledge for their capture and processing. Questions can beposed as to the function of shouldered, tanged, or foliate points inaddition to certain barbed points made of antler. Concurrently, but

M. Langlais et al. / Quaternary International 272-273 (2012) 138e149146at another interpretive level, nothing prevents envisaging a re-organization of the social division of tasks or certain ways ofviewing the world.

In attempting to refine the complex interaction between resourceavailability and technical or socio-economic traditions and in orderto consider different forces driving these changes, the focus is ona particular aspect of the archeological record: lithic and osseousweapons. These artifact classes have the two-fold advantage of beingpractically ubiquitous across the period and are directly related tothe acquisition of animal resources. Furthermore, they portray rapidtemporal and spatial variations and are therefore sound indicators ofchrono-cultural change (Ptillon, 2006; Langlais, 2010).

4. Changing trajectories: the example of magdalenian lithicand bone weaponry

Direct radiocarbon dates recently procured from either preyremains (cf. supra) or antler weaponry, for example from the site ofIsturitz (Szmidt et al., 2009b), provide better chronological reso-lution for discussing the evolution of Magdalenian hunting weap-onry between 18 and 14 ka calBP. Bearing in mind the state ofresearch as well as limits of chronological precisions, four keymoments can be distinguished (Fig. 7).

At the beginning of the Middle Magdalenian (ca. 18,000 calBP),an initial reconfiguration of antler weaponry can be observedacross the entire Magdalenian cultural sphere, especially in theexperimentation with new hafting methods. This is evident in thedevelopment of Lussac-Angles points (Bertrand et al., 2003) andthe appearance of the first undecorated spearthrower hooks(Cattelain, 2004). Concerning lithic armatures, this period is note-worthy for the development of new morphotypes, especiallyscalene bladelets in South-west France (upper levels of Saint-Ger-main-La-Rivire, Peyrugues c.3., Gandil, etc. Langlais, 2007b) andpointed backed bladelets with truncated bases in the Poitou region,as at Le Taillis des Coteaux, La Marche and Le Roc-aux-Sorciers(Primault et al., 2007; Chehmana and Beyries, 2010; Langlais,2010). Lussac-Angles points diffuse over significantly larger terri-tories between the south of the Paris Basin and the Iberian Penin-sula (Bertrand et al., 2003), in parallel with a regionalization oflithic morphotypes on either side of the Poitou region (Langlais,2008).

Around 17,000 calBP was marked by the development of whalebone points (Ptillon, 2008a), bivalve points (composed of two half-round rods) (Feruglio and Buisson,1999; Rigaud, 2006) and the firstbarbed points (previously referred to as proto-harpoons). Decoratedantler points and spearthrower hooks appear, some of whichportray veritable regional idiosyncrasies (Cattelain, 2005; Fritzet al., 2007), while others signal more extensive cultural units(Braun, 2005). In terms of lithic armatures, the development ofsmall pointed backed bladelets in the Pyrenees (Tuc dAudoubert,Isturitz, etc.) were produced from the edges of laterally preparedcores which are markedly different from the scalene bladelets ofthe Aquitaine region (Langlais in Bgouen et al., 2009; Langlais,2010).

The beginning of the Upper Magdalenian in the Pyrenees andCantabrian Spain, ca. 16,000 calBP, sees yet another reconfigurationof antler weapons including the development of barbed points andnew hafting methods such as forked bases, double-beveled basesand foreshafts (Ptillon, 2006, 2007). In terms of lithic weaponry,changes include the development of long shouldered points in theAquitaine region as at Duruthy (c.3, Arambourou et al., 1978;Dachary, 2006) or Morin (c.B, Langlais, in prep.). A number of sitesin the Pyrenees are noteworthy for the presence of scalene trianglesmade from bladelets, which are at times microlithic, such as atBelvis or Parco (Langlais, 2008).Finally, towards 15,000 calBP, barbed points become morestandardized and the development of double-beveled pointscoincides with the abandonment of fork-based points, half-roundrods and whale bone projectile heads. Lithic points also change,most notably with the addition of tanged Teyjat points andLaugerie-Basse type foliate points (Demars and Laurent, 1989) as atBois-Ragot (c.5, Le Licon-Julien, 2005) and Crozo Bastido(Lorblanchet, 1972), while further south, up to the eastern Iberiancoast, scalene triangles seem to persist (Langlais, 2010).

These four moments probably represent the coalescence ofa bundle of innovations forming part of an evolutionarycontinuum whose finer aspects unfortunately still require furtherdocumentation. Furthermore, spatial and temporal differences,representing either episodes of cultural unification or regionaliza-tion, are observable in both osseous and lithic weaponry. Thesechanging trajectories shed new light on Late Glacial hunter-gatherer technical ingenuity inherent in the continual renovationof a specific element of their tool-kit e hunting weaponry.

5. Conclusion

During the Late Glacial period between 18,000 and 14,000 calBP,the archeological record of several different aspects of hunter-gatherer activities attest to an internal evolution between theMiddle and Upper phases of the Magdalenian in the South-west ofFrance. Throughout these four millennia, rapid changes areperceptible in hunting weaponry, which may be tied to thesyncopation of techno-economic choices outlined above. Dynamictechnical solutions, evident in these various forms of huntingweaponry, highlight the significant technological creativity andinnovation inherent in these objects vital to hunter-gather groups.Understanding of the forces driving these changing trajectories stillremains limited and can only be further advanced by integratingnon-environmental factors such as personal ornamentation,mobiliary and parietal art, or funerary practices, all of which wereundoubtedly instrumental to these hunter-gatherer groups.

The difficulty in evaluating the different temporal factorsinfluencing these changes is compounded by problems connectedto different dating methods (conventional 14C dates versus AMSdates, differences in dates produced by different laboratories,continental versus marine 14C including reservoir effects, glacialchronologies, etc.). Nevertheless, it would be imprudent to denythat changes in landscape structure and resource availability didnot, in some way or another, influence the subsistence strategiesand imagination of the hunter-gather groups that depended uponthem. The inevitable consequences of demographic growth duringthe Middle Magdalenian, most likely made possible by anaugmentation of ungulate biomass (cf. Delpech, 1999), must also betaken into consideration. Such an expansion of biomass would haveundoubtedly supported the establishment and maintenance oflarge-scale social networks involving the long distance diffusion oftechnological innovations. The propagation of new ideas andtechnological savoir-faire would have stimulated or influenced thedevelopment of Magdalenian material culture and the adaptivechoices of Late Glacial hunter-gather groups.

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank the organizers of workshop 26 atINQUA-2011 in Bern, as well as Denise Leesch, Lawrence Guy Strausand Thomas Terberger for having accepted our contribution as partof their session and the constructive comments of three anony-mous reviewers. We would also like to thank the Treilles Founda-tion, the PREHISTOPYR Project of the Communaut de Travail desPyrnes and the MAGDATIS Project (ANR 2011 BSH3 005 02) for

M. Langlais et al. / Quaternary International 272-273 (2012) 138e149 147funding this research. Finally, we would like to thank Brad Gravinaand Marie-Claire Dawson for helping with the translation andformating of the text.References

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The evolution of Magdalenian societies in South-West France between 18,000 and 14,000 calBP: Changing environments, changin ...1. Introduction2. Contrasting spatio-temporal frameworks rich in diverse resources3. Key socio-economic elements and hunting patterns of the Late Glacial Magdalenian4. Changing trajectories: the example of magdalenian lithic and bone weaponry5. ConclusionAcknowledgementsReferences