the european influence on abenaki economics before …

THE EUROPEAN INFLUENCE ON ABENAKI ECONOMICS

BEFORE 1615 PAULEENA MACDOUGALL SEEBER

Penobscot Nation, Maine

In the early 17th century, Abenaki, Malbeet, Micmac and

Montagnab were travelling to Tadoussac to trade with the whal

ers and fishermen on a regular basb. Although some casual trade

occurred in the Gulf of Maine, it was not until after 1604 that

fur trading began in earnest in coastal Abenaki territory. At the

turn of the century a political alliance existed which embraced

all of the Eastern and Western Abenaki speaking peoples from

Cape Ann, Massachusetts to Mount Desert Island in Maine. The

tremendous demand for European goods increased competition

among the nations of Acadia, and evidently the Micmacs sought

to develop a monopoly in the Acadian fur trade. French and En

glish contacts in the Gulf of Maine threatened this monopoly, and

increasing rivalry led to the Micmac-Abenaki war which lasted

until 1616. These events resulted in the defeat of the Abenaki

alliance and the deaths of Eastern Abenaki chiefs Olemechin,

Marchin, and Bashabes.

There b some evidence to support the belief that the Abenaki

travelled to Tadoussac to trade.1 The Penobscot Cabahb told

1 Lescarbot (1609:199) reported that the women at Tadoussac greatly esteemed

the- porcupine quillwork of the Armouchiquois but had trouble getting by reason

of "...the warres that those nations have continually against another*. Champlain

(1925,1:267) noted that Secoudon (Maliseet) at the St. John River told him •...Les

habitans du pays vont par icelle riviere iusques a Tadoussac...*

202 PAULEENA MACDOUGALL SEEBER

Champlain in September, 1604 that the people of Norumbega

travelled up the Penobscot river to a lake through which they

went to the river of St. Croix, thence a short dbtance by portage,

and then to the river of the Etechemins. Furthermore, into thb

lake fell another river which they travelled for several days, and

afterwards entered another lake, over a portage and into a little

river that emptied one league from Quebec on the St. Lawrence

(Champlain 1613).

Thb account is confused, since there are two routes: the first

via the St. John to Madawaska and on to the St. Lawrence, and

the second, via the Chaudiere to Quebec. Champlain named

three rivers the Etchemin: the St. John, St. Croix, and the

present day Etchemin river, parallel to the Chaudiere in Quebec.

H b map of Quebec, which was sketched sometime before 1613

(Champlain 1925,2:1,269), clearly marks the Etchemin river as

"Riviere bruyantes, qui va aux Etechemains". The residents of

the Penobscot river valley travelled by its south branch from the

great Oxbow along the thirty mile carry to Portage Lake on the

way to the Chaudiere. Similarly, Abenakb of the Kennebec trav

elled by way of Lac Megantic to the Chaudiere. Archaeological

remains, especially stone tool styles, show a general likeness in

northern parts of Maine, Quebec and western New Brunswick,

and similar ceramic styles have been noted in the Penobscot and

St. Croix drainages in late prehistoric times (Sanger 1979). Thb

supports the idea that a precontact trading network may have

included major rivers of Maine and the St. Lawrence. Lescar

bot (1609) also reported that the Malbeets and Micmacs trav

elled via portage from St. Croix to St. Stephen Falb (present

day Pleasant Point) to Milltown falls by overland portage to the

Penobscot river. Therefore they may have at times frequented

the same route to the St. Lawrence that the Penobscots did.

The Europeans understood Acadia only in terms of its coast

in the early times, but it b essential to consider the interconnect-

edness of the waterways which were the highways of the Eastern

Woodland Indians. There were no geographical barriers prevent

ing the Abenakb from taking advantage of the trade in the St

EUROPEAN INFLUENCE ON ABENAKI ECONOMICS 203

Lawrence River.

The Saguenay river was an important trading source because both copper and furs were brought from the north. Champlain

reported that the Montagnab traded up the Saguenay and Lake St. John, and its tributaries with other Indians. The route be

tween the headwaters of the St. Maurice and the Saguenay was used when trade between the headwaters ofthe St. Maurice and

the Ottawa apparently developed as a way to circumvent un

friendly Iroquoian groups.2 Alliances were formed and wars were fought to increase the supply of fur as time went on. In the case

of the Acadian territory, the Micmacs' initial monopoly of trade

with the French was threatened by European traders making their way into the Gulf of Maine.

It b apparent from the scanty documentation available that

European trade goods were in great demand and difficult to ob

tain in the 16th century in Abenaki territory. Although there were good harbours in the Gulf of Maine, the earliest European contacts were frequently characterized by treachery. To the east

was the territory of the Malbeets, some of w h o m were allied with the Micmacs against the Abenaki in Maine. The Gulf of

Maine may also have afforded numerous contacts between native people and European fishermen in the 16th century. However,

no archaeological or hbtorical data has as yet come to light that

supports the exbtence of any fish-drying stations on the coast of

Maine until the arrival of Captain John Smith in 1614. Abenaki attempts to trade with Europeans in the Gulf of Maine were thwarted by the Micmacs whose alliance with the French was

one factor that exacerbated an already long-standing enmity be

tween Abenaki and Micmac people. Since Champlain used Micmac guides and interpreters, hb understanding was influenced

by Micmac interests. T h b b evident in the use of the term Al-mouchiquois to described the southern Maine Abenakb. T h b b the Micmac term for 'dog' with a French suffix. Lescarbot, who

2 Champlain (1925,2:267) says "Et quel quesfois ces peuples passent par ceste

riviere pour eviter les recontres de leurs ennemis, scachans qui Is ne les recherchent

en lieuz de si difficile acces*.

204 PAULEENA MACDOUG ALL SEEBER

never visited the Maine coast, was abo misled, deriving hb infor

mation entirely from the two Poutrincourts, Champlain, Prevert,

Chauvin, and other Frenchmen. Thb has resulted in the mis

taken identity of the peoples of the Penobscot and Kennebec

River valleys of Maine by some scholars.

16th Century Trade

The earliest European contacts in the Gulf of Maine of which

we have record include the 1501 journey of Gaspar Corte Real

who captured 50 people from the Labrador coast, Newfound

land, or perhaps further south and sold them into slavery in

Lisbon. He was followed in 1508 by Thomas Aubert of Dieppe,

who returned to Rouen with seven Indians whose fate remains

unknown. This was at a time when French fishermen were be

ginning to vbit the banks off Newfoundland and Cape Breton

for cod. There has been much discussion concerning the possibil

ities of contact with these fishermen by Abenaki people, but no

solid documentation has been discovered. It b uncertain if any

of the above voyages involved Montagnab, Micmacs, Abenakb,

Beothucks or others. Sometime between 1521 and 1525 the Por

tuguese Fagundes may have reached Penobscot Bay. The evi

dence for thb b the Diego Homem map of 1568 (Morison 1971).

However, some historians think he landed at Cape Breton or

Sable Island (Vigneras 1967).

Diogo and Manoel De Barcelos, son and grandson of Pedro De

Barcelos reached the coast of Canada on several occasions and

attempted to colonize Barcellona de Sam Bardao, possibly Sable

Island. The first voyage occurred between 1521 and 1531. After

the death of Diogo, Manoel and hb first cousin Marcos made

several voyages in 1562 or 1563 and 1565 or 1566. They brought

cattle, sheep, goats and pigs to the bland, where they prospered.

In fact, Humphrey Gilbert found an abundant supply of fresh

meat there in 1582 as did the Marquis de la Roche in 1598. Both

parties mentioned in their accounts that the Portuguese had left

the animals there 30 to 60 years earlier. The lands claimed by

the Barcelos seem to have been scattered on and off the shores


of Cape Breton and in the Gulf of the St. Lawrence (Vigneras

1973).

The first well-documented voyage to Abenaki territory oc

curred in 1524 when Giovanni da Verrazzano arrived possibly

in the area of present day Portland (Wroth 1970). He found

the people reacting to the European presence with fear and

suspicion. This b usually attributed by hbtorians to atroci

ties committed by fishermen, but more likely they had heard

of the kidnapping by the men of thb ship which had occurred

to the south. The Europeans made several vbits to the Indian

houses and found no evidence of cultivation and concluded that

the land was sterile. It was, of course, too early for planting in

Maine. The Indians were only interested in knives, fish hooks

and sharpened steel. It is curious that Verrazzano mentions the

several vbits to the Indians' houses, and abo states that the In

dians would trade only standing upon rocks, lowering items onto

the ship with ropes. Apparently the Indians had little respect

for Verrazzano's crew since they treated the ship with a view of

their bare buttocks as the ship sailed away.

The following year, the Portuguese, Estevan Gomez, trav

elling under the Spanish flag, arrived at Penobscot Bay about

June or early July. He captured a large number of Indians, and

shipped them back to Spain as slaves. Of them, 58 survived the

trip and were placed with Spanbh families by King Charles V,

but were never returned to their homeland (Vigneras 1970).

In 1526 Nicholas Don, a native of Brittany, wrote to the em

peror of Spain that while fishing with 30 mariners he was driven

to another country where natives wore "collars of gold" (prob

ably copper). Thb has been cited as proof that fishermen were

occasionally blown into the Gulf of Maine, but doesn't necessar

ily mean they traded with the Indians while there.

One year later John Rut sailed the Mary of Guilford in the

employ of England, and arrived in Norumbega sometime late in

the summer (Morison 1971). In 1542 Jean Fonteneau [dit Alefon-

sce] went with La Rocque de Roberval's expedition to Canada,

meeting Cartier off Newfoundland on June 8th. He sailed north

206 PAULEENA MACDOUG ALL SEEBER

as far as Davb Strait and Baffin Bay, and explored south along

the coast of Nova Scotia and Maine (Lanctot 1967).

Mercator's map dated 1569 and publbhed in Dubburg has

the Penobscot River, with Norombega located on its east bank.

Thb map is important for several reasons. First, the chain of

Appalachian mountains b noted for the first time, and second,

the Mattawamkeag and west branches of the Penobscot river are

included. Mercator's sources are unknown. H b informants may

have been Spanish, French, or Portuguese fishermen. H b map

suggest knowledge of the canoe route from Penobscot Bay to

the St. Lawrence via the Chaudiere, and lends support to the

idea that the Abenaki were travelling there, and that European

fishermen were in contact with Indians to the extent that they

received thb information from them.

In June, 1578 Sir Humphrey Gilbert obtained a patent from

Queen Elizabeth to claim lands for the crown. He sailed to North

America late in 1579, but nothing b known of hb landing site.

The following year, John Walker travelled up a river, probably

the Penobscot, where he raided a village and stole 300 hides, cer

tainly all the Indians had and the results of both winter hunting

and hide preparation. Thb must have been a devastating loss for

them, removing all of the assets which they most likely intended

to trade for European goods (Morison 1971).

Etienne Bellenger, a merchant of Rouen who dealt in fish

and furs sailed along the Maine coast in 1583 and entered the

Penobscot River. He traded with some Micmacs near Cap de

Sable, but there is no definite evidence that he traded at the Penobscot (Morison 1971).

In the Spring of 1598 the Marqub de la Roche Breton landed

some 60 colonbts on Sable bland. These included women. They

were left stranded there and their fate b unknown (Vigneras 1954).

Although there were a number of contacts between Europeans

and Native Americans in the Gulf of Maine in the 16th century,

these were rarely friendly and seldom resulted in benefits to the

Abenaki people. Most accounts were of kidnapping of and steal-


ing from Indians. Only one or two mutually beneficial exchanges took place.

The Turn of the Century

The Micmac conducted trade with the Basques and Bretons

on the Magdalen Islands where the Basques had a post called

Halabolina. They abo traded informally along the Gaspe. How

ever, Pierre Chauvin, a Huguenot from Eonfleur who with two

other protestants, Des Monts and Francob Grave Sieur du Pont,

led an expedition to Tadoussac in 1600. He was backed by Due

de Bouillon, leader of the Protestant party in France. Chauvin

did not return to Tadoussac in person in 1601, but sent three

ships there (Vigneras 1954:218). The French traded with sev

eral tribes, the Estechemins, Montagnais, Algonkins and others.

Competition was very great among the traders at thb time. The

Indians in thb area were astute bargainers and would wait for

another French ship to arrive if it meant getting a better price.

However, the turn of the century was also the turning point for

competition to become monopoly. The fur trade was emerging

as an independent entity from the fishing industry. The demand

for European goods was the primary driving force, together with

the increased demand for beaver skins in Europe.

Champlain inadvertently influenced the development of the

Micmac monopoly by supplying his allies with iron tools, and

giving them muskets to use in their war against the Abenaki.

Champlain and Lescarbot were both misled to some extent by

Micmac informants. Lescarbot's statement that "The people

that be from Saint Johns river to Kinibeki (wherein are com

prised the rivers of St. Croix and Norombega) are called Etche-

mins: And from Kinibeki as far as Malebarre (Cape Cod) and

farther, they are called Armouchiquois;" has created consider

able trouble. The word "Estechemins" was first used by Cham

plain to denote a band at Tadoussac who were allied with the

Algonkin and Montagnais against the Iroquob (Champlain 1604:

103). It was later shifted to include all the natives of Maine

with the exception of bands from southern Maine. Thb is an


error, confusing the Maliseet and Penobscot bands. These two

groups were close to one another, travel was frequent between

their territories, and some may have been bilingual. No doubt

a friendly relationship did exbt, perhaps for trading purposes.

In addition, an Abenaki leader named Bashabes, whose primary

residence was on the Penobscot River, was greatly esteemed by

both Eastern and Western Abenaki from the Penobscot to Cape

Ann. He headed a political alliance of these groups to ward off

forays of raiding Micmacs. Evidence for the nature of the in

teraction of these two nations b given by Champlain. In 1608

Oagimont, sagamore of the St. Croix river and said to be on

friendly terms with Bashabes, was appointed to negotiate with

Asticou, a Penobscot from Ellsworth in order to retrieve the

body of Panounias, who was a Malbeet who had been killed

by the Abenaki. In September, 1604 Champlain was met by

two canoes of Indians at Otter Creek Cove, Mt. Desert bland

who conducted them to their river "Peimtegouet as they call it,

where they told us lived their chief named Bessabez, headman

of that river". Champlain called these Indians Etechemins, but

the killers of Panounias he called Almouchiquois. They were all

Abenaki. They told Champlain that they came to Mt. Desert

only for a few months in the summer, hunting in the winter

at Kenduskeag. Champlain replied that the French wished to

help them to be reconciled with their enemies, the Souriquob3

3 The term "Sourquois* may be a loanblend from Micmac to French. Lescarbot

gave a list of numerals purportedly Souriquois which are all Micmac except for six

which is Maliseet. Champlain first mentions the word as the name of a river called

Souricoua where Prevert told him he went to find a copper mine. Ganong believed

this to be possibly the Scadouc, Petitcodiac or Memramcook. Just a few sentences

later Champlain gives the following: *Du coste de l'Est est une isle qui s'appelle

sainct Laurens, ou est le cap Breton, and ou une nation de Sauvages apellez les

Souricois hivemert.* He later expanded his usage of Souriquois to include all of the

Micmac bands he encountered from Nova Scotia and including the people of the

St. John's river, who were probably Maliseet, allied with Micmac. The -ois suffix

may be from the French as in Champlain Xaintongeois, replacing the Algonquian

placename suffix -kade in Micmac.


and Canadians (Montagnab). He then met with Bashabes at

Kenduskeag. Bashabes indicated that he wished to comply with

the French request so that he might barter beaver with them,

hunting them to a greater extent than formerly.

In this exchange, Champlain made use of the Indian customs

of oration and gifts to establbh friendly relations with Bashabes

and his people. In another statement, Champlain (1925,2:297)

reports that he next went to the Kennebec where "the nation

of Indians is called Etechemins, like those of Norumbega". Thb

use of the word Etechemin b apparently a result of Champlain's

lack of knowledge of the languages of his informants. A careful

reading of his and other accounts clarifies the names of chiefs,

their nations, the location of their villages, and their political

alliances.

The 17th Century

The decline of the fur trade at Saguenay was due in part to

the abandonment of the French post there. Pont-Grave later

associated himself with Champlain and was placed in charge of

Port Royal during the winter of 1605-1606. The Montagnais

and French alliance began in 1600, when Pont-Grave brought

two Montagnab to France. These were returned to Tadoussac

by Champlain who promised to ally with them against their

enemies the Iroquob.

With the transfer of trade from Tadoussac to Quebec the

Micmacs and Maibeets could more easily travel via the rivers of

Maine than their former route along the St. John. This brought

more of them through Bashabes' territory. It also had the result

of giving the Abenakb a certain geographical advantage, since

they were now closer to the center of the French fur trade than

their Eastern neighbours. At thb time there are several accounts

of Micmacs in coastal Abenaki territory, where they travelled in

order to raid and rob the inhabitants of their corn and other

goods. In 1602 Bartholomew Gosnold set out from Falmouth

landing either at Cape Elizabeth or at Cape Neddick. He met

Micmac Indians there who he reported had been in the service


of the Basques in Newfoundland waters and had stolen a shallop

in which they had adventured on a southerly voyage either to

trade or to rob (Brereton 1601, in Burrage 1906.

Several years later, when Champlain arrived at the mouth

of the Kennebec he was told that corn formerly planted on the

coast had been moved inland due to raiders stealing it. The pos-

sessin of corn facilitated long voyages. It was easy to store and

easy to carry, providing sustenance for long periods of travel.

Thus, the possessor of thb commodity had an advantage in the

hunting of furs. It was abo useful as a trade item when going

into non-agricultural band territories. The Abenaki control of

this agricultural product may have been an important factor in

the long-standing unfriendly feelings that existed between them

selves and the Micmac.

While on the St. Lawrence, Champlain reported that Sieur

Prevert had travelled to a mine with Souriquois who had great

fear of meeting their enemies, the Armouchiquois. The Indians

told Champlain that these Abenaki were monsters with short

bodies and small heads, arms and legs thin as a skeleton, legs

thick and long of the same size all the way down, and when they

sat upon their heels, their knees were higher by half a foot than

their head. Nevertheless they were agile, resolute and inhabited

the best land of all the coast of Acadia. They vbited a mine

which may have been located at Cap d'Or, Nova Scotia. The

stories of Almouchiquob monsters were undoubtedly designed

to discourage French travel to the territory of their competitors

in the fur trade.

We know that the Micmac-Abenaki war had already begun

at the time of the establbhment of the Port Royal Colony in

1605. During the De Monts expedition Champlain was given an

Etchemin boy by Marchin on July 25 at Saco who had been cap

tured in the war. It should be noted that the wife of Panounias,

who was Champlain's interpreter b no longer mentioned at thb

time. She was an Almouchiquob and may have been Panounias'

wife as a result of being captured by him in the war. If so she

was probably returned or escaped to her homeland during De


Monts' journey to southern Maine. W e do know that hostages were exchanged at R a m bland but no mention is made of who they were. It b likely that they were prisoners of war.

When Champlain arrived at the Kennebec in August 1605, he expected to meet Sasinou and retrieve an Etechemin man and

girl. However, he was disappointed. He was told by Anassou that a ship had killed five Indians at Pemaquid. These were

the five who were actually kidnapped by Waymouth on June

15th. On September 21, Champlain's company arrived in Saco

accompanied by Secoudon and Messamouet (both of w h o m he called Souriquois) who had been met at St. Croix. The Indi

ans expressed a wish to make an alliance with Olnemechin and Marchin by offering them presents of French trade goods. They

were given agricultural products in exchange. It appears that

much of the friendliness exhibited by the two sides was a show for the benefit of the French who wanted the Indians to remain on peaceful terms. Poutrincourt received a war captive at thb

encounter.

Meanwhile on November 2, some Etchemins in a canoe met Champlain and told Secoudon who was with Champlain that Iouaniscou and hb companions had killed some other Indians and

carried off some women as prisoners, and that near Mt. Desert

bland they had put these to death. Those who were murdered were from Norumbega and Kennebec. Later than month Panou

nias was killed in revence while on a trading expedition to the

Penobscot. The result was the raid on Saco by Membertou and

Messamouet's men in July, 1607.

The events of the raid of Saco are given in scattered accounts. Champlain reported that Sasinou, chief of the Kennebec killed

Olmechin and Marchin. I believe that he was misinformed be

cause Messamoet told Popham that they (the Micmacs) had

killed Sasanoa's son, and Lescarbot reported that Olmechin and Marchin were killed with muskets wielded by Membertou and Secoudon. (Lescarbot 1618). Abo, Sasinou would more likely

have been allied with the Abenaki than the Micmac because of his geographical position on the Kennebec. Finally, Champlain


had expected to meet Sasinou to retrieve Etchemin captives in

July, 1605, which indicates that Sasinou was already allied with

Bashabes rather than the Souriquob.

Both Messamoet's Micmacs and Nahanada's Abenakb brought

furs to trade to the Popham Colony even in the midst of their

war. Although the Popham Colony was abandoned in 1608,

Gilbert continued to trade regularly at New Harbor. Meanwhile,

Quebec was founded as a trading post in 1608 following the aban

donment of Port Royal the previous year.

In 1610 illness struck and 60 of Messamoet's band died at

La Havre. The French continued their trade with the Micmacs,

telling their allies that it they got rid of the English trade would

continue. The Englbh persisted in their attempts to claim Aca

dia, using Cabot's voyage of 1497 and King James' Charter of

1606 as the basis of their claim. In 1611 Edward Harlow seized

a French trader on Matinicus bland in Penobscot Bay and then

proceeded southward, kidnapping sample Indians from various

villages.

When Captain John Smith arrived at Monhegan in 1614, he

was disappointed in the fur trade, reporting that Englbh goods

were not esteemed in the eastern region by the Indians who were

allied with the French. Abo, Popham's ship was frequently at

New Harbor, and most furs were acquired by him. He also re

ported that there were two French ships forty leagues westwards.

Smith made a map marking the Indian villages as an aid to

fur traders. Unfortunately, his companion Thomas Hunt, who

stayed behind at Monhegan seized 24 Indians and sold them in

Malaga as slaves (Smith 1616). Thb only helped to push the

Indians even further into the arms of the French.

The effects of Early European intrusion into Maine was dev

astating to Abenaki economics and politics. Original trading

networks extending to the north and into the St. Lawrence were

altered as fur trading began in earnest in the Gulf of Maine.

Minor skirmishes with the Micmacs which formerly had been

on equal terms turned to massacres due to the French muskets

in the possession of the Micmacs. The Micmacs' alliance with


the French gave them a decided advantage in their war with the Abenaki, resulting in the destruction of several Abenaki villages

on the coast of Maine. Later the Micmacs extended their forays

into Massachusetts until 1633. In spite of Micmac attempts to

prevent it, the Abenaki continued to trade with both French and

English merchants in the Gulf of Maine. Claude de la Tour began fur trading in the Penobscot area and eventually built Fort

Pentagouet which remained a highly profitable fur trading post until taken over by the Plymouth Colony in 1626.

REFERENCES

Bun-age, Henry S., ed.

1006 Early English and French Voyages, Chiefly from Haklyut, 1534-1648. New York, Charles Scribner's Sons.,

Champlain, Samuel de

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1613 Les Voyages de Samuel de Champlain Xaintongeois, Capitaine ordinaire pour le Roy en la Marine. Paris: lean Berjon.

1925 The Works of Samuel de Champlain, Vol. 1 (1599-1607), Vol. 2 (1608-1613). H.P. Biggar, ed. Toronto: The Champlain Society.

Lanctot, Gustave

1967 Jean Fonteneau. Pp. 309-310 in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Vol.

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Lescarbot, Marc

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Toronto: The Champlain Society.

Morison, Samuel E.

1971 The European Discovery of America: The Northern Voyages, A.D. 500-1600. New York: Oxford University Press.


Sanger, David 1979 Discovering Maine's Archaeological Heritage. Augusta: Maine Historical

Preservation Commission

Smith, John

1616 A Description of New-England London: Humphrey Lownes.

Vigneras, Louis A.

1954 Some Spanish Documents Relating to Early French Expeditions to Canada. Canadian Historical Review 35:217-223.

1967 Caspar Corte-Real.f Pp. 234-236 in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Vol. 1. G.W. Borwn, ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

1970 The Voyage of Esteban G6mes from Florida to the Baccalaos. Terrae Incognitae 2:25-28.

1973 The Voyages of Diogo and Manoel De Barcelos to Canada in the Sixteenth Century. Terrae Incognitae 2:61-64.

Wroth, Lawrence

1970 The Voyages of Giovanni di Verrazzano, 1524-1528. New Haven: Yale University Press.

LINGUISTICS