The Effect of Commuting on Absenteeism in the Public Sector in Developing Countries: Analysis of the Civil

Service in Ghana

Frank L. K. Ohemeng, PhD Assistant Professor

School of Political Studies University of Ottawa

120 University Private Ottawa, On. K1N 6N5

fohemeng@uottawa.ca

&

Lily Fati Soale, M.A. Deputy Director

Ministry of Local Government & Rural Development Accra, Ghana fatisoale@yahoo.co.uk

A paper prepared for the 23rd World Congress of Political Science: Challenges of Contemporary Governance, July 19-24,

Montreal, Quebec, Canada

Working Draft Not to be quoted without the authors’ permission

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Abstract Absenteeism in the public sector has become a topic of discussion throughout the world. The number of public servants who absent themselves from work has risen, and the effects of that absence on service delivery, other employees, health and safety in the workplace, and the cost to the economy have become impossible to ignore. Scholars have offered various explanations, but the causes seem to be many and complex. An examination of the extant literature, however, shows that scholars have overlooked an important element: commuting. While commuting may not be a serious factor in the developed world, it is a grave problem in developing countries. How does commuting influence absenteeism in the public sector in Ghana? Using the mixed method approach, and focusing on seven ministries, we consider commuting as a major cause of absenteeism in developing countries: and, moreover, what can be done about it. Introduction:

The economic malaise that has befallen governments in both the developed and

developing worlds has led them to seek sources of money in the public sector – money that can

be used in other important sectors of the national economy. One area that most governments are

now studying is reducing public sector absenteeism, which many consider a frightening trend,

and one that costs governments millions of dollars each year (Cristofoli et al, 2011; Lokke,

2007). For example, in the United Kingdom in 2001, the annual cost of absenteeism in the public

sector was estimated at £13 billion, or approximately 192 million working days lost (Bennett,

2002). A recent article published by the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) noted that

public sector employees on average took 2.5 times more sick leave days than their counterparts

in the private sector. Accordingly, in 2011 public sector sick leave days are reported to have cost

the Canadian taxpayer $1 billion (Weston, 2012). With recent layoffs in the public sector,

absenteeism numbers are thought to have increased (Weston, 2012). In Australia, days lost

annually through absenteeism in the public sector are estimated as high as 30 million, at a cost

projected at over $7 billion annually (Erwin & Iverson, 1995:13). Similar examples abound

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worldwide. Absenteeism -- a term used to refer to absences that are avoidable, habitual, and

unscheduled -- is a source of irritation to employers and co-workers. Such absences are

disruptive to proper work scheduling and output, and costly to an organization and to the

economy as a whole.

It has been said that “absenteeism is probably one of the biggest problems that a manager

has to handle on an ongoing basis as it impacts on service delivery, staff morale, and could lead

to financial losses” (Munro, 2007: 21). Studies to unearth some of the major causes of this

cancer, to the purpose of uprooting it from organizations, are thus urgently necessary.

Despite a marked interest, however, and the development of intervention strategies,

absenteeism persists as an organizational problem in almost every country. It is even worse in

developing ones, where the scant research that has been done is largely confined to such areas as

the health and education sectors, to the neglect of the civil service (Ahmad and Saiyadain, 2000;

Belita et al. 2013; Gyimah-Boadi et al. 2008).

The exceptions to the dearth of studies on absenteeism in general in Ghana are, first, the

work of Eugenia Date-Bah (1976), who examined absenteeism and turnover in the private sector

and, more precisely, in a garment factory, where a number of respondents mentioned the

difficulty of transportation as a factor in their absence or lateness; and, second and recently, a

study by Gyimah-Boadi et al. (2008), who looked at teacher absenteeism in 30 public primary

schools in three districts. The present study is, therefore, the first of its kind to examine the

problem of commuting and its relationship with absenteeism in any form, including in the

context of the civil service. In other words, there has not been a systematic study of the

phenomenon with respect to the civil service, notwithstanding that many recognize that the

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service is plagued by it. Visits to the ministries in the early mornings and late afternoons of the

working week reveal empty offices, although work is supposed to start at 8:00 a.m. and end at 5

p.m. Bluntly, most civil servants report late to work and leave early. The failure of the

government to improve public transportation in Accra is cited as a major cause. How, exactly,

does commuting influence absenteeism in the public sector and in the Civil Service in Ghana?

We argue that despite what the literature has identified, and continues to identify, as

causes of absenteeism in the public sector -- including lack of organizational commitment,

laissez-faire collective bargaining agreements, stress, and weather conditions -- commuting

constitutes a major element in the problem, especially in developing countries. The longer the

time spent on commuting, the more stressful the journey becomes and, hence, the higher the

probability that workers will report late to their workplaces, and then depart early, so that they

can reach home at a reasonable time. The entire productivity of the civil service is thus

comprehensively undermined. Commuting as a cause of absenteeism needs to be investigated,

and we hope that this research will fill that void in the literature. Our main objective is to

ascertain the relationship between commuting and absenteeism in the public sector with respect

to the civil service, and to draw conclusions on the extent of this causal relationship, so that

measures can be adopted to improve worker output in general.

Our study is significant in a number of ways. First, with the advent of the new public

governance, with its significant focus on service delivery, improving the performance of public

organizations to enable them to function well has become, and will continue to be, the order of

the day. Consequently, public organizations are supposed to strive for improved performance,

which can be achieved through high employee output. Employees’ attendance at work is thus

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surpassingly important for improving organizational performance. Second, it goes beyond both

the accepted ways of measuring absenteeism and current thinking about its causes to focus on an

issue that has been neglected, yet is acknowledged as a critical element in productivity. It is thus

part of the response to the call by many to find new ways of understanding the problem

(Fichman, 1984; Ommeren and Gutiérrez-i-Puigarnau, 2009). Finally, and as already noted, the

focus on absenteeism in developing countries is warranted because these countries have so far

not received their share of attention. In short, we are bringing developing countries back into the

study of this phenomenon as a way to help them improve the performance of their public

organizations.

Following this introduction, we will review the extant literature on the two subjects by

first examining what absenteeism means, its different forms, and its causes and consequences.

The second part will then examine commuting and its associated problems. The next section will

discuss the methodological approaches used in the study. We will then move on to briefly

examine the civil service in Ghana, and then analyse the results of the study. Further discussion

will follow, and we will conclude with some recommendations on dealing with this cancer.

Absenteeism and Commuting: A Review of the Literature

In this section our objective is to review the literature on the two main concepts in our

study. While we are bound to reflect on absenteeism at some length, our analysis of commuting

will be quite brief, for the simple reason that its meaning, unlike that of absenteeism, has so far

proven uncontroversial. Discussing commuting is also necessary to help us set the stage for the

analysis of the Ghanaian situation.

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Absenteeism

Absenteeism as a subject of study is by no means a recent phenomenon: it has engaged

the attention of scholars since the early 1920s, and the interest seems not to be abating (Driver

and Watson, 1989; John, 2009; Harrison and Martocchio, 1998). Innumerable books and articles

have been, and continue to be, written. In spite of this, understanding the concept by drawing on

the extant literature has becoming daunting. The extent of the term's applications has not been

carefully demarcated, leading to its conflation with concepts such as lateness. The problem of

definition has been compounded by the fact that scholars themselves are unsure as to whether

lateness, for example, should be considered part of absenteeism, since both are examples of what

has been called withdrawal behaviour (Berry, et al. 2012; John, 2009). While some scholars

believe that lateness can be incorporated into the general discussion of absenteeism, others think

there are systematic differences. Adler and Golan (1981), for example, note that “the

instrumentalities and valences associated with lateness in a given situation differ from those

associated with absenteeism” (544). What, then, is absenteeism?

What the definitions in the literature agree is that it indicates the lack of presence at work

when one is expected to be there. Two types of absenteeism have been identified, which may in

turn affect the way the concept is defined. These are voluntary and involuntary (Avery et al.

2006; Hackett and Guion, 1985; March and Simon, 1958). Driver and Watson (1989) are of the

view that “voluntary absences are under the worker's control and they are typically short-term,

casual and illegitimate. The decision to take a voluntary absence may be based on a worker's

motivation to attend work [while] involuntary absences are beyond the worker's control and they

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tend to be longer term, are thought to result often from sickness or family responsibilities, and

may be based on the worker's ability to attend work.” Sagie (1998) is of the view that absences

may be regarded as voluntary or involuntary, according to the reasons given by the employees or

supervisors.

Not everyone, however, accepts this notion of reasons. Those who argue against it point

to the possibility of conditions that are concealed – that is to say, that people may not report --

but that may, nonetheless, be the underlying factor in absence from work. Lorenzo (1997) calls

these “hidden ailments” that can lead to serious absenteeism, but most scholars interested in the

subject have not sufficiently attended to them. Among the concepts that have been called upon in

the effort to understand voluntary absenteeism have been that of Thomas (1968), who calls it

unexcused absence, and that of Mayfield and Mayfield (2009), who describe it as discretionary

leave because it is avoidable. Voluntary absenteeism may be defined as being away from work

due to circumstances within the worker’s control (Wells, 1942). Avery et al. (2006) say it is “a

reasonably avoidable absence from the workplace.” According to Sagie (1998), “voluntary

absences are under the direct control of the employee and are frequently utilized for personal

aims such as testing the market for alternative employment prospects” (157). Voluntary

absenteeism may thus include unplanned absences to look after sick dependants, as well as the

outcome of boredom or a low degree of job satisfaction (Hannif, 2009). Thomas (1968) has

explained voluntary or unexcused absence as “any absence which cannot be supported by

evidence proving that time spent away from work was unavoidable; or any absence which has

not been approved in advance by management” (32).

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On the other hand, Hackett and Guion (1985), who have closely studied the idea, say that

involuntary absences are definable as beyond the immediate control of workers, and are thought

to be precipitated by such factors as transportation problems, family funerals sickness, and the

like (342). Avery et al. (2006) refer to it as “an absence from the workplace that, under normal

circumstances, is unavoidable by the employee, such as physical or psychological illness,”

whereas Hannif (2009) describes it as “unavoidable illnesses and injuries that prevent an

employee from attending to their work obligations.”

One of the earliest scholars to have studied the problem, Lundquist (1959: 122), defines it

as “all absence from the place of work extending through at least an entire day, excluding

absence because of vacation, military service or certified illness for more than three days by

reason of accident.” The difficulty with Lundquist's definition is that it does not include being

out of the office or the workplace during the day for even a brief moment. In short, can we

classify those who spend only half of the day at work as absent? We thus believe that his

definition falls short of capturing all the nuances of the concept.

A number of scholars have defined absenteeism from a behavioural perspective (Nichols,

Thomas, 1968; Harrison and Price, 2003). In behavioural thinking, whether one will be present

or absent from work at any particular moment reflects certain behavioural traits, including

attitude, commitment, the ability to take responsibility, etc. One of the earliest scholars to have

studied it says that absenteeism is “any absence which has not been approved in advance by

management” (Thomas, 1968: 32). Harrison and Price (2003) have accepted this behavioural

perspective, and have defined it as “the lack of physical presence at a behavior setting when and

where one is expected to be” (204). This definition is broad, as it takes into account the idea of

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lateness, which some scholars do conceive of as consistent with absence. The same perspective is

accepted by Gary John (2008), who simply says that “absenteeism is the failure to report for

work as scheduled” (3).

For the purpose of this paper, absenteeism is broadly defined as being absent from a

workstation. It could include, for example, being off sick [1], taking extended tea or lunch

breaks, doing shopping during work time, and absenting oneself without leave. In these examples

the employee intends to return to work; hence the need for management to tackle absenteeism, so

that employees can fulfill their obligations to render service (Munro, 2007: 22). Furthermore, we

use the concept to include the late arrival at, as well as the early departure from, the workplace,

and also extended absence from the workstation.

Factors Contributing to Absenteeism at the Workplace

Paralleling the definitional quandary just explored, scholars have been unable to agree on

the causes of absenteeism. The literature does identify some factors that may lead to its

occurrence. According to Gosselin, et al. (2013: 77), of the numerous variables five have drawn

the most attention from researchers. These are the socio-demographical indicators, personality,

workplace behaviour, social context, and the decision process itself. They are, however, of the

view that studies have identified low degrees of job satisfaction and organizational commitment

as steps in the direction of absenteeism.

A key variable identified in the literature is, therefore, job satisfaction. Sagie (1998), for

instance, thinks that absenteeism can be the result of poor organizational commitment and

inadequate job satisfaction; especially with voluntary absenteeism. Similarly, Schaufeli, et al.

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(2009) are of the view that increases in job demands, to the point of overload, including

emotional demands and work-home interference, and, conversely, decreases in job resources

(social support, autonomy, opportunities to learn, and feedback) predict registered sickness

duration (‘‘involuntary’’ absence) and frequency (‘‘involuntary’’ absence), respectively. In the

same way, Wegge et al. (2007) say that job involvement affects absenteeism more if job

satisfaction is at a low level, as this indicates a situation with weak constraints. In the public

sector it is believed that a lower rate of absence can be attributed to either job satisfaction or

dissatisfaction, more generous sick pay entitlements, greater job security, and less demanding

performance standards (Dibben et al. 2013: 55).

Not all, however, agree with the job satisfaction thesis. Drago and Wooden (1992), for

example, do not concur with the notion that lack of job satisfaction is a greater cause of workers’

absenteeism. In their study of absenteeism in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United

States, they noted that workgroup cohesion – that is, how closely and harmoniously employees

work together -- was associated with low levels of absence if job satisfaction was high, but with

high levels of absence if job satisfaction was low. Dalton and Perry (1981), in their study of

absenteeism, identified collective bargaining agreements, and especially some of the provisions

in these agreements, as capable of producing significant absenteeism problems. They wrote:

Investigations have not examined the relationship, if any, between relevant provisions of collective bargaining agreements and absence rates of organizations. This may be a critical exclusion as certain absenteeism policy provisions that are legitimated by the language of the collective bargaining agreement may have the effect of making absenteeism “easier” or more profitable for the employee, thereby leading to higher absence rates in the organisation. Such provisions may lead to distinctly different consequences relative to employee absenteeism (426).

They identified such provisions as the amount of money earned by employees as a result of the

negotiated agreement, the lack of certification as a proof of illness to determine absence, the rate

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at which paid sick leave is accumulated, and the policy covering the disposition of unused sick

leave as all leading to serious absenteeism in an organization.

Similarly, although not writing directly from the perspective of collective bargaining

agreements, Ichino and Riphahn (2004) note how employment protection can lead to

absenteeism. They maintain that “in a framework where absence behavior affects a worker’s risk

of being fired, economic theory suggests that absenteeism should increase with the level of

employment protection enjoyed by workers” (2). A number of scholars share this view of the

relationship between unionization and absenteeism (García-Serrano and Malo, 2009; Veliziotis,

2010). It is thus believed that “workers covered by higher employment protection are less

exposed to the threat of losing their job when caught shirking; therefore, they have higher

incentive to report as sick, and consequently be absent from work-emphasis is ours” (Cristini et

al. 2012: 4). In summary, and as noted by Craig (2008:4),

labor agreements that display loose controls, attractive work schedules, and stronger employee voice create an environment where subjective norms about attendance might reflect a work group's or organization's absence culture, while labor agreements that compensate and allow additional absenteeism can create an atmosphere of absenteeism influence. Unions worldwide recognize the growing absenteeism problem.

On the other hand, different scholars have looked at insufficient job involvement and

commitment as major causes of absenteeism at the workplace (Blau, 1986; Blau and Boal, 1987).

Job involvement has been defined as “the extent to which the individual identifies

psychologically with his/her job” (Blau and Boal, 1987: 290). It is noteworthy that job

involvement may lead to serious commitment, as the employee sees himself or herself as part of

the organization, and therefore will want to ensure its success. On the other hand, if job

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involvement is weak, the tendency to neglect work waxes, which may result in staying out of the

workplace for long periods.

Other scholars have identified leadership type and style as affecting employee absence

(Elshout et al. 2013; Frooman et al. 2012; Hassan, et al. 2014; Mayfair and Mayfair, 2009; Van

Dierendonck, et al. 2002). Frooman et al. (2012) identified two distinct kinds of absenteeism,

legitimate and illegitimate, and noted that passive avoidant leadership, for instance, increases

illegitimate absenteeism, at the same time as it decreases legitimate absenteeism (458). Similarly,

it has been noted that transformational leadership can decrease absenteeism: not only do such

leaders support employees’ needs; they are also able to set a personal example, to stimulate,

develop and inspire employees (Mellor, et al. 2009). By the same token, Schreuder et al. (2011)

found that authentic leaders -- that is, leaders who strive for openness, transparency, and honesty

in relationships -- can stimulate employees’ attitudes, such as engagement, commitment, and

motivation, and improve their work and performance through a process of personal identification

with employees and social identification with the organization; while, at the same time,

relationship-oriented leaders have lower short-term absence rates among their employees.

Another cause of absenteeism, one that is seen as separate from both subjective factors

and the workplace itself, is bad weather (Markham and Markham, 2005; Mueser, 1953; Smith,

1977). Coleman and Schaefer (1990), for example, have noted how weather patterns can

adversely affect attendance. They noted that “‘poor’ weather, particularly low temperatures, is

related to higher rates of absenteeism and the relationship differs across the seasons” (35). In an

earlier study on the correlation between the weather and absenteeism, Smith (1977) showed that

it was affected by a snow storm, in contrast with the absenteeism rate in an area where the storm

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did not occur. Similarly, other scholars have noted how, conversely, favourable weather can also

result in absenteeism at the workplace. For instance, in a study by Shi and Skuterud (2014) on

favourable weather and absenteeism in Canada, they noted that there was “a clear tendency for

reported sickness absenteeism to rise with the recreational quality of the weather.” They further

noted that when the weather is nice or favourable, many employees will dishonestly report health

problems, and take the opportunity to stay away from work.

Some scholars have also tested the relationships among age, tenure, and employee

absenteeism (Gellatly, 1995; Hackett, 1990; Nicholson, et al. 1977; Steers and Rhodes, 1978;

Rhodes and Steers, 1990). In a study in Canada, Gellatly (1995) noted that “organizational tenure

was positively related to age, continuance commitment (high sacrifice), perceived absence norm,

and total days absent. Thus employees with longer tenure, on average, were older, reported that

leaving the organization would entail greater personal sacrifices (e.g. loss of pension benefits),

believed their co-workers were absent to a greater degree, and were absent more often than were

employees with shorter tenure” (476). Similarly, Nicholson et al. (1977) in their study found a

significant correlation between age, tenure, and absence. This correlation may be explained by

referring to the fact that many of the aged may experience health problems, which may force

them to be absent more often than the younger generation.

Commuting

Commuting is basically the movement of people from one place to another through a

means of transport for a particular purpose, which could be social, economic, or leisure.

Commuting in modern cities can take different forms. These include walking, biking or

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motorcycling, vehicles, and trains (Kolowsky, et al. 1995). The literature on commuting has

differentiated between private and public transportation systems. Private transport usually means

vehicles that are owned by individuals and used for personal purposes, including moving to and

from work. They are usually small, private vehicles with a capacity for about four to seven

people. On the other hand, public transport utilizes buses, minivans, taxis, trams, and trains in

transporting people from one place to the other, at a fee (Taylor and Pocock, 1972).

The most common mode of commuting in cities worldwide is public transportation, in

any of the forms just discussed. The prerequisites for commuting include, however, the

availability of roads, tracks, or lanes to enable the various modes of transport to operate well.

The availability and proper management of the means of transportation is also a sine qua non in

ensuring easy movement of people. Therefore, in the event that the aforementioned factors are

inadequate or malfunctioning, commuting may become a long, difficult, costly, and unhealthy

endeavour, with significant negative consequences.

A number of studies have shown, and continue to show, how a long commute may cause

stress and, for that matter, sickness among employees (Karlström and Isacsson, 1990; Kolowsky,

1997). Stress is considered an indirect consequence of commuting, whether by private or public

transport (Hanson et al. 2011). There are both comparative and divergent views on the causes of

commuting stress. Some authors contend that commuting related stress is caused by the distance

and length of commuting, which culminates in the difficulty of commuting, while others argue

that there is a positive correlation between the features of a commute and stress. On the other

hand, others see a combination of these factors as causes of commuter stress (Flood and Barbato,

2005; Kolsowsky, 1997).

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Flood and Barbato (2005) have noted that three main factors shape people’s commuting

experience. The first is the speed of the means of transportation: that is, whether it is slow or fast,

and whether it stops frequently. Journeys that are characterized by frequent stops due to traffic

congestion or by breakdown of the means of transport due to mechanical problems, accidents, or

the poor condition of roads usually frustrate both drivers and commuters. The second is the

difficulty of obtaining the means of transportation. In short, the unreliability of the transport

system and the nature of the transport may present physical and psychological problems for

commuters. Finally, the predictability of journeys affects the psychology of travellers. People

may be unsure about the exact time their commuting will take, and may suddenly be confronted

with obstacles on the journey. Frequent interruptions of journeys make them highly

unpredictable, and greatly increases the strain on the passengers, and can therefore be considered

the factor most determinant of commuters' stress (Flood and Babato, 2005:13; Kolowsky, 1997).

Some authors have also noted the differences between the kinds of commuting frustration

(and hence stress) experienced by passengers and drivers (Kolowsky et al. 1995; Shamoa-Nir

and Kolowsky, 2010). Drivers feel more tired when the journey is long, and more frustrated

when there are difficulties such as traffic congestion, and other obstructions on the road. They

may try to cope with such frustration by verbally or physically abusing other motorists, and

blaming them for what they are experiencing. Driving on congested streets can thus turn into

verbal warfare for drivers, with some of them incessantly beeping their horns and hurling insults

and curses at other motorists and road users. This is referred to as “road rage”, which has been

“accepted as a legitimate danger to the safe, effective, and efficient operation of the

transportation system” (Humphrey, et al. 2013: 156). In a survey conducted in 2003 by the

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Australian Associated Motor Insurers Limited (AAMI) on 1600 Australian drivers, it was

observed that nine out of 10 had been road rage victims. Indeed, as many as 75 per cent of the

drivers had received rude gestures, while 58 per cent had been verbally abused, with five per cent

experiencing physical assault by fellow drivers (Flood and Babato, 2005: 14).

The issue of traffic congestion is recognized as one of the main causes of difficult

commuting (Haider, et al. 2013; Humphrey, et al. 2013; Stokols, et al. 1978). Congestion

elongates commuting distances, raises the cost of commuting, and affects the health of

commuters. It also has other externalities, such as vehicular wear and tear, and air pollution

(Novaco and Gonzalez, 2011). In a study measuring the effect of traffic congestion on

commuters using a “commuter pain index,” which measured commute time and cost, time stuck

in traffic, and value of time, among other things, in 10 cities, Caldow (2008) concluded that

employees whose journeys are longer display greater levels of stress and perceived stress,

associated with the feelings of nervousness, irritability, fatigue, pain, and poor performance and

satisfaction at the work place. Traffic congestion induces voluntary absenteeism, with commuters

spending so much time and money getting to work.

Ommeren and Puigarnau (2009) contend that accessibility and affordability of transport

to the workplace also determine the level of voluntary absence. In this context, the results of a

cost benefit analysis of voluntary absence are taken into consideration. Employees will

consciously calculate the costs of going to work, including the monetary cost of transportation,

the difficulty of getting a method of transport, and the stress of staying in traffic, as well as the

disadvantage of losing sleep, because they have to wake up early to go to work, and also arrive

home late from it. If the reward of going to work is less than that of staying at home, they tend to

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choose the latter. Chaudhury and Hammer (2004), in a study of the effect of commuting on

Bangladesh Medical Facilities, explained that people usually weigh the costs and benefits of

going to work, and decide whether or not to attend according to the opportunity cost theory. This

decision, according to them, is easy for certain categories of workers: that is, those whose

services are sought after and who, particularly, can get part time jobs, such as those in the

medical field.

Apart from motivation, one of the factors that impact employee’s behaviour in

organizations is commuting, because they usually have to move from their place of abode to their

workplace. It is interesting, however, that the distance between these has been increasing due to

urbanization and urban sprawl, culminating in prolongation of commuting, with its attendant

problems; and the length of a commute has, indeed, been linked to absenteeism among workers.

A study to measure that effect in Germany found that absenteeism will be, on the average, 16

percent less if the commute is short (Ommeren and Puigarnau, 2009).

A recent study by Gimenez-Nadal and Molina (2011) examined the effect of the length of

workers' commutes on their productivity. Using the Spanish Time Use Survey, which analysed

the relationship between commuting time and labour market hours, the two concluded that the

longer an employee’s commuting time, the shorter the time left for work. They further noted the

correspondence between the commuting time and the time devoted to the labour market, the

former of which was calculated as 35 minutes. According to them, these results were congruent

with the urban efficiency wage theory, which states that there is a causal relationship between

commuting and labour supply. On that basis, they concluded that workers with a long commute

tend to adapt to their work situation by making less effort: this they called “shirking.”

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In determining the effect of commuting on the absence behaviour of individuals, two

indicators have consistently been used in the literature. These are distance and time (Kolowsky,

et al. 1995; Kolowsky, 1997; Taylor and Pocock, 1972). In combination with others, they present

a credible explanation of employee absence behaviour. For instance, research has shown that

long distances affect workers' punctuality (Kolowsky, 1997). There seems to be, therefore, a

relationship between the place of abode of the employee and the lateness behaviour of that

employee.

Over the years commuting time has, however, been measured by researchers who took

into consideration only the time travelled from the place of abode to the workplace, while

ignoring the travel time from the workplace to the place of abode – which, for Kolowsky, is also

important, because it influences the stress levels of commuters, perhaps even more than the

morning trips to work (Kolowsky, 1997). Kolowsky (1997) explains that this is so because the

time spent commuting to the workplace may be perceived by the individual as organizational

time, and they may therefore think they are not losing much, even if the commute is long;

whereas the journey home, the moment it becomes long, is seen as a waste of the individual’s

time: causing, no doubt, greater stress. Unlike distance, travel time is subjective, inasmuch as the

time taken to travel a certain distance may vary between time periods because of obstructions

such as congestion due to traffic, or broken down vehicles, or some other situation. This is

referred to as impedance, and it can be objective or subjective, depending on such factors as the

orientation and perception of individuals (Novaco, et al. 1990; Kolowsky, 1997; Reggiani, 2011).

Those factors can, in turn, lead to outcomes that may constitute physiological, psychological, and

behavioural strain, and which, when analysed properly, may yield a clue to how an organization

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might help its employees by reducing the impacts of difficult commuting and, thereby, improve

their work output. Novaco et al. (1990) have noted that “impedance characteristics of commuting

are indeed stressful, as manifested by effects on blood pressure, tolerance for frustration,

negative mood, and overall life satisfaction” (232). According to Kolowsky (1997), objective

impedance results from physical obstructions that can be seen and experienced by everybody to

almost the same degree. But with the intervention of variables like gender, time management,

time urgency, and predictability, all of which affect different people differently, perception of the

commuting experience begins to vary in intensity. For instance, it has been reported that females

are more prone than men to high stress levels attributed to difficult commuting.

Apart from this, time consciousness is linked to the levels of tolerance of obstruction or

impedance, inasmuch as commuters who value their time will eventually get nervous when they

encounter delays. Linked to this in turn is the fact that commuters' ability to predict their time of

arrival greatly influences their perception of the difficulty of the journey. When the level of

difficulty of commuting is seen as high, it begets stress, bodily pains, lateness for or withdrawal

from work, and so on. Notwithstanding, the manner in which a commuter manages his or her

time has an impact on the intensity of the outcomes, especially the behavioural strains. In

tackling the issues of absence in relation to commuting, therefore, the time management skills of

an employee are an issue that needs to be critically examined by organizations as part of the

solution for commuting related absenteeism (Kolowsky, 1997).

Methodological Approaches to the Study

! 19

Various methodological approaches have been used, and continue to be used, in research

on absenteeism. A number of these methods, however, have been criticized as contributing to the

dilemma in doing absenteeism research. For example, Haccoun and Dupont (1987: 144) maintain

that “in the typical empirical study of absenteeism the subject does not even know about

participating in a study. Subjects respond to large questionnaires, measuring job satisfaction,

motivation levels, supervisory relationships, etc., and these are intercorrelated with their previous

absence record.” In order not to fall victim to these methodological problems, we decided to be

careful in our choice of method in this study, which is the mixed method approach.

The mixed method approach has recently emerged as a new paradigm for studying a

variety of phenomena, and it continues to be widely accepted (Freshwater and Cahill, 2013;

Greene, 2008; Johnson and Onwuegbuzie, 2004). It is considered a pragmatic approach, and one

that attempts to incorporate multiple perspectives (Johnson et al. 2007); it “offers great promise

for practicing researchers who would like to see methodologists describe and develop techniques

that are closer to what researchers actually use in practice” (Johnson and Onwuegbuzie,

2004:15). Mixed method combines the best of both qualitative and quantitative techniques, and

in so doing goes some way to compensating for the weaknesses of one with the strengths of the

other (Bryman, 2006). Its efficacy is evident in the number of books and articles that refer to it,

and that continue to be published.

Even so, scholars have not agreed on a definition. A study by Johnson et al. (2007)

identified those of more than 15 scholars. In what follows we will discuss a few of these before

narrowing down how we use it in this study. Jennifer Greene (2008) says that “mixed method

inquiry is an approach to investigating the social world that ideally involves more than one

! 20

methodological tradition and thus more than one way of knowing, along with more than one kind

of technique for gathering, analyzing, and representing human phenomena, all for the purpose of

better understanding.” Johnson and Onwuegbuzie (2007) are of the view that mixed methods

research “is the class of research where the researcher mixes or combines quantitative and

qualitative research techniques, methods, approaches, concepts or language into a single study or

set of related studies.”

Johnson et al. (2007) note that “mixed methods research is the type of research in which a

researcher or team of researchers combines elements of qualitative and quantitative research

approaches (e.g., use of qualitative and quantitative viewpoints, data collection, analysis,

inference techniques) for the broad purposes of breadth and depth of understanding and

corroboration” (123). They go on to argue that using mixed methods means “mixing within a

single study; a mixed method program would involve mixing within a program of research and

the mixing might occur across a closely related set of studies” (123).

One common thread through all of these definitions is that “there is strong agreement that

mixed research involves both quantitative and qualitative research, although one person

specifically recommends a broadening of mixed research to include within research-paradigm

mixing” (Johnson et al. 2007: 121). Consistently, we conceive of mixed methods as the

utilization of both qualitative and quantitative techniques, integrating findings, and drawing

inferences from both the qualitative and quantitative components of research so as to reach a

more satisfactory conclusion about a particular research phenomenon (Creswell and Tashakkori,

2007). Our definition is similar to that of Greene et al. (1989), who defined mixed methods as

‘‘those that include at least one quantitative method (designed to collect numbers) and one

! 21

qualitative method (designed to collect words)’’ (256, quoted in Creswell and Tashakkori, 2007:

303), inasmuch as we used different techniques from both qualitative and quantitative

methodological approaches.

Using mixed methods in research into absenteeism brings a number of benefits. For

example, the large number of participants makes it unwise to undertake only qualitative research

through interviews. Similarly, qualitative analysis will not reveal the exact raison d’etre for

lateness for or absence from work. Hence, it is extremely important to utilize the best of both

methods to enable us reach a meaningful conclusion. As Johnson and Onwuegbuzie (2004:

14-15) point out,

[t]he goal of mixed methods research is not to replace either of these approaches but rather to draw from the strengths and minimize the weaknesses of both in single research studies and across studies. If you visualize a continuum with qualitative research anchored at one pole and quantitative research anchored at the other, mixed methods research covers the large set of points in the middle area.

Rossman and Wilson (1985) have identified three reasons for combining quantitative and

qualitative research. First, combinations enable reciprocal confirmation or corroboration through

triangulation. Second, combinations enable or assist analysis, and provide richer data. Third,

combinations are used to initiate new modes of thinking by attending to paradoxes that emerge

from the two data sources (Johnson et al. 2007: 115) Most recently, Collins, et al. (2006)

identified four rationales for conducting mixed research: participant enrichment (e.g., mixing

quantitative and qualitative research to optimize the sample using techniques, which include

recruiting participants, engaging in such activities as institutional review board debriefings, and

ensuring that each participant is appropriate for inclusion), instrument fidelity (e.g., assessing the

appropriateness and utility of existing instruments, creating new instruments, and monitoring

! 22

performance of human instruments), treatment integrity (i.e., assessing fidelity of intervention),

and significance enhancement (e.g., facilitating thickness and richness of data, and augmenting

interpretation and usefulness of findings) (78-79). Denscombe (2008) has come up with five

main reasons researchers use this approach in their studies.

Using mixed methods is, however, not without its challenges (Bryman, 2007; Collins, et

al. 2007). Collins et al. (2007) have identified four major ones. The first is representation, which

they refer to as the “difficulty in capturing (i.e., representing) the lived experience using text in

general and words and numbers in particular” (268). Both qualitative and quantitative methods,

they maintain, have this problem -- with respect to sampling size for the former, and the inability

to capture the lived experiences of subjects for the latter. The challenge of representation in

mixed methods often is intensified, according to them, because the qualitative and quantitative

components both bring their own, unique, challenges with them (268). The second challenge

identified by them is legitimation or validity. Legitimation refers to obtaining “findings and/or

making inferences that are credible, trustworthy, dependable, transferable, and/or

confirmable” (Onwuegbuzie and Johnson, 2006: 52).

The third challenge in mixed methods research pertains to integration. Integration has

been called “the interaction or conversation between the qualitative and quantitative components

of a study” (O’Cathain et al. 2010: 1147). Various scholars have identified a number of barriers

to integration (Bryman, 2007; O’Cathain, et al. 2008). One is the omission of mixed methods

research from education curriculums (O’Cathain et al. 2010). Another issue of integration,

according to O’Cathain et al. (2009), is “setting short time frames for funding which might limit

the amount of integration between qualitative and quantitative data and findings for some types

! 23

of mixed methods studies” (2). The fourth challenge is that of politics. The authors hold that

“this challenge refers to the tensions that come to the fore as a result of combining qualitative

and quantitative approaches” (269).

To understand the problem of absenteeism in the civil service, we decided to select

representative departments as our cases. Because this is the first such study of the service in

Ghana, we did not want to look at all the departments that make up the service. Second,

considering the numbers both of departments (25) and of civil servants (more than 100,000), we

felt that purposive sampling would be most appropriate in such a preliminary study. In all, seven

ministries were selected. See table one for the organizations and the number of civil servants

they have.

The Ghanaian Civil Service: A Short Overview and Problems of Absenteeism

Much scholarly ink has been poured describing the civil service in Ghana, and there is no

need for us to fully discuss it here. It must, however, be said that the civil service is one of the

last relics of colonialism. In other words, its structure still resembles that of the British system,

which was imposed on the then Gold Coast during the colonial period.

Since gaining independence in 1957, the civil service, seen as the instrument for national

development, has experienced, and continues to experience, many trials, as well as reforms to the

purpose of creating efficient and effective institutions for the development and implementation

of public policies. In spite of the reforms, the service is not yet problem free, to the extent that

one scholar has denounced it as a moribund, paper-pushing institution (Nti, 1980).

! 24

Apart from those of foreign affairs and defence, all the ministries are located in one

cluster, and near the central business district of the city. Foreign affairs and defence are close to

the airport, and about 10 kilometres from the others. More than 90 percent, in other words, of

civil servants have to commute to and from the central business district. The table below

indicates the average distance covered by civil servants who work in the centre compared with

the same for those who work at the ministries of foreign affairs and defence. Transportation

difficulties and traffic congestion are parts of Accra life. Those who use public transport, as well

as those who drive their own cars, are thus always caught in the mess of Accra traffic. Some

leave home early to beat the heavy morning traffic, and then also stay late at work.

Apart from senior members of the civil service, who may either have their own vehicles

or have them officially assigned, a significant proportion of employees rely on public

transportation to commute. They are thus affected by the cost, as well as the stress, of commuting

long distances. The cost of travelling and maintenance can have huge implications even for those

with their own vehicles.

Commuting and Absenteeism in the Civil Service

In this section we will examine the various factors linking commuting to absenteeism in

the service. They include the modes of commuting, the distance from the place of abode to the

workplace, the time to travel from place of abode to workplace, the time of reporting and

departure, the reasons for departure, and the cost of commuting.

Modes of Commuting

! 25

The modes of commuting civil servants use are public transport, their own vehicle, the

ministry’s vehicle, and walking. Massive dependence on motorized transport, especially public

transport, was observed, in contrast with the others, such as bicycling and walking. About 69

percent of employees depend on public transport to get to work, while 21 percent use their own

vehicle, and only about seven percent use a ministry vehicle, while the remainder get to work in

other ways.

!

Although many of the respondents used public transport to reach their workplace, the

unreliability of the transport system meant that about 38 percent said they prefer to use their own

vehicles, and only 12 percent prefer public transport. The high degree of preference for their

own vehicles may be attributable to the prestige value in Ghana of having one's own car. Even

so, about 30 percent of employees said they prefer to use a ministry vehicle to come to work.

This is not surprising, since the latter is less stressful, with employees usually being picked up at

home. In addition, those who have been assigned official vehicles are also given weekly fuel

allocations, and repairs to the vehicles are also taken care of by the office, further reducing their

cost of commuting.

! 26

!

Distance from the place of abode to the workplace

The table below indicates the average distance covered by civil servants who work in the

central business district. The average distance of commute is about six kilometres. About 30

percent of respondents travel more than six kilometres from their place of abode to the

workplace.

Time taken to travel from the place of abode to the workplace

It was reported that on some days employees had difficulty getting from their place of

abode to their workplace. Indicated contributory factors include difficulty getting transportation,

Number of kilometres from place of abode to the workplace

Frequency PercentV a l i d Percent Cumulative Percent

Valid 1 km to 3 km 3 3.2 9.1 9.1

4 km to 6 km 3 3.2 9.1 18.2

beyond 6 km 27 28.7 81.8 100.0

Total 33 35.1 100.0

Missing System 61 64.9

Total 94 100.0

! 27

especially in the mornings; heavy traffic congestion; and the high cost of commuting. Indeed, 37

percent of respondents reported that they find it difficult to get transport to the workplace, while

18 percent blamed heavy traffic congestion, and 13 percent of respondents cited financial issues

as the reasons they find it difficult to commute on particular days.

On days on which commuting is free of such difficulties as prolonged waiting times for public

transportation, breakdowns of vehicles, unannounced road blocks, and unexpected traffic

congestion, for over 50 percent of employees the time taken to travel from the place of abode to

the workplace is between 30 minutes and one hour.

It was noted that on days on which employees find commuting difficult, 39 respondents,

representing 52 percent of public transport users, reported that it takes them over two hours to

travel to the workplace. Own-car users, however, take less time to travel on bad days. About 45

Reasons Frequency Percentage

T r a n s p o r t difficulty 26 37%

Caretaking 1 1.4%

Family issues 2 2.8%

Financial reasons 9 12.7%

Tiredness 5 7.0%

Traffic 13 18.3%

Medical reasons 7 9.9%

Personal issues 1 1.4%

Rain 7 9.9%

Total 71 100%

! 28

percent of own-car users took between one and two hours to travel from their place of abode to

their workplace, while only 14 percent travelled over two hours.

Time employees report to work

Generally, the majority of employees reported over 30 minutes late to work, whereas only

44 percent reported to work at the stipulated time of 8:00 a.m. About 46 percent of employees

reported to work between 8:10 a.m. and 9:00 a.m. It was noted that there were striking

discrepancies between, on one hand, the reported cases of reporting times to the workplace and,

on the other, the reports by Human Resource Directors and some heads of units of the various

ministries. For instance, while most respondents stated that they report to work at the stipulated

time, some supervisors said employees in their department report mostly between 8:30 a.m. and

9:00 am. Indeed, there were some disparities in the official reporting times of civil servants.

While some supervisors maintained that the reporting time was 8:00 a.m., others argued that it is

8:30 a.m. Some employees explained that while the reporting time is supposed to be 8:00 a.m., in

some of the ministries challenges of transportation and commuting mean that reporting to work

at 8:30 a.m. has become the norm. The figure below depicts the time employees usually arrive at

the workplace.

! 29

!

Time of departure from the workplace

In order to measure the incidence of short-term absences, respondents were asked to

report on the time they depart the workplace for home. About 40 percent stated they leave

between 4:30 and 5:00 p.m. -- bearing in mind that the officially stipulated departure time is 5:00

p.m. This fact indicates a cumulative loss of working hours by the various ministries.

Interestingly, 50 percent of respondents claimed that they close between 5:00 and 5:30 p.m., and

almost 20 percent stated they usually close after 6:00 p.m.

Time of departure from the workplace

Frequency PercentV a l i d Percent Cumulative Percent

Valid 4:30-5:00 p.m. 30 31.9 34.1 34.1

5:00-5:30 p.m. 47 50.0 53.4 87.5

after 6:00 p.m. 11 11.7 12.5 100.0

Total 88 93.6 100.0

Missing

System 6 6.4

Total 94 100.0

! 30

Respondents were asked about their reasons for departing from the office at particular times.

They gave the following: easy accessibility to transport; avoiding traffic; adherence to the

official closing hour; and working overtime. Access to public transport and avoiding traffic were

the reasons employees depart early, while observing official closing hours and working overtime

were given for closing after 5:00 p.m.

Long-term absences

In order to ascertain the incidence and duration of long-term absences, respondents were

asked to state whether they took some days off, with or without permission from their

supervisors, just to either relax or attend to family emergencies. Family emergencies are defined

Reasons for departing from the workplace at particular times

Frequenc

y PercentV a l i d Percent

C u m u l a t i v e Percent

Valid Because that is the official closing time

47 50.0 54.7 54.7

That is the time I can eas i ly ge t means o f transport

17 18.1 19.8 74.4

I can avoid traffic 7 7.4 8.1 82.6

I usually work overtime 12 12.8 14.0 96.5

Other 3 3.2 3.5 100.0

Total 86 91.5 100.0

Missing System 8 8.5

Total 94 100.0

! 31

as including caring for sick relatives, taking dependants to hospital, and attending funerals and

other family events.

It was noted that a minority of employees took days off work for relaxation purposes.

Interestingly, a large number gave no response as to whether they had taken days off in the past

six months for that reason. In fact, 81 percent of respondents declined to provide any information

at all on this issue. It may be that employees find it difficult to self-report deviant behaviour,

even though they were assured confidentiality.

It was noted that the cumulative durations of the days taken off were quite high in the

survey; while five employees, representing 5.3 percent, had taken one to three days off to relax,

another 5.2 percent had taken more than 10 days. Also, 2.3 percent and 4.3 percent, respectively,

reported they had taken from four to six days off and from seven to 10 days off, respectively.

Figure………….

!

The response rate concerning days taken off to attend to family emergencies was higher

than for days taken off to relax. Perhaps the respondents did not see the former as deviant

behaviour, and therefore found them easier to report; on the other hand, many of them may

! 32

genuinely have had emergencies to attend to. Apart from this disparity, the duration of the

absence in the case of attending to family emergencies was less than with days taken off to relax.

That being the case, it could be observed that almost 25 percent of respondents took one to three

days off to attend to emergencies, while about nine percent took four to six days off, and 3.2

percent took seven to 10 days off, and 5.3 percent took beyond 10 days. Since supervisors do not

authenticate claims of family emergencies by employees, it is possible for employees to take

days off and use family emergencies as the excuse, especially in view of the fact that employees

who spend more on transportation fares took more days off to attend to family emergencies.

! Incidentally, employees who use public transport, and spend as much as from GH₵5 to 10.00 a

day, tend to take days off to attend to family emergencies. Indeed, the four out of five

respondents, representing about 80 percent, who spend more than GH₵10.00 admitted they had

taken days off in the past six months to attend to family emergencies. Also, four employees,

representing 50 percent of those who spend GH₵8 to 10, had taken some days off for that reason.

It was also noted that nine out of a total of 23 employees who spend GH₵5.50 to 8 (39 percent),

and 12 employees out of a total of 35, representing 34 percent, said they had taken days off in the

! 33

past six months to attend to family emergencies. None of the employees, however, who spend

less than GH₵2.00 had ever taken days off to attend to family emergencies.

Table ………………..

Organizational norms – sanctions for absenteeism.

In order to determine employees' motivation to adhere to the Civil Service Code of

Conduct for Employees, the sanctions imposed on those who absented themselves without a

legitimate reason from the workplace were examined. The sanctions imposed on those who

arrive late at or depart early from the workplace range from verbal reprimand to written

suspension.

Ever taken days off for family emergency

Totalyes No

Using public transport, how much it costs to and from work

below 2 cedis

0 2 2

2-5 cedis

12 23 35

5.50-8 cedis

9 14 23

8.50-10 cedis

4 4 8

beyond 10 cedis

4 1 5

Total 29 44 73

! 34

Although some employees were persistently absent through lateness and early departure,

supervisors in all the ministries included in the survey stated that they mostly used verbal

warnings and reprimands to caution them. One supervisor said that he had issued a written

reprimand after noticing the habitual absence of an employee. It was noted, however, that a

reprimand is only written after persistent verbal warnings have been ineffective. Employees'

perceptions, moreover, of appropriate sanctions show that the written reprimand is uncommon.

Notwithstanding, about 39 percent of employees agree that the sanctions on deviant employees

are appropriate, while about 33 percent disagreed. Interestingly, however, about 29 percent of

employees claimed not even to know if there were any such sanctions. A possible reason is that

many do not even own a copy of the Civil Service Code of Conduct. This problem also confirms

the assertion by some supervisors that for employees who indulge in short-term absences, even

verbal sanctions are rare. One such supervisor observed, “We hardly issue verbal sanctions

because of the way we have been socialized. The socialization process says that one cannot look

at a person’s face and criticize him or her, and this continues to be a major problem for

supervisors.”

Figure…………………………..

! 35

!

Relationship between commuting and absenteeism

Distance and travel times

One way of determining the reality of commuting difficulties is to establish whether the

distance from the place of abode to the workplace has any influence on travel times. Days on

which workers find their commute easy, and without impediments -- referred to as good days --

and bad days, when they may face many obstacles, were therefore compared. Such bad

commuting days include unexpected heavy vehicular congestion, unannounced road blocks, and

adverse weather conditions. This was undertaken using Pearson’s Correlation.

The Pearson Correlation test showed r (71) = .645, p < .05, signifying a very high

correlation between distance of residence from work and time taken to travel on bad days. There

was, however, no significant correlation between distance and time needed to travel on a good or

average day. It can therefore be inferred that on a bad day the greater the distance from the place

of abode to the workplace, the longer it takes to travel to the workplace, unlike on a good day.

Furthermore, the duration of the commute is increased on days affected by obstructions.

! 36

Likewise, the type of day (good or bad) will determine the time taken to travel short distances, so

that if the commute is characterized by impediments on particular days at particular locations,

commuters travelling the same distances from different locations will record different travel

times, and vice versa.

Table……. Distance and travel time

Distance and lateness

As discussed earlier, it is assumed that when distances are greater, the commute is more

difficult, because journeys are more likely to be prolonged by traffic congestion, among other

impediments. It is hypothesized, therefore, that the greater the distance from the place of abode

to the workplace, the longer will be the hours taken to arrive at the workplace, and this will

influence the time of reporting to the workplace. The relationship between distance and time of

reporting to the workplace was tested using Pearson’s Correlation to determine the significance

level of the variables.

Kilometres from place of abode

Time taken from house to workplace on a bad day

Kilometres from place of abode

Pearson Correlation 1 .645

Sig. (2-tailed) .000

N 33 25

Time taken from house to workplace on a bad day

Pearson Correlation .645 1

Sig. (2-tailed) .000

N 25 75

! 37

The Pearson’s Correlation showed a strong significance of r (71) = .426, p ˂ .05, which

indicates that the number of kilometres correlates positively with the time workers arrive at the

workplace. Since it has been established that distance reflects travel times, employees who live

farther away spend more time travelling to and from the workplace than do their colleagues who

live at relatively short distances.

Table ….Distance and reporting time

Discussion of the Result of the Study

In this section we will discuss the result of our study. Interest in absenteeism has grown

recently -- especially interest in its causes and consequences, and, in view of its impact on

society, in how to manage this scourge. While most of the studies that have been done have

considered a number of causes, few, if any, have concentrated on the relationship between

absenteeism and commuting, notwithstanding the number of recent reports, from across the

world, that have noted the effect of commuting on the stress levels of employees, and the

consequences of that for productivity.

Kilometres from place of abode Arrival at workplace

Kilometres from place of abode

Pearson Correlation 1 .426

Sig. (2-tailed) .019

N 33 30

Arrival at workplace

Pearson Correlation .426 1

Sig. (2-tailed) .019

N 30 91

*. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).

! 38

Our study was therefore undertaken to examine this hitherto neglected area in the study

of absenteeism, with reference to the public sector. As already noted, it was necessitated by the

paucity of studies on this specific relationship, particularly in developing countries, where

commuting is a major problem. It was observed that commuting significantly affects

absenteeism, especially if absenteeism is defined broadly to include late arrival at and early

departure from the workplace. Furthermore, in view of the many difficulties associated with

commuting, we found that managers are more reluctant to properly sanction employees are who

chronic absentees. This is not surprising, since managers themselves also face similar problems.

It was found that commuting challenges leading to major absenteeism are high where employees

use public transportation systems. Concisely, the study found a significant correlation between

commuting and absenteeism. It did not matter whether the absenteeism was voluntary or

involuntary. This, again, is not surprising in view of the difficulties of, as well as the cost

associated with, public transportation in Ghana. Moreover, such difficulties raise the level of

stress that affects employees, and which in turn systematically leads to a high rate of voluntary

absenteeism. Similarly, difficulties with road networks and bad driving habits, which lead to

significant road rage, affect even those who do not use public transport. Such an environment

obviously reduces productivity in the organization.

Our findings support studies that have shown the increased level of absenteeism, and its

accompanying problems, in the public sector. It demonstrates that as governments, especially in

the developing world, attempt to build the capacity of public sector organizations, it is necessary

to look critically at the transportation needs of employees. Capacity building should not narrowly

! 39

focus on building individual skills in the workplace, but also at all of the other issues that may

affect employees as they do their work.

Our study has some advantages that are not found in the literature on absenteeism. It

shows that the link between commuting and absenteeism has not received the attention it has so

much needed, despite the strong indication that commuting can affect employees' attitude to

work. This study is thus the first of its kind to attempt to understand this link. Further, seeking

causes and consequences, and ways to manage the problem, have been inadequately attended to

in developing countries, with their major developmental problems. This study is therefore

designed to emphasize this problem, especially as governments in these countries continue to

reform their public sector in such a way as to increase efficiency, effectiveness, and productivity,

and to ensure national socio-economic and political development.

Limitations and conclusion of the study

Like most studies, this one has some limitations, which only evidences the need for more

research on the subject. The first limitation concerns the number of organizations studied and

selection bias. Although the study was undertaken using the purposive sampling technique,

organizational selection was influenced by the notion, or perception, that the phenomenon may

be either more or, on the other hand, less frequent in them. The selection was further influenced

by the relationship between the researchers and senior bureaucrats, which made us feel that it

would be easy to obtain the necessary data through surveys.

The second limitation is the influence the Ministry of Defence had on the overall results

of the study. It may be recalled that this ministry is situated outside the central business district

! 40

(CBD) of Accra, in which most ministries are located. The majority of employees in this

ministry, in other words, do not face the same difficulties as the others when it comes to gaining

access to their office, especially during rush hour. Since they are outside the CBD, their

transportation costs are less than for their counterparts. Another important limitation ensuing

from the selection of this ministry, and that affected the result, is the organizational culture of this

ministry. While those we surveyed were in the civilian administration, we were bound to

recognize that military culture continues to affect the behaviours and attitudes of civil

employees. Hence, lateness, which is inconsistent with the culture of the military, did not exist

among them. In other words, the civilians who work in this ministry tend to behave like military

personnel. Furthermore, the military provides free buses for their civilian employees; hence, they

do not have the same problems pertaining to finding transportation, including its associated

costs. The ministry's environment also affects the behaviour and attitude of their employees to a

degree not found among those in the CBD. For instance, the premises are wall-fenced, with two

main gates, and security cameras monitor movement to and from the premises. Thus, in this

particular ministry, “Big Brother is watching you”, and this affects punctuality, coming and

going.

Another limitation is in how the data was collected. The survey was self-reporting, and

we did not have access to attendance books, to cross check the information provided by the

participants. We therefore had to accept the responses on the questionnaire, without thought for

accuracy. Managers, too, who were interviewed gave answers some of which could not be

verified.

! 41

In spite of these difficulties, we believe that the study offers food for thought for both

policy makers and researchers. For policy makers, as already indicated, attempts to build

individual capacity must take into consideration the effect of commuting on the absence culture

in the civil service. At the same time, the study should help government as it attempts to develop

the road network, as well as other transportation systems to facilitate the movement of people. It

is also essential for policy makers to examine the idea of providing transportation for its

employees. Doing so will, we believe, reduce the stress of commuting, as well as the associated

cost, which continues to deplete the pay packets of employees, which in turn increases voluntary

absenteeism.

For researchers, the study has rendered visible the need to expand research on

absenteeism to include commuting. While factors such as the weather and sickness have been

examined as causes, commuting has been almost entirely overlooked. As noted in this paper,

while commuting may not be that much of a problem in the developed world, it is in the

developing one. Yet even in developed countries, commuting causes huge stress, which can

affect absenteeism and, thereby, undermine productivity. It is consequently extremely important

to attend to this phenomenon as part of the search for the causes of, and ways of managing,

absenteeism.

The essence of this paper was an examination of the link between commuting and

absenteeism in the public sector in developing countries, with particular reference to Ghana. It

was motivated by the idea that while there is a consensus that absenteeism is a major problem in

the public sector, the search for causes has been narrowly focused on as a “sickie” phenomenon

and, to some extent, as only otherwise to do with the weather. We, on the other hand, deem

! 42

commuting a major problem, one that can affect absenteeism; hence the need to examine it and

find a solution.

To do so we utilized the mixed method approach, which is a combination of qualitative and

quantitative methods in examining social phenomena; it also served a triangulation purpose. We

therefore undertook an organizational survey of public sector organizations (seven civil service

institutions). Through the study we were able to unearth the effect of commuting on both

voluntary and involuntary absenteeism in the civil service. The study has thus filled a gap in the

academic literature, as well as, we hope, thoughtfully inspiring policy makers as they seek ways

to deal with the problem of public sector absenteeism.

We were able to identify some shortcomings of the research. At the same time, we found

that some variables, such as organizational culture, can affect absenteeism. On this subject

scholars have been, unfortunately, silent. The question, then, is: can an organization’s existing

culture induce absenteeism? We hope to answer this question in a future study by considering

nurses in two public hospitals with different organizational cultures.

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