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The duty of native Americans in the present crisis.[n.p., 1856]

http://hdl.handle.net/2027/loc.ark:/13960/t4sj1kc97

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LiB.RAKYOFco:.tii:^:ss'

THE DUTY OF NATIVE AMERICANS IN THE

PRESENT CRISIS.

Brothers of the Amen'rcin Order:

In our progress through the years of

our nation's life, we have arrived at one

of those crises, when tlie most ardent

patriotism, the most self-sacrificing love of

country, the clearest wisdom and soundest

discretion are necessary, if we would

escape that social and national ruin which

the opponents of Free Governments have

so often predicted, as the certain termi-

nation of our Democratic experiments.

The whole nation is fearfully excited,

the south against the north, the north

against the south. Already one of those

symptoms of disunion, described so graph-

ically, and denounced so solemnly by

the Father of his country, has appeared,

viz : the formation of a sectional, geograpih-

ical party in the North, soon to be fol-

lowed, — who can doubt it ? — by the for-

mation of an antagonistic partj- in the

South.

• We stand on the eve of another Prcsi-

dential election. Party feeling has never

been so intensified as now, and never be-

fore has our entire nation been so pro-

foundly interested in the issues and re-

sults of any similar campaign. Men of

all parties feel that these results, what-

ever they are, will exercise a mighty

influence over the whole future of our

countrj'.

It is well for us, then, — members of

the American Party, — to pause here, and

consider seriously and calmly, what obli-

gations and duties our professions of

Americanism impose upon us ; what course

of policy they would urge us to pursue ;

what candidates to support for ofiiee. Let

us refresh our memories a little, by a

momentary glance at the manner in which

our membership in this party was con-

summated, ami we cannot fail to see,

without any obscurity, the way of our

duty made plain before us.

T\'hen we joined the American Party,

did we not pledge our sacred honors, —

nay, did we not solemnly swear —

1st. That we would not aid or assist

to place in oiEce any Roman Catholic or

Foreigner ?

2d. That we would ever hold sacred

the Constitution of the I'nitcd States,

and uphold, at all risks, our Federal

Union ?

3d. That we would submit to the will

of the majority, when fairly expressed,

and use every honest endeavor to elect

to office those candidates who have been

regularly nominated, b}' conventions of

the Party, regularly called ?

Kow in the light of those obTigations,

is it not clear as noon-day, what should

be the course of our political action ? Are

we not bound by our oaths, to vote for

the candidates of our Part}' ? And who

are these Candidates '?

At a Convention of Americans, held in

Philadelphia, on the 22d of February last,

the spontaneous and unanimous choice of

the Delega-tes fell on Millard Fillmore,

of New York, as their candidate for the

Presidency, and A. J. DoxEr.soN of Ten-

nessee, as their candidate for the Vice

Presidency. This Convention was regu-

larly called. No one has ever disputed

its legality. The whole country was rep-

resented there. Delegates from all the

states excepting ^'crraont and Maine,

participated in its deliberations. Its

acts are therefore binding on the entire

party. The National Convention re-

affirmed its American principles, and de-

nounced in indignant terms the repeal of

the Missouri Compromise, and all the

iniquities in Kanzas which followed.

Millard Filliiork, in accepting the

nomination, accepts our platform of prin-

ciples, and endorses all of our American

doctrines. He is an American and a

Protestant, has long been a member of

our party, — and an active and earnest

philanthropist.

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( 2 )

Now, under these civcumstanccs, is

there au American, who can conscien-

tiously, — without au utter loss of honor,

— ay, more, is there one who can without

laying on his soul the unspeakably, ter-

rible sin of peijury, repudiate Mr. Fill-

more, and suf)port the candidate of a

party, which is directly hostile to the

American, — which has no sympathy with

it, and which is doing all that lays in its

power to seduce to its side the foreign

x'Ote i

There can be but one answer to these

questions. No American can repudiate

Mr. Fillmore, and support Mr. Fremont

and the liepublicans, without breaking

every oath he has taken, violating every

pledge, and ignoring every principle of

Americanism ! ! All of us, Americans,

are bound to vote for Millai-d Fillmore ;

First, Because he is the candidate of

our party.

Second, Because he represents our

American doctrines.

Third, Because he has been tried, and

is proved to be loyal to the Constitution,

and to Freedom, impartially just and in-

flexibly honest.

On the other hand, we cannot vote for

Mr. Fremont,

1st. Because he is not the candidate of

our Party, but of another which is di-

rectly hostile to us.

2d. He is not an American, and open-

ly avows that he has no sympathy with

the ,'Vmerican Party.

3d. His Protestantism is extremely

doubtful. If he is not now a Catholic,

all the evidence, — and there is enough

collected to hang a man on any capital

charge, — ^which has been produced re-'

garding his religion, proves beyond a

doubt, that up to a very recent period

he ever professed to be a Romanist. If

any American has any doubts on this

point, we refer him to the following

PROOFS of J. C. Fremont's Ilomanism !

The following comes in from Sandusky, Ohio.

Jlr. Wood is now on one of the lake propel-

lers. Everybody on the line of the lake knows

â– Tustice Patterson, and the sea-furing men know

Wood and have full confidence in him:

The State of Onio, ) John James Wood, of

Erie County, ss. ) lawful age, first being du-

ly swoni, deposeth and saith. I belonged to

Frigate Congress, Com. Stockton, and went to

California in 1S44, and returned in 1849, was de-

tailed by Commodore Stockton in 1846 I think, to

take care of Col. Fremont, now the Kepublican

nominee for the Presidency, during a fit of sick-

ness, and during that time Col. Fremont was

quite sick and sent for a Catholic Priest, who ad-

ministered to him (Col. Fremont) the Sacrament,

and burnt over him incense. This ceremony was

performed every morning until Col. Fremont got

better. That Col. Fremont was Oien a Roman

Catholic I have no doubt, whether he is now a

CathoUc or not I am not able to say.

John James Wood.

Sworn to anrl subscribed before me by tlie

above-named John James Wood, this 18th day of

September, A. D. ISuG.

Geo. S. PATTERS0^•, J. P.

It is a maxim of the law that " a dying man is

an honest man." Hence the rule, that the dying

declarations of a party are admissible in his own

case, and are received in common law courts as

the highest species of evidence. Here -we h.ave

Col. Fremont in extremis vwrtuls, declaring by

(lets which speak louder than words, that his faith

i-; in the rites of that church and believes in the

saving grace of the "incense that burns over

him."

The next witness is Mr. Kufus Hersey, lately of

Hinghara, JIassachnsetts, who knew Fremont in

California, and who says that he with his wife

used to attend the Roman Catholic Church thei'e

on Sundays.

Afain, Mr. James G. Swan, now in lledford,

Mass., says th.at he knew Fremont in CaUfonua,

and knew him as a Roman Catholic.

Again, Mr. Heni-y Teschemacher, formerly of

East Boston, and lately returned from California,

knew Fremont in Los Angelos, to^be a frequent

attendant on the Roman Catholic Chui-ch.

Then we have the following testimony from Mr.

Jesse Jlorrill, formerly from Charlestown, Mass.,

where he was for a long time in the employment

of the Fitchburg Railroad Company, and a man in

whom entire reliance may be placed:

Sacramento, Cal., Aug. 19, ISoC.

J. E. Farwell, Esq.,

Z>enr Sh; — I see by some of the Eastern papers,

there is some doubt about the religious opinions of

Col. Fremont. As for that, I think I can put you

right.

In November, 1849, learning that Col. Fremont

was in attendance at the Roman Catholic chui-ch,

and having a desire, from curiosity, to see him, I

followed. I SAW HIM GO TO THE HOLY

WATER, DIP HIS FINGER IN, AND CROSS

HIMSELF, AND THEN GO TOWARDS THE

ALTAR AND GET DOWN ON HIS KNEES.

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A-'

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( 3)

DUrJXG SERVICE I SAW IIIJI CROSS HIM-

SELF SEVERAL TIMES!! I have since, on

one occasion, SEEN HIJI PARTAKE OF THE

SACRAMENT IN THAT CHCRCH.

«

*

*

I am yours, &c., J. MoRniLi,.

Robert D. Hart, Esq., Secretary of the Astor

Fire Insurance Company, in New York, who early

â– went out to San Francisco, California, who was ii

member of the Order of United Americans, and

introduced that Order into California, founding

there Eureka Chapter No. 1, states that wheu

Fremont was first up for U. S. Senator in Califor-

nia, the Americans and some others took issue

against him, and opposed him upon the distinct

ground that be was a Roman Catholic.

One of the Editors of the New Jersey Union,

corroborates tlie same statement, from his own

knowledge.

We would also refer to Bishop Allemany, of

California.

The Boston Pilot, a leading Roman Catholic

organ in this country, speaking of Col. Fremont

before his nomination, said: —

If Fremont is nominateil, we shall see the

strange sight of this Anti-Catholic, dark-lantern,

oath-bound party, tiominntin^/ a Cn(hciUc,aii(l a son

of a foreigner, for the highest ortice in the gift of

the people ! For a Catholic to be put into the Pres-

idential chair, by the parttj irhftse only creed is hatred

and persecutioyi of Oitholicifii, will be in the

world's hi.story like Ei.Rhind, restoring Pope Pius

VII. to Rome, a proof that governments and par-

ties are unwilling instruments in God's hands to

use as he will.

Again a correspondent of the same Pilot, writ-

ing from New Yoi-k, in June last, asserts the fact

that Fremont is a Catholic.

Mr. Henry Blancliard, of Wilmington, Mass.,

well known as a man of probity and honor, says

that prior to Fremont's nomination he was in New-

York, and was introduced to a lady Avho assured

him th.it she knew Col. Fremont, and had attend-

ed the Catholic Church with him, and that in

conversation with him regarding his being nomi-

nated by any of the coming Conventions, he said

he did not see how the Americans could nominate

him as he was a Roman Catholic.

Father Olivetti, a Jesuit Priest at Whitehall,

New I'^ork, asserted that he knew John C. Fremont

to be a Catholic, and that he said so is substan-

tiated by the statement of C. D. Culver, Esq., and

the affidavits of Charles B. Guy and J. R. Gandal,

as follows, (from the Albany Statesman):

STATEMENT OF C. D. CULVER, ESQ.

Saxdt Hill, Sept. 2, 1856.

Editor of Albany Statesman :

Dear Sir: — My relations with Rev. Mr. Olivetti,

having always been of the most friendly character

personally, and being averse to newspaper contro-

versies, or heated political discussions, I have

endeavored to avoid any in this case.

Having, however, been shown an aflid.avit in

a stateni.'Mt in;i.|.' Iiv Mr. Olivrtli, |nt I'm-t Kd-

viird .

â– it 1 u

M .il'Au-u-t i

id is to be 11

: luiblic, I deem it

piitiiciv |ir. per to state, that I was present on the

'"â– 'â– i-i'M iilliiilcd to, and can only repeat here,

wliiit I liavf -airl before, when questioned in re-

gard to the matter — that the Rev. Mr. Olivetti did

say, without reserve, that Me. Fkemont was

A Catholic, and that he siioult> vote for

HIM this fall, a gentleman who was with

him, and who also appeared to be a Catholic

priest, said to Mr. Olivetti, " You have never

voted." "I know it, but I shall vote for Mr.

Fremont this fall," was Mr. Olivetti's answer.

Very respectfully, yours,

C. D. CULVER.

C. D. Culver, Esq., is known to every one of

our readers in tliis locality, and to nearly every

one in the State. But for 'the benefit of those in

other States, we would state that he is an eminent

lawyer, a gentleman of unblemished character,

and high moral worth, a man of property, and an

oxci'lleiit ami popular citizen.

I hi- i' s,i:,,t;,,,tiat.'d by the sworn affidavits of

•1. (I. i;.i!id:ill. I.M|. of Fort Edward, for years a

Shrnir :it Wasliihgton Countv, N. Y., and of

ClKirles i;. (iuy, Esq. of KingsLury, in the simie

County, well known citizens and men of high

character and integrity.

The New Y'ork Citizen, a weekly American Irish

journal, and a Catholic paper, speaking of Fre-

mont's Romanism, savs: —

"It seems stran^'p'tlint while the question of

Mr. Fiviimnr- rrli-I.,,i is ;i-ii:iiii,.^ the whole

Union, \,r -iirlnk- iVoni i,v,,uiL, liis religious

principles. It i- tmr that ruliuinn lias nothiiig to

do with political questions which are to be tried

in his person. But what his professed religion is

now, has something to do with his character, and

therefore with his tltness for office. That he was

a Catholic seems to be beyoud the shadow of a

doubt.

But the matter is finallv put entirelv at rest by

the followiiiu autlKiritative statmn nt 'rniin Arch-

bishop Illli;iir-,,wiipa|.r,: — ■■ 11:. .\,:r Y..,l; Free-

mun'sJuunKil „,„/ CulLolic /,\ ,./.s;, ,■, //„ „iliu,dur-

yunof the most JUcertnd ArdMsUp," hi its issue

of Sept. 13, 1855:

The party known as Choctaws, North Ameri-

cans, or Anti-Slavery Know Nothings, offered Mr.

Fremont their nomination, and he formally ac-

cepted it, having avowed his sympathy with'most

of their principles, and his purpose to carry them

out, if he could be elected. According to the

New York Times, n Fremont paper, this Conven-

tion whicli thus nominated Mr. Fremont was com-

posed of those " who bolted from the American

(K. N.) National Council and Nominating Conven-

tion in Philadelphia, by reason of the admission

therein of delegates representing a Roman Catholic

constituency — thus taking the most decided posi-

tion as Anti-Roman Catholics, and still maintain-

ing that position.'' Yet, as if to illustrate how

utterly profligate in principle Know Nothingism

fs, and how necessarily self-stultifying, theytake

AS their candidate a man sltposkd to be a

Catholic.

Having selected such an one for their candidate,

the next curious step is the attempt to make out.

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( 4)

— not tliat Sir. Fremont had given up being a

Ciithulie — not that lie was now a Protestant, or of

reli);ion — a thing |)ossil)le in itself, plausible

iilvli;

moreover, and whicli iie cert

right to do withont beiiifr ]'"liti

about it— iH( rtn( he neri-rJufl l-<-,-;

hadsoproftsst^dldin^cif. 'I'm i^

KANT IMPOSITION Ul'li.N Till- ' 1 i

American rEoi'Ln that iia> i \

Hail the appeal been made to thi

])rinciple that a man's religion is not a matter on

which he ought to submit to questioning — however

ntradictoiy this midit be to the inqnisitorial

the political

ly rpiestioned

('niii.'ljf, never

j\<',T FLAO-

I I I 1 OF THE

II I.X TRIED.

enl American

dicta of the Know-N"

would have found -sniiu-

ATTEMI'T TO MAKi;

LOW SO AllsriJH A

FREMHXT 1)11) Ml I

HIMsr.LF A hn.MAN

iuconsistencv

. |i;inlM„ it. BUT THE

I 111. riTiUC SWAL-

Tiil;V AS Tll.VT MU.

Ill: â– ! i:ai;s riiOFESs

.MIIiil.lU— AND XO-

pe

THlNd liTf A |;0.\1A.\ UAIUOLIC — HAS

AtrrUALIA' SOMETHING IN IT HARDLY

ONE STEP FE0.M THE SUBLIME.

The following letter from Mr. McMasters, iu the

Cohmibus (Ohio) Capital City Fact, of Sept. 2a,

is sulhcieiitly explicit, whatever may be said of its

temper :

OJice of (III: N. i'. Freeman's .Join-nal, )

Sept. 6th, ISDO. j

Slit: — No such article as you refer to has ap-

j.j.ired in the Freeman's Journal — nor would I

admit it — even to injure the prospects of the can-

didate of so Dad a party as the Black Republicans,

because the rei.uiion of Mr. Fremont, if he has

any left, has nothing to do with his claims for

office, or should have nothing to do with them at

least.

What is more to the purpose, is the PERSONAL

VERACITY of Mr. Fremont. If you can get any

one to get him to say over his own sip^nntiire, what

ho seems to authorize his fri !- tn -:iy i'nr him,

viz: that IIK has never ri;oi i >,i.i. n> be a

c.vrHOLic. THEN I Wll.l. HIIAND IIIM PUB-

LICLY AS A l.lAi:. n, I kiiiiw tlir wh.ile story

ofhislifpiii W.^l, :i -"ii.iiii'l i.ur:v Til \r DAILY

AND FOR 'ii;\l;>. Hi: rKiin>M;|i TO BE

A CATiiiii.ic. iii\i iii; n:iin>si;D to

BE srcll WHEN IIK \VA,> M \l;l;ilTi. THAT

HE A\ uWTTi !IIM>rT.F SI (II In HIS BRO-

THER UFFlcKKS IN ITIi; AIIMV. AND TO

MEN IN Civil. I.IFE — Til rRnTESTANTS

AND CATHOLICS, WHOM I KNOW AND

COULD CITE AS I'RoiiF. BUT .1. C. FRE-

MONT DARE NOT OVKI; Ills OWN NAME,

DENY A FACT I CAN IIWI, SWo|>N TO

BY TWENTY DISIIM I \l I 1 1 1 A \ 1 1 S OF

HIGHLY RESPECl Al'.l.i; riolid:. MEN AND

WOMEN, im;h>i-' ami i.w. < mholic

AND PRO 11. SI \NI'. \:/:^tli;it io|; YEARS

HE l'ROFI,>Si;|i IIIM>l.l.r A lAllloLlc,

AND DEN11;D llAVINt; AW OTHEI; BELIEF

IN ANY OTHER RELIGI.ON.

A man who will LIE about a serious fact in his

own history, ought to be denoimcefl, if he jiretends

tarnn for "Presi<lent, even of so mean a coalition

as Black Republicans and Chocktaw K. N,'s. IF

COL. FREMONT WILL ASSERT TH.\T HE

HAS NEVER GIVEN Hl.MSELF OUT AS A

CAT'HOEIC, I WILL CLAP THE HOT IRON

ON HIM tJlTCK AND SURE.

At the same time allow me to say that if yon are

a Democrat, I am ushamcil of you, seeking to hurt

even Fremont, bad na he is, on a religious question.

But if you are a Hindoo, it is perfectly in keeping

with the rest of your principles. Y'oiirs,

J. A. .McMASTER,

Editor and Proprietor of I'reeman's Journal.

Such is the simple detail of facts. Such is the

record. And without hesitation we affirm that it

is a matter of utter and absolute impossibility to

find such a record against any man that is not a

Romanist.

4lh. Mr. Fremont's course on the

question of Slavery is not satisfactory.

For proof of this, we refer you to the

Congressional records during the 2 1 days

ho was a member of the U. S. Senate.

Every vote he cast tiiekb is eecokded

BY THE side OF THE VOTES OF THE BuTLKHS,

TUB AtCIIISONS, AND OTHER EXTREME PrO-

SlAVERY MEN OF THE SoTITII. EVERY VOTE

HE GAVE WAS AGAINST THE AnTI-Sl.WERY

Party ! ! !

5th. Wc, as Americans, cannot sup-

port Mr. Fremont, because he is the Can-

didate of a Party which is geographical'

and sectional, dangerous to the peace of

the Union and the integrity of the nation.

By its own admission it is not a j^arty of

positive principles, but simply a negation !

It exists only by virtue of hostility to one

section of the Country. — by opposition to

the Administration of (ien. Pierce. It is

composed of the discontented, the restless,

the radicals, the come-outers from all

parties. The no-government men, no-

church men, the no-law men, belong to

this party. Unquestionablj' its aim is to

intensify the northern sentiment as it is

called, — deepen the feeling, already too

profound, of hostility to the South, and

thus dissolve the I'nion ! !

It is true the Republican Party claims

the suffrages of all the benevolent on the

ground of its anti-slavery professions.

But where is the record of its anti-sla-

very deeds . It exists only in its loud pro-

fessions of Philanthropy, — its noisy dec-

lamations in favor of Freedom ; and the

flaming rhetoric of its orators ! When

and where in Congress, or in the States

has it done a thing of the least practical

benefit to the African race '? We look in

vain for the first act. They attempt to

influence the passions of the people against

j\lr. Fillmore, by denouncing the Fugitive

Slave Laws; and yet, iiicoi-porate that

same law in llieir oicn hill, for the settle-

ment of the Kauzas difficulties ! ! The

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( 5 )

Ecpublicans, speak with seeming indig-

nation of tlie existing pro-slavery laws of

Kanzas, stigmatizing tliem as infamous,

barbarous, and Liraconian, and yet

twice, — let this be remembered, — and yet

TWICE RKFUSKD to concur with the bills

that had passed the Senate by large ma-

jorities, and which abrogated those ini-

quitous laws every one I

And, again, when Mr. Haven, of New

York, oft'ered another amendment which

all good men who desired to settle the

troubles in Kanzas ought to have sup-

ported, — it was killed by the previous

question ordered by the Eepublican ma-

jority of the House !

-4nd even now what is the policy of

this party in regard to Kanzas ? Is it a

policy that is likely to secure that terri-

tory to i'recdom '! By no means. The

Free State men acting under the advice

of the Republican leaders to refuse to

exorcise their rights as citizens, and thus

voluntarily give the territory up to a

small minority of Pro-slavery men; the

result of which must be to perpetuate

slavery there, when they have it in their

jwMcr by calm and judicious management

to.make Kanzas free when it shall become

a State. Wo to that party whose only

political capital is discord, and commo-

tion, riots and blood !

6th. Americans cannot vote for Mr.

Fremont without an utter abandonment

of all the principles of their political

creed.

The Eepublican is pre-eminently a

foreign party. It bids high for the for-

eign ami Eoman Catholic vote. Its plan

is to rise to power through the aid of the

foreign population and the abolitionists.

How can Americans who have sworn to

restrain of repress the influence of for-

eigners in our government, engage in a

political enterprise, ^^hich, if successful,

will increase that influence a hundred

fold, and make it the paramount power to

which all else must yield '!

That this compact does exist between

Eepublicans and foreigners, is proved by

one significant fact. When a committee

from a self constituted Convention in Xew

York, composed of a small faction of

Americans, desired admission to the Ee-

publica-n Convention, then in session in

Pliiladelphia, for purposes of conference,

they were refused, and treated with in-

sult and scorn. And why '! Because,

said Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, "if we re-

ceive these Americans, with their obnox-

ious principles tve shall lose the foreign

votes." Then howin the name of consisten-

C3'.'i 1 honor can we Americans give our

suSrages to place in office the candidate

of a part3',which insultingly tells us. that

it despises our principles, and prefers a

political partnership with foreigners and

Eomanists, to any aifiliation with us?

7th. We cannot support- j\[r. Fre-

mont and the Eepublican party, because

by so doing we iibdicate our manhood,

outrage our dignity, and become the tools

of political leaders who desire to use us

to their own advant;ige.

Compared with the great American

party of the Union, the Eepublican party

is an insignificant body, and in the Nor-

thern States alone, the proportion of Ec-

publicans to Americans is not more than

one to forty/ And yet this party, so in-

significant, has the presumption to call

on us to abandon our jtrineiples, to aban-

don our candidates, and turn our backs

upon all of our cherished opinions. It is

humiliating to think that any considera-

ble number of Americans have been so

fascinated, deceived and blinded, as to

listen to this call, and allow themselves

to be ivhipped into the Fremont ranks.

Suppose JMr. Fremont should be elected

and by your votes, — for he cannot be

elected without them — it would not be

an American, but a Eepublican victory ;

for the Eepublicans claim him exclusive-

ly as their candidate, and will allow of no

division of the spoils !

Shall we then so sink our m.anhood,

' as to become willing slaves to a I'arty

without principle — a party openly and

avowedly hostile to us — become hewers

j of wood and drawers of water to our cnc-

j mies, — beasts of burden harnessed to their

chariots, to enable them to ride into the

; high places of power and emolument '?

In the State of New York, the North

' Americans who, for a time, supported

i Fremont, saw their humiliating position

I and inconsistency ; and their self-respect

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compelled tbem to repudiate that mon- \

strous coalition, and give tlicir hearty ,

and cheerful support to JJr. Fillmore, i

"Will not those Americans of New England,

Tvho have unfortunately been touched by

this strange fascination, — upon whom the

dark shadow of soi-dfsatit liepublioanism

has fallen like an infernal spell, — cast oif

this fatal delusion, and follow the noble |

example of their brethren of the Empire |

State ? I

It is painful to contemplate even the

possibility that a great party like the

American, which numbers its millions,

should lose its indivduality, and sink

itself out of sight in a party like the

Eepublican, which numbers only its thou-

sands ! That the aim of the Republicans

has been, and is, to break up and destroy,

and at last swallow up the American

Party, is too obvious to need any further

proofs. -It is for this we have been invited

to this unnatural coalition. But Ameri-

cans will not stultify themselves to this

extent. They will shake off this Fremont

fascination, and when it is past will won-

der they could be so deluded ! The

Eepublicans will not swallow the Ameri-

cans until the Gadfly swallows the Lion !

When Hull shall annex all the cities of

this Continent, and command their alle-

giance, then may the Republicans be able

to annex the American Party to their own

Insignificance !

Sth. Americans cannot give any

countenance to the Itepiihlican Party,

because its very nature tends to disunion.

It strikes, at one blow, fifteen stars from

our national banner ! • It is arrayed in

direct hostility to the South. It calls

itself a Northern Party ; and virtually,

says that so long as slavery exists the

South shall not participate in the govern-

ment of the nation ; and it hopes to con-

tinue its existence by making more deep

and intense the sentiment of hatred be-

tween the two sections of the country.

It objects to our Candidate for the Vice

Presidency, Andrew J. Donelson, because

he resides in the South, and is the owner

of slaves ! It would therefore ostracise,

were they living, Washington, Patrick

Henry, Jefferson, Madison, Munroe, Jack-

son and Taylor !

True, there are individual members of

the I'Vcmont Party, who deny that they

are disunionists. But a party is to be

judged, not by the opinions of a few indi-

viduals, but by the general tone and

spirit which pervade it. And throughout

the Republican party there is discoverable

a feeling of intense hatred to the South.

The speeches of its orators, the articles

of its newspapers, and the conversation

of its members, are all redolent of dis-

union, and of treason to the Constitution

of the country.

'J'lie true 'Americnn, a black republican orgau in

Erie couuty, Penusylvania, in commenting upon a

spi>ecli delivered at a democratic meeting, says: —

" 'I'his twaddle about the ' Unum' and its ^pre-

semilion ' is too silly and sickening for any good

efl'ect. He think that the Ubertij of a single slave is

worth more than all the Usiox God's usivekse

CAN hold! "

Mr. Giddings has said: —

" I look forward to the day when there shall lie

a servile insurrection in the south ; when the

black man, armed with British bayonets, and led

on by British officers, shall assert his freedom, and

wage a war of extermination against his master;

when the toixhof the incendiary shall light up the

towns and cities of the south, and blot out the last

Te=tage of slavery. And though I may not mock

attheircalamity,'nor laugh when tlieirfear cometh

yet I will hold it as the dawn of a political millen-

iiium."

Hear Rnfus P. Spaulding, a member of the,re-

publican convention at Philadelphia: —

" lu the case of the alternative being presented

of the continuance of slavery or a dissolution of

1 the Union, I am for dissolution, aud 1 care not how

soon it comes."

I Hear Erastus Hopkins, auother member of the

same convention : —

1 " If peaceful means fail us, and we are di-iven to

; the last extremity, where bollots are useless, then

we'll make bullets efiective." (Tremendous ap-

plause.)

j Hear H. M. Addison, of the American Adverti-

j ser, a republican print : —

I " I detest slavery, and say unhesitatingly that I

, am in favor of its" abolition by some means, if it

send all the party organizations in the Union, and

I the Union itself, to the devil."

Hear "J. S. P.," the Washington correspondent

of the New York Tribune, the leadi»g repubhcan

paper : —

" I have no doubt but that the free and slave

states ought to separate."

Hear a republican clergyman of Poughkeepsie:

I " I pr.ay daily that this accursed Union may be

; dissolved, even if blood have to be spilt."

j Hear a republican petition to congress, circula-

ted some months since: —

I " We earnestly request congress, at its session,

I to take such initiatory measures for the speedy,

I peaceful and equitable dissolution of the existing

! Union, es the exigencies of the case may require."

Hoar Horace Grcelev. the most proniinet repub-

lica

edito

1 the (

" The Union is not worth supporting in connec-

tion with the south."

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Hear Thomas Ford, a member of tlie freesoil

know nothing convention at New York, and a sup-

porter of Fremont: —

" The time has come when we must declare we

love freedom better than tlie Union."

Hear Linus B. Comins, a republican member of

the U .S. House of Eepresentatives from Jlassachu-

setts : —

"I am in favor (in certain continsencies) of draw-

ing blacls lines around tlie constitution, aud wri-

ting the word ej'piinfierf across its face."

Can any voter who loves his country lie induced

to give strength to such treasonable sentiments,

by voting for the candidate of that party? We

shall see how far the haters of the constitution

and o{>posers of the union will succeed.

And can Americans who have sworn

before the flag of their country, and in

the dread j_ presence of the Master of

Nations, that they will defend that Union,

and oppose to the last all attempts to

dissolve it, coalesce with a Tarty, the

leaders of which speak of such a dissolu-

tion, as probable, and even desirable ?

No true American, certainly, can do this ;

no one who loves his country, and reve-

rences the memory of his country's

Father. From his grave, thcglmmortal

Washington, in tones of solemn earnest-

ness, rebukes that Party to day. AVould

that all might have grace enough to listen

to his affectionate warning.

It is of infinite moment that you should properly

estimate the isimkxse value of your National

Union to your collective and individual happiness ;

that vou should cherish a cordial, habitual and im-

rrun'olle attachvient to it, accustominti yourselves to

think and to sPE.iK of it ns the pnimiUum of your

political safety and prosperity ; trnfchii/r/for ifs pre-

setmation loith jealous anxiety; discuuntennutiuff

whatever may suggest even a s/is/uitoa that it can

in ANY EVENT be abandoned ; and inditjanthj f -own-

ing upon the first attempt to alienate any /ttjrtivn of

the country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred

ties which Hotv link togcUier the various pai-ts."

For the foregoing reasons, then, to say

nothing of others, too numerous to bo

mentioned here, we, Americans, cannot

support Mr. Fremont and the Eepublican

Tarty.

Millard Fillmore, is our candidate,

and as a Patriot, a I'nion man, and a rep-

resentative of Northern sentiment, he is

all we can desire. Nay, if we are to sup-

port a man on account of his anti-slavery

tendencies, then Mr. Fillmore must be

the candidate of our election, for while

the public record of Mr. Fremont, is all

black with pro-slavery deeds, that of

Millard Fillmore, glows with the gener-

ous light of an enlightened philanthropy.

Look for a moment at the public acts of

the two candidates, and then let anti-

slavery men choose between them.

J. C. Fremont's Record.

On Wednesday, Sept. 11, 1850, the day after

Mr. Fremont took his seat as a senator, Jlr. Under-

wood called up the bill for the relief of the Amer-

ican Colonization Society, stating that the claim

had been favorably reported on two years before.

Mr. Turuey asked for the reading of the report.

The rriKirf M'ts Inrth tli.ir a liberal construction

of the lilt Ml Ciii-T I' Maii-h 3, 1819, would re-

quire tliat till- iTiivriiini.-iit -hiuild provide for the

support ui' thu.-'C iccaptiu't-'d Africans for a reason-

ble time after they had been landed iu Lib^ia,

and that it is beneath the dignity of the Govern-

ment to devolve this duty upon the Society. The

petition of the executive committee of the Society,

which the committee incorporated in their report,

states that on the 16tli of December, 1845, the

United States ship Vorktown, Commodore Bell,

landed at Manoviii, in Liberia from the slaver

Pons, seven hundred aud fifty recaptured Afri-

cans, " in charge of the agent of the United States

for recaptured Africans, in a naked, starving, and

dying condition," all of them except twenty-one;

being under the age of twenty-one.

The United States made no provision for their

support, after they were landed. By the con-

struction given to the act of 1819 by President

Monroe, the United States were bound to support

these recaptives, but by a narrower constniction

given to the act, subsequently a contrary course

was pursued, and the Government was considered

to have disehai-ged its duties under the act on

landing them iu Liberia. In the support, educa-

tion, &c., of the seven hundred and fifty persons,

a large expense w'as devolved upon the Society,

which they ask shall uow be refunded to them.

*****

These services were not required to be perform-

ed by the Society, under their constitution, but

the alternative was for these recaptured Africans

to starve and die, and the Society therefore cheer-

fully took charge of them, relying upon the Gov-

ernment of the United States to refund the cost to

them.

After some discussion and amendment the ques-

tion was taken on the engrossment of the bill for a

third reading, and resulted — yeas 29, nays 16. —

Vide Congressional Globe, vol. 24, part 2, page

1805.

Among the navs were Messrs. Atchison, Butler

and FREMOXT."

Sept. 12. The Senate baviug under considera-

tion the bill for the suppression of the slave trade

in the District of Columbia, Mr. Seward offered a

substitute doing awav with slavery forever in the

District of Columbia," and appropriatinrr S290,000

to pav the daiiiaMr, Im cwn.-r-, |iruvidi'd the people

of the District at an .-le.-tiMii to l.e h'Min for that

purpose, should accept the bill; if not, the bill to

be null and void.

The substitute was lost by a large majority, and

among the nays were Messrs. Atchison, Butler

and Fremont. — Congressional Globe, vol. 1, part 2,

p.age 1810.

September 18. The bill punishing persons for

enticing slaves from the District of Columbia,

having been read a second time, and considered as

iu committee of the whole, Mr. Hale moved that

the bill be committed to the District of Columbia,

with instructions to amend it so as to abolish

slavery in the District of Columbia. Lost by a

large majority; among the nays, Atchisou, Butler

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iiiil FliE.MOXT. — See Cont/ressinjuil Ghbe, vol.

â– 11, part 2, piige 1850.

The abo\e votes of Mr. Fremont, show

that all his sympathies were with the \

South, anu that he repudiated entirely

all auii-slavery sentiments.

Xow turn to

illLLAKD PiLLMORe's EeCORD.

^Ir. Fillmore was willing that C.iLr-. -Ii- iiM

'.•ccivcpetitions to abolisli slavery ;ii n,' I' i > !«[

1 i.lumbia, anil in the Territorie?. mi i i ;. - ' 'â– 

)i.i other slave state might ever be aiiuuituJ iuiu

the"Unioii. |

He vi-as not willin"; that resohitions condemna-

torv of those principles should be oftered. ]

He has expressed the opinions that Congress

has power to abolish slavery in the District of

t'nlumbia, and that it m.ay prohibit the removal of

>.1li\ r. iVr.m nne slave state to another

llr VMtrd tJKit tiie agitation of slavery, with the

Piirih.^r (,r ;ili(.i;tion m the States, is not against

[he i on^titiitioi, : nnt an infringement of the right

of the States ; and ml a breach of confederate

He voted that Congress may discrimmate be-

tween the institutions of the different States, -n-ith

a view to abolish those of some States, and to

promote those of others.

To declare slaves free, wbo had gone to sea with

the consent of their masters, and to protect them

in their freedom. . .

To repeal all laws and constitutional provisions

V,v , I i. !: tl, â–  â– .' :, ii' J ivernment is bound to pro-

tr'.,', ; .â– â– ii: ,. : . :' -;:ivery.

\ , 1 , :, ; >f any new State into the

Viiii'i \', ; .'-• .■ 111-! iiii!i<in tolerates slavery.

A '.liiitt the aiiia-xation of Texas, solely on the

ground that slavery e.visted in that country.

To abolish slavery in the district of Columbia.

To prohiWt the bnvin? and foWrnz of =Iaves m

the District and other T.-rnti.ri.- 'ii'tli" 1 imiii.

He suiiporteil bv his vnl.- intitiiHi, in ( "n.^n-s

to repeal the act of the Tenitnry nf Flnrida, tu

prevent migration office iiesroes to the Territor)-.

He rcmit'ted the fines and discharged the recog-

nizance of certain abolitionists who had kidnapped

seventy-three slaves at one time from the District

of Columbia.

lie lins exm-essed the opinion tliat the Missouri

r.shi.ii.;, J,.,,M never lace been nj.eoh.l.^ Jlis

f) II .'ii',< iy/ ' '<'i:'/ressh(ive voted for tit, r< sf"r'''hvi of

*//;i>-. / c .-/,M '''"s. lie i$ hmiml I'lj /i/.. onix "ioid

w I ' I, ii'.'i ■!-■ i.|-,,,|.-i-<-.y.'r In ,ipin-or,'nN,/., „<hlNi;.,„ol

„„,/ ,,„., ' .. .. 77-..IW-/II.,., 'I '.< wss-c,|(,,/

„<„;■,„, , . - MlI.LAlll. I'llLMiil:!-: 'rill,/

,;,,/,,/ J'r.rr'<:'-.''.r'-"" II"- 'â– '/""' if llie KoiL-MS

Notwithstanding all these facts, there

are some professed Americans who still

persist in supporting J. C. Fremont.

Their reasons, for so doing, are peculiar,

and reveal a singular state of political

morality. "We love," say tbey — "the

American Party ; we revere its princi-

ples ; we respect Jiillard Fillmore, and

lielieve he is the best man to fill the high

office of President ; but iJiere is no chance

for him, and therefore we will support

Mr. Fremont 1 We du not ivish to be

iderdijied with a losing Partij ! ! " _ Has

it then come to this ? Is public virtue

dead? Has all political morality van-

ished from our world? brethren, we

must tell you, there is something in this

universe greater than Success! More

valuable than the spoils of office I — IMorc

delightful than the intoxication of vic-

tory ! And that is rnixciPLB ! Duty !

TuuTH ! FiDixiTY ! ! Fetter, yes, better

a thousand times be defeated with honor,

and enjoy the sweet consciousness of be-

ing faithful to duty ; than wear upon our

heads the laurel crown of victory, while

our hearts within us are crushed under

the awful weight of violated pledges,

broken vows, and dreadful perjurers !

But you are deceived, infatuated, blind-

ed. Heaven grant that the gods may

not have smitten you with that madness

which is the presage of destruction.

The chances oi' success are not with

Fremont. Clear sighted politicians hes-

itate not to say that Mr. Fillmore has

two chances to his one. Fremont is al-

ready defeated. The late election in

Pennsylvania has sealed his fate and that

' of the licpublican party. Mr. Buchanan

will carry that State beyond a doubt ;

but Mr. Fillmore is certain of New York

'. an^ some other states ; enough to defeat

I both Fremont and Buchanan, and throw

i the election into the House of Eeprcscu-

I tatives. As it looks now, the probabili-

ties are that the nest President will be

Millard Fillmore!

It is true in Maine, New Hampshire,

Vermont, and some other New England

states we cannot expect to get the electoral

vote for Mr. Fillmore. But we can raise

the banner of our party, and show the

' world that wc are not simply a negation

like the Fremont party, but that we have

principles ; and in victory or defeat are

I ready to stand by those principles.

I Americans of New England awake from

' your slumbers, rally to the support of

"Fill:hore and Donelson the regular can-

! didates of your party, and you will dis-

! charge the duty you owe to you conscience,

i to your party-^to your country.

I Americans.

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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS

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