the consumer quest for authenticity: the multiplicity of meanings within the mg subculture of...

The Consumer Quest for Authenticity: The Multiplicity of Meanings Within the MG Subculture of Consumption

Thomas W. Leigh University of Georgia

Cara Peters Winthrop University

Jeremy Shelton Lamar University

Authenticity in the consumption context is an important topic within the marketing literature. This article explores authenticity's multiplicity of meanings within the MG brand subculture of consumption. An ethnographic approach guided data collection, which included participant observation, photo and document reviews, informal conversations, and formal, in-depth interviews with 58 MG owners. The data show that MG owners gain a sense of authenticity in the consumption context via the object and its ownership, consumer experiences, and identity construction and confirmation. As an object, an MG is authentic if it broaches an ideal standard and pre- serves the brand heritage. An MG experience is authen tic when an owner interacts with the car through driving and self-work activities. Finally, an MG owner authenti cares his or her identity through role performance and communal commitment, hnplications are discussed in light of brand management.

Keywords: brand authenticity; consumer subcultures; subcultural capital; brand heritage; existential authenticity; brand community

Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science. Volume 34, No. 4, pages 481-493. DOI: 10.1177/0092070306288403 Copyright �9 2006 by Academy of Marketing Science.

Because of the increasingly contrived and inauthentic nature of contemporary life, scholars have debated the role of authenticity in American culture. In particular, Boorstin (1964) highlighted the growing everyday prevalence of pseudoevents, or media-driven constructions, designed to deceive and influence an audience. He argued that American consumers uncritically revel in the escapist, constructed reality that embodies pseudoevents. His the- sis was that reality or originality gets lost in the construction, as the tinkered-with copy or re-creation becomes publicly familiar and accepted. Accordingly, Americans inhabit a world in which

fantasy is more real than reality, where the image has more dignity than its original. We hardly dare face our bewilderment, because our ambiguous experience is so pleasantly iridescent, and the solace of belief in contrived reality is so thoroughly real. (p. 37)

Scholars have extended this view beyond the notion of the media with attention to consumption practices. For example, Baudrillard (1988) asserted that today's social and consumption experiences lack depth, originality, and a sense of place. He used the term simulacrum to capture the cultural order of contemporary consumption as an

outgrowth of hypercreation, which admits or reveals no originals or any real references; in this view, the boundaries between real and fake are blurred. Baudrillard argued that the inauthentic products of this arrangement

482 JOURNAL OF THE ACADEMY OF MARKETING SCIENCE FALL 2006

appear so authentic that they achieve the condition of reality.

Ritzer's (1999) analysis built on this view, using a Marxian perspective to argue that consumption is driven by controlling and exploiting consumers. However, consumer control can be problematic, because consumption becomes restricted and packaged to serve an increasingly wide audience (a Weberian response). As a consequence, the public may become disenchanted with consumption. Hence, Ritzer drew on Baudrillard's (1988) ideas of"sim- ulation" and "implosion" to argue that consumption struc- tures must lure consumers into dreamlike (and uncritical) states of hypercreation (as posited by postmodernists), through spectacular, extravagant, simulated experiences, to reengage them in the consumption process.

The inauthenticity associated with consumption is affecting consumers. Berger (1973) asserted that as soci- etal institutions lose their reality to mediated constructions, individuals search elsewhere for meaning. If culture and the external environment are so plasticized that they provide little in the sense of reality, then consumers focus internally. Berger wrote that authenticity is a manifestation of this search for what is real. Marketing academics note the increasing importance of authenticity to consumers. Grayson and Martinec (2004) argued that authenticity is a key component of contemporary life. Moreover, authenticity is central to consumer roles within virtually every subculture and communal consumption context (Belk and Costa 1998; Holt 1997; Kozinets 2002; Muniz and O'Guinn 2001; Pefialoza 2000; Schouten and McAlexander 1995).

Despite this attention, few consumer researchers have explicitly defined authenticity; this has allowed the term to be used in different ways and with varying meanings (Grayson and Martinec 2004). For example, Brown, Kozinets, and Sherry (2003) equated the authenticity associated with retro brands to the aura created by artistic masterpieces. They noted that consumers judge retro brand authenticity according to physical characteristics and brand essence. Using semiotics theory, Grayson and Marfinec (2004) presented two definitions of object authenticity: (1) when objects have a factual and spatiotemporal link with the world and (2) and when they physically resemble something that is indexically authentic. Thus, Grayson and Martinec stressed "whether something else is authentic" as opposed to "whether one's self is authentic" (p. 297). The objectives of this article are (1) to investigate the nature of authenticity in a subcultural consumption context and (2) to examine how multiple forms of authenticity are constructed in this consumption context with respect to the object, the self, and the community.

To investigate these aspects of authenticity, we conducted a grounded empirical study among British car owners and clubs, with particular attention to the MG

brand. The MG brand and community provide an appro- priam context for studying consumers' search for authenticity for several reasons: the product is associated with leisure consumption (Bloch 1986), vintage car collecting (Gelbner 1999), and nostalgic vehicle restoration (Holbrook 1995); the MG brand is representative of products that embody objective authenticity; and the MG community and clubs collectively sacralize the brand (Belk 2004). The MG brand is prominent in sports car chronicles in the United States, with the MGB model considered the most successful sports car ever built (Auto Editors of Consumer Guide 2004). Despite its 1980s demise, the MG brand endures and generates speculation concerning its reemergence as a viable brand.

THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON AUTHENTICITY

In the most thorough examination of authenticity within the field of marketing to date, Grayson (2002) argued that consumers view authenticity in various ways, depending on what is being evaluated and under what circumstances. Grayson and Marfinec (2004) identified two types of authenticity of marketing offerings. When an object has a factual, spatiotemporal connection to history (i.e., a context in which people and objects interact), it has indexical authenticity (Grayson and Schulman 2000). In contrast, when an object is an accurate reproduction of the original, so that it resembles the original's physical- ity, iconic authenticity is present. These types of authenticity are not necessarily mutually exclusive, nor are they inherent in an object. Like all signs, authenticity is a consumer perception that occurs through a filter of one's personal experiences. Notably, because Grayson and Martinec examined "consumer evaluations of market offerings," they avoided examining authenticity as it relates to one's identity or self (p. 297).

In their case study of the Volkswagen Beetle, Brown et al. (2003) reported that consumers debate the car's authenticity because, even though the brand essence was present in the new design, the automobile did not have the same physical properties as the original. Similarly, they found that consumers could not agree on the authenticity of a Star Wars movie sequel, because they used different attributes to judge its authenticity. These cases mirror Grayson and Martinec's (2004) view that authenticity is captured via physical attributes (indexically) and brand essence (iconically), as judged by consumers using their lenses of personal experience. However, the interplay of authenticity and the self is not fully articulated.

Types of Authenticity

MacCannell (1973) argued that commoditizing tourism destroys local cultures and creates "staged authenticity."

Tourists seek authentic experiences, or natural, primitive ones untouched by modernity (Cohen 1988). For this form of authenticity to exist, clearly marked divisions between reality and its reproduction must exist. Hence, this type of authenticity is juxtaposed against an "origin": a point of reference situated in the more traditional past (Stewart 1993). Thus, MacCannell's interpretation of authenticity was based on an object's or experience's degree of originality. Judging objects or experiences according to their extent of genuineness assumes that there is an absolute, objective criterion (i.e., a tangible origin) against which to gauge it. This view mirrors Grayson and Martinec's (2004) indexical authenticity.

Advancing MacCannell's (1973) view of authenticity, Cohen (1988) argued that authenticity is a quality perceived by individuals that emerges from their own personal experiences. This view adopts a social construc- tionist perspective in that no single version of history is pinpointed as the true origin, making it a socially negotiable concept that is relative, contextually determined, and ideologically driven. It can be the projection of one's dreams, fantasies, stereotypes, and expectations onto an object or experience (Bruner 1994). According to this con- stmctive view, what consumers desire is symbolic authenticity as an outgrowth of perception (Culler 1981). Thus, constructive authenticity allows for different interpretations of reality on the basis of consumers' projections onto objects and is essentially symbolic (similar to Grayson and Martinec's [2004] iconic authenticity).

A third form of authenticity, existential authenticity, which is activity based, has recently been proposed but not extensively examined (Wang 1999). Existential authenticity is grounded in postmodernism, focusing on deconstruction. Because there is no admitted original to serve as an index, postmodernists are not concerned with authenticity as it relates to an origin. Postmodern consumers actively seek the staged experience as an outgrowth of the value they place on eclecticism and aesthetic enjoyment (Urry 1990). Because technology can make the inauthentic look and feel authentic (Fjellman 1992), reality to postmodern consumers depends on their perceptions of this staged authenticity. In postmodern times, the more "authentic" a representa- tion, the more it is "real."

Existential authenticity is activity driven and coin- cides with postmodem consumers' quest for pleasure and fun. This form of authenticity involves personal or subjective feelings activated by the liminal process of activities. For example, some activities (e.g., civil war reenactments), even though contrived, generate a sense of authenticity because of their creative and cathartic natures. These experiences represent an idealized way of life and become romanticized as they contrast against the reason and rationality of modernity. In such liminal experiences, consumers feel more able to express and be

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true to themselves than in everyday life. Even fantasy is relevant to existential authenticity because it provides a subjective feeling that is real to the individual (Wang 1999). Hence, in the context of existential authenticity, individuals feel they are in touch both with a "real" world and with their "real" selves. Consumers are not as concerned with object-driven indexical or iconic authenticity but are in search of their authentic selves. In other words, if individuals cannot realize their authentic selves in everyday life, they turn to adventures for those personal trials that facilitate self-creation and realization.

Two general types of existential authenticity, intrapersonal and interpersonal, have been suggested (Wang 1999). Intrapersonal authenticity, centering on the individual self, involves both physical (i.e., relaxation, reinvigoration) and psychological (i.e., serf-discovery, self-realization) aspects. Interpersonal authenticity embodies social authenticity, focusing on a collective sense of self. In this perspective, an object or experience serves as a tool to bring individuals together for authentic interpersonal relationships. Collective activities (e.g., skydiving or car shows) allow for the strengthening of social bonds through interpersonal dialogues, experiential activities, and credential- ing performances, in an atmosphere in which individuals may experience their true selves in the presence of relevant others. The authenticity derived from these collective experiences stems from not only in experiencing the exotic but also in sharing and communicating the enjoyment with others.

Subcultural Capital and Authenticity

Sociological research on subcultures provides an example of authenticity in practice. Thornton (1996) used Bourdieu's (1984) theory of cultural capital as a metaphor for understanding subcultures. While Bourdieu's cultural capital model stressed the appreciation of high cultural forms used for class distinction, Thornton coined the term subcultural capital to describe how subculture status is valuable to its owner. Within subcultures, members not only subscribe to traditional elements of community but also embrace their own hierarchies and definitions of what is authentic and legitimate.

Authenticity is established by the possession, and recognition of such possession by relevant others, of subcultural capital and takes two forms. It can be based on an artistic aura of originality (i.e., objectivist); alterna- tively, it can be based on being a natural community member (i.e., practicing the given culture as a way of life). Authenticity reputedly legitimizes certain consumers within a subcultural context, positions them within its status hierarchy, and establishes their social boundaries (i.e., a form of symbolic authenticity). Thus, authenticity defines what (or who) is and what is not part of the community (Thornton 1996).


DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS

The ethnographic approach guided our data collection (Wolcott 1994) because it allowed us to delve deeply into authenticity's multiplicity of meanings in the MG community, from both emic and etic perspectives. Methods included participant observations, document reviews, informal conversations, and formal interviews. Data were recorded via field notes, photographs, videotape, and audiotape. One researcher acquired an MGB early in the study process and immersed himself in the MG social network. For 5 years, the researcher observed, pho- tographed, and interacted with MG car owners and club members at shows, rallies, races, tech sessions, and social events. He also used books, magazines, and club newsletters to learn MG vernacular. For 2 years, he was a member of the Wygant Street Shop Rats, an informal community of practice with 11 MG owners and an additional set of social acquaintances. The researcher visited the Shop Rats site at least 1 night a week, working on his own and with other members. In 1997, the researcher also joined the more formal MG Registry club and actively participated in club meetings, tours and shows, and event spon- sorships. The second researcher acculturated herself to the MG community over 4 years; she observed, video- taped, and conducted interviews through a variety of informal and formal MG events.

Following the ethnographic approach, we sampled the cultural frame of the MG community. We began by immersing ourselves in the culture, participating, observ- ing, and informally interviewing as many individuals as possible. As we became more involved, interviewing became more systematic. Informants were selected for maximum variation; this mix included owners of MGs and other British cars who both belonged and did not belong to car clubs. Among club members, we interviewed new and peripheral members, long-term members, leaders, and gurus, along with professional mechanics; informants were also selected on the basis of the condition of their MGs (daily drivers, modified MGs, well-preserved originals, and restored museum pieces).

Each researcher independently conducted structured, in-depth interviews within the owner sample. Initially, open-ended questions ("How does driving an MG make you feel?") were posted to an MG chat room; 24 MG- owners e-mailed brief (one- to three-sentence) responses. Next, in-depth interviews with two married couples, three married men (with their wives not present), and four single men were conducted. The respondents came from two separate medium-sized cities and ranged in age from 30 to 55 years. Three of these respondents were active in an MG club. Subsequently, 12 unstructured, in- depth interviews (lasting from 1 to 4 hours each) were conducted with insiders of the MG Registry, a club that hosts a full range of brand-related activities (monthly

meetings, car shows and tours, rallies, and technical sessions). All MG Registry informants were married, fell into the age range of 35 to 60 years, and with one excep- tion had their wives participate in the interviews. The total number of in-depth, formal interviews was 58.

Participant observations and informal interviews are ongoing. We regularly socialize with MG owners, including key informants (and have routinely corresponded with five members of other MG clubs, the editor of an MG magazine, and club leaders). In fact, through data collection, two informants have become close friends of the authors. The authors' ongoing associations are con- nected to the MG Registry and the local social network. To date, both researchers have attended nine MG Registry meetings, participated in 12 multiday British car shows, and participated in six driving tours.

With respect to analysis and interpretation, we fol- lowed Wolcott's (I994) ethnographic conventions, continually moving among specific transcripts, artifacts, and the evolving data set. We iteratively developed patterned regularities in the data and a thick description of MG culture. Additionally, we created an interpretation of MG culture by making inferences from the data and relying on authenticity literature as a guide (Creswell 1998). At various points in the interpretive process, we challenged our interpretations. On two separate occasions, we presented the thematic construction to a local MG expert for evaluation and criticism. Eight member checks were conducted on the emergent framework. Three members read and commented on the initial manuscript draft. Last, we made a formal presentation to more than 40 MG Registry members at a monthly meeting.

FINDINGS

As detailed below, we found that authenticity has a multiplicity of meanings, both personal and social, and is a central value for MG owners and the subculture. Authenticity in one sense is the degree to which a restored vehicle corresponds to the product's original qualities, traits, and presentation (e.g., parts, paint color, interior material). Whether or not they undertake com- plete restorations, MG owners honor vehicle authenticity in an objective form: it is tied to an object (i.e., the restored car). However, vehicle authenticity is necessary, but not sufficient, for legitimizing owners to be authentic, individually or within the subculture, because the car's objective qualities are not the sole source of meaning derived by the group. Authenticity has multiple meanings within this subculture. As explained below, an MG owner can participate in authentic personal experiences via his or her automobile, thereby constructing self-efficacy and legitimacy. Furthermore, an MG owner can experience an authentic sense of self on the basis of his or her


consumption experiences or role performances in social or community settings. Thus, a consumer's individual and collective identities significantly contribute to the quest for authenticity.

An Authentic Object: Redefining a Perfect MG

Seeking an objective ideal. Within this context, authenticity is defined as the degree to which a particular vehicle meets the standards of "showroom condition": the extent to which it replicates what it would have leaving the factory. Devoted MG owners want to achieve this ideal; however, these restorations require significant resource commitments (e.g., time, money, knowledge, emotions); thus, rarely does a restored MG achieve objective authenticity. Thus, truly authentic MGs become sacred; they are viewed as one-of-a-kind "works of art" among subculture members. In fact, an orginal-condifion MG is often referred to as a "museum piece" These metaphors emphasize the objective standard of authenticity.

An MG owner who is restoring a car objectifies the restoration process as a means to truly re-create the vehicle and prove that it is worthy of museum-piece status. For example, the owner must study many books detailing the aesthetic detail of an original MG. These details can be extremely fine, including having the right brand of spark plugs, an MG-brand gas cap, or even the original trunk wrench set. In addition, the owner should photo- graphically document all aspects of restoration to demonstrate his work at shows, club meetings, and other social gatherings. Furthermore, an owner seeking the ultimate level of objective validation may enter competitive concourse judging at British car shows. In concourse judging, experts rigorously review all automobile elements, deducting points for anything deemed not genuine.

Although concourse judging is considered the ultimate conferring of authenticity, the fact that judges are human interjects subjectivity into the process. The MG Registry at one time experienced a divisive dispute over concourse judging. As indicated in the field notes, club folklore presents this event as the most difficult challenge yet faced by the group:

Tonight I learned about some of the social divisions in the club. From my "outsider" perspective the club is full of members with museum-type cars, such as Chris' award winner. Chris is a formal and informal club leader, who has restored his car to near-mint condition and is valued/recognized because of this. But, when I ask club members about the perfection of their MGs, they are quick to point out that they (as a group) stress drivability over absolute restoration perfection. Jim and Tim both told me how a dispute over concourse judging had broken club unity. The club sponsors an elite

British car show every year. In the past, the club implemented concourse judging, using four "expert" judges. Two years ago, at the conclusion of the judging, one long-term club member, think- ing he was cheated out of "Best of Show," challenged expert demerits critiquing the originality of his MG's fabric top. Apparently, club members had a few beers that night and some ugly words were exchanged, damaging club relationships. Several members had their feelings hurt and terminated their association with the club. Jim said that the vigorous protests occurring that night created the worst internal conflict the club had ever experienced. It sounded as if the conflict forced the club to reevaluate (or redefine) its position on vehicle authenticity. As a consequence, the club informally banned concourse judging, making it known (but leaving it unwritten), from future events in the interest of peace and unity. (October 21, 2000)

The data suggest that club members recognize the importance of objective authenticity, but the above-mentioned dispute forced the group to come to terms with the fact that members have different views of reality. To avoid further community breakdown, the club removed concourse judging from its events, allowing the objective standard of authenticity to be interpreted differently across club members, making it more constructive in nature.

Preserving brand heritage. As reviewed above, two views of authenticity in marketing contexts have been based on products' physical characteristics (i.e., indexical) and brand essence (i.e., iconic). Similarly, expert MG judging is based on evaluating the degree to which a restoration replicates original physical condition. Moreover, MG owners judge authenticity through an interpretation of the presence (or lack) of brand essence.

Even though most MGs rarely achieve a museum level of originality, they are still valued for authenticity. Some owners do not claim vehicle perfection but emphasize brand heritage preservation; the look of restored MGs generally captures the brand's essence. This level of restoration captures the collective memory of the brand, assisting subculture members in constructing a communal ideal of the past in present times.

When an MG owner states that he or she is restoring the car to "save its soul,', a common statement voiced at club events, he or she is raising a metaphor that commu- nicates capturing the car's authentic being (i.e., its brand essence or iconicity). At many car shows, in fact, expert judging often accompanies other, less rigorous, forms of critiquing. Most shows implement popular judging, which is based on votes placed by show attendees; usu- ally, they vote for a "cute car," a "red car," or one that is "pretty," not necessarily taking into account originality. Popular judging certifies the authenticity of a vehicle, but


unlike expert judging, this legitimization is based on the collective memorization of the brand heritage.

Nostalgia underlies the association of an MG with the subculture's collective memory of brand heritage. Nostalgia is an individual or collective preference for objects that were common when a person was in his or her adolescence and early adulthood (Belk 1991; Holbrook 1995). This definition captures both the personal and communal aspects of the construct. Accordingly, long- established brands such as MG evoke not only former selves but also epochs from the past. Thus, a brand that stirs feelings of nostalgia binds a consumer to his or her utopian past and strengthens his or her social connections within a community. Furthermore, nostalgia captures progress and primitivism in that it encompasses a technological view of the future that heightens a desire for the more pristine and naturalistic past.

MG owners frequently recount memories of good times and happy brand associations from their pasts, which they share with others, creating solidarity, consen- sus, and shared values within the subculture. In articulat- ing these personal and collective aspects of nostalgia, MG owners often relate stories that reflect a sense of historicity, media modeling, and British heritage. MG owners discuss how they feel a sense of responsibility for maintaining history by protecting the brand from extinc- tion. This historicity reflects progress and primitivism as an owner perceives that new technology is forcing the obsolescence of the MG brand, and thus he or she is obligated to preserve the car because it is a sacred object that maintains an important connection to history. Additionally, memories of the past often relate to the pro- motion of MGs in old television shows. Media modeling thus reflects the interplay of the brand and the media as they form a nostalgic collective memory capturing a past epoch or era. Finally, nostalgia is tied to an owner's (real or imagined) ethnicity, which is linked to a passion for the brand. Owners emphasize a connection to British heritage through stories about relatives and family name origins. According to Arnold and Bending (2003), the preservation of brand heritage may be partially fed by antiquarianism (i.e., the appeal of antiquities). Since the MG company was dissolved in 1980, there is a feeling of loss among MG owners. A contemporary form of the product is unavailable in the United States (unlike other retro cars). Interestingly, the lack of brand marketing by the marquee owner may have freed consumers to fanta- size about the product and develop an idealized historical memory, which they feel responsible to maintain and proselytize. This is consistent with theory on the aesthetics of antiquarianism.

Ash, a guru among the Wygant Street Shop Rats, explained that MGs are valued, despite varying levels of objective, vehicle authenticity. Ash is a 47-year-old computer programmer who has owned several MGs. At the

time of the interview, he owned only one vehicle, which he used as a "daily driver" and to "tinker with on weekends":

The MGB has a tremendous amount of character. Most British cars do, but the B, in particular, is just what it is. There are a lot of people around who think of it as a work of art. You have got a couple of designers [the original creators of the MG brand] who weren't totally experts. They didn't do everything in a conventional way. I think it was pretty expressive of the designers and it makes it a cool product. So there are people, who for that reason, will take them as close back to factory as they can. There are still others who will take the cars as close back to factory as they can because they are that kind of collector. They want to have the true to original stuff. These people spend a lot of time learning the MG lore and really figuring out what color of piping should be on the seats of the interior. But people who just like bringing up the car to the initial spec, pretty much don't sweat that. They will take an after market interior kit and put it in knowing that it is close enough. They are trying to capture the flavor of the car. The real hard-core enthusiasts--man, are they religious. They are serious. But then there are guys like me who think it is really a fun car. It's cool. I am not interested in the exact restoration so much. I don't think of my car as a work of art per se, although I sure do appreci- ate one when I see it at a show. I like MGs because you can do neat things with them in traffic. When you take it up to the mountains, it is the funnest thing on the road because they are nimble. So I want the driving experience, and I am certainly not going for full historical . . . . The spectrum really reflects the reasons the owner got into MGs in the first place and there are a lot of reasons. Some do it because they have a sense of history. There is always a British flag hanging in their garage or shop, you can count on it. Others do it because the cars were cheap and easy to work on or they make a nice hobby. Others do it because the original car has some cache and they are fun to drive. And then there are those that do it just because they can. There may even be other types that I just have never met. My goal is to keep the cars on the road. I really want to keep each and every MG alive. I am less of an exacting historian, although I know and respect guys like that. I am more in the mind-set of just keeping them in existence. In fact, I try to help other guys keep their MGs on the road just for its [the brand's] being.

Underlying Ash's description of the subculture's practices is the recognized, collective ideal of objective vehicle authenticity, one based on the historical memories concerning the genuineness of a car's physical characteristics. However, what becomes valued among subculture members is founded on a broad interpretation of the


degree to which an MG owner has preserved the brand's heritage. This captures both objective and constructive authenticity, because an owner who seeks an exact restoration is by default preserving the brand heritage. However, owners who do not pursue this level of restoration can also be labeled authentic because they are preserving the brand heritage by saving MGs from eventual demise. Preserving brand heritage is a constructive form of authenticity allowing for multiple interpretations of reality (even those that are fantastic), making authenticity subjectively defined, negotiable, and context specific instead of historically accurate.

An Authentic Experience: What Can the MG Do for You?

Even though objective authenticity is the ideal, owning the "perfect" vehicle is not the sole source of meaning within the subculture. In some cases, an individual can have a "museum car" but yet be dismissed by other subculture members. As we became acculturated, we learned that someone with an original MG can be considered "inauthentic" if he or she "trailers" (as opposed to drives) his or her car to shows; owners who trailer their cars have been openly booed at competition award ceremonies. In addition, an owner who hires a mechanic to restore and maintain his or her vehicle risks being rejected as well. Hence, vehicle authenticity is necessary, but not alone sufficient, to be labeled (by the self and relevant others) as an authentic member of the MG subculture. In short, a person may lack the necessary and legitimizing "subcultural capital," regardless of his or her preservation efforts.

The driving experience. In contrast to many car- collector communities (Dannefer 1980), MGs are to be driven; subculture members often stress that driving is almost as important as a car's objective authenticity. Driving an MG emphasizes the interplay between a driver and an individual car. To subculture members, the driver and the car have to become "one" as the driver develops the relationship by "feeling the grinding of the gears," "understanding what she says to you," or "having just the right touch to get her started." Because MGs are notorious for breaking down (even when new), subculture members must actively manage the driving experience. Tours, rallies, races, cross-country trips, and both informal and formal events among MG club members are all designed to expand the driving experience, challeng- ing the driver and his or her connection with a car. Because owners face extreme risks related to safety, reli- ability, and personal endurance, driving MGs gives them a sense of accomplishment, enhancing self-confidence, self-efficacy, and a sense of mastery.

The technology-use tension faced by MG owners forces them to develop a sense of oneness with their vehicles that

has become a core subculture value. Drivers recount their experiences, sometimes with embellishments, through stories that embody this bond. The reframing of these experiences with others shapes one's persona in the subculture (Podilchak 1991). Through storytelling, a common pastime among MG owners, drivers not only refine their self-identities but also gain recognition from others. For example, Chris has an award-winning, authentically restored MG. It is a pristine vehicle, respected for its genuineness by other members of his MG club. Yet at shows, Chris displays photos of tours to national events, weekend trips, and other activities to spark conversations about his driving. This allows Chris to illustrate that not only does he have a museum car, but he is also a legitimate member of the subculture because he values driving.

The self-work experience. In addition to driving their MGs, members of the subculture value the extent to which an individual has invested personal effort into the process of restoring and maintaining a vehicle. MG drivers feel that every owner should take personal responsibility for the care of his or her car. Novice MG owners are encour- aged by gurus to learn by doing; they quickly discover that the subculture values self-work over using paid mechanics. Furthermore, like driving, effort deepens an owner's personal bond with the car.

Owners feel a sense of accomplishment when com- pleting restorations or repair projects. Thus, self-work bestows a sense of self-fulfillment and personal growth (Livings 1989). Even owners who hire mechanics want to feel vested in the restoration process. Through informal interviews, MG mechanics stated that many customers stop by their shops, snapping pictures of the progress, behaviors involving them in transformation.

Subculture insiders argue that a simplistic technological design affords them the opportunity to work on a car themselves; however, reconstruction is limited to those with the knowledge necessary to "keep the car on the road." An inside joke among MG owners is that they require three MGs: odds are that one of two will start, and the third can serve as a parts car. Despite the frus- trations of restoration, owners value the MG's primitive- ness in contrast to the technology that permeates their everyday lives. Ash, like many MG owners, finds the simplicity charming. He explained in a formal interview that as a computer technician, he is consumed during the day with technological problems that he solves via pro- gramming at a terminal. He finds that working on his MG gives him "relief from the daily grind of his job." Putting his hands directly into the mix with an MG feels completely different from working on computers alt day long. What Ash was describing is the catharsis gained from the MG experience. His physical exertion gets him in touch with the primitive, the historical, and ultimately his "true" self.


Authenticity gained through self-work certifies an MG owner's mastery and commitment to brand preservation. This process could be described as sacrificial in an attempt to commune with others and demonstrate one's commitment to the sacred experience. Stories honoring personal effort abound at subcultural events, such as British car shows. When an MG owner wins a best-in-show award, he or she may be good-naturedly grilled about the level of his personal involvement in the restoration process; his response can earn him the recognition of other subculture members. Thus, many owners prominently display their restoration photo histories as proof of self-work.

Jerry, a 59-year-old owner of a successful media production company, told an elaborate story about how he purchased his first MG. Put simply, the car helped him recover from the depression of his midlife crisis. Jerry is a perfectionist, and his disposition affected his MG restoration. His first vehicle is one that he will never sell, and it has won the popular vote at several car shows. It has many authentic parts, but Jerry talked about how he "politics" with show attendees to influence the popular vote. Jerry has served as the president of an MG club and continues to be an influential, infor- mai leader within that group. According to those who know him, Jerry is a truly authentic member of the MG subculture. In a formal interview with Jerry and his wife, he spun culturally appropriate stories for over 4 hours. These stories communicated his authenticity, as it relates to self-work:

Well, anyway, I started on this car and that's how I played for awhile. It took a long time--it was an interesting 3 years. It was a real experience, you know all sorts of things I stumbled into. For exam- pie, a company downtown called Unpaint, and you take your parts down there and they dip it in this stuff and they give it back to you and it's perfectly clean . . . . But it's a real sense of satisfaction to do something like that [work on an MG]. I will never forget the day I fired it up, it actually started! And of course this car was not built with a few specs. The engine, when I got around to putting the power train in, I would think that I've got to find the most authentic parts. So, I put an MG engine in it that this guy rebuilt for me. But as he started building it, little stuff turned into bigger and bigger stuff. For example, we put a set of flap-top pistons in it. They are racing pistons--you know how they w o r k ? . . . And then I sent the engine out to this guy, who kept it a month, and he polished the head to a mirror finish . . . . We finally got to the day when I wanted to start it Up. I cannot tell you how I felt. Here I built this car with my own hands, and you turn the switch and the damn thing starts. It is like giving birth! It really is. I know that sounds like an exaggeration but you have no idea what a feeling that was.

Jerry's stories also detailed his driving skills:

A lot of folks in our group have talked about the same subject. The cars have to be driven in order to be judged. In fact, there's one show where they require that you take part in this 10-mile rally before so that the judges can see them. There is another show that requires that you drive the cars to the show. Some people trailer them within a haft mile and then driving them to the show from there . . . . We go on a road trip or show almost every weekend. For the past 7 years, we have sponsored a fall trip. On Friday morning, we always go the first weekend in October. We leave on Friday morning, she and I plan this thing during the year, we go somewhere north to get on the Blue Ridge Parkway somewhere. The Blue Ridge Parkway was made for MGs, you know--high mountain roads, curves, and hills. U.S. 129 runs around the southern end of the Great Smoky Mountain National Park. There is a little store there that sells this T-shirt that says "I survived Dill Gap's 320 curves?' And we go through there and the curves are so close together that you cannot turn the car over. Some of these curves are so severe, at 30 miles an hour you are absolutely pushing the limit. So you come into a curve and get way over in the wrong lane and you cock the wheel and the rear end comes out. Then you cut the wheel back to the right and you literally are riding sideways all the way through these curves . . . . We spend Friday and Saturday night in the mountains and then come back. We put together activities and so forth. The 1st year we had seven or eight people, last year we had 23 cars.

Furthermore, Jerry talked about how these experiences have deepened his connection to the car:

When I put that investment in, it became more than a car. It's like a living thing. It's hard to explain, but it really is. It's my friend. It likes me. I like it. We understand each other and when I am driving that car and something is wrong, it may be the faintest thing, I can feel it in there. I know something is not quite right. And sure enough, you go back and check and the car is telling you something. So you develop a friendship with your vehicle.

What the data suggest is that driving an MG and com- pleting self-work projects are experiences that challenge owners, convey a sense of personal mastery and self- efficacy, and provide relief from the rationalization of modernity. These cathartic outcomes are widespread throughout MG subculture membership and have become central values to the collective. Moreover, these experiences serve as mech- anisms to legitimize individuals within the subculture; they serve as forms of subcultural capital (Fiske 1992).

Such outgrowths serve as forms of existential authenticity in that they fulfill an individual's search for enjoyment.


These activities are creative outlets. The data also describe intrapersonal (sensual and symbolic bodily expressions) and interpersonal (familial, subcultural, and community interactions) dimensions of self-work and driving. These experiences also serve as symbolic authenticity because they become collective values recognized by members of the MG subculture. Legitimacy is bestowed on members who possess the appropriate subcultural capital. In other words, owners who actively demonstrate commitment to the commonly shared core values to other MG enthusiasts are labeled authentic, serving as a means for constructing a social identity.

An Authentic Identity: How Does the MG Shape the Self?

Role performance and communal commitment. As with many subcultures of consumption, differentiated roles and mastery distinctions shape the consumer experience. Within the MG subculture, there are various member roles and mastery levels. Mastery distinctions such as "novice" and "gum" are based on product knowledge and repair abilities. Novices are most often new MG owners with little knowledge about the car, and they often need help from other owners to fully enjoy the consumption experience. Gurus are those owners who serve as mentors for others when they encounter problems with restoring, repairing, and enjoying their vehicles. Basically, gurus are repositories of technical knowledge for the subculture; MG owners often evoke the metaphor of the guru as a "walking encyclopedia." Gurus also assist with car repairs, not directly fixing cars for their owners but guiding and teaching owners how to repair their cars.

Communal commitment is evidenced through gurus who provide help to other owners. These altruistic behaviors preserve the subculture of consumption; in essence, an MG owner gives "gifts" to others in the community to increase bonding, symbolic value, and generalized reciprocity that uphold social exchange processes and ensure the existence of the social network. In fact, such gift giving creates a demonstration effect that others internalize and adopt, furthering the collective's level of commitment. In addition to protecting the social order, gurus help novices because it psychologically validates the self and confirms one's psychosocial identification with the collective identity.

Because of marketer abandonment, the existence of the MG subculture requires proselytizing new members and fostering long-term member involvement. The lack of marketer involvement ultimately strengthens MG owners' commitment to the brand and subculture. Gurus possess the human capital necessary for keeping cars on the road and freely extend that capital to other subculture

members to preserve the social order. From the gums' perspective, reciprocity is not expected in a direct, personal sense (i.e., monetary payment) but rather as an implicit obligation to the larger MG community. Communal commitment involves an implicit social con- tract centered around adhering to subculture values. For example, a novice who seeks help is expected to advance in his or her ability in return for receiving assistance; an owner is expected to take a gum's insights and build on them, figuring out problems for himself or herself. In addition, if a novice receives aid, it is expected that his or her MG is to be preserved. Furthermore, a gum's help is not to be profited from personally.

In addition to technical advisors (i.e., gums), there are additional social roles within the MG subculture of consumption. Many owners act as informal and formal leaders within the subculture's social networks. MG clubs, depending on their sizes, elect anywhere from one to six leaders, who take active roles in creating and preserving the community. Club leaders invest considerable time and effort in catering to the membership, involving new members, and creating social interaction opportunities. Although leaders continually express exasperation at the limited involvement of peripheral members, they never- theless step forward to fill voids in leadership that threaten community existence. Formal leaders are elected and serve in designated positions such as president, secretary, treasurer, and historian. Hence, social collectives' informal and formal leaders within the subculture serve as reserves of social capital.

Charles, a 52-year-old high school music teacher, founded his local British car organization (the Flatwater Club) and has served as its president for many years. He owns three British cars, one of which is an MG. He calls himself a "keeper," because he would never sell his self- restored vehicles. Each one is like a child, with its own unique personality. Charles feels that he is a preserva- tionist in that he seeks to save British cars from "extinc- tion." His cars are not museum pieces, but they are beautifully restored; his red Austin Healey Bug Eye Sprite has won the peoples' choice award at several shows. Charles's main contribution to the MG consumption subculture lies in his social networking. Matthew, a member of the Flatwater Club, revealed in a personal interview that Charles has gained status within the subculture during his tenure as club president. While Charles has limited technical restoration skills, he is valued for his commitments to other MG drivers. During his interview, Charles primarily talked about how he sees "community" within the car club he started:

The Flatwater Club is a tight, supportive group. They would do anything for each other. It started at our kitchen, and has grown from 4 couples to over 69 members in 5 years. Some people drive over an


hour to come to the meetings. Since the group has gotten larger our background interests have grown beyond just cars. I have great fun at our parties. We really have a broad, diverse climate. It is still a place to talk about cars, but its purpose is expand- ing . . . . There is something healthy about being part of our group. It brings people of different backgrounds together----different jobs and different locations. There is an amazing variety of backgrounds yet they all have common characteristics that revolve around interests in MGs. There is some personality trait that attracts someone to an MG. These people are extremely extroverted and they like attention. When I get in my musician educator rut, I get so sick of teacher talk. British car people take me away from that because they are from all walks of life. Social and economic barriers are gone; we have some who are filthy rich and others who are just scraping by. There is also an age vari- ance. I love it because anyone who has an MG is immediately accepted . . . . I get calls from people all over the U.S. and call them too. Once I found a car on Long Island. I have access to a vast network of British car people. I called a friend in the area and he went and checked out the car for me. He called back recommending that I buy it. So there is a nationwide network of people helping one another. There is some guy who travels the country in his British cars, going to the various national conventions. He always stops by our house. It started because one summer he broke down on the road, pulled out an MG Club Directory, and called me because I was listed as the contact for the Nebraska chapter. He stayed at our house while we got him the parts and repaired his car. We've become really good friends. In fact, money hardly ever changes hands in these types of situations. These guys just give things to each other. I always seem to get things back too. Our club has set up help days where two guys will come to your house and help you work on your car. Even when we don't have these events, you can get help from the club. A guy who doesn't ever do anything with our club, but pays dues, called me last week. He called because he had an ugly noise in his car. Even though he doesn't participate, I still helped him. He doesn't have time, but maybe when his kids grow older he will get involved. I'd help anyone who has an interest in British cars.

The social roles in the MG subculture evolve from, and guide, the person-object relationship and subcultural dynamics. Hence, consumers can be labeled as authentic on the basis of their ability to successfully perform a subcultural construction of the MG owner identity. In the MG context, the key to this performance is the possession of subcultural capital on the basis of an "aura of originality" or being a "natural community member." The recognition of subcultural capital by relevant others helps

position an MG owner within the collective as an authentic club member. In the data, gurus are recognized as legitimate because of their aura of originality, whereas club leaders are recognized because of their being natural community members. Their commitments communicate the possession of subcultural capital to others, garnering legitimization within the group and bolstering their collective identity.

Role performance and communal commitment are forms of existential authenticity. As with any voluntary organization, core members, such as gurus and club leaders, invest more of themselves into the subculture of consumption than others. They serve as protectors and conveyors of the subculture's rituals and traditions. Their willingness to share their human and social capital with other MG owners ensures the existence of the community. These efforts have personal and social identity implications; they can help the individual gain personal satisfaction as a teacher, feel stronger connections to others, work toward breaking down social barriers, and share in these pleasures with others. That is, MG owners seek authenticity through person-to-person communal interactions, and the authenticity of the self may be socially constructed through subculture members' projections.

DISCUSSION

What is authenticity in the consumption context? The findings suggest a distinction between authenticity based on product symbolism and authenticity based on self- efficacy. These results expand the twofold, product- driven view of indexical and iconic authenticity. The MG subculture was shown to use numerous, intertwining con- ceptualizations of authenticity (i.e., objective, constnlc- five, and existential) in its interpretation of reality. Figure 1 captures the multiplicity of meanings associated with authenticity.

Each of the definitions of authenticity provides a means for members to achieve legitimacy via subcultural demonstrations. For example, members who used an objective definition of authenticity achieved this by accurately restoring their cars to "showroom quality." Reaching this level of quality is not an easy task, because it requires meticulous research, time spent searching for the most authentic parts, and mechanical knowledge. Members who used a constructive definition of authenticity achieved this by driving their cars and keeping them "on the road" whenever mechanical problems would arise, thus requiring mechanical knowledge and driving skill to take full advantage of the MG's design. Finally, members who used an existential definition of authenticity achieved this through individual cathartic brand- related experiences and by serving in specific roles that support the interpersonal, brand-centered social order.


FIGURE 1 MG Owner Authenticity Framework

These activities also required investments of time and social capital.

Communicating these various activities to others in the subculture (i.e., storytelling) helps legitimize various behaviors as authentic. Buying a showroom-quality MG or having a mechanic keep the car drivable would sym- bolically meet the requirements for authenticity, but these practices do not result in acceptance by other subculture members. Members experientially met different authenticity goals and then communicated the achievement of these goals to relevant others rather than externally meeting authenticity goals via product symbolism. Thus, a combination of personal investment and cathartic experiences, communal interaction, and external product symbolism appears to provide the foundation on which an authentic social identity is constructed.

Thus, authenticity appears to be based on a personal investment that is tied to one's identity and communicated to others. This personal investment is not only product based but also based on one's investment in the subculture of consumption. This effort includes devoting one's time and energy to learning, working, socializing, and communing with others around a branded product. Although financial investment is necessary, owning a museum-type vehicle is often not enough to achieve authenticity, because possession alone does not confer any real understanding or appreciation of the subculture's values. Personal investment into the consumption subculture takes a mass-produced product and turns it into a

unique, noncommoditized item. Effort in accurately restoring the object to its original condition creates not only a rare object but a set of cathartic experiences that can be used to commune with others.

Participating in intrapersonal, cathartic, authentic experiences, with the aid of the object, develops a strorrger sense of self for many owners. Furthermore, interpersonally demonstrating and participating in these personal investments with others can confer member recognition, assisting in the construction of authentic personal and social identities. In essence, investments in personal, cathartic, brand-related experiences serve as a form of subcultural capital that is used to construct a cohesive identity and mark who is an authentic member of the community. Thus, the authentication of an MG owner's individual and collective identity is based not only on personal attributes but also on the ability to communicate an identification with the subcultural construction of what it means to be a "true" member.

Inauthenticity threatens the subculture because its existence means that anyone can access the product through purchase. Inauthentic poseurs do not understand and value the nonmonetary aspects of the culture and thereby commoditize the product and threaten communal boundaries. Furthermore, posers threaten each legitimate member's sense of self. The legitimate members of the subculture construct their social identities by investing a significant amount of time and effort restoring, maintaining, and driving their MGs. This personal investment is largely invalidated, however, if anyone who simply buys an MG, has a mechanic restore and maintain it, and trailers the car to shows is considered an authentic member of the subculture. Arguably, this is a social construction put forth by the community to maintain status hierarchies among those who do not have sufficient financial resources to restore their MGs to museum quality. Yet this did not emerge from the data. Clearly, the impact of status hierarchies on shaping the interpretations of the brand community merits further research.

Implications for Brand Managers

Brand management historically stresses marketer- inspired and -defined brand cognitions over time. Brand authenticity in these contexts is framed in terms of individual consumer meanings. However, marketers are increasingly recognizing the social and cultural aspects of branding. For example, retro car and movie sequels may succeed or fail depending on how authentic they are judged to be by relevant social cohorts or fan clubs. Vintage car communities (Montavalli 2005) affect brand authenticity through their collective practices as they cruise, display, and recount their brand memories and passions. Hence, managers may seek to facilitate fan and community activities that promote brand authenticity


and heritage. Jaguar offers car "birth certificates" and invites owners to display their classics at local dealers. Mercedes has a Classic Center that sells original parts dating to the 1800s, restores classic cars, and operates an e-marketplace. Ford's retro Steve McQueen "Bullit" Mustang is a hit; Mini-Cooper openly promotes brand community as a value to its customers.

The legitimate role of the marketer in managing brand authenticity in contexts in which these social and subcultural contexts are operative is debatable. In the cognitive view, marketers would seek to define and protect a clear point of brand meaning around which a brand community may commune. To better reflect sociocultural influences, academics have recently suggested that advertising mes- sages should use higher order, socially defined consumer meanings, motivations, and imagery (Keller, Stemthal, and Tybout 2002). However, our findings indicate that this view is insufficient. Marketing managers must deepen their understanding of the sociocultural roots and dynamics of brand authenticity and community in situ or at play. When brand communities and subcultures are operative in a brand's "meaning" ecology, managers no longer solely own the brand, its associations, or the right to position it for strictly commercial purposes.

Managers should understand that authenticity in brand collectives is a three-pronged concept involving objective, constructive, and existential elements. While it is clear that objective authenticity may be gained by buying a showroom classic and staking self-identity claims, authenticity in a brand community is only partly based on owning a true classic car. Authenticity in the collective context is a fluid, negotiated notion. Objective and constructive authenticity are defined through text dialogues in the brand community. While original condition is cov- eted, the brand community subjectively negotiates the meaning of what is authentic. Hence, brand managers need to more sensitively explore the true meaning of "original" and its rarity in brand communities. In our view, consumers create brand communities to serve their own existential needs. These brand communities often coalesce into organized clubs with rules, rituals, social hierarchies, and status distinctions based on social and symbolic capital earned and accredited through communal role performances. More important, high-status club members and leaders may frame the club's collective agenda to preserve their own existential roles, symbolic capital, and self-identities. In this light, marketers are advised to seriously consider the reality of consumers as cocreators of brand authenticity.

club projects that demonstrate altruism and commitment. Marketing executives who seek to build relationships with club leaders or execute brand community management in its various manifestations may be successful at advancing their marketing objectives. However, these efforts may boomerang if they are perceived to be merely self-serving. Legitimacy as a marketer in the community requires sincere participation as a member in its sanc- tioned activities, ceremonies, and collective agenda. This complex process of socialization and consecration is what distinguishes select clubs from mere social networks (Bourdieu 1984).

The role of the brand community as brand curator. Brand communities market themselves, driven by their interest in brand-community preservation. Hence, brand communities may seek to serve in an informal or formal role as brand curators. Firms that simplistically involve brand communities in marketing research or new product development may well enhance the likelihood of success of brand updates or retro products. However, brand- related clubs may expect reciprocal investments from firms as they seek to preserve their status hierarchies and cultural capital. They may directly approach a marketing farm for roles to play beyond mere information provision, including new product offerings and club support investments as they seek to market the brand in the club's own self-interest. Clubs that are excluded from performing their indicated role as brand curators may actively depre- ciate the marketer's efforts toward brand advancement as contaminating the authenticity of the brand.

For orphaned brands such as the MG, the absence of ongoing marketing support presents serious existential challenges for the brand community. The preservation of the community's way of life and collective memories is at risk. Hence, in these cases, the collective may actively reshape the authenticity of the brand to fit club marketing purposes. The increasing acceptance of V8-powered MGs illustrates this idea. Furthermore, clubs may actively lobby marketers for resources (i.e., museum- preserved cars for display), serve as "buying groups" to generate sufficient volume to enable marketer profitabil- ity, serve as brokers in enabling a new marketer to purchase the brand, or support entrepreneurial opportunities for new ventures by legitimate club members. They will most certainly debase any reintroduction of a firm's efforts to resurrect a dormant brand marquee if the existence of the brand community itself is placed at risk.

Establishing legitimacy as a marketer in brand communities. Brand communities exact altruistic investments and moral responsibility on their members. They estab- lish shared rituals, signs, and symbols as badges of membership and leadership status, as well as self-work and

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Thomas W. Leigh ([email protected]) holds the Emily H. and Charles M. Tanner, Jr. Chair of Sales Management at the University of Georgia. He earned his DBA in marketing at Indiana University and an MBA and BS (economics) from Southern Illinois University. He is a past president of the American Marketing Association (AMA) Academic Council, has served on the AMA Board Finance Committee, and is a charter member of the AMA Foundation Leadership Circle. He served as chairman of the East Georgia Chapter of the American

Red Cross from 1992 to 1993. His research has appeared in a variety of journals, including Journal of Marketing Research, Journal of Marketing, Journal of Consumer Research, Journal of Applied Psychology, Journal of Advertising, Journal of Advertising Research, Planning Review, Journal of Purchasing and Materials Management, Journal of Personal Selling and Sales Management, Journal of Academy of Marketing Science, and Expert Systems and Applications. He has served on the edi- torial boards of Journal of Marketing, Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science, and Journal of Personal Selling and Sales Management.

C a r a P e t e r s ([email protected]) is an assistant profes- sor of marketing at Winthrop University in Rock Hill, South Carolina. She holds a BA in management from Luther College and an MBA and a PhD in business administration from the University of Nebraska. She has published in numerous conference proceedings and peer-reviewed journals, including the Journal o f Consumer Psychology; Con- sumption, Markets, and Culture; and Journal of Academy of Marketing Science.

Jeremy Shelton ([email protected]) is an assistant pro- fessor of psychology at Lamar University. He holds a PhD from the University of Georgia. His research interests lie in consumer identity and brand extensions. He has published in Consumption, Markets, and Culture, among other outlets.

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