the 5 points of peace
DESCRIPTION
Handout in Ms. Russel'ls class. Contains numerous inaccuracies and biases.TRANSCRIPT
The Five Points of Peace: Debate Preparation
Tomorrow you will be participating in a debate on the five points of peace detailed in the Oslo Accords as a fictional character from either Israel or the Occupied Territories. In preparation, it is important to figure out what your assigned character thinks about each issue so you will be ready share his or her opinions with your classmates. Below is a graphic organizer that asks you to indicate your character’s position on each of the five points and to explain exactly why he or she holds such beliefs. In order to answer these questions, review the descriptions of each issue (presented on this page and the next), look over the stances taken by Israeli and Palestinian negotiators at Oslo (on the third page), and, if still unsure, visit the website that is indicated on your character card as it has a wealth of background information about your person. Issue Character’s Position Explanation of Position (Why?)
Borders: Borders refers not only to drawn lines between Israel and a proposed Palestinian state, but how to best secure those borders. Characters with Borders as a priority are often ones who live along borders, defend borders, or are somehow affected by the drawing of political lines.
Jerusalem:. Jerusalem is a major point of contention for both Israelis and Palestinians because of the city’s historical and religious importance. The most important sites in Judaism and Christianity are located there, as is the third most important site in Islam. Both Palestinians and Israelis want full control of the city, with religious rights for all who live there. There have been proposals to separate the city between East and West, as well as to make Jerusalem an international city with free access for all religions.
Issue Character’s Position Explanation of Position (Why?)
Resources Resources can mean many things. Water, farmlands, grazing areas, and economic zones can fall under Resources. In an ideal peace agreement, Israelis and Palestinians would have enough resources to become self-‐sufficient states.
Settlements: Settlements are areas in the Occupied Territories that are controlled by Jewish residents. The first settlements were constructed after the 1967 War as a way of claiming seized Palestinian and Syrian territories. The Oslo discussions centered around settlements constructed in the West Bank and Gaza Strip specifically, and it is recognized that these settlements are illegal under international law. However, two or three generations of Israel citizens have lived in the oldest of these settlements.
Refugees : Refugees mainly refers to Palestinian refugees living outside of Israel and the Occupied Territories, though there are refugees who live in the Occupied Territories as well. Many of these people were displaced during the 1948 and 1967 wars, though a few became refugees after more recent conflicts. Refugees often want to return to ancestral lands taken by Jewish settlers, making their situation even more difficult to deal with.
Time Magazine: A Peace-Process Primer Issue Palestinian Position Israeli Position Palestinian State and its borders: The Oslo agreement established a limited form of self-‐rule for Palestinians living in the main population centers of the West Bank and Gaza. But final sovereignty over those areas remained with Israel, and the Palestinian demand for a sovereign state was left to "final status" talks — although there was a tacit understanding that this would be the inevitable outcome of the peace process. The final borders of such a state were also left unresolved.
The Palestinians insist that a sovereign state is their right as a people, and they expect that state to comprise all of the Palestinian territories conquered in 1967, including East Jerusalem, which they regard as their capital. They argue that the Palestinians made their territorial compromise at Oslo, by accepting the principle of statehood only in the West Bank and Gaza as opposed to the entire state of Israel once demanded by the PLO — and they're in no mood to be talked back from that position.
While Barak accepts the inevitability of a Palestinian state, his priority is ensuring Israel's security — a Palestinian nation that shares borders with potentially hostile Arab states could provide a lethal military advantage for Israel's enemies. Those security concerns will lead Barak to limit the territorial scope of a Palestinian state — probably by seeking to maintain an Israeli military buffer along the Jordan River — and to also limit the scope for the Palestinians' development of their own army and the extent of their alliances with Israel's enemies. Barak also upholds Israel's exclusive claim on Jerusalem, and wants to annex those parts of the West Bank that are heavily populated by Israeli settlers.
Jerusalem: No issue in the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians is more emotional than Jerusalem. A big reason: because Judaism's holiest site and Islam's third-‐holiest site are located within the city's boundaries. Half of the city was under Jordanian control until the 1967 war, when it was reunified after Israel drove Jordan out of the West Bank.
The Palestinians have always regarded Jerusalem, or Al Quds, as they call it, as the capital of their future state. They want to restore a divide between Israeli and Arab sections, with the religious rights of all guaranteed.
Israel insists that Jerusalem is its "eternal" capital (although most countries maintain their embassies in Tel Aviv) and that the city will remain undivided under its control, with rights of religious access guaranteed to all.
Israeli Settlements: Although Israel never formally annexed the territories it captured in the 1967 war, it began settling tens of thousands of Israelis on land seized from Palestinians. Today there are 155,000 Israeli settlers living in the West Bank and 6,000 in Gaza, and their future is a vexing question for both Israeli and Palestinian leaders.
The Palestinians have always maintained that Israeli settlements in the occupied territories are illegal, and that the settlers would ultimately have to be removed under any peace agreement. In practice, however, they have been forced to accept the reality of settlers' remaining in small enclaves guarded by the Israeli military in the countryside and in such Palestinian-‐controlled towns as Hebron. Settlements remain flashpoints for violence between Israelis and Palestinians, and Arafat will seek to freeze and reduce existing settlements in areas under Palestinian control.
While Barak has no particular ideological commitment to the settlers, their presence to some extent suits his objective of maintaining an Israeli security presence throughout most of the West Bank. So whereas Israel forcibly ejected settlers when it handed the Sinai peninsula back to Egypt in 1979, in the West Bank it will insist on the right of settlers to remain in the territory under the protection of the Israeli military.
Refugees: Israel has excluded nearly a million Palestinians from returning to homes from which they fled during the 1948 war between the Jewish state and her Arab neighbors. Although many have now been absorbed as citizens in countries across the Arab world, 50 years later 1.1 million Palestinians still live in refugee camps in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and the Palestinian territories. (A high birth rate accounts for the increase.) A further 2.5 million Palestinians are formally registered as refugees.
Arafat insists on the right of the refugees to return to their original family homes, even though he recognizes that would be a nonstarter for Israel. He also expects Israel to compensate any who chose to remain abroad or move to the new Palestinian state.
Israel has no intention of allowing Palestinians to return to property seized in 1948 for fear of diminishing the Jewish majority in Israel, and would prefer not to see the population of the Palestinian state swelled by a massive influx of refugees — although the majority of diaspora Palestinians would be unlikely to choose to live in Gaza or the West Bank.