texts and manuscripts: description and...

© I. Donoso Jiménez, 2010

TEXTS AND MANUSCRIPTS:DESCRIPTION AND RESEARCH

I. Donoso Jiménez

PHILIPPINE ISLAMIC MANUSCRIPTS AND WESTERN HISTORIOGRAPHY

The presence of Islam in the Philippine Archipelago was originated as consequence of the incorporation of the region into the Islamic World ² South-East Asia be-came part of the global commerce between the Middle East and China [1]. Being initially a middle pass, South-East Asia attracted the international commerce as mediator. In so doing, Islam emerged as the political tool of legitimacy in an economic world dominated by Mus-lim traders. As main political institution the Sultanate was incorporated into the Malay Peninsula (Malacca), progressing eastwards in the maritime arena towards and beyond the easternmost edge of the classical known world (Oikoumene / ȅìțȠȣȝȑȞȘ), this is to say, the Phil-ippine Archipelago [2].

The Philippine historical sources before the 16th century are not numerous [3]. Hence the reconstruc-tion of the pre-Hispanic Archipelago has to employ usu-ally auxiliary sciences to History [4], or external sources that somehow mention the area. In this sense, Chinese sources are capital to measure the political development in the Archipelago, especially southern regions due to the diplomatic contact between China and Sulu [5]. Regarding Arabic sources, unluckily the data that they provide are circumstantial and intricate to identify [6].

Besides these general data mentioned, it is possible to find two main typologies of primary sources to re-search on Islam in the Philippine Archipelago: We could call them as: (i) sources internally created (emic genesis) and (ii) sources externally created (etic genesis).

Sources Internally Created

The sources created internally were originated to en-courage an Islamic advocacy and legitimacy. Using however autochthonous materials, they were codified to establish a politico-religious authority based on Islam. At

the beginning the sources were orally transmitted, mainly in Malay language, but eventually they were written down in local languages in order to claim an au-thority and implement Islamic Civilization:

S I L S I L A

The most important Philippine Islamic sources are oral traditions of genealogical accounts regarding aristocratic families (Datus, Rajas, Sultans), that in some moment were written down. The eldest are commonly known to we codi-fied in the Malay language, but finally they were transmit-ted in the local ones [7]. These genealogical accounts are called tarsilas from the Arabic silsila (chain). Its main function is to establish the lineage and succession in order to give advocacy to political power and sovereignty over ancestral domains [8]. These sources are historical docu-ments produced largely by Philippine Islamic communities (Moros), but other communities had produced such genea-logical accounts of oral tradition too [9], such can be found in other South-East Asian parts like Brunei:

A good example of a tarsila which has references to a pre-Islamic past, the introduction of Islam, and great neighbouring empires is the Selesilah of Brunei. It begins with a narration of how Brunei while still kafir (infidel) was a dependency of Madjapahit and how this political re-lation ended. The first ruler who becomes a Muslim then acquires the symbols of royalty from the kingdom of Jo-hore. An officer of the Emperor of China marries his daughter and in time succeeds as ruler of Brunei with a Muslim title and name. His daughter, in time, marries the Sharif µAli, a descendent of the Prophet through Hasan. The sovereignty of the kingdom is then given to the Sharif who assumes the name of Sultan Berkat. From this Sharif is descendent all the sultans of Brunei [10].

4 Manuscripta Orientalia. VOL. 16 NO. 2 DECEMBER 2010

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I. DONOSO JIMÉNEZ. Philippine Islamic Manuscripts 5

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Tarsila phenomenon is therefore patrimonial inside South-East Asia, though Islamic elements intervene un-doubtedly in its conformation. Hence, the validation through authorities ² the so-called isnƗd ² which is a key mechanism in Islamic prophetic traditions. Accordingly, the isnƗd is articulated in order to give validity to a political power based on the prophetic descent ² ahl al-bayt ² and particularly the roles of the sharƯf ² sayyid [11]:

Writing from Malacca in 1556, Jesuit Baltasar Diaz la-bels the passage of Muslim teachers ³under the pretence of their being merchants´ in Portuguese ships ³one of the grav-est offences that could be offered God our Lord´, and re-counts a personal experience. In the ship in which he came from India, one of his fellow passengers was a Moro, ³pro-claiming himself a relative of Muhammad´, who was on his way to Borneo to join a companion who ³has already made Moros of the major part of that paganism´ [12].

After obtaining the legal Islamic sanction through the sharƯf and in consequence the ancestry with the Prophet Muhammad, the other capital element to vali-date the local isnƗd (the indigenous prerogative) is the native sanction to rule. Thus, the Malay sultanates origi-nated precisely through interracial weddings in which both authorities are given: indigenous and Islamic.

Nevertheless, the Islamic legitimacy in the Far East of the world known (South-East Asia) required an ex-traordinary sanction, the one given by the Qur¶Ɨnic prophet of World's Edge, i. e. Iskandar Dhǌ al-Qarnayn ³of the two horns´ [13]. Consequently, the first Islamic political entity, the first Sultanate established in South-East Asia required to recognize legitimacy to the first Prophet that according to the Qur¶Ɨn had initiated the Islamization in those regions of the earth [14]. Ma-lacca modulated a model of South-East Asian Islamic state, placing Dhǌ al-Qarnayn on the top of the political claiming. Hence, the mention of this figure in the Malay sultanates, including the Filipinos is not certainly a curi-osity or extravaganza, but an actual imperative of Is-lamic political and religious authority [15].

In the Malay-Indonesian world the Islamic sources has usually narrative and descriptive features, explaining deeper historical accounts and characters [16]. What we find in the Philippine Archipelago is however different, concise genealogical list where the isnƗd combines with short pictures (using the same terminology we could call them matn) [17]. The reason for this is that meanwhile peninsular Malaya and West Maritime South-East Asia were in the middle of the Islamic route connecting Ara-bia, India and China, the Islamization of East Maritime South-East Asia was a local and slow phenomenon within the Malay world. Indeed, West Maritime South-East Asia saw the intellectual culmination of Is-lamic thinkers ² as ڣamza FanڰǌrƯ or Nǌr al-DƯnal-RƗnƯrƯ [18] ² meantime East Maritime South-East Asia was still in the process of consolidating the Islamic political state (Sultanate) and the factual Islamization. Consequently, Philippine sources reflects this level in the process of incorporation into the Islamic world [19].

In spite of the variety and diversity of tarsilas, it seems to be that the primary codification was already done by Najeeb Mitry Saleeby, Lebanese at the service of the American administration who at the beginning of the 20th century compiled and translated the tarsilasfrom both Mindanao [20] and Sulu [21]. However, Saleeby neither reproduced nor analyzed the original sources (some of them written most probably in Malay language), documents missing at the present. Thus what we have is English translations of originals supposedly lost, and researches have undertaken exegesis of those translations at the eyes of other primary sources [22]. It is needed therefore to find original versions and study directly the language and peculiarities of actual tarsilas. Thus, although a lot of work has to be done in the inter-pretation of Saleeby's versions, the comprehensive analysis of Philippine tarsilas is still a task to be under-taken.

Finally, it has to be noted that although Philippine Islamic sources are limited in relation with the whole Malay-Indonesian area, the Philippines add a unique richness: to be the easternmost edge of the whole Islamic world. Accordingly, the location in the edges allows al-ways to spread astonishing cultural phenomena. Hence we can find a unique genealogical document relating the lineage of Zamboanga's aristocracy, from indigenous times to Islamization and then Hispanization ² the Tarsila Zamboangueña [23]. The document was referred by Kawasa AnwƗr al-DƯn Dhǌ al-Qarnayn (1805²1830), Sultan of Maguindanao, and adjusted into Span-ish by José Araneta and Plácido Alberto de Saavedra from a 1725 document, which came from an original supposedly in Maguindanao JƗwƯ. The purpose of the tarsila was to recognize the division in the Sultanate, sanctioning Zamboanga's lineage and giving its sover-eignty to the King of Spain:

Cuando el Salip Saliganya Bunsú entró ser dueño y en-señar la ley mahometana en Zamboanga, sin este nombre según la Talasida nuestro, introdujo por el río Masolóc, que entonces era su nombre, en donde se detuvieron cuando por las avenidas del río vieron bajar despojos de sembrados que se internaron hasta los pies de Polumbató que hallaron un camarín que la gente corría, cuando Saliganya Bunsú dejó su cris y su candil de oro en la misma puerta y la misma cuerda formó tres nudos y tornó bajando el río y llegado el término de los tres días como él lo indicaba mandó á sus bayulares y hallaron un valapá de oro con tres envoltorios de buyo y entregaron á su señor que comprendió del nudo parlamento, y llegado el término de los tres días, fue con toda su comitiva al mismo lugar que sin demora llegó el Timuhay Saragán juntamente con su hija Nayac con el cris puesto y candil fajado junto con los principales y ancianos del pueblo y se juntaron á reconocer por señor casando á su misma hija que Saliganya en prueba que él lo admitía lo compró por un esclavo un perrito que este llevaba y de ella tuvo dos hijos Matombong y Tongab; cuando por un evento enclaron en el rio Cagang-Cagang que ahora es rio Hondo, los Señores Conquistadores que por allí estuvo en esa borda Majaraba Palouan, principal, cabeza de los lutaos y noticioso de esto Saliganya Bunsú por avisos de sus gentes bajó con varias


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clases de vituallas, arroz, hube, camote, frijoles y dos cabezas de vaca, y á su gente mandó pescar y dió á los españoles cuando de vueltas y revueltas tanto los españoles como Saliganya Bunsú de Mindanao y Joló y los dichos españoles, hasta las Molucas y en lo posterior se ajustaron y cedieron al estar bajo el dominio del Rey de España con las condiciones que han de ser ausiliares de mar y tierra, guerra y conquista de S. M. de estos dominios y escepto del tributo dando el medio real por vasallaje que ellos admitieron estas condiciones [24].

What is shocking in this tarsila is the total unex-pected raison d'être. Firstly, it was expected to be a document to sanction an Islamic claim, yet validates a Christian one. Secondly, it was expected to strengthen the Sultanate, yet is the license of excision. Finally, it should be written in Spanish, yet actually is done in Chabacano. Tarsila Zamboangueña points out the ways where culture works ² the human contact. This is the uniqueness of Philippine Civilization.

J ƖW Ʈ

The tarsila as a written phenomenon drives us to an-other main typology of Philippine Islamic corpora, the JƗwƯ documents. The writing system of Malay language was based on the Arabic script and the Philippine lan-guages inherited a lot of linguistic peculiarities of Malay [25]. Hence, it is believed that original tarsilas were codified in Malay language with Arabic script, and eventually local languages (Tausug in the Sulu Archipel-ago and Maguindanao in the Río Grande de Mindanao) emerged in the transmission [26].

The Islamization of large areas in South-East Asia motivated the adoption of the Arabic script (fig. 1). Cer-tainly Arabic script was successful in the transmission of numerous languages of the world, from Spain to China. Turkish, Persian and Indian languages adopted effec-tively Arabic alphabet. By using an aljamiado system, even the Spanish Romance was written down in Arabic by the last Spanish Muslims ² the Mudéjares and the Moriscos [27]. Thus, in the Malay world Arabic script replaced the local written systems [28], developing an own way to write the language ² JƗwƯ.

Islam was a world-wide phenomenon due to its ca-pacity to spread a universal message and adjust traditions through a common intellectual exercise, the scripture. Wherever Islam emerged, immediately a written tradi-tion emerged. Most importantly, Arabic language was the medium to transmit an international heritage, and by Arabic script the local heritage was intellectualized. Be-yond religion, Islam allowed an intellectual revolution wherever emerged, similar to the European Humanism. Certainly, Islamic Thought represented a further step in the development of a Malay intellectual speculation, a step towards humanism based on scripture:

Unlike Hinduism and Buddhism, Islam is traditionally linked with the West [«] The Islamization of the Ma-lay-Indonesian Archipelago should therefore not be com-pared [«] with the earlier Hinduization, as has been tradi-tionally done. It would be more relevant to compare the Islamization process with Western elements [«] The highly intellectual and rationalistic religious spirit entered the receptive minds of the people, effecting a rise of ration-alism and intellectualism not manifested in pre-Islamic times [29].

Consequently, JƗwƯ literature represents a huge cor-pora composed by several typologies including Islamic exegesis, historiography and literature. JƗwƯ script was a revolutionary South-East Asian phenomenon from

Patani to Mindanao, allowing Arabic script to develop a shared civil culture.

In the Philippines this phenomenon took place in the areas contacted by Islam, in the Sulu Archipelago, the western coast of Mindanao, as well as Manila's bay, where Malay began to be employed as lingua franca [30]. This is how people from the Philippine Ar-chipelago were encorporating the cultural innovations taken from Islam into South-East Asia. At the moment of the Spanish advent to Luzon the accounts said that some inhabitants converted to Islam were capable to read the Qur¶Ɨn in Arabic. Therefore, the knowledge of Arabic language and script was still in its beginning [31]. How-ever, the contact of local people with Islamized Malays certainly helped in both, the introduction of Islam and the Arabic script. Consequently, it is likely to think that written documents in Tagalog using Arabic alphabet have existed [32]. With the introduction of the Latin script, Islamized regions adopted and enforced decidedly their cultural trends. Thus, the languages where political structures emerged took Arabic as its writing system ² Tausug in Sulu and Maguindanao in the Pulangi.

After a Spanish administration was established in the new entity called the Philippines, diplomatic and political relations were needed to deal within the region (fig. 2). Arabic script ² in JƗwƯ documents ² was a remarkable tool in the consolidation of a political status for the Sultanates. By having a written protocol, language determined a level of political autonomy and structure [33]. Eventually, since the long period from the 16th century onwards, JƗwƯ phenomenon in the Philippine Archipelago consolidated a rich tradition and, most importantly, a huge corpus of documents [34]. Due to the diplomatic relations between the Spanish administration and the Sultanates, JƗwƯ corpora is enormously rich in both Tausug and Maguindanao languages, and with no doubt represents the largest and most valuable Philippine Islamic sources [35]. These documents used to be featured in two versions, original JƗwƯ and Spanish translation (fig. 3) sometimes even Chinese translation, since Chinese speakers were present in both the Philippines and the Sultanates (fig. 4). It is important to note that the original JƗwƯ has frequently Spanish words transcribed into Arabic script, surprising linguistic phenomenon similar to the one done by the Spanish Moriscos in the other side of the world. Accordingly, Spanish Moriscos used Arabic script to write Spanish language. Astonishing, in the other side of the Islamic world, Philippine Moros wrote down Spanish words as well using Arabic script:


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α˸Ύ˴˰˰ׅ Ω˶ ˶ ϥ˸Ϯ˵ϴ˰γ˸έ˴Ϯ˵˰Θ˰˶׆˰ϛ˴.Kapitǌrasyǌn di pƗs;Capitulación de paz; ³Capitulation of peace´ [36].

This phenomenon shows us that culture is something movable and in constant process of transformation. Arabic script was used to write Spanish language in Spain as well as in the other side of the Islamic world, the Philippines. Furthermore, Arabic words were introduced to the Philip-pines directly or through Malay, but also through Spanish too, i. e.: alahas (alhaja, al-ηƗja), alkalde (alcalde, al-qƗζƯ), alkampor (alcanfor, al-kanfǌr), alkansiya (alcancía,al-kanziyya), aldaba (aldaba, al-ζabba), almires (almirez,al-mihrƗs), baryo (barrio, al-barrƯ), kapre (cafre, kƗfir),

kisame (zaquizamí, sƗqf fƗssamƯ). As we can notice, there are quite numerous Filipino words coming from the Arabic language once spoken in Spain. Thus, Arabic once spoken in Spain has penetrated Philippine languages as well as Arabic spoken in the Malay-Indonesian world, connecting in the Archipelago both edges of the Islamic World.

In sum, JƗwƯ documents are a testimony of the per-vasiveness of similar cultural phenomena all over the world and the creativity of culture as a way of expres-sion. By using Arabic script, Moros were able to develop a plain political administration and diplomatic protocol (figs. 5²7). The Sultanates were structured, and by so doing the Islamic culture in the Philippines as well. And in this process, the role of the Andalusian civilization, the role of the Spanish Islamic heritage, was important.

K I T Ɩ B

The literature of the Muslims in the Philippines is a complex world that still has not been possible to digest thoroughly. Mainly transmitted through oral tradition, a remarkable task of compilation and translation into English has been undertaken in the last decades. However, given the complexity of the endeavour (oral transmission, different languages, cultural and historical contextualization, field work required, etc., being a job between Ethnography and Literary Criticism), at present still we do not have a global reference on the topic. This is why the current statement uses to limit the literatures of Philippine Muslim communities into the different ethno-linguistic groups: Tausug Literature, Maranao Lit-erature, Sama Literature, etc. Therefore, the focus of at-tention centres on the use of the literary materials for ethnic descriptions (which in some cases can conduct towards plain folklore). Indeed, a holistic analysis of categories, aesthetics and literary forms of this literature has not been attempted, leaving the impression of het-erogeneous materials in a fragmented tribal world [37].

Different matter is the so-called ³Philippine Islamic Lit-erature´, corpus that does not have to deal with the creative literature of the Muslim communities in the Philippines (whether under the common concept of ³Moro´, whether under the specific ethno-linguistic group), but with the ex-plicit Islamic message. Similarly, Moro Literature ² or the literature of any ethno-linguistic group ² does not have necessarily to deal with Islam. Quite the reverse, Moro Lit-erature uses to deal with pre-Islamic elements.

Within this specific literature done in the Philippine Archipelago that has Islam as its reason, we can find the kitƗb as a main form. Moro kutub (plural of kitƗb) are book-type documents written in JƗwƯ script and dealing with Islamic philosophy, theology or mysticism. Never-theless, book-type documents are the basis where Islamic civilization emerged. Hence, by compiling, translating and analyzing Roman-Greek classicism, as well as Per-sian and Indian traditions, Islamic civilization created specific conditions for massive book production and cir-culation. In a borderless dominion from the Iberian Peninsula to South-East Asia and China, knowledge, books and students circulated across cultural capitals: BaghdƗd, Dimashq, Miڰr, QayrawƗn, Qurڳuba, FƗs,

Samarqand, Istanbul, Delhi, Timbuktu, Malacca, Brunei and, finally, Jolo. Although in distance places and times, periods and dynasties, Islamic lands were able to create urban centres that produced masters, knowledge, and books. Consequently, education was a permanent aspect of the Islamic cities, and the education caused the wide spread occurrence of writing. The state did not meddle in a system basing in the ijƗza, the recognition that an au-thoritative master (according to genealogical schools validated in the Indexes, fihrists) furnished to the stu-dent. However, to this system of master ² disciple was added a centralized educational space starting in the 11th century ² the madrasa:

In this article he [Julián Ribera, a Spanish Arabist ² I. D. J.] studied the early madrasas founded by Persian sovereigns, and found in these institutions of learning an Oriental and especially Chinese origin [«] On the other hand, neither Greece nor Rome had practiced this type of intervention in educational matters, and such a free system maintained itself in Europe till the thirteenth century when official initiative on the part of the monarchs of various countries in the West resulted in the creation of universities which coincided in many aspects with the Oriental madrasas [38].

Accordingly, education is main tool wherever Islam takes roots and, together with education, books are. The existence of Islamic books in the Philippine Archipelago is a fact from the 16th century, since Spanish sources testify that some people from Manila could read some words in Qur¶Ɨns brought from Brunei, as we have seen in 1572 Relación del descubrimiento y conquista de la isla de Luzón y Mindoro [39]. In a history of Islamic Books in the Philippine Archipelago a key source is 1736 José Torrubia's Disertacion historico-politica en que se trata de la extensión de el Mahometismo en las Islas Philipinas (fig. 8). In this 18th century dialogue between a Spanish from the Metropolis and a Filipino Spanish, it is stated that shurafƗ¶ (pl. of sharƯf) from Makka introduced Qur¶Ɨn into the Archipelago, and plenty were seized in the Fort of Sabanilla (near present Malabang) and carried to Manila in 1724:


Desde la entrada nuestra en esta tierra se ha aumentado mucho la Morería, así por el común tráfico, que en ella tie-nen los Macasares, como porque los Santones de Meca, saliendo por el Estrecho de Moca vienen hasta Sumatra, y de allí por su estrecho pasan a nuestros Isleños con el espíritu Diabólico; traen Alcoranes en Arábigo, y por ellos los instruyen: gran porción de estos libros se cogieron en la Sabanilla, y yo los vi en Manila en manos del Sargento Mayor Ponce, el año de 1724 [40].

Importantly, at the end of the 19th century Juan Sal-cedo's Proyectos de dominación y colonización de Min-danao y Joló gives us a very valuable data stating the role of ³panditas´ in the educational life of Moros. Fur-thermore, the author provides specific mention of Qur¶Ɨns from the 16th century as genuine bibliographic treasures:

En cada ranchería hay un PANDITA o sacerdote. Su traje y turbante es blanco. La ocupación del pandita se re-duce a leer el Corán, cuyos ejemplares tienen en gran es-tima. Algunos datan del siglo XVI, constituyendo ver-daderas joyas bibliográficas. Casi todos los panditas verifi-can la peregrinación a la Meca [41].

Hence, mainly Qur¶Ɨn, but also other kind of Is-lamic books, enhanced Islamic education in important

areas of the Archipelago (from Sulu to Manila) since the 16th century [42]. Spanish sources mentioned thor-oughly the existence of those, and some item was cata-logued by Wenceslao Emilio Retana in his 1894 Biblio-grafía de Mindanao [43]. At present, some of the Is-lamic sources saved from the destruction caused by World War Two to the largest Filipiniana collection ² Colección de la Compañía General de Tabacos de Filipinas ² are kept in the National Library of the Philippines [44].

But beyond these documents kept in public institu-tions, private collections are with no doubt the main mine for Moro kutub. Together with Qur¶Ɨn, it is known that private owners have books written in JƗwƯ script and local language about Islamic education, principles and ǌfƯsm. Not only the language of the documents is stillڦwithout a comprehensive study, but also the content it-self is practically unknown. In spite that other regions in South-East Asia have deeply studied the Islamic scholar-ship from the 16th century until today [45], in the Phil-ippine Archipelago we cannot even identify a single au-thor or work, precisely because those materials are still unknown and inedited [46]. Indeed, by editing and ana-lyzing Philippine Islamic books we will obtain a more broad understanding of Muslim phenomena in the Ar-chipelago within its South-East Asian context and Is-lamic civilization.

K H U γ B A

Finally, it is possible to find other typologies of Is-lamic sources that provide valuable data to understand the political and cultural world of Philippine Islam. Ac-cordingly, Friday sermon and orations for special occa-sions followed a standard formula that made them even-tually to be fossilized and written down. Hence, the khuνba is a sermon that has to follow a pyramidal order within the Islamic tradition. In the particular case of the Philippine Sultanates: from God (AllƗh), Muڭammad,

the Caliphs, till the mention of all the Sultans, ending with the active Sultan. Given the list, it is possible to compare and extract details in the validation of tarsilasand track down Islamic traditions. Saleeby featured some khuνbas of the Sulu Sultanate [47], although nowadays the research on these kinds of sources present the same conundrum that the tarsilas ² the lack of original documents [48]. Consequently, the field is totally open for further and comprehensive researches.

Sources Externally Created

Sources externally created are product of the histori-cal contact between Muslim communities in the Philip-pine Archipelago and external observers. Numerous travellers performed journeys around the area (by politi-cal reasons or private entrepreneurship), writing ac-counts and itineraries about their experiences. Given the geopolitical value of Mindanao-Sulu area within South-East Asia, many of the travels wanted to establish diplomatic approach to the Moro Sultanates, describing in the process their protocol, manners and mores. Dutch [49], British [50], French [51] and Germans [52] contacted Moro Sultanates in different historical periods. Finally, the Americans at the beginning of the 20th century succeeded in removing Spain from the area [53].

However during almost four centuries, Spaniards developed a State administration in the Philippine Ar-chipelago that experienced ² in such long period ² a process in coherence with the specific times. Two main

corpora were created: a specific Spanish historiography on Philippine Islam and the records of the Spanish ad-ministration in the Archipelago [54]. The evolution was reflected in the relations with Muslim communities in the islands too. Indeed, Spanish records since 1522 to 1898 represent the largest documental corpus to study Muslim communities in the Archipelago [55]. In almost four centuries of documental production and human re-lation, certainly the anthropological and political para-digms evolved as times evolve. Thus, it is needed to ap-proach the corpora with the appropriated historiographic criterion. We have different mentality and point of view that the people who produced those documents in former times. Accordingly, we have to develop a historiographic perspective as well as the sociologist and the anthro-pologist do. Otherwise reductionism, dogmatism and even bias emerge [56]. At the same time, it is needed to place those documents in their proper context, for what specific purpose they were created and what public was


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expected to read them. Documents are of very heteroge-neous nature and it is a reductionism to classify all under the same label [57].

Having said that, sources externally created about Philippine Islam are composed by several sporadic in-sights done by travellers and specific individuals that enter in contact with Moro communities, and by a large tradition of Spanish texts including accounts, memoirs narrations, travels, chronicles, descriptions and, finally, complete histories of Sulu and Mindanao (fig. 9). In this sense, it is possible to find data regarding the Mus-lim presence in the area from the beginning of the Spanish advent in Asia. Eventually, when the estab-lishment of the Spanish political body became stable, literature involving Moros was notably increasing, until the moment in which it became a separate section and field in the Spanish writings about the Philippines. Thus during the 19th century, a rich bibliography fo-cusing exclusively on Mindanao and Sulu areas and the people living there emerged, from historical books to geographical descriptions. Accordingly, unlike external sources that sporadically emerged, Spanish writers cre-ated the hugest and most coherent tradition in the study of Philippine Islam, a tradition that lasted more than three centuries from the Renaissance to the Modernism. Thus, Spanish Historiography on Philippine Islam

represents not only an enormous corpus, but the most durable intellectual exertion in the effort to understand why and how Islam was in the Philippines [58]. The long-lasting exertion to understand Muslims in the Philippines ended with an incipient Spanish school on Mindanao and Sulu studies at the turn of the century; a tradition that evolved from the Relaciones de sucesos'Renaissance mentality [59] to the two-volume histories in 19th century positivism [60].

Unlike other sources externally created, the diver-sity and diachronic extension of the Spanish historiog-raphy produced not only descriptive texts about the Philippine South and its inhabitants, but also the repro-duction and explanation of actual sources internally created (fig. 10), as tarsilas [61], JƗwƯ documents [62] and even kutub. Going beyond, the cultural interaction will witness the conjunction of both typologies: the emergence of sources internally created after external elements (as JƗwƯ documents in Tausug / Maguindanao and Spanish versions after Moro-Spanish diplomacy) (fig. 11). And going a step further, we can find the in-digenization of the external sources in a single typology (the emergence of the Chabacano world, as testifies Zamboanga's Tarsila which narrates the genealogy from indigenous period, Islamization and Hispanization using Chabacano language).

Towards Philippine Islamic Studies

At the beginning of the 20th century, the Spanish academic and bibliographical tradition allowed the de-velopment of incipient Filipino scholarship on Is-lam [63]. The inaugurated in 1898 and aborted short later Republic of the Philippines was a new State in the mod-ern arena. Filipinos had to deal not only with American interventionism and the usurpation of the State, but also with their position (diminished by the Americans) as nation in the world. Islam, as the first political tool of administration in the Philippine Archipelago, played a pivotal role in the process of building a modern Philip-pine State. Accordingly, studying the intellectual and political history of the Archipelago within the frames of political struggle Filipinos started interesting in studying of Islam as an own phenomenon [64].

Foreign [65] as well as Filipino [66] scholars have worked through the years to establish academic state-ments that eventually could be valid in comprehending Islamic phenomenon in the Archipelago. The exertion produced a paramount reference not only in local Islam, but also in the whole region. As modern South-East Asian scholar, César Adib Majul is known all over the world, being as transcendental for the Philippines as

Syed Muhammad al Naquib bin Ali al-Attas for Malay-sia. Majul was able to provide factual dimension to Is-lamic studies in the country, as a holistic discipline that includes all the levels of human thought under an Islamic perspective [67]. In so doing, Majul founded the modern discipline in the country, and established a model of scholarship for Philippine Islamic studies [68].

At present, Philippine Islamic studies represents a specific field of study and research, which deals with the easternmost edge of the classical Islamic world and its specific conundrums. Several bibliographic repertoires have been compiled [69] as well as particular topics obtained special attention. Nevertheless, huge corpora of primary sources are still unattended as well as many topics are to be researched. Philippine Islamic studies are just in its beginning, and the future is the challenge to validate it as one of the main scholarly traditions in South-East Asia. From history to philosophy, from humanities to exegesis, Philippine Islamic phenomenon still has to be located within the history of Islam and Islamic civilization. Philippine Islamic manuscripts are a condition sine qua non in this task.

N o t e s

1. About the process of Islamization in South-East Asia see: M. B. Hooker, Islam in South-East Asia (Leiden, 1983); H. M. Federspiel, Sultans, Shamans, and Saints Islam and Muslims in Southeast Asia (Honolulu, 2007); R. D. McAmis, Malay Muslims. The History and Challenge of Resurgent Islam in Southeast Asia (Cambridge, 2002); ³Part IV: South East Asia´, The Cambridge His-tory of Islam, ed. by P. M. Holt, A. K. S. Lambton, B. Lewis (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 123²54; N. Tarling, The Cambridge History of the Southeast Asia (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 330²4, 508²72; S. Q. Fatimi, IslƗm Comes to Malaysia (Singapore, 1963); C. A. Majul, Theo-


ries of the Introduction and Expansion of Islam in Malaysia (Dumaguete City, 1964); J. H. Meuleman, ³The history of Islam in South-east Asia: some questions and debates´, Islam in Southeast Asia. Political, Social and Strategic Challenges for the 21st Century, ed. by K. S. Nathan, M. H. Kamali (Singapore, 2005), pp. 22²44; A. H. Johns, ³Islamization in Southeast Asia: reflections and reconsidera-tions with special reference to the role of Sufism´, Southeast Asian Studies XXXI/1 (1993), pp. 43²61.

2. About Islam in the Philippine Archipelago see: Majul, Muslims in the Philippines (Quezon City, 1999 (1973)); idem, ³Islam advent and spread in the Philippines´, Majul's Collection, Institute of Islamic Studies (Quezon City, 1989); C. A. Abubakar, ³Islamiza-tion of Southern Philippines: an overview´, Filipino Muslims: Their Social Institutions and Cultural Achievements, ed. by F. L. Jocano (Quezon City, 1983), pp. 6²13; idem, ³The advent and growth of Islam in the Philippines´, op. cit., ed. by K. S. Nathan, M. H. Kamali, pp. 45²63; Muslim Philippines, ed. by A. Isidro, M. Saber (Marawi, 1968); The Muslim Filipinos, ed. by P. Gowing, R. McAmis (Manila, 1974); Gowing, Muslim Filipinos. Heritage and Horizon (Quezon City, 1979); A. P. Sakili, Space and Identity: Expressions in the Culture, Arts and Society of the Muslims in the Philippines (Quezon City, 2003); Datu M. O. Mastura, Muslim Fili-pino Experience. A Collection of Essays (Manila, 1984); S. K. Tan, Decolonization and Filipino Muslim Identity (Quezon City, 1989); J. R. Rasul, Struggle for Identity. A Short History of the Filipino Muslims (Quezon City, 2003); I. Donoso Jiménez, Islamic Far East: Ethnohistory of the Filipino Muslims. Master thesis (Quezon City, 2007); Gh. Loyre-de-Hauteclocque, Evolution des Maranao: Des origines au XVIIIe siècle. Contribution à l´histoire des musulmans philippins (Paris, 1989); E. Clavé, La mise en place des sultanats philippins et d'une société musulmane plurielle (XIVe ² XVIe siècle). Master Thesis (Paris, 2005).

3. The most valuable investigations regarding this topic are due to W. H. Scott: Prehispanic Sources Materials for the Study of the Philippine History (Quezon City, 1984); Looking for the Prehispanic Filipino and Other Essays in Philippine History (Quezon City, 1992); Barangay. Sixteenth Century Philippine Culture and Society (Quezon City, 2004); vid. etiam F. L. Jocano, Philippine Prehistory. An Anthropological Overview of the Beginnings of the Filipino Society and Culture (Quezon City, 1975).

A fructiferous field of researches nowadays is on the Laguna Copperplate, which is opening new scopes convening different Philippine historical sources. See for instance: J. F. Tiongson, ³The Laguna Copperplate inscription: a new interpretation usingearly Tagalog dictionaries´, paper presented for the 8th International Conference on Philippine Studies, 23²26 July 2008, Philip-pine Social Science Centre, Quezon City.

4. In the case of the Philippine South see: A. Spoehr, Zamboanga and Sulu. An Archaeological Approach to Ethnic Diversity (Pittsburgh, 1973); L. L. Junker, Raiding, Trading, and Feasting. The Political Economy of Philippine Chiefdoms (Quezon City, 2000); R. Fox, ³The archaeological record of Chinese influence in the Philippines´, Philippine Studies XV/1 (1967), pp. 41²62; J. R. Francisco, ³Indian influences in the Philippines´, Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities Review XXVIII/1²3 (1963).

5. Cf. Wu Ching-hong, ³A study of references to the Philippines in Chinese sources from earliest times to the Ming dynasty´, Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities Review XXIV/1²2 (1959); Wang Teh-Ming, ³Notes on the Sulu Islands in Chu-Fan-Chih´, Asian Studies IX/1 (1971), pp. 76²8; W. W. Rockhill, ³Notes on the relations and trade of China with the Eastern Archipelago and the coasts of the Indian ocean during the fourteenth century´, T'oung Pao (Leiden, 1975), pp. 270²1. About the Sino-Suluan Diplomatic Relations see: Whag Teh Ming, Sino-Suluan Historical Relations in Ancient Texts. Doctoral Thesis (Que-zon City, 1989); Scott, Prehispanic Sources Materials, pp. 76²86; A. Hedjazi, S. Ututalum, The Rise and Fall of the Sulu Islamic Empire (1675²1919) (s. l., 2002); H. Reynolds, ³Why Chinese traders approached the Philippines late-and from the South´, Stud-ies in Philippine Anthropology, ed. by M. Zamora (Quezon City, 1967), pp. 454²65.

In this sense, the difficulty to trace the ethnic origin of the Chinese Muslim communities (Hui) and the historical contact withSulu, opened the gate to speculations certainly astonishing:

During the summer of 1989, while travelling across the eleven provinces of China, I interviewed many Chinese descendants of the East King of Sulu to collect material for my research. At that time, Wenxuan An, the sixteenth-generation grandson of the East King [«] revealed to me that ³our ancestors are Moros of the Philippines and before they came to the Philippines, they were the Moors in Africa´. I just smiled in response, and I thought this was only a fantasy like ³the Arabian Nights´.

M. Xu Xianlong, ³From Moors to Moros: The North African heritage of the Hui Chinese´, Journal of the Institute of Muslim Mi-nority Affairs XVI/1 (1996), p. 21.

6. As Far East of the world known by the Arabs, South-East Asia maritime region was exposed to the imaginary creation of fabulous stories after oral accounts, Arab literary tradition called ³Literature of Marvels ² µAjƗ¶ib´. Related with the Philippine Archipelago we can find mainly two tales: WƗq WƗq and Women's Island, fictitious places that could reveal however actual data. Cf. Donoso Jiménez, ³Al-Andalus and Asia: Ibero-Asian relations before Magellan´, More Hispanic than We Admit. Insights into Philippine Cultural History, ed. by idem (Quezon City, 2008), pp. 9²35.

Realizing the peculiarities of the Arabic geographic literature, W. H. Scott dismantled the traditional historiography established by Otley Beyer:

These references [Arab sources] are hearsay evidence or tales about lands at the end of the world, not descriptions of Arab trade routes. Their negative testimony is especially disappointing in view of H. Otley Beyer's oft-quoted statement that Arabs opened a new trade route via Borneo, the Philippines and Japan to Korea in the eight century [«] By the time of the Spanish advent, Filipino merchants and mercenaries were spread all over Southeast Asia [«] If one wishes to speculate about the advent of Arabs and Arab influences in the prehispanic Philip-pines, therefore, a ready explanation is available ʊ namely, that they were in vessels built, owned and manned by islanders born within that triangle [Manila ² Timor ² Malacca], [«] It is perhaps surprising that nobody has yet looked for Sindbad-the-Sailor's lands of cannibals, peppers, coconuts, and pearl-fisheries in the Philippines.

Scott, Prehispanic Sources Materials, pp. 80²3.


About the literature of µAjƗ¶ib and Philippine seats in Arab sources see: Donoso Jiménez, Islamic Far East, pp. 101²21. The main references for Arab sources in South-East Asia are the following: G. Ferrand, Relations de voyages et textes géographiques arabes, persans et turks relatifs a l'Extrême-Orient du VIIIE au XVIIIE siècles (París, 1913); G. R. Tibbetts, A Study of the Arabic Texts Containing Material on South-East Asia (Leiden ² London, 1979). However, the most valuable data for the Philippine Ar-chipelago does not appear in the classical works of the Arab Geography, but in late navigational treaties. Cf. idem, Arab Navigation in the Indian Ocean Before the Coming of the Portuguese: Being a Translation of Kitab al-Fawaid fi usul al-bahr wal-qawaid of Ahmad b. Majid al-Najdi; Together with an Introduction on the History of Arab Navigation, Notes on the Navigational Techniques and on the Topography of the Indian Ocean and a Glossary of Navigational Terms (London, 1971.

7. As mentioned, the genealogical accounts were written down in order to obtain a physical proof of a political claim. After thedissipation of the traditional sultanates and proliferation of claiming lines, numerous apocryphal tarsilas have emerged. However the unfeasibility to obtain the original tarsilas, the current researches on tarsilas are showing the richness of these documents, and that still there is plenty of information to be analyzed and documents to be published.

8. Cf. Tan, ³Filipino-Muslim perceptions of their history and culture as seen through indigenous written sources´, UP-CIDSChronicle IV/1²2 (1999), pp. 37²52.

9. Cf. S. Hayase, Mindanao Ethnohistory Beyond Nations. Maguindanao, Sangir, and Bagobo Societies in East Maritime Southeast Asia (Quezon City, 2007).

10. Majul, Muslims in the Philippines, p. 33. Cf. H. Low, ³Selesilah (Book of the Descent) of the Rajahs of Bruni´, Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society V (1880), pp. 1²5.

11. Cf. M. Kazuo, ³Toward the formation of Sayyido-Sharifology: questioning accepted fact´, The Journal of Sophia Asian Studies XXII (2004), pp. 87²103; ³SharƯf´, in EI2.

12. Scott, Looking for the Prehispanic Filipino, p. 29. 13. The most important revelations (ƗyƗt) in the Qur¶Ɨn about the Prophetic action of Dhǌ al-Qarnayn in the easternmost edge

of the world are: 18:83²95. 14. C. C. Brown, SƟjarah MƟlayu or Malay Annals (Kuala Lumpur, 1970), p. 2:

Now this is how the story begins according to the account we have received: ³When Raja Iskandar, the Two-Horned, son of Raja Darab, a Roman of the country of Macedonia, set out to visit the East, he came to the frontier of India. Now there was a certain Raja, by name Raja Kida Hindi, whose kingdom was so vast that he held sway over half of all India [«] And Raja Kida Hindi was defeated by Raja Iskandar and was captured alive, whereupon Raja Iskandar ordered him to accept the True Faith. And he did so and became a Muhammadan, embracing the religion of Abraham, the chosen friend of God (on him be peace)´.

15. N. M. Saleeby, The History of Sulu (Manila, 1963 (1908)), pp. 38²9: The traditions state that Tuan Mashai¶ka was the son of Jamiyun Kulisa and Indara Suga, who came to Sulu with Alexander the Great [«]

The common believe among the Sulus that Alexander the Great invaded their island is one of many indications which lead one to think that most of their knowledge and traditions came by the way of Malacca or Juhur.

About Dhǌ al-Qarnayn's Islamic symbolism in Asia see: Jiménez Donoso, Islamic Far East, pp. 73²7. 16. Cf. R. Winstedt, A History of Classical Malay Literature (Kuala Lumpur, 1969), pp. 92²134. 17. Terminology of the Prophetic traditions, ηadƯth. It is important to note, as did César Adib Majul, the curious parallelisms

between some tarsilas and certain classical isnƗd, as the one in Ibn IshƗq's SƯrat Rasǌl AllƗh. Cf. Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. A Translation of Sirat Rasul Allah (Lahore, 1955) and the MS N.1 in Saleeby, Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion (Manila, 1976 (1905)), p. 13. The analysis between the origin of Philippine Islamic traditions and its sources is a field still to be investigated.

18. Cf. P. G. Riddell, Islam and the Malay-Indonesian World. Transmission and Responses (Singapore, 2003); S. M. N. al-Attas, RƗnƯrƯ and the Wujudiyyah of 17th Century Aceh (Singapore, 1966); idem, The Mysticism of έamza FanκǌrƯ(Kuala Lumpur, 1970).

19. It is not possible to speak properly about a Muslim intellectual in the Archipelago until the 20th century, when César AdibMajul consolidated a school of writing and obtained international recognition, not only as historian, but most importantly as Islamic thinker.

20. Published in 1905, Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion (Manila). 21. Published in 1908, The History of Sulu (Manila).22. César Adib Majul did extraordinarily that task through all his works: ³An analysis of the µGenealogy of Sulu¶´, Readings

on Islam in Southeast Asia (Singapore, 1985), pp. 48²57 (previously in Asian Studies XVII (1979), pp. 1²17, as well as in Archi-pel. Etudes interdisciplinaires sur le monde insulindien XXII (1981), pp. 167²82); idem, ³Political and historical notes on the Old Sulu Sultanate´, Philippine Historical Review I/1 (1965), pp. 229²51; idem, ³Succession in the Old Sulu Sultanate´, ibid.,pp. 252²71. Other works have been undertaken to analyse the role of specific data, as the Datus: Rasul, ³The Datuship and the Sulu Sultanate´, Kadatuan I. Conference Proceeding (Zamboanga, 1997); and Datu Mastura, ³The Maguindanao core lineage and the Dumatus´, Muslim Filipino Experience, pp. 3²15.

23. Cf. Donoso Jiménez, ³Estudio y edición de la Társila Zamboangueña´, Illes i Imperis (Barcelona, in print). 24. Ibid.25. M. N. b. Ngah, Kitab JƗwƯ: Islamic Thought of the Malay Muslim Scholars (Singapore, 1983), p. viii:

JƗwƯ means ³people of Java´ which also refers to ³Malays´ because the Arabs in the past considered all the people in the Malay Archipel-ago as Javanese; therefore the Malay writing using Arabic characters is called JƗwƯ script.


26. Kirim can be the name given to Maguindanao JƗwƯ documents, according to Tan, ³Filipino-Muslim perceptions´.27. About the Spanish Aljamía there are plenty of works, we will mention only as main references: L. B. Pons, Bibliografía de

la literatura aljamiado-morisca (Alicante, 1992); and A. G. Chejne, Islam and the West. The Moriscos, A Cultural and Social His-tory (Albany, 1983). A general bibliography about Moriscos can be downloaded from the site: http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/portal/LMM/estudios_y_biblio.shtml.

Arabic script was used by other Europeans, as the Bosnians, the Albanians and other Muslims in the Balkans: E. Zakhos-Papazahariou, ³Babel balkanique: histoire politique des alphabets utilisés dans les Balkans´, Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique XIII/2 (1972), pp. 145²79.

28. ³The script that was employed by the Malays of Sumatra [«] disappeared when those seafarers adopted Islam and the Arabic alphabet´, Scott, Prehispanic Sources Materials, p. 61.

29. Al-Attas, The Mysticism of Hamzah FansǌrƯ, pp. 191²4. 30. Islamization mainly represents a world-wide net that made Muslims borderless travellers all over the Islamic world. People

from the Philippine Archipelago participated in this global activity as well. Thus, when the Portuguese arrived to Malacca, people from Luzon island (luções) was part of its commercial activity:

Acerca da mercadoria é gente mui esperta e artificiosa pera seu proveito, ca ordinariamente tratam com estas nações: jaus, siames, pegus, bengalas, quelis, malabares, guzarates, párseos, arábios, e otras muitas nações, que os tèm feitos muy sagazes, por ali residirme e a cidade ser populosa com as naus que concorrem a ela, em que também soem vir os povos chins, léquios, luções e outros daquele Oriente.

J. M. Garcia, As Filipinas na Historiografia Portuguesa do Século XVI (Philippines in the Portuguese XVIth Century Histori-ography) (Porto, 2003), p. 62. Quotation from João de Barros (1615), Ásia de João de Barros, década III, liv. V, cap. 4 (Lisboa, 1988²2001), p. 130. Translation as follows (p. 135):

In terms of trade, they are very intelligent and clever people, and they normally deal with these nationalities: the Javanese, Siamese, Pegus, Bangalis, Quelis, Malabars, Gujeratis, Parsees [Persians], Arabs and many others, which has made them very wise, since they live there and the city is full of ships competing with them for trade, for which purpose the Chinese, Taiwanese, luções and other peoples also frequent it.

Not only people from Luzon joined the international commerce, but also the port of Manila started to consolidate a local aris-tocracy based on business, what will cause cultural transformations (Scott, Prehispanic Sources Materials, pp. 42²3):

Manila was a bilingual community at the time of the Spanish advent, its bourgeoisie speaking Malay as a second language even as their descendents were later to speak Spanish and English [«] Malay was the lingua franca of Southeast Asia commerce at the time and had been for many years [«] Indeed, it was probably the language which Sulu royalty spoke with a community of Chinese Muslims in a trading station on the Grand Canal in Shantung province in 1417 [«] and it is significant that the majority of them [foreign words] were already Malay bor-rowings from civilizations farther to the west at the time of their introduction into Tagalog.

31. Relación del descubrimiento y conquista de la isla de Luzón y Mindoro (Manila, 1572), featured in W. E. Retana, Archivo del Bibliófilo Filipino. Recopilación de documentos históricos, científicos, literarios y políticos y Estudios Bibliográficos (Madrid, 1898), iv, p. 29.

Verdad es que algunos que an estado en Burney, entienden alguna cosa, y saben leer algunas palabras del Alcorán; empero estos son muy pocos y tienen entre ellos opinión que el que no ubiere estado en Burney puede comer puerco, y esto yo se lo he oydo dezir á muchos dellos.

32. O. D. Corpuz, The Roots of the Filipino Nation (Quezon City, 2005), pp. 39²42: The link between Islam and writing [«] is repeatedly documented [«] The chiefs of Manila were in written communication with the

Sultan of Borneo. Writing, presumably, in the Arabic script, was linked to Islamic conversion in Manila and Batangas [«] The native scripts were superseded by the Castilian alphabet in colonized Filipinas. In the Tagalog area the Arabic script, which might have displaced the native script at least among the chiefs, was also superseded by the Castilian.

For deeper references on Philippine writing history see: Donoso Jiménez, ³El Humanismo en Filipinas´, Humanismo. Teoría Cultural de Europa, ed. by P. Aullón de Haro (Madrid, in press).

33. And together with language, political symbols within the chancelleries emerged as well, as the epigraphy. See: A. T. Gallop, Malay Seal Inscriptions: A Study in the Islamic Epigraphy from Southeast Asia, Doctoral Dissertation, University of London, 2002 (unpublished). We are deeply grateful to the author in sharing and sending to us her researches.

34. For a general state of the problem see Tan, ³The Surat Sug: the JƗwƯ tradition in the Philippines´, Journal of Sophia Asian Studies XX (2002), pp. 197²210; for the contemporary evolution of JƗwƯ script in the Philippines see Abubakar, ³Surat Sug: JƗwƯtradition in Southern Philippines´, Philippine Civilization and Asian-Hispanic Cultural Relations ² Cuaderno Internacional de Estudios Hispánicos y Lingüística (CIEHL), ed. by Donoso Jiménez (Humacao, in press).

35. Paradoxically all the JƗwƯ documents of the Spanish period are still practically neglected and untouched. S. K. Tan under-took an exhaustive research in American archives to compile and translate JƗwƯ documents of the American period, which was published in two volumes: Surat Sug. Letters of the Sultanate of Sulu (Manila, 2005). He is also the author of the main existing references on Philippine JƗwƯ documents: JƗwƯ Documentary Series No. 1, Annotated Bibliography of JƗwƯ Materials of the Muslim South (Quezon City, 1996); and JƗwƯ Documentary Series No. 2, Surat Maguindanaon (Quezon City, 1996).

At present we are carrying out a project together with Julkipli M. Wadi in the National Archives of the Philippines that aims tocompile, transcribe, translate and analyze the JƗwƯ documents of the Spanish period and the Moro-Spanish diplomatic Corporac.

36. Philippine Nacional Archives (Manila): Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9276 [1836²1898], exp. 2, fol. 1:


Capitulaciones de Paz, Proteccion y Comercio otorgadas al Muy Excelente Sultan y Dattos de Joló, por el Yllmǀ Sǀr Capitán General, Gobernador de las Yslas Filipinas en nombre de las Alta y Poderosa Soberana de S. M C. siendo tratadas y convenidas por ambas partes á sa-ber: en representación del Gobierno Español, como Plenipotenciario del M. Y. Sǀr Capitan General D. Pedro Antonio Salazar Gobernador de Filipinas, el Capitan de Fragata de la Real Armada D. José Maria Halcon, Comandante Jefe de las Fuerzas Navales que hay en la Rada de Joló; de la otra parte el Sultan Mogamad-Diamalul-Quiram Raxa de Joló y los Dattos que firman, cuyas partes Otorgaron (Joló, 23 de septiembre de 1836)´.

37. A Historiography of the literatures of Philippine Muslim communities could include the following: A. Manuel, ³A survey of Philippine epics´, Asian Folklore Studies XX (1963), pp. 1²76; Tan, The Development of Muslim Literature (s. l., 1978); N. T. Madale, Tales from Lake Lanao and Other Essays (Manila, 2001); G. Rixhon, ³Tausug oral literature´, People of the Cur-rent: Reprints from Sulu Studies (Manila, 2001); Literature of Voice. Epics in the Philippines, ed. by N. Revel (Quezon City, 2005). Of special relevance are all the issues of the journal Sulu Studies (Jolo), as well as the works leaded by the French researcher Nicole Revel, in particular Silungan Baltapa: Le Voyage au ciel d'un hero Sama (Paris, 2005). As consequence of Revel's efforts, the Archives of Ateneo de Manila University holds currently the largest collection on Philippine intangible heritage.

As far as specific works is concerned, the edition, translation and analysis of some pivotal landmarks has been done: J. R. Francisco, Maharadia Lawana, ed. and transl. with the collaboration of Madale (Quezon City, 1969); Madale, Raja Indara-patra: A Socio-Cultural Analysis (Quezon City, 1982); C. Wein, Raja of Madaya. A Philippine Folk-Epic (Cebu, 1984); A. Aliman, Lagia Indarapatra, A Magindanaon Folk Narrative: Some Notes on Islamic Influence Master Thesis (Quezon City, 1986); Da-rangen: in Original Maranao Verse with English Translation (Marawi City, 1986²1992), i²v.

Other parallel topic is the presence of Islam in the general Philippine Literature: See Donoso Jiménez, ³El Islam en las LetrasFilipinas´, Studi Ispanici XXXII (2007), pp. 291²313.

38. J. T. Monroe, Islam and the Arabs in Spanish Scholarship (Sixteenth Century to the Present) (Leiden, 1970), p. 158. About madrasa see: ³Madrasa´, EI; G. Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges. Institutions of Learning in Islam and the West (New

York, 1982); idem, ³The madrasa in Spain: some remarks´, Revue de l'Occident Musulman et de la Mediterranée XV²XVI, pp. 153²8; idem, ³Madrasa and university in the Middle Ages´, Studia Islamica XXXII (1970), pp. 255²64; Law and Education in Medieval Islam: Studies in Memory of Professor George Makdisi, ed. by J. E. Lowry, D. J. Stewart, Sh. M. Toorawa (London, 2004); G. D. Newby, ³The foundation of the University of Naples: typological parallels with Arab institutions of higher learning ,́ Medieval Encounters III/2 (1997), pp. 173²83; and Donoso Jiménez, ³El colegio universitario europeo y la madrasa islámica´, Hispanogalia. Revista hispanofrancesa de Pensamiento, Literatura y Arte IV (2007²2009), pp. 31²42.

39. Cf. supra note 31. 40. J. Torrubia, Disertacion historico-politica en que se trata de la extensión de el Mahometismo en las Islas Philipinas:

grandes estragos que han hecho los Mindanaos, Joloes, Camucones, y Confederados de esta Secta en nuestros Pueblos Cristianos, medio con que se han contenido, y vno congruente para su perfecto establecimiento (Madrid, 1736), pp. 1²2.

41. J. Salcedo, M. de los Ríos, Proyectos de dominación y colonización de Mindanao y Joló (Gerona, 1891), pp. 28²9. 42. Until present the most valuable researches on Philippine Qur¶Ɨns have been done by A. T. Gallop. See: ³From Caucasia to

Southeast Asia: DƗghistƗni Qur¶Ɨns and the Islamic manuscript tradition in Brunei and in the Southern Philippines´, ManuscriptaOrientalia XIV/1, pp. 32²56, 2, pp. 3²14.

43. For instance No. 167: ³Alcorán. ² En moro de Mindanao ² Ms. Fué de un pandita. Está escrito en papel muy ordinario. Parece ser copia de la segunda mitad del presente siglo´, Retana, Bibliografía de Mindanao (Epítome) (Madrid, 1894), 59 pp.

44. Together with the Qur¶Ɨn, there are two more printed books from Bombay used by Maguindanaos according to Retana. See Nos. 1643, 1645a and 1645b in I. R. Medina, Filipiniana Materials in the National Library (Quezon City, 1971).

45. Cf. P. G. Riddell, Islam and the Malay-Indonesian World. Transmission and Responses (Singapore, 2003). 46. The main and practically the only work has been done again by Samuel Tan ² with the assistance of Munap

H. Hairulla ² in pioneering books that have established at least the basis to make visible the existence of Moro kutub: Tan, M. H. Hairulla, JƗwƯ Documentary Series No. 3, An Annotation of the Marsada Kitabs (Quezon City, 2002); JƗwƯ Documentary Series No. 4, Basilan Kitabs (Quezon City, 2007); JƗwƯ Documentary Series No. 5, Tawi-Tawi Kitabs (Quezon City, 2007).

47. Saleeby, Studies in Moro History, pp. 112²20. 48. Cf. Majul, Muslims in the Philippines, pp. 8²10. 49. Cf. R. Laarhoven, Triumph of Moro Diplomacy. The Maguindanao Sultanate in the 17th Century (Quezon City, 1989);

Tien-Tse Chang, ³The Spanish-Dutch naval battle of 1617 outside Manila Bay´, Journal of Southeast Asia History VII/1 (1966),pp. 111²21; M. P. H. Roessingh, ³Dutch relations with the Philippines, 1600²1800´, Asian Studies XXI (1983), pp. 59²78.

50. Cf. N. Tarling, ³The superintendence of British interests in South-East Asia in the nineteenth century´, Journal of South-east Asia History VII/1 (1966), pp. 97²110; idem, Sulu and Sabah. A Study of British Policy Towards the Philippines and North Borneo from the Late Eighteenth Century (Kuala Lumpur, 1978).

The most valuable British account on Moro Sultanates is without doubts the travels of Thomas Forrest, A Voyage to New Guinea, and the Moluccas, from Balambangan: Including an Account of Magindano, Sooloo, and Other Islands, Illustrated with Copper-Plates. Performed in the Tartar Galley, Belonging to the Honourable East India Company, During the Years, 1774, 1775, and 1776, by Captain Thomas Forrest, to which is Added, a Vocabulary on the Magindano Tongue (Dublin, 1779). Besides the geographical, political, and cultural description of the Sultanates, Forrest published for the first time in English a Philippine tarsila,the one of the Sultanate of Maguindanao. Actually, the English translation of the account orally narrated by the former Sultan Pakir Maulana Kamsa in Malay to Forrest (p. 214):


The following short account of the history of Magindano, is drawn from original records, in the possession of Fakymolano [Pakir Maulana Kamsa], elder brother to Paharadine [Pahar ud-Din] the present Sultan, and father to Kybad Zachariel [Kibad Sahriyal], the present Rajah Moodo [Raja Muda]; they are wrote in the Magindano tongue, and Arabic character. I took it down from Fakymolano's own mouth, who dic-tated in Malay.

51. Agustín Santayana (father of the American philosopher George Santayana) transcribed important documents about the French interest in Basilan Island, as well as Hong Kong's Governor Sir Bowring impressions on Mindanao status: La isla de Min-danao, su historia y su estado presente, con algunas reflexiones acerca de su porvenir (Madrid, 1862).

Main French sources about the Philippine South are the following: G. J. Le Gentil de La Galaisière, Voyage dans les mers de l'Inde, fait par ordre du Roi à l'occasion du passage de Vénus sur le disque du soleil le 6 juin 1761 & le 3 du même mois 1769(Paris, 1781), ii; P. Sonnerat, Voyage aux Indes Orientales et a la Chine, fait par ordre du roi, depuis 1774 jusqu'en 1781. Dans lequel on traite des moeursm, de la religion, des sciences & des arts des Indiens, de Chinois, des Pegouins & des Madegasses; suivi d'observations sur le cap de Bonne-Espérance, les isles de France & de Bourbon, les Maldives, Ceylan, Malacca, les Philip-pines & les Moluques, & de recherches sur l'histoire naturelle de ces pays (Paris, 1782); J. B. Mallat, Les Philippines; histoire, géographie, moeurs, agriculture, industrie et commerce des colonies espagnoles dans l'Océanie (Paris, 1846); P. Proust de la Gi-ronière, Aventures d'un gentilhomme breton aux îles Philippines, avec un aperçu sur la géologie et la nature de sol de ces îles; sur ses habitants; sur la règne minéral, le règne végétal et le règne animal; sur l'agriculture, l'industrie et le commerce de cet archipel(Paris, 1855); F. P. Marie d'Orléans duc d'Alenऊon, Luçon et Mindanao, Extraits d'un Journal de voyage dans l'extrème Orient(Paris, 1870); J. Montano, Voyage aux Philippines et en Malaisie (Paris, 1886); and A. Marche, Luçon et Palaouan: six annees de voyages aux Philippines,(Paris, 1887).

52. Cf. M. S. Montemayor, Captain Herman Leopold Schück. The Saga of a German Sea Captain in 19th Century Sulu-Sulawesi Seas (Quezon City); L. Á. Gutiérrez, ³Las peticiones de ayuda del Sultán de Joló al Imperio Alemán y la formu-lación de la doctrina bismarckiana sobre política colonial´, Imperios y naciones en el Pacífico. La formación de una colonia: Filipinas (2001), pp. 641²60.

53. Cf. Gowing, Mandate in Moroland: the American Government of Muslim Filipinos 1899²1920 (Quezon City, 1977). As well as Forrest, another source externally created reproduced one internally created, in this case the tarsila of the Sultanate

of Sulu. Charles E. Livingston wrote a short paper about what he thought ³mythological origin of Sulu´, being not conscious that it was actually the Sulu tarsila: ³Legendary history of Sulu´, The Philippine Review / Revista Filipina I/8 (1916), p. 65.

During the American period, besides the dramatic contribution of Saleeby, research on Philippine Islam was limited to several articles and some books, like V. Hurley, Swish of the Kris: the Story of the Moros (New York, 1936). It is relevant though the con-tributions to the study of Moro languages. However, the pioneering work in Moro Philology was done by the Spaniard Jacinto Juanmartí, for Maguindanao: Gramática de la lengua de maguindanao según se habla en el centro y en la costa sur de la isla de Mindanao (Manila, 1892); Diccionario moro-maguindanao-español (Manila, 1892); Compendio de historia universal desde la creación del mundo hasta la venida de Jesucristo, y un breve vocabulario en castellano y en moro-maguindanao por un padre misionero de la Compañía de Jesús (Singapore, 1888) (the first was translated into English by the Captain of the 14th cavalry, showing that it was relevant for the American policy: A Grammar of the Maguindanao Tongue According to the Manner of Speak-ing it in the Interior and on the South Coast of the Island of Mindanao, Translated from the Spanish of Rev. Father J. Juanmartí, Order of Jesuits, by C. C. Smith, Captain Fourteenth U. S. Cavalry (Washington, 1906). For Sulu Philology, the pioneering and remarkable work was: A. Cowie, English-Sulu-Malay Vocabulary, with Useful Sentences, Tables, & (London, 1893). Since then, Americans did a vital work in linguistic studies: R. S. Porter ² 1st Lieut. Assistant Surgeon, U. S. Army, A Primer and Vocabu-lary of the Moro Dialect (Magindanau) (Washington, 1903); K. G. Buffum, Lieut. Col. C. Lynch, Joloano Moro (s. l., 1913); C. R. Cameron, Sulu Writing. An Explanation of the Sulu-Arabic Script as Employed in Writing the Sulu Language of the Southern Philippines (Zamboanga, 1917).

Americans were further in Christian proselytism by employing Tausug language using Latin script, as in the translation of Luke's Gospel: Kitab Injil ni Luka (Manila, 1931).

Finally, as political administrator, United Stated produced hundreds of records that are fundamental for the years 1898²1946. Those sources are mainly kept in the metropolis as colonial records. The Library of Congress is without any doubt a place wherethe new sources may be found.

54. The later are mainly kept in the National Archives of the Philippines. However, many documents can be found as well in several Spanish archives: Archivo General de Indias (Seville): the oldest documents starting from the 16th century; Archivo Histórico Nacional (Madrid): political documents in section ³Ministerio de Ultramar´ from the 18th century; and Archivo del Museo Naval (Madrid): scientific and military materials. Cf. R. T. José, Jr., ³Mindanao and Sulu Memorabilia in Spain´, The Jour-nal of History L/1²4 (2004), pp. 22²48.

55. Paradoxically, and in spite of the fact that scholars are aware of the value of the Spanish historiography on Philippine Islam and the records of the Spanish administration in the Archipelago, a corpus of millions of documents has been neglected. In fact,given the difficulties of current Filipinos and Moros to access their own sources in Spanish language, a general misconception hasbeen spread around the corpora to blame it and to safe the scholarship. The contradictions in this sense are obvious:

Colonial [Spanish] sources represent the most comprehensive collection vital to any historical study of the Muslim South [«] The general framework of Spanish historiography on the ³Moros´ was anchored in two impressions: (1) that the ³Moros´, as the colonial sources called them, were a degraded race of savages whose only ambition was to plunder, guided strongly by a religion based on the teachings of a false


prophet they called ³Mohammedanism´; and (2) that their lack of civilization underlined the need to subjugate them and civilize then through Christianization.

Tan, ³Filipino-Muslim perceptions´, p. 38. After the contradictions, the question is obvious: Are Spanish sources vital or not to any historical study of the Muslim South?

Certainly, in young Republics born after postcolonial processes, nationalistic paradigm is a must. However, nationalism must be able to design an academic paradigm capable to describe the complexities of how a modern nation emerges if it does not want to fall in myth instead than logos:

The relativity of history is nicely illustrated by histories as Southern and Southeast Asia and Africa written in the colonial period as com-pared to those written after independence. There is a considerable difference ² in the moral evaluations of colonialism, in the degree of em-phasis on the colonial as compared with the precolonial periods, and in the stress laid on non-European documents. The extremes contrast most strikingly: the defenders of colonialism who were citizens of the colonial powers and often present or former colonial officers themselves, ver-sus those citizens of the ex-colonies who are now erecting new nationalist historical mythologies.

W. C. Sturtevant, ³Anthropology, history, and ethnohistory´, Ethnohistory XIII/1²2 (1966), pp. 1²2. In this sense, modern Philippine Islamic studies still carry the deep influence of César Adib Majul. Majul did a dramatic con-

tribution to Philippine Islamic studies: after forty years still no work can surpass his statements. But forty years ago the histo-riographic paradigm was in a context of national integration and ideology. In order to validate Muslims in the nation called thePhilippines, they had to join the struggle for national construction, including endless wars, freedom fighters and a long list of he-roes. These are common things in nationalistic historiography all over the world. Yet it establishes a binary paradigm between good and evil that in no way reflects the complexities of culture and history in national construction, since nations are born in Hegelian processes. W. H. Scott limited clearly the issue: ³Crusade or commerce? Spanish-Moro relations in the 16th century´, Kinaadman, A Journal of the Southern Philippines VI/1 (1984), pp. 111²5.

56. Accordingly, it is not possible to reduce a corpus that is considered the largest for historical Philippine Islam to commonplaces and stereotypes. Otherwise we invalidate it, and by doing so our capacity to make critical history.

However, scholars are starting to realize the must to research and use primary sources, and preliminary approaches are de-signing at least a framework for new insights: Cf. M. R. Tawagon, ³Spanish perceptions of the Moros: a historiographical study´, Dansalan Quartely X/1²2 (1988), pp. 20²117; Tan, ³Beyond local history: the case of Sulu history in national perspective´, TheJournal of History LIV (2008), pp. 1²20; C. A. Asain, ³Preparing the groundwork for Mindanao-Sulu historiography´, ibid.,pp. 21²49.

57. Reductionism may be caused by the incapacity to distinguish the details in a language nowadays alien to Filipinos. The same happened in Spain with almost one millennium of Spanish history written in Arabic language. That millennium ² the one who created the Spanish modern culture ² was erased from Spanish history with nationalist mythologies and dogmas (El Cid,Reconquista, Santiago, etc.) and Spanish sources in Arabic language were condemned to oblivion. Something similar is happening nowadays with Philippine sources in Spanish language, and with three centuries of history, the centuries that created the modernPhilippine nation.

58. For instance, Spanish sources can be used to reconstruct the history of patrimonial elements as important as the Kulintang:Donoso Jiménez, ³Historiography of the Moro Kulintang´, Trans. Transcultural Music Review XII (2008): http://www.sibetrans.com/trans/trans12/art17.htm.

59. An introduction to the typology Relaciones de sucesos ² brochures explaining rhetorically events and accounts, that repre-sent the origin of mass media ² in Asia is: C. de M. Santos, ³Las relaciones de sucesos: Particularidades de un género menor. Lasrelaciones de sucesos de tema asiático´, conference submitted in V Congreso Internacional de la Asociación Asiática de His-panistas (Tansui, Tamkang University, January 8²9, 2005).

The main Relaciones de sucesos that deal with Islam and Muslims in the Philippines are the following: Relacion del descu-brimiento y conquista de la isla de Luzón y Mindoro; de las cosas más señaladas que en ellas sucedieron: tratase breve y sumari-amente de la manera que se conquistó y ganó de lo que hasta oy está ganado y conquistado en esta dicha isla; ansí mesmo, de la calidad de la gente della y su manera de vivir y las armas que usan y tiene, é fuertes que hazen para defenderse de los enemigos. Aseme ogreçido escribir esta rrelaçión por ser informado que se an escripto otras muchas, ymbiado á Nueva España, tratando de lo que en esta tierra a subcedido; las quales dicen que son muy fabulosas y profanas, diziendo que en esta tierra ay moros comolos de Berberia, y que las fuerças armas que tienen es ni mas ni menos; y que pelean y se defienden como turcos. Los que tal hanescripto no han tenido rrazón; escribir mas de aquello que es por que cierto los naturales desta isla de Luzón, que comúnmente llamamos los españoles moros, ellos no lo son, porque en verdad es que ellos no saben la ley de Mahoma, ni la entienden; sola-mente en algunos pueblos orilla de la mar no comen puerco, y esto es por aver tratado ellos con los moros de Burney, que les hanpredicado alguna parte de la secta de Mahoma; é porque adelante trataré más largo en lo que toca á los rritos é çirimonias destos naturales, diré lo primero las guerras que con ellos an tenido los españoles, sin quitar ni poner cosa ninguna demasiado, porqueansí me lo a encargado una cierta persona que me lo mandó scrivir, y desta manera se entenderá sin sospecha ninguna la defensa que de estos naturales ay, por que el que esto leyere sepa la verdad de lo que acá pasa (Manila, 1572); Breve relacion de la grande crueldad de Gentiles y Moros, contra los Predicadores Euangelicos del Orden de Santo Domingo, y Cofrades del Santissimo Rosario, en las Filipinas, Iapon, y en las Indias Orientales, dende el Año 1617 hasta 1627 (Barcelona, 1631); Sucesos felices que por mar y tierra ha dado Ntro. Señor á las armas españolas en las Islas Filipinas contra el Mindanao, y en las Terrenate, contralos Holandeses, por fin del año de 1636 y principio del de 1637 (Manila, 1637); Relación de las gloriosas victorias qve en mar, y tierra an tenido las Armas de nuestro invictissimo Rey, y Monarca Felipe III, el Grande, en las Islas Filipinas, contra los Moros


mahometanos de la gran Isla de Mindanao, y su Rey Cachil Corralat: sacada de varias relaciones qve este año de 1638, vinieron de Manila (Mexico, 1638 [Biblioteca Nacional de España: R/33185]); Relacion de la entrada del svltan rey de Jolo Mahamad Alimuddin en esta Ciudad de Manila: y del honor, y regocijos, con que le recibiò en 20. de Henero de 1749. el Illmo, y Rmo SeñorDoctor, y Mro D. Fr. Ioan de Arechederra (Manila 1749); J. De Arechederra, Pvntval relacion de lo acaecido en las expediciones contra Moros Tirones, en Malanaos y Camucones destacadas en los de 746, y 47, Manila 1747; Idem, Continvacion de los pro-gresos, y resvltas de las expediciones contra Moro, Tirones, y Camucones en este Año de 1748 (Manila, 1748 [BNE: R/33208 (2)]); Relacion de la valerosa defensa de los Naturales Bisayas del Pueblo de Palompong en la Ysla de Leyte, de la Provincia de Catbalogan en las Yslas Philipinas, que hicieron contra las Armas Mahometanas de Ylanos, y Malanaos, en el Mes de Iunio de 1754 (Manila, 1754 [BNE: VE/ 1422/ 18; Nacional Library of the Philippines: (F) 991.402.R278]); N. de la Cruz Bagay, Compen-dio de los svcesos, qve con grande gloria de Dios, Lustre, y Honor de las Católicas Reales Armas de S. M. en defensa de estas Cristiandades, e Islas de Bisayas, se consiguieron contra los Mahometanos Enemigos, por el Armamento destacado al Presidio de Yligan, sobre las Costas de la Isla de Mindanao, en el año de mil setecientos cincuenta y quatro (Manila, 1755 [BNE: R/33234/30]); Relacion de los svcessos de Mindanao, en las Islas Philipinas (Manila, 1734 [BNE: R/33196]).

Another typology of accounts are the testimonies and biographies of persons captured by Moros, as the poetic composition called Trabajos Leytanas (³Sufferings from Leyte´) ca. 1740, which shows the accounts of a missionary captured by Moros in Leyte, using the same Baroque style. Cf. Donoso Jiménez, ³Trabajos Leytanos. Leyte, ca. 1740´, Studi Ispanici XXXII (2007), pp. 315²24.

60. The main bibliographical guide ² summarizing the Spanish works on Mindanao and Sulu between the 16th and the 19th ɫenturies ² was W. E. Retana's Bibliografía de Mindanao (Epítome) (Madrid, 1894).

Chronologically, the most important Spanish works on Mindanao and Sulu are the following: M. De Ávalos, Carta y alega-ciones de derecho de lic.do m.or de avalos oidor de la real audiencia de Manila para la S. C. M. R. acerca de los mahometanos de las philipinas y contra ellos (Manila, 1585); F. Combes, Historia de las Islas de Mindanao, Jolo y sus adyacentes (Madrid, 1667); J. Torrubia, Disertacion historico-politica en que se trata de la extensión de el Mahometismo en las Islas Philipinas: grandes es-tragos que han hecho los Mindanaos, Joloes, Camucones, y Confederados de esta Secta en nuestros Pueblos Cristianos, medio con que se han contenido, y vno congruente para su perfecto establecimiento (Madrid, 1736); P. de la Santísima Trinidad, Joló: Mani-fiesto en defensa del rey de Joló, Fernando I, y en su infidelidad Alimodin Mohamad, bautizado en Manila, capital de las islas Filipinas, preso y arrestado en el castillo de Santiago de la misma ciudad por falsos testimonios de sus émulos: dado y declaradopor bueno su bautismo [inedited]; J. G. De Arboleya, Historia del archipiélago y sultanía de Joló (La Habana, 1851); F. Gaínza, Memoria y antecedentes sobre las expediciones de Balanguingi y Joló (Manila, 1851); E. Bernáldez, F. De Folgueras, Reseña histórica de la guerra al sur de Filipinas, sostenida por las armas españolas contra los piratas de aquel archipiélago, desde laconquista hasta nuestros días (Madrid, 1857); A. Santayana, La isla de Mindanao, su historia y su estado presente, con algunas reflexiones acerca de su porvenir (Madrid, 1862); J. N. Burriel, Itinerario de la excursión hecha a Mindanao y Joló en orden del Excmo. Sr. Capitán General, Don Rafael Echagüe (1862 [inedited]); B. Giraudier, Expedición a Joló 1876. Bocetos del cronista del Diario de Manila (Madrid, 1876); V. Barrantes, Guerras piráticas de Filipinas contra mindanaos y joloanos (Madrid, 1878); P. A. de Pazos y Vela-Hidalgo, Joló. Relato histórico-militar desde su descubrimiento por los españoles en 1578 á nuestros días (Burgos, 1879); A. Garín y Sociats, ³Memoria sobre el Archipiélago de Joló´, Boletín de la Sociedad Geográfica X (1881), pp. 110²61; idem, Archipiélago de Joló (Madrid, 1882); P. De la Escosura, Memoria sobre Filipinas y Joló redactada en 1863 y 1864 (Madrid, 1882); V. M. Concas y Palau, Informe al gobierno de S. M. acerca de las costas de Joló, Borneo y Mindanao (Ma-nila, 1882 [inedited]); idem, ³La Sultanía de Joló´, Boletín de la Sociedad Geográfica IX/3 (1884), pp. 153²82; idem, ³Relaciones de España con Joló´, Boletín de la Sociedad Geográfica VIII/3 (1884); J. Rajal, ³Acerca de la Isla de Mindanao´, Boletín de la Sociedad Geográfica (1885), pp. 177²92; A. M. De Gayangos, La Ysla de Mindanao. Su estado actual y las reformas que reclama (ca. 1885); J. Montero y Vidal, Historia de la piratería malayo-mahometana en Mindanao, Joló y Borneo. Comprende desde el descubrimiento de dichas islas hasta junio de 1888 (Madrid, 1888), ii; M. Espina, Apuntes para hacer un libro sobre Joló(Manila, 1888); J. Salcedo y Mantilla de los Ríos, Proyectos de dominación y colonización de Mindanao y Joló (Gerona, 1891); J. G. Parrado, Memoria acerca de Mindanao (Manila, 1893); J. N. Aguilar, Mindanao: Su historia y geografía (Madrid, 1894); and B. Francia y Ponce de León, Las Islas Filipinas: Mindanao (La Habana, 1898), ii.

61. The first author who reproduced a Moro genealogy was the Jesuit Francisco Combes. After oral transmission, he wrote the genealogy of Sulu from a Butuan genesis (Historia de Mindanao y Joló por el P. Francisco Combes de la Compañía de Jesús, obra publicada en Madrid en 1667, y que ahora, con la colaboración del P. Pablo Pastells, de la misma Compañía, saca nuevamente a luz W. E Retana, ed. by W. E. Retana (Madrid, 1897), p. 41.):

Pero los señores, y Nobleza toda de Jolo, y Basilan, reconocen su origen en el pueblo de Butuan, que aunque continente desta isla, esta dentro de la Nacion Bisaya, en la vanda del Norte, a vista de Bool [Bohol], y a pocas leguas de travesia de Leyte, como de Bool, governados con la misma policia. Con que podrá gloriarse de aver dado Reyes, y Nobleza a estas Naciones. Y no ha tanto, que se desgajaron de su tronco las ramas, que oy tanto florecen, que pueda aver olvido ocupado la memoria del suceso que los dividió. El Rey Viejo [Raja Bungsu of Sulu], que oy vive de Joló, alcançó a ver al que se desmembró de los suyos, y desterraron de su Patria desgracias, para hazerle venturoso en la agena, dandole la fundacion de Reyno tan velicoso, y temido en estas partes. Y porque los tiernos principios deste nuevo Reyno, cobraron aliento del favor de nuestras armas, que lo gozaron algun tiempo pacífico, y tributario, será bien señalarle sus principios, antes que el tiempo los ob-scurezca.


The same can be said about José García de Arboleya. However in his text ² that he called revealingly Cronicón, ³Ancestral Chronicle´ ² he seems to be closer to the standard Sulu tarsila (Historia del archipiélago y sultanía de Joló (La Habana, 1851), p. 25):

Todas las noticias que se tienen de la dinastía de los sultanes de Joló se reduce a esto. A principios del siglo XVI el Sarif Sayed-Allí armó una expedición en la Meca para el archipiélago indio. Reinaba entonces en Joló el emperador Kamaulin, y recibió muy bien al viajero árabe, quien le redujo con su pueblo al gremio de Mahoma. El recién convertido idólatra Kamaulin tomó entonces el título de Sultán, reinó 7 años más y murió en Joló, pasando el trono a su descendencia. Probablemente es la tumba de su catequista la del jefe árabe que como ya dijimos veneran los joloanos.

62. About the peculiarities of JƗwƯ script, it is possible to find valuable documents as the orthographic notes of Patricio de la Escosura. He pointed out the differences of JƗwƯ (between branches) with classical Arabic orthography (Memoria sobre Filipinas y Joló redactada en 1863 y 1864 (Madrid, 1882), pp. 433²4):

Los nombres del Sultán y Dattos han sido reproducidos con la misma ortografía empleada en los documentos originales, aunque reconoci-endo que no es la que corresponde a la verdadera significación de las palabras. Es posible que las variantes provengan de la modificación que las voces han sufrido al pasar del árabe al dialecto joloano; mas para conformar la ortografía con la significación árabe, deberían escribirse del modo siguiente:

1.º (Sello.) ² Sultán Muhamed Dchaimal-ul Aazem [Mujamad Dchaimal-ul Alam]. 1279. ² (Firma.) ² El Sultán Sung. 2.º (Sello.) ² Datto Muhamed Harun ar-Rashid [Mujamad Jarrún Nasarrid]. 1295. ² (Firma.) ² Muhamed Harun ar-Rashid. 3.º (Sello.) ² Maja Radchamuda, Muhamed Badarudín [Maja Radchamuda Mujamad Baddarudín]. 1295. ² (Firma.) ²Muhamed Bada-

rudín.4.º (Sello.) ² Maja Radcha laut, Mujamed Dchaimal Abidín [Maja Radchalaut Mujamad Dchaimal Abidín]. 1295. ² (Firma.) ² Mu-

hamed Dchaimal Abidín 5.º (Sello.) ² Muluc Bandarasa, Mujamed Calusín Pulans [Muluk Bandarasa Mujamad Calusín Pulans]. 1295. ² (Firma.) ² Muhamed

Calusín.Los números que se hallan en los sellos joloanos expresan los años de la Egira mahometana: 1279 del sello del Sultán (que es el 1862 de la

Era cristiana) indicará probablemente el de su advenimiento al trono; el 1295 de los demás sellos corresponde al año de 1878, en que se firmó este tratado.

63. It is interesting to note that after the febrile activity at the turn of the century in dealing with Mindanao and Sulu, Spaniards radically stopped to study the whole Philippine Archipelago as well. Only recently it can be observed a preliminary interest on the topic. Thus, pointing out that the task to analyze Philippine Islam entered a new chapter. Cf. i. e. L. C. Fernández, ³Caracteres socio-antropológicos de la isla de Mindanao en el siglo XIX´, Revista española de antropología americana VII (1972), pp. 97²122; A. M. Prieto Lucena, ³Musulmanes y españoles en Filipinas a finales del siglo XVI´, Homenaje a la profesora Lourdes Díaz-Trechuelo (Cordoba, 1991), pp. 115²22; J. M. Fradera, ³El proces colonial i les fronteres interiors a la Filipines espanyola´, Filipines. Un segle despres, una doble mirada (Barcelona, 2000), pp. 30²47; Y. Aixelà, ³Els Musulmans Filipins´, ibid.; and P. Romero de Tejada, ³La presencia islámica indonésica en las Filipinas indígena´, España y el Pacífico: Legazpi, coord. by L. Cabrero, I (2004), pp. 185²204.

64. In letter to Dr. A. B. Meyer signed in London January 7, 1889, José Rizal inaugurated a Philippine intellectual concern about Islamic studies by writing ³Acerca del Tawalisi de Ybn Batuta´ (edited in Escritos políticos e históricos (Manila, 1961), pp. 49²54). Nevertheless, Rizal showed during all his life a manifest attention for the Islamic presence as cultural motors in both, Spain and the Philippines. He even used the downfall of Spanish Muslims to strength the action towards exertion in the Philippine revolutionary context. Cf. Donoso Jiménez, ³El Islam en las Letras Filipinas´, Studi Ispanici XXXII (2007), pp. 291²313. Trini-dad Hermenegildo Pardo de Tavera developed as well a pioneering attention for Islamic sources to research about Philippine cul-ture and history. Cf. El sánscrito en la lengua tagalog (Paris, 1887).

After the Philippine-American War, works started to appear in the most important journals in the first quarter of the 20th century using both, Spanish and English languages. For instances: S. Y. Orosa, ³Who is Hadji Butu´, The Philippine Re-view / Revista FilipinaII/3 (1917), pp. 19²22; and C. Arnedo, ³History of the province of Lanao, on the island on Mindanao, and description of the costumes of its Mohammedan inhabitants (Historia de la provincial de Lanao, de la isla de Mindanao, y de lascostumbres de sus habitants)´, The Philippine Review / Revista Filipina VI/2 (1921), pp. 100²4.

65. We could point out Peter Gowing's works and the establishment of Dansalan Research Centre in Marawi City: The Muslim Filipinos; Mandate in Moroland: The American Government of Muslim Filipinos, 1899²1920; idem, ³The Muslim Filipino mi-nority´, R. Israeli, The Crescent in the East (London, 1982), pp. 211²25. James Francis Warren's works are landmarks as well: The Sulu Zone, 1768²1898: the Dynamics of External Trade, Slavery, and Ethnicity in the Transformation of a Southeast Asian Maritime State (Singapore, 1981); Iranun and Balangingi. Globalization, Maritime Raiding and the Birth of Ethnicity (Singapore, 2002); and The Global Economy and the Sulu Zone: Connections, Commodities and Culture (Quezon City, 2000).

66. Cf. i. e.: Filipino Muslim: Their Social Institutions and Cultural Achievements; Mastura, Muslim Filipino Experience.;Madale, Tales from Lake Lanao; Hedjazi, Ututalum, op. cit.; Rasul, Struggle for Identity; Carmen A. Abubakar, ³Wither the roses of yesterday: an exploratory look into the lives of Moro women during the colonial period´, Ayan az-Zaman. Occasional Pa-per XIII (2005); and M. Bin-Ghalib Jundam, Tunggal hulah-duwa sarah: Adat and Sharee'ah Laws in the Life of the Tausug (Que-zon City, 2006).


67. Majul's works can be found mostly in the Majul Library at the Institute of Islamic Studies of the University of the Philip-pines, Diliman-Quezon City, being the basics the followings: Muslims in the Philippines: Past, Present and Future Prospects (Ma-nila, 1971); Muslims in the Philippines; ³Muslims and Christians in the Philippines. A study in conflict and efforts at reconcilia-tion´, The Vatican, Islam and the Middle East, ed. by K. C. Ellis (Syracuse, 1987); Theories of the Introduction and Expansion of Islam in Malaysia; ³Islam advent and spread in the Philippines´; ³Ethnicity and Islam in the Philippines´, Rothko Chapel Collo-quium on Ethnicities and Nations (Houston, 1983); ³An essay on some Maguindanao tarsilas´ [unpublished paper]; ³The Moros of the Philippines´, Conflict VIII (1988), pp. 169²84; ³The Muslim problem in the Philippines´ (1975) [lecture in the Spanish Cul-tural Centre]; ³The Moro struggle in the Philippines´, Third World Quarterly X/2 (1988), pp. 897²922; ³The problems of the Is-lamic daµwah in the Philippines´, International Conference of the 15th Century Hijra (Kuala Lumpur, 1981) [unpublished lecture]; ³An analysis of the µGenealogy of Sulu¶´; ³Political and historical notes on the Old Sulu Sultanate´; ³Succession in the Old SuluSultanate´; ³Some social and cultural problems of the Muslims in the Philippines´, Asian Studies XIV/1 (1976), pp. 84²99.

68. The most important Philippine institution on Islamic studies was created by him ² University of the Philippines' Institute of Islamic Studies ² preserving his miserliness and bibliography in the Library after his name.

69. Cf. A. T. Tiamson, Mindanao-Sulu Bibliography: A Preliminary Study (Davao City, 1970); idem, The Muslim Filipinos: An Annotated Bibliography (Manila, 1977 (second edition: Makati, 1979)); idem, ³Notes on Moro bibliography´, Mindanao Jour-nal III/1 (1976), pp. 65²88; Jundam, ³Bibliography on Muslim Filipinos´, Filipino Muslims: Their Social Institutions and Cul-tural Achievements, pp. 147²96; G. Loyre, ³Fundamental references to study the Muslims of the Southern Philippines, their his-tory and anthropology´, BHIS. Boletín de Historia (2004): www.arrakis.es/~jlopez/bhis001.doc; M. A. Bernad, ³Bibliography. Mindanao and Sulu in thirteen Philippine and two Roman periodicals. 1950²1980´, Kinaadman, A Journal of the Southern Phil-ippines VI/2 (1984), pp. 291²320; and Donoso Jiménez, Spanish Historiography on Philippine Islam Through its Sources (Ma-nila, 2008).

I l l u s t r a t i o n s

Fig. 1. Carta del rey de Borneo a Tello escrita en árabe / Letter from the Sultan of Borneo to Tello written in Arabic (July 27, 1599). Archivo General de Indias (Seville): FILIPINAS, 18B, R. 9, N. 132.

Fig. 2. Letter from Alimudín Sultan of Sulu (ca. 1750). Philippine National Archives (Manila): Min-danao y Sulú, Rare 3 [1749²1754], fol. 59.

Fig. 3. Carta del Sultán de Sulú en español en torno al establecimiento de los Yngleses en la Ysla de Balambagan / Letter in Spanish from the Sultan of Sulu about the establishment of the British in the island of Balambagan (November 26, 1803). Philippine National Archives (Manila): Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9246 [1774²1887], exp. 20, fol. 373.

Fig. 4. Carta que el Sultán de Joló, Muhammad Dianarol Ahlam, y el datto Merwahal Daniel, dirijen a su hermano el Sro. Governador de Zamboanga [«] además del escrito Árabe, en Carac-teres Chinos por si no entendían el primero / Letter from JamƗl al-Aµڴam Sultan of Sulu and Dattu Daniel to the Governor of Zamboanga, in Arabic script and, if ever is not understood, in Chinese script (January, 1865), from a private collection reproduced in C. M. Shaw & M. A. Mola, La ruta española a China (Madrid, 2007), p. 14.

Fig. 5. Capitulaciones de Paz, Proteccion y Comercio otorgadas al Muy Excelente Sultan y Dattos de Joló, por el Yllmǀ Sǀr Capitán General, Gobernador de las Yslas Filipinas en nombre de las Alta y Poderosa Soberana de S. M. C. siendo tratadas y convenidas por ambas partes á saber: en representación del Gobierno Español, como Plenipotenciario del M. Y. Sǀr Capitan Gen-eral D. Pedro Antonio Salazar Gobernador de Filipinas, el Capitan de Fragata de la Real Armada D. José Maria Halcon, Comandante Jefe de las Fuerzas Navales que hay en la Rada de Joló; de la otra parte el Sultan Mogamad-Diamalul-Quiram Raxa de Joló y los Dattos que firman, cuyas partes Otorgaron / Capitulations of Peace, Protection and Commerce between the Sultan and Dattus of Sulu and the General Governor of the Philippine Islands (September 23, 1836). Philippine National Archives (Manila): Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9276 [1836²1898], exp. 2, fol. 2.

Fig. 6. Signatures of the 1836 Capitulation. Philippine National Archives (Manila): Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9276 [1836²1898], exp. 2, fol. 6.

Fig. 7. Letter from JamƗl al-Aµڴam Sultan of Sulu (1878). Philippine National Archives (Manila): Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9241 [1750²1898], exp. 322, fol. 1202.

Fig. 8. Cover of Disertacion historico-politica en que se trata de la extensión de el Mahometismo en las Islas Philipinas: grandes estragos que han hecho los Mindanaos, Joloes, Camucones, y Confederados de esta Secta en nuestros Pueblos Cristianos, medio con que se han contenido, y vno congruente para su perfecto establecimiento by J. Torrubia (Madrid, 1736).

Fig. 9. Cover of Historia de las Islas de Mindanao, Ioló y svs Adyacentes. Progressos de la religión, y armas catolicas by F. Combes (Madrid, 1667).


Fig. 10. Tumba hallada en las avanzadas del reducto Alfonso XII en dirección de la cota del Paulima. Cementerio cerrado inmediato á la cotta de Daniel / Tomb found ahead of Alfonso XII garrison towards the cotta of the Panglima. Isolated cemetery near the cotta Daniel, repro-duced in B. Giraudier, Expedición a Joló 1876. Bocetos del cronista del Diario de Manila (Madrid, 1876), p. 30.

Fig. 11. Letter from Dattu Aliudin to Dattu Alejo Álvarez, translator of the Spanish administration, translated into Spanish by himself (April 6, 1887). Philippine National Archives (Manila): Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9269 [1832²1898], fol. 468.