taiwan as a model for economic development - stanford university
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Taiwan As a Model forEconomic Development
Lawrence J. Lau, Ph. D., D. Soc. Sc. (hon.)
Kwoh-Ting Li Professor of Economic DevelopmentDepartment of Economics
Stanford UniversityStanford, CA 94305-6072, U.S.A.
October 4, 2002
Phone: 1-650-723-3708; Fax: 1-650-723-7145Email: [email protected]; WebPages: WWW.STANFORD.EDU/~LJLAU
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 2
Reminiscencesu Professors Ta-Chung Liu and Sho-Chieh Tsiangu Professor Mo-Huan Hsingu Professor Tzong-Shian Yuu Professor Paul K. C. Liuu Prof. Yung-San Lee, Prof. Jia-Dong Shea, Prof. Sheng-Cheng Hu,
Prof. Chung-Ming Kuan
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 3
An Overviewu Taiwan’s Economic Recordu Taiwan as a Pioneer of and “Laboratory” for Economic Policiesu Lessons from the Taiwan Experience for Developing Economiesu Lessons for Taiwan from the Rest of the World
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 4
The Economic Recordu Taiwan is one of the first “Newly Industrialized Economies” (NIEs) in East Asia.u Taiwan began its industrialization drive after Hong Kong and before South Korea
as a result of rising wage rates in Japan, and subsequently Hong Kong, and quota restrictions imposed by the U.S. and subsequently Europe on textile exports.
u Taiwan has done exceptionally well despite relatively unfavorable resource endowment and population density.
u Over the last half century, real GNP and real GNP per capita have grown from approximately US$6 billion to over US$300 billion and from slightly more than US$700 to almost US$13,000 (2000 prices), achieving rates of growth of more than 8% and 6% per annum respectively.
u Taiwan survived the East Asian currency crisis relatively unscathed, thanks to its large foreign exchange reserves and low external debt.
u How has it been able to achieve this remarkable economic performance?
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 5
Taiwan’s Economic Record:Real GNP per Capita
GNP Per Capita of Taiwan
10,000
100,000
1,000,000
1951 1954 1957 1960 1963 1966 1969 1972 1975 1978 1981 1984 1987 1990 1993 1996 1999
Year
N T $
GNP PER CAPITA in 1996 pr ices
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 6
Real GDP of Selected Countries and Regions, 1970 and 2001
Real GDP of Selected Countries and Regions, 1970 and 2001
(1995 US$)
0
1,000
2,000
3,000
4,000
5,000
6,000
7,000
8,000
9,000
10,000
Bra
zil
Ch
ina
Fra
nc
e
Ind
ia
Ind
on
es
ia
Italy
Ja
pa
n
Ko
rea
, Re
p.
Me
xic
o
Nig
eria
Ta
iwa
n
Un
ited
Kin
gd
om
Un
ited
Sta
tes
Bil
lio
n U
S$
1970 2001
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 7
Real GDP per Capita of Selected Countries and Regions, 1970 and 2001
Real GDP per Capi ta of Selected Countr ies and Regions, 1970 and 2000
(1995 US$)
0
5,000
10,000
15,000
20,000
25,000
30,000
35,000
40,000
45,000
50,000
Bra
zil
Ch
ina
Fra
nc
e
Ind
ia
Ind
on
es
ia
Italy
Ja
pa
n
Ko
re
a
Me
xic
o
Nig
eria
Ta
iwa
n
UK
US
US
$
1970 2000
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 8
Exports and Imports (US$):Selected Countries and Regions, 2000
Exports and Imports of Selected Countr ies and Regions, 2000
(US$)
0
200
400
600
800
1,000
1,200
1,400
Bra
zil
Ch
ina
Fra
nc
e
Ind
ia
Ind
on
es
ia
Italy
Ja
pa
n
Ko
re
a
Me
xic
o
Nig
eria
Ta
iwa
n
UK
US
Zo
ne
Eu
ro
Bil
lio
n U
S$
Exports Imports
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 9
Exports and Imports per Capita (US$):Selected Countries and Regions, 2000
Exports and Imports per Capi ta of Selected Countr ies and Regions
(Year 2000)
0
1,000
2,000
3,000
4,000
5,000
6,000
7,000
Bra
zil
Ch
ina
Fra
nc
e
Ind
ia
Ind
on
es
ia
Italy
Ja
pa
n
Ko
re
a
Me
xic
o
Nig
eria
Ta
iwa
n
UK
US
US
$
Exports per Capita
Imports per Capita
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 10
The Rate of Inflation
Annual Rate of Inflation (Implicit GDP Deflator)
- 5 . 0 0
0 . 0 0
5 . 0 0
1 0 . 0 0
1 5 . 0 0
2 0 . 0 0
2 5 . 0 0
3 0 . 0 0
3 5 . 0 0
1 9 5 1 1 9 5 4 1 9 5 7 1 9 6 0 1 9 6 3 1 9 6 6 1 9 6 9 1 9 7 2 1 9 7 5 1 9 7 8 1 9 8 1 1 9 8 4 1 9 8 7 1 9 9 0 1 9 9 3 1 9 9 6 1 9 9 9
Year
%
GDP Deflator
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 11
Pioneering Economic Policiesu Land Reform —the successful (and peaceful) land reform, one of the
very few in the world, helped raise agricultural productivity, i mprove the income distribution, and release savings for investment in the industrial sector.
u Promotion of Family Planning.u Reliance on Private Rather Than Public Enterprise.u Export-Oriented Industrialization (as opposed to import-substituting
industrialization).u Maintenance of Macroeconomic Stability. u Maintaining Equity with Growth.
u Promoting the Transition from Tangible Capital -Based to Intangible Capital -Based Industrialization.
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 12
Land Reformu Raises agricultural productivity through the incentive effect
u Releases both tangible capital and human capital from agricultureu Improves the distribution of income, providing the basis for an
increase in aggregate demand (both consumption and savings)
u Enhances investment in human capitalu It was successfully implemented because the reformers themselves
did not own any land and did not want any for themselves
u The Joint Commission for Rural Reconstruction (JCRR) played an important role in the land reform.
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 13
Reliance on Private Enterpriseu There were extensive debates in Taiwan in the mid-1950s as to
whether private or public enterprise should lead the drive for industrialization. It was finally decided at the highest level of government that private enterprise was consistent and compatible
with the Three People’s Principle and should be allowed to grow.u Similarly, in South Korea, President Park Chung-Hee, having
observed the degree of incompetence and corruption within the
government (army), also decided in the early 1960s that private enterprise would be allowed to lead the drive for industrialization in South Korea.
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 14
Reliance on Private Enterpriseu A private-enterprise economy can also be inefficient if the markets are not
competitive or if there are artificial barriers to entry and to movement of goods and factors. The resulting allocations can be very much worse. Simply changing the system of ownership of the means of production from public to private does not necessarily guarantee economic efficiency. In the cases of Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan, the economy is forced to be efficient because of its participation in the competitive world markets. In other words, the world markets provide the discipline and replace the antitrust laws that are sometimes necessary in developed economies to keep the markets competitive. The world markets also make sure that special privileges are not sufficient, in the absence of efficiency, for profits or even survival. In the final analysis, it is competition, with free entry and exit and not just profit maximization, that guarantees efficiency.
u Private entrepreneurs are not necessarily smarter than public officials. Their advantage is that they do not have deep pockets and so have to cut their losses very quickly when a project turns out to be a mistake. Public enterprises, supported financially by the government, tend to hang on long after they can be commercially justified.
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 15
Export-Oriented Industrializationu Export-oriented industrialization was in the mid-1950s a bold and unconventional
economic policy, outside the mainstream of economic development at the time, but proved to be extremely successful.
u It was advocated by Prof. Ta-Chung Liu and Sho-Chieh Tsiang, among others. u Maintenance of a single, competitive but stable, equilibrium exchange rate that
facilitates exports and imports.u Exchange rate was unified and pegged to NT$40/US$ in 1960 and was held stable for
almost two decades.u Stability is just as important, perhaps even more important, than a low level from the
point of view of economic development—producers, exporters, importers and investors can make long-term plans.
u A stable exchange rate also promotes domestic savings as it encourages the reliance on the domestic currency as a store of value.
u Reduction or rebate of tariffs in support of exports.u Establishment of the first export-processing zone in the world in Kaohsiung.
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 16
The Exchange Rate
SPOT EXCHANGE RATE - N.T.$ PER U.S.$ (MONTHLY AVERAGE)
2 0
2 5
3 0
3 5
4 0
4 5
1 9 5 9 0 8 1 9 6 2 0 7 1 9 6 5 0 6 1 9 6 8 0 5 1 9 7 1 0 4 1 9 7 4 0 3 1 9 7 7 0 2 1 9 8 0 0 1 1 9 8 2 1 2 1 9 8 5 1 1 1 9 8 8 1 0 1 9 9 1 0 9 1 9 9 4 0 8 1 9 9 7 0 7 2 0 0 0 0 6
Month
NT
$ p
er
US
$
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 17
Transformation from a Closed to an Open Economyu A small economy must be open in order to grow.
u Enterprises are free to export and import, exploiting their international comparative advantage and access to a much larger market. (There was protection in Taiwan, although over the years the degree of protection gradually declined.)
u The openness keeps the enterprises efficient by keeping the markets competitive. Inefficiencies cannot exist long in the face of international competition. This in turn puts pressure on the domestic factor markets, principally labor and land, to remain competitive.
u An open economy facilitates the transfer of technology in both production and management.
u An open economy solves the transfer problem for foreign capital in the forms of either loans or direct or portfolio investment.
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 18
Exports as a Percent of GDP:Selected East Asian Economies and U.S.
Exports as a Percent of GDP
0
2 0
4 0
6 0
8 0
1 0 0
1 2 0
1 4 0
1 6 0
1 8 0
19
70
19
71
19
72
19
73
19
74
19
75
19
76
19
77
19
78
19
79
19
80
19
81
19
82
19
83
19
84
19
85
19
86
19
87
19
88
19
89
19
90
19
91
19
92
19
93
19
94
19
95
19
96
19
97
19
98
19
99
20
00
20
01
Y e a r
%H O N G K O N G I N D I A I N D O N E S I A K O R E A
M A L A Y S I A P H I L I P P I N E S S I N G A P O R E T H A I L A N D
C H I N A T a i w a n J a p a n U . S .
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 19
Imports as a Percent of GDP:Selected East Asian Economies and U.S.
Imports as a Percent of GDP
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
160
180
200
220
240
19
70
19
71
19
72
19
73
19
74
19
75
19
76
19
77
19
78
19
79
19
80
19
81
19
82
19
83
19
84
19
85
19
86
19
87
19
88
19
89
19
90
19
91
19
92
19
93
19
94
19
95
19
96
19
97
19
98
19
99
20
00
20
01
Year
%HONG KONG INDIA INDONESIA KOREA
MALAYSIA PHILIPPINES SINGAPORE THAILAND
CHINA, P.R. TAIWAN JAPAN UNITED STATES
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 20
Maintenance of Macroeconomic Stabilityu A low rate of inflation and a positive real rate of interest were also
considered unconventional economic policies in the 1950s.u Prof. Sho-Chieh Tsiang was the major proponent of low inflation
and a positive real rate of interest; in particular, he emphasized that only the former could only be achieved with the latter.
u Maintenance of a low rate of inflation (an imperative because of past experience with inflation on both Mainland and Taiwan, and also necessary if the exchange rate is to remain stable).
u Maintenance of a low but positive real rate of interest (to control inflation and to promote savings and investment).
u Conservative fiscal policy, in part also necessitated by the inability to raise revenue through printing money or issuing bonds.
u Institution of a new system of taxation (since inflation tax through the issuance of money and borrowing at negative real rates of interest are no longer available).
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 21
Macroeconomic Stability: Coordination of the Three Ratesu A positive real rate of interest--maintenance of a positive real rate of
interest is one of the most effective way of preventing inflation from getting out of control.
u A low rate of inflation—a low relative rate of inflation is essential for a stable exchange rate to remain a long-term equilibrium exchange rate.
u A stable exchange rate is in turn consistent with long-term price stability—however, it must also be consistent with long-term equilibrium in the balance of payment accounts.
u Capital control was maintained in Taiwan until the 1980s, which permitted a degree of independence in the monetary policy prior to that time; however, from the early 1960s to the lifting of capital control, the gap between the official exchange rate and the black market exchange rate was never large, indicating that the official exchange rate was probably close to being an equilibrium exchange rate most of the time.
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 22
Transformation of the National Savings Rateu Ultimately, an economy has to rely on its own savings to finance its investment—
foreign resources can only help in a transition.u U. S. aid in the early years helped bridge the initial savings gap and the foreign
exchange gap. u A low rate of inflation and a positive real rate of interest promote savings.u The true savings rate of Taiwan is higher than the measured savings rate
u R&D expenditures are typically expensed rather than capitalized but they are in fact investments--yielding a stream of benefits beyond the current period
u If R&D expenditures and other investments in intangible capital, such as software, are included, the savings rate of Taiwan should be higher by at least 5 percentage points
u Translating domestic savings into investments—financial intermediation and capital markets--the role of self-fulfilling expectations.
u Creating and maintaining an environment in which investments are productiveu In more recent years, however, the government has become a net dis-saver because
of its deficits, both on and off-budget.
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 23
The Savings Rate and Real Output per Capita: Taiwan
Savings Rate versus Real GNP per Capita
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
0 2000 4000 6000 8000 10000 12000 14000
GNP per capita in 1999 US$
Savin
gs
Rate
(P
erce
nt)
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 24
The Savings Rate and Real Output per Capita: East Asian Economies
National Savings Rate and Real GNP per Capita
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
55
100 1000 10000 100000
Real GDP per Capita, 1995 US$
Per
cen
t
China Hong KongIndonesia JapanKorea, Republic of MalaysiaPhilippines SingaporeThailand
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 25
National Savings Rate as a Percent of GDP: Selected Countries and Regions
National Savings Rates of Selected Countries and Regions
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Bra
zil
Ca
na
da
Ch
ina
Fra
nc
e
Ho
ng
Ko
ng
Ind
ia
Ind
on
esia
Italy
Ja
pa
n
So
uth
Ko
rea
Me
xic
o
Nig
eria
Ph
ilipp
ine
s
Sin
ga
po
re
Ta
iwa
n
Th
aila
nd
Un
ited
Sta
tes
%
1982 1998
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 26
The Savings Rate as a Percent of GDP: Selected East Asian Countries and Regions
The Savings Rate as a Percent of GDP
-10
0
10
20
30
40
50
1965
1967
1969
1971
1973
1975
1977
1979
1981
1983
1985
1987
1989
1991
1993
1995
1997
1999
Perc
en
t
China Hong Kong
Indonesia Korea, Republic of
Malaysia Philippines
Singapore Taiwan
Thailand Mexico
India
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 27
The Savings-Investment GapSelected East Asian Economies
The Savings-Investment Gap as a Percent of GDP
-20.0000
-15.0000
-10.0000
-5.0000
0.0000
5.0000
10.0000
15.0000
20.0000
25.0000
1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000
Pe
rce
nt
China Hong Kong
Indonesia Korea, Republic of
Malaysia Philippines
Singapore Taiwan
Thailand Mexico
India
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 28
Growth with Equityu During the period of the most rapid economic growth, approximately from 1965 to
1985, the distribution of disposable income has become more equitable, contrary to the prediction and expectation of most development economists at the time.
u The principal instruments used are the creation of employment in the non-agricultural sector and the investment in education.
u The creation of employment was mostly through the private sector.u Universalization of education, first nine years and then twelve years.
u The distribution in income in Taiwan is improved by improving the distribution of tangible wealth, through land reform, and intangible wealth (human capital), through massive government investment in education. It was not done through the direct redistribution of income.
u Giving people human capital rather than income, so that they can seek employment rather than welfare, helps to encourage self-reliance and preserve individual dignity and reduces moral hazard.
u Complementarity between tangible capital and human capital--investment in one type of capital enhances the rate of return of the other type of capital, and vice versa.
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 29
The Distribution of IncomeThe Distribution of Disposable Income in the Republic of China on Taiwan
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
1965
1966
1968
1970
1972
1974
1976
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
Year
Per
cen
t
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Rati
o
Income Share of Lowest Quntile. l. scale
Income Share of Highest Quintile, l. scale
Ratio of Income Shares of Highest to Lowest Quintiles, r.scale
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 30
Taiwan’s Transition from Tangible Capital to Intangible Capital-Based Economic Growthu From shoe-maker to global contractoru Backward integration from assembly operationu From OEM (original equipment manufacture) to ODM (original
design and manufacture)u From intellectual “pirate” to innovator u The role of the public education systemu The role of public research and development (R&D) institutions such
as Industrial Technology Research Institute (ITRI)u Establishment of the Hsin-Chu Science-Based Industrial Park by the
government, the world’s first, and one of the very few successful ones.
u The importance of private enterprise and free entryu The role of venture capital (CDIB, formerly CDC)u The role of returnees from the U.S. and elsewhereu Networks of human capital
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 31
The Sources of Economic Growth: Findings of Kim & Lau As Reported by Krugman (1994)u Using data from the early 1950s to the late 1980s, Kim and Lau (1992, 1994a,
1994b) find that:u (1) No technical progress in the East Asian NIEs but significant technical progress
in the industrialized economies (IEs) u (2) East Asian economic growth has been input-driven, with tangible capital
accumulation as the most important source of economic growth (the latter applying also to Japan)
u Working harder as opposed to working smarteru (3) Technical progress is the most important source of economic growth for the
IEs, followed by tangible capital, accounting for over 50% and 30% respectively, with the exception of Japan
u NOTE THE UNIQUE POSITION OF JAPAN!u (4) Technical progress is purely tangible capital-augmenting and hence
complementary to tangible capital
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 32
The Sources of Economic Growth--Developing Economies in East Asiau Different types of measured inputs play different roles at different stages of
economic growthu Tangible capital accumulation is the most important source of growth in the early
stage of economic developmentu But simply accumulating tangible capital is not enough--it must also be efficiently
allocatedu Efficient tangible capital accumulation is the major accomplishment of the East
Asian NIEs, including Taiwan, in the postwar periodu Market-directed allocation of new investment, aided by export orientation,
promotes efficiencyu Private enterprises have the incentives for prompt self-correction
u Intangible capital accumulation becomes important only after a certain level of tangible capital per worker is achieved but has begun to be important for some East Asian NIEs such as South Korea and Taiwan
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 33
Real Output per Labor Hour (1980 US$)Real Output per Labor Hour (1980 US$)
0
5
10
15
20
1953
1955
1957
1959
1961
1963
1965
1967
1969
1971
1973
1975
1977
1979
1981
1983
1985
1987
1989
1991
1993
1995
1980 U
S$ p
er L
ab
or
Hou
r
China Hong Kong
Indonesia S. Korea
Malaysia Philippines
Singapore Taiwan
Thailand Japan
Non-Asian G5
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 34
Tangible Capital Stock per Labor Hour (1980 US$): Selected Economies
Tangible Capital Stock per Labor Hour (1980 U.S.$)
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
1953
1955
1957
1959
1961
1963
1965
1967
1969
1971
1973
1975
1977
1979
1981
1983
1985
1987
1989
1991
1993
1995
1980 U
S$ p
er L
ab
or
Hou
r
China Hong Kong
Indonesia S. Korea
Malaysia Philippines
Singapore Taiwan
Thailand Japan
Non-Asian G5
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 35
Human Capital per Labor Hour (Years of Schooling): Selected Economies
Human Capital per Labor Hour (Years of Schooling)
0
0.002
0.004
0.006
0.008
0.01
0.012
1953
1955
1957
1959
1961
1963
1965
1967
1969
1971
1973
1975
1977
1979
1981
1983
1985
1987
1989
1991
1993
1995
Yea
rs p
er L
ab
or
Hou
r
China Hong Kong
Indonesia S. Korea
Malaysia Philippines
Singapore Taiwan
Thailand Japan
Non-Asian G5
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 36
Sources of East Asian Economic Growth with 3 Inputs and Technical Progress—No Breaks
Tangible Capital
Labor Human Capital Technical Progress
Hong Kong 69.37 29.08 1.55 0.00 South Korea 75.44 22.33 2.23 0.00 Singapore 59.36 38.82 1.82 0.00 Taiwan 80.83 17.37 1.80 0.00 Indonesia 77.49 17.36 5.15 0.00 Malaysia 59.48 37.68 2.83 0.00 Philippines 54.60 41.24 4.16 0.00 Thailand 73.91 22.66 3.44 0.00 China 83.75 14.12 2.13 0.00 Japan 50.44 5.70 0.56 43.30 Non-Asian G-5 Countries 37.79 3.54 0.86 57.81
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 37
Sources of East Asian Economic Growth with 3 Inputs and Technical Progress—With Breaks in 1985
Tangible Capital Labor Human Capital Technical Progress Hong Kong 66-95 56.89 (8.79) 23.65 (2.44) 2.51 (4.80) 16.94 South Korea 60-95 65.45 (12.28) 18.62 (3.35) 3.84 (6.31) 12.08 Singapore 64-95 53.10 (10.23) 33.94 (4.70) 3.23 (5.92) 9.73 Taiwan 53-95 71.26 (11.76) 15.61 (2.33) 3.15 (5.40) 9.99 Indonesia 70-94 71.20 (10.88) 14.59 (2.72) 9.38 (10.34) 4.83 Malaysia 70-95 54.22 (9.65) 32.47 (4.68) 5.12 (8.02) 8.19 Philippines 70-95 54.05 (5.40) 37.81 (3.94) 8.15 (7.41) -0.01 Thailand 70-94 60.84 (9.68) 18.06 (2.93) 5.65 (8.00) 15.44 China 65-95 83.87 (11.63) 11.92 (2.55) 4.21 (5.99) 0.00 Japan 57-94 49.04 (7.98) 5.23 (0.56) 1.08 (2.15) 44.65 Non-Asian G-5 Countries 57-94 37.44 (3.52) 3.36 (0.17) 1.70 (1.68) 57.49
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 38
Sources of East Asian Economic Growth with 4 Inputs and Technical Progress—With Breaks in 1985
Sample Period Tangible Capital
Labor Human Capital R&D Capital
Technical Progress
South Korea 65-95 63.35 13.61 2.10 20.94 0.00 Singapore 77-95 47.33 21.55 1.37 29.75 0.00 Taiwan 78-95 58.73 11.42 1.32 28.54 0.00 Japan 64-94 44.83 5.20 0.82 14.63 34.52 Non-Asian G-7 Countries 65-94 33.71 3.71 1.32 12.53 48.72
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 39
Average Human Capital:Selected Economies
Average Human Capital (Years of Schooling per Working-Age Person)
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
1953
1955
1957
1959
1961
1963
1965
1967
1969
1971
1973
1975
1977
1979
1981
1983
1985
1987
1989
1991
1993
1995
Yea
rs p
er W
ork
ing-A
ge
Per
son
China Hong KongIndonesia S. KoreaMalaysia PhilippinesSingapore TaiwanThailand JapanNon-Asian G5
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 40
R&D Expenditures: 3 East Asian Newly Industrialized Economies
Real R&D Expenditures (3 NIEs)
0
1,000
2,000
3,000
4,000
5,000
6,000
7,000
8,000
9,000
10,000
1966
1968
1970
1972
1974
1976
1978
1980
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
Mil
lion
s of
1980 C
on
stan
t U
S D
oll
ars
Korea R&D Expenditure
Singapore R&DExpenditure
Taiwan R&D Expenditure
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 41
R&D Expenditures as a Ratio of GDP: G-7 Countries and 3 East Asian NIES
Figure 8.1: R&D Expenditures as a Percentage of GDP: G-7 Countries and 3 East Asian NIEs
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5
3
3.5
1963
1964
1965
1966
1967
1968
1969
1970
1971
1972
1973
1974
1975
1976
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
Per
cen
t
U.S. Japan W. Germany U.K. France
Canada Italy South Korea Singapore Taiwan
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 42
Patents Granted in the United States: G-7 Countries and East Asian Developing Countries
Table 8.3: Patents Granted Annually in the United States: G7 Countries, 4 East Asian NIEs and China
1
10
100
1,000
10,000
100,000
1971
1972
1973
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Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 43
R&D Capital Stocks: G-7 Countries and 3 East Asian NIEs
Figure 8.2: R&D Capital Stocks in Billions of 1980 U.S. Dollars
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Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 44
Patents Granted in the United States and R&D Capital Stock
Figure 8.4: The Number of U.S. Patents Granted Annually vs. R&D Capital Stocks
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Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 45
Is East Asian Economic Growth Sustainable?u The attractiveness of investment in intangible capital depends on the protection of
intellectual property rights, which in turn depends on whether a country is a producer of intellectual property--some of the East Asian economies, e.g., Hong Kong, South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan are ahead of other East Asian economies with the possible exception of Japan on this score
u Intangible capital is different from tangible capital in three important aspects:u Intangible capital is freely mobile across countriesu Intangible capital is simultaneously deployable in different locations without
diminution of its effectiveness (increasing returns in the utilization of intangible capital)u Intangible capital enhances the productivity of existing tangible capital whereas
additional tangible capital diminishes the productivity of existing tangible capitalu Because of its complementarity with tangible capital, investment in intangible
capital can retard the decline in the marginal productivity of tangible capital and counteract the “Krugman effect”
u There is also evidence of positive technical progress in the more recent period in South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan, reflecting their increased investment in intangible capital
u The people of Taiwan (and East Asia in general) are entrepreneurial, hard-working, and thrifty--all they need is a good, market-friendly, predictable and stable environment
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 46
Lessons from the Taiwan Experience for Developing Economiesu The rate of growth of population must be brought down to manageable levels
before sustained economic growth is possible.u The transformation from agriculture to industry is inevitable.u Private enterprise can play a major and critical role.u A small economy with little or no natural resources must be open in order to
develop—the exchange rate must therefore be set to equilibrate the supply and demand for foreign exchange in the long term.
u The transformation of the domestic savings rate is essential for sustained economic growth.
u Maintenance of macroeconomic stability is essential for achieving balance of payments equilibrium and promoting domestic savings.
u Investment in human capital can not only increase productivity but also improve the income distribution.
u Investment in intangible capital (human capital and R&D capital) can help to maintain economic growth after sufficient tangible capital per worker has been accumulated.
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 47
The Economic Future of Taiwan:Transition to a Service Economyu The transition to a service economy, with a focus on high value-added activities, is
inevitable.u Just as it was discovered that Taiwan could not become rich by remaining in
agriculture half a century ago, Taiwan cannot become richer by remaining in manufacturing alone.
u The Group-of-Seven (G-7) countries have shown the way, with significantly more than half of their GDPs originating from the service sector.
u The Silicon Valley is the prime example of a successful transition—very little manufacturing is done in Silicon Valley today--it has indeed been “hollowed out”, but real wage and income per capita has continued to remain high.
u What made the success of Silicon Valley possible is the successful out-sourcing of production to elsewhere in the United States (Colorado, New Mexico, Oregon) and the rest of the World, including East Asia (and Taiwan in particular).
u As Taiwan moves up the supply chain, it too must out-source the lower-value-added activities in order to survive the global competition and to enhance the value that Taiwan is able to capture.
u Nike and Dell are the prime examples of a successful transition at the microeconomic level—neither of them do any manufacturing, but both have continued to prosper. They control intangible capital—brand name, management organization and methods, logistics, marketing, quality assurance, etc.
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 48
The Risk of “Hollowing Out”--De-Industrializationu If a good cannot be “made in Taiwan”, better that it is “made by
Taiwan” than by elsewhere (the value-added resides with the branding and the reputation of the firm, not in the physical place of manufacture).
u The distinction between GNP and GDP—it is much more important to increase GNP rather than GDP.
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 49
Models Not to Followu Silicon Valley
u High cost of housingu Japan (the Japanese disease)
u More than a decade of stagnationu Heavy hand of governmentu Lack of a vision and a strategyu Inhospitable to start-up entrepreneursu Asset price bubbleu High leverageu Inefficient non-tradable sector
u Hong Kongu Asset price bubble
u United Statesu The science base in Taiwan is too small to support a full emulation of the United
States—Taiwan must be much more selective.u Permanent agricultural price support is not a good idea—transitional aid should be
provided to individual farmers, not farms; with appropriate land use policy, farmers can benefit from land price appreciation without creating a land price bubble.
Lawrence J. Lau, Stanford University 50
Models Not to Followu South Korea
u It is too late for Taiwan to develop some of the traditional heavy industries, such as the automobile.
u The chaebols are not, in general, a good model for the promotion of innovation (there is the same problem with Japanese zaibatsus).
u European Union (the Dutch disease)u The welfare state reduces the incentive to work and to save and imposes a huge
fiscal burden on the government. That is not to say there should be no social arrangements for unemployment, retirement and health care, but the arrangements should embody incentives for responsibility-sharing by individuals who are able to do so and preventing moral hazard. After all, the majority of the population has to bear the financial burden and responsibilities themselves one way or the other.
u Legislation supposedly designed to protect labor has made it almost impossible to dismiss any worker in France and Germany. As a result, no employer wants to hire anyone. Unemployment rates have therefore remained at the double-digit level. There is an attempt to circumvent the law through using temporary employment agencies like Manpower.
u Does Taiwan need a floating exchange rate?