stop place contrasts before liquids
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Stop Place Contrasts before Liquids. Edward Flemming MIT. Does phonology have a biological grounding?. Phonology is shaped by the nature of speech perception and speech production. Speech production and speech perception depend on biological endowments. - PowerPoint PPT PresentationTRANSCRIPT
Stop Place Contrasts before Liquids
Edward Flemming
MIT
Does phonology have a biological grounding?
• Phonology is shaped by the nature of speech perception and speech production.
• Speech production and speech perception depend on biological endowments.
• A case study adopting this approach to the analysis of a phonological pattern: Restrictions on stop place contrasts before laterals.
Restrictions on coronal-lateral clusters
• Many languages allow initial [pl, kl]/[bl, gl] clusters, but exclude [tl, dl] (Kawasaki 1982).• E.g. English, German, Norwegian, Thai,
etc• English:
[b-g, p-k] contrast before [l], blue-glue, plan-clan initial [dl-, tl-] are not possible.
Restrictions on coronal-lateral clusters• This is a result of a dispreference for coronal-dorsal stop
contrasts before laterals (Flemming 1995).
• Some languages reverse the English pattern, [tl-, dl-] OK, but no *[kl-, gl-].
• e.g. Haroi and other Chamic languages (Mudhenk & Goschnick
1977), Katu dialects (Wallace 1969):
• Some languages have free variation between coronal and velar stops before lateral (but contrast elsewhere), e.g. Bolton English (Shorrocks 1998), Mong Njua (Lyman 1974)
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Restrictions on coronal-dorsal contrasts before [l]
• Kawasaki (1982) hypothesizes that this dispreference is due to perceptual similarity of [dl-gl], [tl-kl].
• General hypothesis: There is a preference for perceptually distinct contrasts.Before [l], contrasts between coronal & dorsal stops are
not very distinct.
Previous evidence:
• Kawasaki (1982): Evidence from 1 speaker that formant transitions are very similar in [dl-, gl-].
- But bursts can be sufficient to distinguish stops.
Restrictions on coronal-dorsal contrasts before [l]
• Further investigate Kawasaki’s hypothesis through acoustic analysis of American English (and Hebrew).
• Hypothesis: English [dl-gl] and [tl-kl] contrasts would be less distinct than legal stop place contrasts (e.g. [bl-gl], before vowels).
• How do we infer the expected realization of [dl-, tl-]?• Other stop-liquid clusters• Medial [-dl-, -tl-] clusters• [tl-, dl-] in languages that allow these clusters (e.g.
Hebrew, Russian).• But NB languages that allow these contrasts may realize stop-
liquid clusters in a different fashion, e.g. less gestural overlap.
• Focus on voiced clusters (Am. English medial -tl- often realized as -ʔl-).
Materials
• 6 near-minimal pairs for bl-gl, e.g. blow, glow
• 9 triplets for [b, d, g], each preceding the same set of nine vowels.
• Sentence frame ‘Say X to me’• Presented twice in random order• 5 native speakers of American English, 4 female, 1 male.
• 6 near-minimal pairs for medial -dl-gl-, e.g. Ridley, wrigley
• Same frame, presented twice in random order• 3 native speakers of American English, all female
Cues to stop place contrasts
• Prevocalic stops (e.g. Dorman et al 1977):
Release burst - transient + fricationFormant transitions
• Examine similar cues in stops preceding [l].
burstformant transitions
Time (s)26.1405 26.5479
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5000
Measurements
Formants:• Measured F2 and F3 as soon as possible after the end of
the burst.
Burst:• Burst duration - from stop release to onset of first formant.• Shape of spectrum of first 6 ms of the burst.
Time (s)0.276954 0.524867
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Quantifying burst shape
• Measured from smoothed spectra (Hanson & Stevens 2003) Calculate a series of seven DFTs on 3 ms windows at 1 ms
intervals. Average these spectra.
Quantifying burst shape
bl bursts
gl bursts
• Burst peak: frequency of the highest amplitude in the spectrum
• Amid-Ahi (cf. Suchato et al 2005)
•Amid = average amplitude from 1.25 kHz - 3 kHz
•Ahi = average amplitude from 3.5 kHz - 8 kHz
mid high
Stop-[l] clusters - formants
• English stops are not well differentiated by formant transitions before [l].
Formant onsets
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F2 F3
Hzdlgl
Formant onsets
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F2 F3
Hzblgl
• Initial [bl-, gl-]• No significant differences
in formant onsets.
• Medial [-dl-, -gl-]• Small differences in F2 onsets
• -dl- seems to allow more coarticulatory influence of a preceding front vowel.
Stop-[l] clusters - formants
• Stops are not well differentiated by formant transitions before [l].
• Similar results from a preliminary study of Hebrew initial [bl-, dl-, gl-], [pl-, tl-, kl-] clusters (3 speakers):
• Stops appear to be overlapped with following lateral, so formants at onset are largely determined by [l].• Effect is particularly striking for English [-dl-], since prevocalic
[d] is usually characterized by relatively high F2 at release (~2100 Hz)
• Possibly lateral release of [d] facilitates the low F2 onset (1311 Hz)
Stop-l clusters - burst
• [gl] is more compact than [bl].
• [gl] has a longer burst than [bl].
* p < 0.01
frequency of peak
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bl gl
Hz*
burst duration
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bl gl
burst duration (ms)
*
• [gl] burst has a higher peak than [bl] burst.
Amid-Ahi
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bl gl
dB
*
• Initial [bl-, gl-] clusters are distinguished by burst quality and duration.
Stop-l clusters - burst
• Medial [-dl-, -gl-] are also differentiated by their bursts.• But the properties of [-dl-] bursts deviate substantially
from prevocalic [d] bursts in the direction of [g]/[gl] bursts.
burst duration
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dl gl
burst duration (ms)
Amid-Ahi
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dl gl
dB
frequency of peak
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dl gl
Hz
Lateral release
• The properties of the [dl] burst are expected consequences of laterally releasing [d].
• Centrally released [d] burst has significant high frequency energy because it is filtered by the short cavity in front of the alveolar closure.
• But with lateral release, the front cavity includes the side passages opened up by lowering the sides of the tongue, and thus is significantly longer.
• Hence lower frequency peak, more compact burst shape.
Dispreference for [d-g] contrast before [l]
• Stop-[l] clusters are distinguished by burst not formant transitions.
• The [bl-gl] contrast is plausibly more distinct than [dl-gl] because the burst of laterally released [d] is compact like a velar burst.
• Not clear what leads to a preference for the labial-coronal contrast in Chamic etc.• preference for homorganic clusters?
bl- -dl- -gl-
Lateral release
• Similarity between [dl] and [gl] appears to be a result of lateral release of [d].
• Lateral release may play a role in unusually low F2 onset in [dl].
• Lateral release results in non-canonical [d] burst.
• So if [d] were not laterally released, [dl]-[gl] contrast should be more distinct.
• Thanks to Patrick Jackson Jones
Stop-l clusters
Time (s)0.276954 0.524867
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Time (s)0.278185 0.499791
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(ba)dly (Ba)gley
br vs. dr vs. gr - Formants
• Formant transitions distinguish [br, dr, gr].
* p < 0.01
Formant onsets
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F2 F3
Hz
brdrgr
* **
br vs. dr vs. gr - burst
• burst distinguishes [br, dr, gr]
* p < 0.05
burst duration
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br dr gr
burst duration (ms)
*
*
frequency of peak
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br dr gr
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Amid-Ahi
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br dr gr
dB
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*