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16 FEBRUARY 2016 PAGE: 1 of 184

TUESDAY, 16 FEBRUARY 2016

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PROCEEDINGS AT JOINT SITTING

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Members of the National Assembly and the National Council of

Provinces assembled in the Chamber of the National Assembly at

14:06.

The Speaker of the National Assembly took the Chair.

The Speaker of the National Assembly requested members to observe

a moment of silence for prayer or meditation.

DEBATE ON THE PRESIDENT’S STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS

The SPEAKER: Order! Before I ask the Secretary to read the Order

of the Day ... Just in case you were wondering whether we were

ever going to come in: we had a ride up to the fifth floor,

courtesy of the parliamentary lift, and then, when it was coming

back, it stopped at every floor. Therefore, our apologies. The

Secretary will read the Order of the Day.


The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Hon

Speaker ...

The SPEAKER: What point are you rising on, hon Deputy Minister?


Speaker, please indulge me. I want to rise on a substantive point

of order. Last ... [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Yes, hon Deputy Minister.


Speaker, during the opening of Parliament on 11 February last

week on Thursday, there was a political incident that happened in

the House, which is that there were members of the House who

displayed, in the full glare of those who were in the Chamber and

those who were watching at home, contempt for the national

anthem. Now ... [Interjections.]

Mr J S MALEMA: Hon Speaker, on a pointer of order: He is not

citing which Rule he’s speaking on. He must rise on the Rule.

The SPEAKER: He cited the point of order and I’m still listening.

Hon Makwetla?


The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES:

Speaker, Chapter 1 of the Constitution: the Founding Provisions,

section 4, provides for the national anthem. When Members of

Parliament take office there’s an oath that they’re sworn to ...

[Interjections.] ... and the oath involves members taking

responsibility ... [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order! Order, hon members! Allow the hon member to

finish. Just finish, hon Deputy Minister.

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: When we

take office we are sworn to uphold the Constitution.

[Interjections.] And upholding the Constitution also involves

upholding all the symbols of the Republic. It is my submission

that it is an obligation of hon members, at all times, to uphold

the laws and the Constitution of the country. [Interjections.]

[Applause.] But because the incident took place in the Joint

Sitting, my recommendation is that this matter be referred to the

structures in both Houses of Parliament where the members belong

for the matter to be addressed there. I don’t think it’s an

incident that should be left unattended, because you will be

setting a precedent. [Applause.]


The SPEAKER: Thank you, hon Makwetla. Hon Makwetla, can we finish

on this one ... if you can just take your seat. I would like you,

hon member, to put that point in writing and submit it so that it

can be fully considered, especially because you raised it in the

context of constitutional ramifications.

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Thank

you for the advice, hon Speaker. I shall do so. The second point

of order that I want to rise on, Madam Speaker ...

[Interjections.]

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Hon Speaker ... Speaker!

The SPEAKER: Hon member, I’m listening to the point of order and

I will recognise you but ... [Interjections.]

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Hon Speaker, can you just ... [Inaudible.] ...

as you ... point of order. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: ... I am dealing with a point of order and I would

like you to take your seat.

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Can you at least ... [Inaudible.] ... of this

point of order. I’m rising about the person who’s speaking now.


The SPEAKER: No, hon Shivambu. Allow me to come to you. Allow me

to arrive at a point when I come to you. Allow the Deputy

Minister to finish what he’s raising. Proceed, hon Makwetla.

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: The

second point of order, Madam Speaker, relates to what is just

happening now: One of the very basic rules of this House is that,

in order for the business of the House to proceed smoothly, when

the presiding officer calls a member to order, the member shall

resume his or her seat. The presiding officer will address the

member, and only after the presiding officer has finished

addressing the member can the member rise to continue with the

point he was making. Now, hon Speaker ... [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Hon Makwetla, I’ve heard you.


Speaker, in the sitting last week, there was what was almost a

mockery in this House. This was because the presiding officer was

busy reading out to the House what she wanted us to take note of

and, at the same time, there was a member who was at the

microphone, who continued talking at the same time as the

Speaker. Of course, this never used to happen before.

[Interjections.] The point that I want to raise is that the


presiding officers have switch-off buttons at their disposal. I

want to know: At what point are those buttons used against

members who show total ... [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: You are asking a question and we have heard your

question. Please take your seat now, hon Makwetla.

Mr J S MALEMA: Hon Speaker ... [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: There’s

one more point – the third - that I want to rise on, Madam

Speaker. There’s a third point. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order, hon members! Hon members, we should learn to

be patient with one another. I said that I was coming to the hon

Shivambu. That’s what I said, and I will indeed come to him. Hon

Makwetla, please wrap up.

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: It’s my

last point of order with due respect, Madam Speaker. It is

convention in all gatherings and meetings that speakers will

always enjoy the protection of the Chair in a meeting. Now, I

want to ask the question. Regarding the laissez faire attitude of

the presiding officers not to protect us, what are we expected to


do? Because if we are not protected by the Speaker or the

presiding officers when we are on the floor ...

Hon Speaker, I was making the point that if we are not protected

by the presiding officers when we are on the floor, we are going

to ... [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Hon Makwetla, this is no longer a point of order;

you are now throwing questions at the Chair. Please take your

seat, hon Makwetla. I would like to recognise the hon Shivambu.

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Madam

Speaker, just before I sit down let me make the point that ...

[Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Hon Makwetla, you are now just venting.

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: I demand respect from Thabang Makwetla; he must

sit down. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Now,

Speaker, the tradition of this House is that if there’s a

violation of a Rule, you immediately stand up to raise a point of

order. It is not a tradition of this House, when a point of order


or a violation happened two weeks ago, that you come here and try

to be relevant like Thabang Makwetla, who’s trying to be relevant

on raising his points of order out of context ...

[Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Hon Shivambu, you are also not raising a point of

order.

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: E-e, I’m dealing with the issue which ... you

allowed Thabang Makwetla to speak for such a long time. And the

second component, number two ... [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: No, hon Shivambu, he raised a point which the

presiding officers are going to go and look into. He then later

raised other issues which I have addressed myself to.

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: You allowed him. Let’s deal with those issues

before we proceed.

The SPEAKER: No, we will not deal with those issues because they

are not on the agenda.

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Points of order are raised ... [Inaudible.]

[Interjections.]


The SPEAKER: No, hon Shivambu.

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: ... violation. It is not allowed that you must

leave it until the next meeting. If there’s a letter which he is

going to give, it’s going to be irrelevant because it’s not part

of this particular process.

The SPEAKER: No, hon Shivambu, take your seat. Hon members, I

would now like to call on the Secretary to read the Order of the

Day. ... The Secretary advises me that the Order has been read.

SPEAKER RECEIVED A COPY OF PRESIDENT’S ADDRESS OF 11 FEBRUARY

2016

The SPEAKER: Hon members, I have received a copy of the

President’s address delivered at the Joint Sitting on 11 February

2016. The speech has been printed in the Minutes of the Joint

Sitting.

CONFIRMATION OF JOINT RULES GOVERNING DEBATE ON STATE OF THE

NATION ADDRESS

The SPEAKER: Hon members, before we proceed with the business of

the day, we confirm that the sittings on the debate on the state


of the nation address take place in terms of the sixth edition of

the Joint Rules, together with the Joint Rules adopted by the

Joint Rules Committee on 11 November 2015, and subsequently by

the Houses on 26 November.

Further, we wish to bring the following to the specific attention

of members: In terms of Joint Rules 13 and 14(u), members may

only speak if recognised by the presiding officer. Speaking

without being recognised is an abuse of privilege of freedom of

speech. [Applause.] Joint Rule 14(e) provides that whenever the

presiding officer addresses members during a debate, any member

then speaking or seeking to speak shall resume his or her seat

and the presiding officer shall be heard without interruption.

In terms of Joint Rule 14(c), no member may interrupt another

member while speaking, except to call attention to a point of

order or a question of privilege. [Applause.] We have emphasised

in the past that a point of order or question of privilege is

only allowed if it calls attention to a transgression of a Joint

Rule or an acceptable parliamentary practice or privilege.

Freedom of speech is one of the privileges that members enjoy in

the exercise of their constitutional obligation to represent

their constituencies. This privilege is subject to the Rules and

orders.


Hon members, privileges are provided for in the Constitution and

in the Powers, Privileges and Immunities of Parliament and

Provincial Legislatures Act. Spurious points of order are an

abuse of the Rules and privileges of freedom of speech.

Improperly interfering with or impeding the exercise or

performance by Parliament of its authority or function

constitutes a breach of privilege. Other breaches include

improper interference with the performance by a member of his or

her functions as a member, or threatening, or obstructing a

member proceeding to or going from a meeting of Parliament or a

House or a committee. We do this, hon members, as an attempt to

ensure that the debates take place in a manner consistent with

the decorum of the House and to avoid the acrimony that

unfortunately tends to characterise our proceedings lately. I now

call upon the hon Minister of Trade and Industry, the hon Davies.

[Applause.]

The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: Thank you, Madam Speaker. Mr

President, in your state of the nation address you did not seek

to hide the fact that South Africa will face very serious

economic challenges in the year that lies ahead. We will continue

this year being battered by an unresolved global economic crisis

that has taken on new features that threaten to strike economies


like ours right in our soft underbellies. Demand for mineral

commodities has slumped, with consequent sharp falls in the

dollar prices of almost all mineral commodities. With 36% of our

total exports consisting of precious stones and metals, ores,

iron and steel, we have been and will continue to be seriously

affected.

The price of gold in January this year was one third down on the

corresponding level of 2013. Platinum was 40% down, and iron ore

at $42 a ton was only one third of the $135 it was in early 2013.

While these effects are partly being mitigated by the devaluation

of the rand, they have had and will continue to have very serious

dampening effects on our economy. On top of that, this year we

are facing an El Niño which is associated in Southern Africa with

drought. What is more, the World Bank says this particular El

Niño this year “may be the strongest since detailed data have

been available”.

I make these points because I suspect that a number of speakers

who follow me will attempt to portray our economic challenges as

emanating solely or mainly from actual or alleged errors by this

government. The fact is, however, that all mineral-commodity

exporting countries, which are developed or developing, have been

and continue to be affected. Canada has just emerged from


recession. Australia is experiencing its most oppressed

conditions since the 1960s, and, as you pointed out in your state

of the nation address, Brazil and Russia are forecast by the

International Monetary Fund, IMF, to be in recession this year.

Many African mineral-exporting countries including oil producers

are also facing tough times. An appreciation of these realities

is also important to underscore the point that anyone who tells

us that they have a quick fix capable of delivering high rates of

economic growth or dramatically curtailing unemployment in the

immediate future is misleading our people. They are the

equivalent of snake-oil salespeople offering a quack remedy that

does not work. [Applause.]

But, President, you told us in the state of the nation address

that ours is not to lament the global conditions, nor is it to

offer these as excuses for not doing what we can do better to

whether the storms ahead. You said, and I quote, “We cannot

change the global conditions but we can do a lot to change the

local conditions.” The circumstances – not of our making – that

we are confronting right now require at least four kinds of

responses from us. Firstly, we need to make inescapable but often

painful adjustments to maintain a stance of fiscal prudence. The

President gave something of the flavour of these in the state of

the nation address, and this will be further elaborated on in the


Budget Speech by the Minister of Finance next week. Secondly, we

need to correct mistakes and make improvements in our performance

in a number of areas. A good example of what we have done in this

regard is in the energy sphere. This time last year we were in

the midst of load shedding. Through improvements in the

performance of Eskom and the bringing into force of alternative

sources of energy, including renewables supported by one of the

internationally recognised best programmes, that is the Renewable

Energy Independent Power Producer procurement programme, or the

Renewable Energy IPP procurement programme, we have achieved

greater stability even though we are not yet out of the woods.

Thirdly, we will need to act to mitigate the effects of these

challenges in vulnerable sectors, including in mining and

agriculture and particularly the impact they will have on workers

and families dependent on those sectors for their livelihoods.

Fourthly, we will need to identify available sources of growth

and job creation and to build on these.

Mr President, a number of analysts and commentators who look at

South Africa point out that while we are confronting the

challenges of the sort I have outlined, South Africa actually has

a number of strengths and achievements that we can build on. The

Oxford Business Group, for example, which launched their report


earlier this year, said that South Africa faced many of the same

global challenges as other developing markets including lower

commodity prices and the risk of rising interest rates, but that

this country had reason to be upbeat. Their take on South Africa

was that in the long term the country’s fundamentals were very

encouraging and that there was a lot in South Africa’s favour but

that right now was a tricky time. Two examples of the things they

said we could build on were the renewable energy programme and

the automated production and development programme which had

created certainty in the automotive sector.

The report went on to say - and I think that this is quite

significant - that the pessimism of local business in the country

was not necessarily shared by those outside. I think this is

telling us something in that what we need to do as South Africa

is to find the opportunities that we have and to build on those.

In other words, we have strengths and capacities that we can

build on.

Since the start of this administration we have followed the

objectives of the National Development Plan, a programme that can

be characterised by six i’s: infrastructure, industrialisation,

investment, innovation, inclusion and integration. Advances that

we have made in all of these areas give us significant building

blocks in our attempt to promote higher levels of inclusive


economic growth. For example, Mr President, with the onset of the

global economic crisis, we launched a much higher impact

infrastructure programme which has been given more effect by the

establishment of the Presidential Infrastructure Co-ordinating

Commission, an infrastructure programme which delivered in the

last term of government double the amount that was actually spent

on infrastructure at any time in this country’s history.

The Nine-Point Plan, which was enunciated in last year’s state of

the nation address and which was reaffirmed this year, identifies

priority actions to unlock bottlenecks and address weaknesses, as

well as to build on the strengths we have.

In the time that is left to me I want to speak on just three

elements or components of the Nine-Point Plan: a higher impact

Industrial Policy Action Plan, minerals beneficiation, and

investment. The premise that underpinned the Industrial Policy

Action Plan was that even in the best of times, when high rents

were being earned from record mineral commodity prices, an

importer of finished goods - located in the global division of

labour as a producer and exporter of primary products - was not

in the best place to be located. Most of the jobs in global value

chains are to be found in value-added productive activities and

associated high-quality services.


Moving up the value chain, industrialising and diversifying were

identified even in the good times as a path that not just South

Africa but the entire African continent needed to follow. Now

that we are being challenged and we are no longer in the best of

times as far as commodity prices are concerned, moving in this

direction has become even more imperative.

We can acknowledge that the macro statistics for manufacturing

performance remain erratic. But in the third quarter of last

year, manufacturing delivered 6% growth quarter on quarter and

was responsible for saving our economy from two quarters of

negative growth. This kind of performance is not sustained across

the sector as a whole. The reality is that the fortunes of

important manufacturing subsectors are closely tied to those of

mining. Other subsectors, such as the iron and steel value chain,

are facing additional problems, such as the global glut of steel

which has created challenges that I can say government is working

on - we are close to finalising an agreement in the sector on

this.

But within the mixed picture there are some quite significant

successes. In the clothing and textiles sector, which was in

terminal decline, we took steps based on the Clothing and Textile

Competitiveness Improvement Programme such that between 2010 and


March 2015 we supported R3,7 billion worth of competitiveness-

raising initiatives in the sector. As a result, 68 000 jobs in

this sector have been retained and 6 900 new jobs were created.

Twenty-two new factories in the leather and footwear sector have

been opened. The sector has been successfully stabilised and is

steadily regaining its domestic market share and beginning to

grow exports. A sign of this is that retailers such as Foschini

have been happy to invest in productive clothing companies in

this country because they realise that there is value to be had.

[Applause.]

Four vertical clusters have been established involving successful

value chains, and textile companies and a power manufacturer are

poised to move further ahead as time goes on.

In the automotive sector we have seen in the past five years

R25 billion of investment by automotive companies. Last year,

following the successful review of the automotive production and

development programme and indications of early work on its

successor programme, BMW announced the largest single investment

– at the time - in the automotive sector of R6 billion. Within a

few weeks they were followed by an announcement by BAW, or

Beijing Auto Works, of a R12 billion investment. The trend is

continuing. Last week ... [Interjections.] ... Mercedes-Benz


announced that new truck products would be manufactured at its

East London plant. [Applause.] I can assure this House that there

are further investments that will be announced in the auto sector

in the weeks that lie ahead.

In addition to manufacturing passenger vehicles, we are now also

manufacturing public transport vehicles in this country. Minibus

taxis, which in 2007 were wholly imported, are now increasingly

being manufactured in South Africa. [Applause.] As late as the

Fifa World Cup, all procured buses to transport passengers for

that event were fully imported. Now, all the buses that are being

procured for the Bus Rapid Transit System have their bodies

manufactured in this country. [Applause.]

In the case of infrastructure-driven industrialisation, we have

seen significant investments by companies that have come to South

Africa and invested in this country to manufacture railway

equipment. General Electric, for example, announced a R700-

million investment to create railway equipment in this country.

And so successful has our programme been that the African Union

has decided that South Africa should become the rail production

hub for the African continent. [Applause.]


In the oceans economy a number of things have happened, and one

of them includes shipbuilding. We have had shipbuilding

announcements by a number of companies. [Interjections.] Well,

let me tell you: The SA Shipyards won a tender for R1,5 billion

to build nine tugboats for the Transnet National Ports Authority.

This will create jobs for 600 people directly, and a further

3 000 jobs will be created by other subcontractors.

In agroprocessing we have supported and facilitated a number of

projects. They have included facilitating an agreement between

Nestlé and chicory growers in the Eastern Cape to procure chicory

from local production sources. That agreement was signed in the

Ndlambe Municipality last year, and I am pleased to be able to

report that as a result of this local chicory production is

replacing the imports that were there before. [Applause.]

International companies in the fast-moving consumer goods sector,

such as Unilever and Procter & Gamble, have seen that there are

markets for their products not just in South Africa but in the

rest of the continent and that South Africa is well placed for

them to support manufacturing activities here. In the television

manufacturing sector, companies like Samsung and Hisense have

invested in this country. Hisense made exports valued at

$6 million in 2014, and the value in 2015 rose to $20 million.


They are targeting exports with a total value of $200 million in

five years’ time with localisation and supply-and-development

operations announced by the company. [Applause.]

Regarding the film programme, since 2004 the rebate programme

which we have been running as government has supported 583

productions; 336 are South African; 86 are co-productions. They

have also included attracting major international film studios.

One of the Oscar nominees this year is for a film that was made

in South Africa with location scenes in our neighbouring country,

Namibia. [Applause.] Right now this week, the final filming of

one of the largest and most ambitious TV series is concluding

here in Cape Town. These productions are employing local crews,

supporting local companies and investing in this country and

paying taxes. For an incentive amount of R3,3 billion over this

period, we have actually brought into this economy a value of

R15,2 billion.

I could give similar stories in other sectors. What I want to say

though is that all of these successes have been the product not

just of incentives, which have been provided by government, but

also of the policy framework we have put in place, including the

developmental stance we have taken on tariff setting and the work

we have done on standards to defend our borders against the


influx of substandard products. And these successes have also

been the product of the designations that we have made which have

supported localisation and other support measures, which have

been tailored to the needs of particular subsectors.

[Interjections.]

Mr M Q NDLOZI: Speaker ...

The SPEAKER: What point are you rising on, hon Ndlozi? Hon

Minister, please take a seat.

Mr M Q NDLOZI: Madam Speaker, respectfully I wanted to check if

the hon Davies would be willing to take a question.

The SPEAKER: Hon Minister, do you want to take a question?

The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: No, I won’t I’m afraid.

[Interjections.] You can come to the portfolio committee and you

can ask your question there.

Mr M Q NDLOZI: You just said that you’ve created 6 000 jobs but

there 8 million people that need jobs, and you are celebrating

that.


The SPEAKER: Hon Ndlozi, he is not taking a question. Please let

him finish his speech.

The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: I said that he can come to

the portfolio committee, but then I saw a report that your party

doesn’t attend portfolio committee meetings. [Applause.]

[Laughter.] So, maybe you can ask me in the corridor.

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Speaker, on a point of order.

The SPEAKER: What is the point of order, hon Shivambu?

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: The Minister is deliberately misleading the

House. I sit in Trade and Industry. I do not miss meetings; I go

on oversight visits; I make inputs. I make submissions every day

on a proper industrial policy than what he is saying and waffling

about here. So, he must not mislead the House about nonattendance

because we are always there. He is celebrating mediocre jobs. ...

[Inaudible.] ... because he is ... [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Hon Shivambu, we have heard your answer to his

information. I think that you can now safely take your seat. Hon

Minister, can you correct that?


The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: Well, I will show them the

NGO report afterwards that I am basing my remarks on. I know that

the hon Shivambu does come to the portfolio committee - let me

acknowledge that.

The SPEAKER: So the record has been straightened. Proceed, hon

Minister.

The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: Let me say that during the

course of this year we will be introducing, as we have been, a

new Industrial Policy Action Plan which will cover the actions of

this year. One of the new features is that we will be introducing

gas industrialisation, but we will also be focusing ...

The SPEAKER: Order! Order! There is a hand. Is that a point of

order, hon Singh.

Mr N SINGH: Hon Speaker, it is a point of privilege.

The SPEAKER: What is the point of privilege which you have not

alerted us to ahead of time?

Mr N SINGH: The hon Minister has referred to an NGO report as his

source for the attendance of meetings. That report is completely


inaccurate. So, I would like the Minister to know that and bring

it to the attention of Parliament at an appropriate forum. Thank

you.

The SPEAKER: Thank you, hon Singh. Hon Minister?

The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: Okay, let me not fight over

an NGO report that I saw. Let me not fight. Let me get to the

real issues. What I wanted to say is that in addition to new

areas like gas industrialisation, we will also be focusing on

labour-intensive sectors, taking forward the work on the clothing

and textile sector, on agroprocessing and so on.

The higher level of localisation that we have achieved has been

achieved in the sense that we now have firms that would have

supplied us with imports that are now coming into South Africa

investing and producing here. But we are not at a point in

localisation where we have a sufficient number of local

companies, particularly companies that are owned by the majority

of this country’s population who are driving industrialisation.

It is for that reason that we have launched a targeted black

industrialist programme. When the President mentioned this in the

state of the nation address the other day, I heard mumbles from

members on this side to the effect that this was more looting by


politically connected cronies. [Interjections.] Absolutely not.

The definition of who is eligible to be on the programme is

tight. You will have to be in a company that is actually involved

in manufacturing. That company will have to be majority owned or

controlled by black people. Those black people will have to be

directly involved themselves and taking risk. The black

industrialist funding forum that will be created will be attended

exclusively by officials responsible for funding decisions from

participating development finance institutions that will also be

responsible for the final decisions on funding. They will also

provide nonfinancial support and identify potential access to

public and private procurement opportunities. I am happy to

indicate that we already have pledges of over R30 billion from

institutions like the Land Bank, the Industrial Development

Corporation, the Small Enterprise Finance Agency, the Development

Bank of Southern Africa and some provincial organisations like

the KZN Growth Fund. We have already received applications, and I

am pleased to be able to say that the funding forum will hold its

first meeting next month.

On mineral beneficiation, we have moved from saying that we need

to do this to actual action. We are working in a number of

priority areas. They include platinum group metals, titanium,

iron and steel where there are very significant challenges,


polymers and mining equipment. On platinum group metals, South

Africa already participates in jewellery and autocatalyst

manufacturing. But the frontier industry in this sector is in

fuel cells. If you find that your existing customers are

demanding less for your product and paying you less, it is

prudent - since we have 77% of the world’s platinum - to find new

uses for this. As a consequence, government has already spent

more than R600 million on the development of new platinum

industries, the largest part through the creation of the company

Hydrogen SA, supported by the Department of Science and

Technology.

The Department of Trade and Industry is also involved. Last week

I participated in the announcement by Isondo Precious Metals of a

support programme, which will enable the manufacturing of

equipment to take place in South Africa. Some operations will

start in the industrial development zone around O R Tambo

International Airport, revitalising that long-declared, but

moribund, special economic zone.

We have also said that before the end of this year we will

proclaim a dedicated platinum value special economic zone in the

North West province. Also this year we anticipate that a


metallurgical and training special economic zone will be

established in Musina, Limpopo.

On investment, we have sought to improve our investment

facilitation. We have established Invest SA as a one-stop shop.

This is a one-stop shop which will include an intergovernmental

clearing house of all the various agencies that are involved in

taking regulatory decisions that could affect investment. This

will be overseen by an interministerial committee which is

chaired by the President.

Mr President, hon members, clearly we need to do more and we need

to do it better. This will be achieved by engaging stakeholders,

business, labour and our communities and engaging them better and

more effectively than we have done up to now. As we do this, we

will seek to unite our people around the more positive narrative

on this economy, which actually, as I quoted earlier, many people

outside this country have done already to a greater extent than

some of us have done in this country. This will be a narrative

that recognises that we have challenges, that recognises and

frankly admits that we have those challenges, but also

recognises, celebrates and showcases our successes and our

capabilities. This is the path that successful economies have

followed, and it is that path that this ANC government is


committing to travelling with with our people as we confront the

challenges that lie ahead.

Mr M Q NDLOZI: Speaker ... I am very sorry, hon Davies.

The SPEAKER: Order! Order! What is your point, hon Ndlozi?

Mr M Q NDLOZI: The Minister of Police is sleeping in Parliament.

[Laughter.]

The SPEAKER: Hon member, that is not a point of order.

Mr M Q NDLOZI: No, it is. I am disturbed. We pay this guy. I do

not even think that he is a Member of Parliament, yet he comes

and sleeps.

The SPEAKER: Hon Ndlozi, please take your seat now.

Mr M Q NDLOZI: But can you call order, hon Speaker?

[Interjections.] Surely he can’t come to work to sleep on the

people’s time. [Interjections.] Do not sleep, chief, take us

seriously.


The SPEAKER: Take your seat, hon Ndlozi. Hon Minister, please

finish up.

The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: Thank you very much, Speaker.

I have less than a minute to go, so I think everybody can wake

up. We can throw stones at each other and, no doubt, many will be

thrown in this debate.

Where criticisms are warranted, we need to respond to them and to

do better, but we can’t be distracted by grandstanding and

histrionics as we too often are in this Chamber. The economic

issues are just too important to the people of this country to

allow them to be used as political footballs in agendas of people

that really do not have any answers to the substantive challenges

faced by our people. We have serious work to do and this ANC

government is committed to doing it. I thank you. [Applause.]

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, President, hon

members and fellow South Africans: bagaetsho, dumelang, molweni,

goeiemiddag. [Good day.]

Before I begin, I would like to offer my thoughts and prayers to

the families of the workers trapped underground at the Lily Mine

in Mpumalanga. [Applause.] We cannot imagine your pain and


anguish these past 11 days. We stand with you as a nation, and I

hold you and your loved ones in my prayers.

Last week, while razor wire was going up around Parliament and

stun grenades were dispersing the crowds, the President was

tucked safely away somewhere on Planet Zuma. Planet Zuma is a

place in a parallel universe, far, far away from the lives of

ordinary South Africans. [Applause.]

Planet Zuma is a place where a swimming pool can be called a fire

pool. It is a place where all the continents of the world fit

into Africa. [Laughter.] It is a place where the Finance Minister

flies economy class, but the President buys himself a R4 billion

jet. [Applause.]

Planet Zuma is a place where the President can replace an

excellent Finance Minister with a backbencher that nobody has

ever heard of. [Interjections.] Hon members, it is a place where

an international fugitive wanted for genocide is welcomed and

given refuge. Planet Zuma is a place where young people who stand

up for their right to learn are dismissed as part of a “third

force” and charged with treason. It is a place where mineworkers

can be massacred by the police, without an apology and without

compensation for their families. Planet Zuma is a place where our


President lives in a galaxy far, far away from the lives of

ordinary South Africans. [Applause.]

In his speech on Thursday, we learnt more about Planet Zuma than

the country we live in. You see, on Planet Zuma there is no jobs

crisis. This is why, in the President’s speech, we didn’t hear

anything about the 8,3 million South Africans who are jobless. On

Planet Zuma all children have access to a quality education. This

must be why the President didn’t once mention basic education.

On Planet Zuma our state-owned enterprises, SOEs, are, in the

words of the President, “performing well”, and on Planet Zuma

every problem can be solved by setting up a committee, a task

team or a commission of inquiry.

The President lived up to our expectations on Thursday. We

expected to hear the empty words of a man out of touch with the

people and that is exactly what we got. We knew what to expect

but we came to listen anyway and we stayed until the bitter end,

because this is what the South African people expect of us. They

expect us to be here in this Parliament, making it work.

Let me be clear: we came to listen to the President out of

respect for the Constitution and the office he holds, but we did


not come out of respect for Jacob Zuma. [Applause.] We cannot

respect a man who puts himself and his rich friends first while

the people of this country suffer. We cannot respect a man

personally responsible for the building of Nkandla and the firing

of Nhlanhla. Madam Speaker, Jacob Zuma is not an honourable man,

because if he was an honourable man he would do the honourable

thing and resign. [Applause.]

The President is not alone on Planet Zuma. Its gravitational pull

is so strong that the entire ANC ...

Mr H P CHAUKE: Point of order ... Speaker ...

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Sorry, can you pause the clock?

The SPEAKER: Yes, hon member, what is the point of order. Hon

Leader of the Opposition, could you take your seat.

Mr H P CHAUKE: My name is Hlomane Chauke. Speaker, I’m saying

that even if we differ we have to maintain respect. He still

remains the president of the ANC. [Interjections.] Even in

whatever way you may differ ... Hey, hey! No matter what you say

he remains the president of the ANC. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: The hon President is actually the President of the

Republic of South Africa. Proceed, hon Maimane, but do respect


the hon President of the Republic of South Africa.

[Interjections.]

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, it is very difficult

to do when the President’s own counsel has admitted that he

misled this House. The President ...

The SPEAKER: Hon Maimane, I would love us to stick to matters of

these proceedings and leave issues happening outside ...

[Interjections.] ... there. Please proceed.

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: The President is not alone on

Planet Zuma. Its gravitational pull is so strong that the entire

ANC has been sucked into its orbit and it cannot escape. The

party that was once the defender of freedom has now become the

defender of just one man. [Applause.]

Make no mistake: there are many good people in the ANC and many

of them sit in these benches, and there are still some excellent

Cabinet Ministers who do a good job in a difficult circumstance.

So, when the President spoke on Thursday night we could see how

painful it must have been for the hon members seated on my right.

We noticed the glum faces and muted applause in the ANC benches.

We saw Cabinet Ministers wince as the President laboured his way

through his speech, and who can blame them? Every hon member on


this side knows the damage that this man is doing to this country

and their party. [Applause.] But not one of you, not one of you

has the guts to speak out against what is happening.

[Interjections.] It is simply a failure of leadership. You should

be ashamed.

Aninalo uvalo. [You are not ashamed.]

In 1983, the great novelist, Chinua Achebe, said the following

about his native Nigeria:

The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of

leadership. There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigerian

character. There is nothing wrong with the Nigerian land or

climate or water or air or anything else. The Nigerian problem

is the unwillingness or inability of its leaders to rise to the

responsibility, to the challenge of personal example, which are

the hallmarks of true leadership.

Mr Achebe could have been writing about our own country because,

hon members, there is nothing wrong with the South African

character. There is nothing wrong with our country and the people

who live here. However, there is a lot wrong with our leadership.


Mr President, let us rewind to a few days before the state of the

nation address when your Nkandla case was heard in the

Constitutional Court. You weren’t physically in the dock but you

may as well have been. You were on trial for subverting our

Constitution, corrupting our Parliament, undermining the Office

of the Public Protector and violating your own oath of office.

After all those years of lying, ducking and diving ...

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Speaker, on a

point of order.

The SPEAKER: What’s the point of order, Deputy Chief Whip? Hon

Maimane, can you take your seat?

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Speaker, the

matter that he is referring to is in a court of law. There is no

judgment on that matter ... [Interjections.] ... so why is he

raising it in the House?

The SPEAKER: Hon members, on the issue of matters that are sub

judice, in terms of Joint Rule 14(q), no member shall reflect on

the merits of any matter on which a judicial decision is pending.

To be sub judice means a matter must be awaiting adjudication or

be under adjudication by a court of law. Hon members, the Chair


has a responsibility to apply this Rule in such a way as to

impose the minimum limitation on open debate and the right of

members to freedom of speech.

The practice has therefore been to allow members to refer to

matters before the courts in general terms, but not to discuss

their merits or to refer to the matter in a way that could

prejudice the case. Members are therefore cautioned to refrain

from saying anything that attempts to anticipate the outcome of

the case or comment on the merits or matters that are part of

evidence before the court.

So, hon members, what we are saying and the position we are

taking and reflecting on here is also out of respect for the

principle of the separation of powers. I therefore appeal to you,

hon Maimane, to stay out of issues that are still before the

courts.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, I think you are

being very restrictive in your interpretation and it flies in the

very face of a ruling delivered by yourself in this House during

the Fifth Parliament. Madam Speaker ...

The SPEAKER: How am I being restrictive, hon Steenhuisen?


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: I think you are overrestricting

your warnings to the hon Leader of the Opposition, Madam Speaker.

The rulings before had reference to the case in the courts and to

the facts in the cases; to quote you, Madam Speaker, would not be

a violation of the sub judice rule. That’s available in Hansard,

and I have it here to show you. Madam Speaker ...

The SPEAKER: Hon Steenhuisen, I’m reminding you in this ruling. I

am making exactly the same point: that you must steer clear of

the merits of the case and therefore I am cautioning hon members.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Well, Madam Speaker, I would

say ...

The SPEAKER: Please take your seat now, hon Steenhuisen.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: ... I would say to you that you

are being overly restrictive in your interpretation.

The SPEAKER: I am not being restrictive, hon Steenhuisen.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: You are.


The SPEAKER: Please proceed, hon Maimane.

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: After all of those years of

stalling, lying, ducking and diving, it took the court just hours

to unravel your web of defiance and deceit. Through a string of

extraordinary concessions in the court, your legal team

effectively relegated your caucus to its current position – under

the proverbial bus. Before that bench of esteemed judges, there

was simply nowhere to hide.

Now that you have been exposed in the nation’s highest court, it

remains to be determined how much you will pay. Because here’s

the thing: whatever the amount, it will be nothing compared to

what the people of this country have already paid for your

presidency. [Applause.] Instead of redressing the structural

inequalities of apartheid, you built yourself a big house on the

backs of poor South Africans. Instead of breaking down the

barriers that keep young, black people excluded from the economy,

you introduced black economic empowerment codes that keep

empowering the connected few. And instead of dismantling bantu

education, you have allowed the education of the African child to

deteriorate.


The people who have paid the highest price of all are those who

can afford it the least. Every single poor child stuck in our

failing education system, who will never escape the poverty trap

in their lifetime, you cost them their future, President Zuma.

The 8,3 million South Africans who cannot find work have paid

more for you than you will ever know. They paid with their

dreams. I know, because I’ve heard their heartbreaking stories.

Amabali afana nebali likaThemba Lukhoto oneminyaka engamashumi

amabini anesithoba. Uneminyaka elishumi engafumani umsebenzi

Kwaye esithi lelona xesha libi ngakumbi kunentolongo. [Stories

like Themba Lukhoto’s who is twenty nine years old. He has been

unemployed for ten years and he says this is the most difficult

time than being imprisoned.]

There is 41-year-old Robert van Wyngaardt who lost both his legs

and has been without work for the past six years. He and his

unemployed wife struggle to provide for their little daughter and

can’t make a living on social grants.

There is also 28-year-old Cherice Minnaar who has a college

diploma but has been unemployed for the past six months. She

feels her children deserve a better mother because she cannot

raise them on love and water.


Kgotsa Mbusi Cele wa dingwaga dile some-a-mabedi le bobedi, o

nang le masters degree mme gaise a bone tiro mo dingwageng di le

pedi a re o setse a ineetse mo botshelong. (Translation of

Setswana paragraph follows.)

[Furthermore, there is Mbusi Cele, a 22 year old with a Masters

Degree, who has been unemployed for two years. He says he has

already given up on life.]

There are many who are just like them. We simply couldn’t fit the

8,3 million into this book, but, Mr President, here are some of

their stories - the people your government has long forgotten

about.

I believe every single person has a conscience. Mr President, my

question is: How do you live with yours? [Applause.] You call

yourself a champion of poor black South Africans. You talk big

about the twin evils of racism and structural racial inequality.

So why then, Mr President, do you govern as though black lives

don’t matter? Why do you govern for the elite few and not for the

many that live in poverty?


President Zuma, we are acutely aware of the structural legacy of

apartheid. We know that unemployment, poverty and inequality are

the results of a deeply unfair history of exclusion and

oppression. But your job is to fix this. Not overnight. Nobody is

expecting miracles. We just expect our country to move in the

right direction.

Fellow South Africans, there is one part of our country moving in

the right direction. It is a place where the life of each and

every citizen matters. It is a place where the structural

inequalities of the past are being rolled back. It is a place

where, every day, progress is being made towards a fair society.

It is a place where the DA government cut the perks and

privileges of politicians. [Interjections.] [Applause.] It’s a

place where the cost of ministerial vehicles was slashed in half;

where blue-light brigades were banned and economy class flights

are the norm. Please note, President Zuma, these cost-cutting

measures were implemented not because the economy was in

meltdown, but they were implemented because we don’t think

politicians are more important than other people. It is a place

where over two thirds of the City of Cape Town’s budget is spent

in poor communities ... [Interjections.] ... and where the

poor ... [Applause.] ... receive the most generous package of

free water and electricity.


Dit is ’n plek waar die regering vir al die mense werk.

[Applous.] [It is a place where the government works for all the

people. [Applause.]]

It is a place where, to grow the economy and create jobs, the

government focuses on getting the fundamentals right: clean

government, policy certainty, infrastructure development, support

for entrepreneurs and an aggressive targeting of investment. It’s

a place where fewer people are unemployed and more people are

hopeful of finding a job. It is a place where the inequities in

the health system are finally being undone, not by an

unaffordable new scheme that will bankrupt the system, but by

sound, clean government that delivers health care for the poor.

It is a place where the first new hospitals built by the DA

government were in Khayelitsha and Mitchells Plain – areas

neglected for decades by the ANC. [Interjections.]

Mr G S RADEBE: Hon Speaker ... Hon Speaker ... Point of order,

Speaker.

The SPEAKER: Yes, hon member, are you rising on a point of order?


Mr G S RADEBE: Hon Speaker, I just want to check whether it’s the

DA’s policy to retain racist people ... [Inaudible.]

[Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: No, hon member, there’s no such point.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Point of order, Madam Speaker.

You see this is the problem in the House. When we in the

opposition stand up and make what you term frivolous points of

order, we are dealt with in a very severe manner. Yet that

gentleman at the back there is continuously allowed to rise on

frivolous points of order and you ignore him.

The SPEAKER: Hon member, I’ve ruled him out of order.

An HON MEMBER: Harshly!

The SPEAKER: So please ... How harshly is harsh? Proceed, hon

Maimane.

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: It is a place where getting the

basics right pays dividends; where the matric pass rate last year

improved to 84,7% ... [Applause.] ... the highest in South

Africa, while the pass rate in every other province declined. It


is a place where the pass rate in schools in the most

impoverished areas increased from 57% under the ANC to 73% under

the DA. [Applause.] It is a place where this year, for the first

time, every matriculant who passed qualified for access to some

form of tertiary education and half of them for university

entrance. [Applause.]

Mr President, while you and your cronies are on Planet Zuma, we

are here where the people are. We are improving people’s lives

step by step, day by day, and we are making progress.

James Baldwin, the renowned American novelist and civil rights

activist, once said, “The most dangerous creation of any society

is the man who has nothing to lose.” Mr President, your neglect

has created 8,3 million jobless people, many with nothing to

lose. The time is coming soon when they will sweep you and your

cronies out of office, and vote in a new government ...

[Interjections.] ... a government committed to building a fair

society, where every child has a chance to be the best they can

be.

When we deliver our inaugural state of the nation address, it

will sound very different to yours, Mr President. We will

announce a number of measures to turn our economy around and lift

people out of poverty. We will cut the size of your bloated


Cabinet in half, saving R4,7 billion. [Applause.] We will

privatise our failing state enterprises, beginning with SAA and

Eskom that guzzle billions of rand every year. We will make South

Africa a nation of entrepreneurs by cutting red tape and

providing more support and training for businesses. We will

improve black economic empowerment so that it rewards companies

that invest in their workers and create jobs, instead of simply

re-empowering the connected few.

We will turn Basic Education around before we lose another

generation of black children. We’ll do so by giving teachers the

support and training that they need to equip our children to

compete in a global economy. We will increase the National

Student Financial Aid Scheme funding for poor students so that no

qualifying student is denied further education because they

cannot afford it. We will make communities safer by putting

250 000 properly trained police officers in the streets. We will

fight gangsterism and drugs by reinstating the Narcotics

Bureau ... [Interjections] ... and building more rehabilitation

centres. We will save R30 billion a year by cutting corruption

and firing corrupt officials. We will invest 10% of GDP in the

infrastructure vital for economic growth. We will dedicate an

extra R10 billion to speed up land reform, provide training and

support for emerging farmers and roll out farm equity schemes


that give workers ownership of the land they work on. We will

accelerate the issuing of title deeds to give people assets and

redress past landownership. We will declare the drought a

national disaster so that we can urgently protect our food

security ... [Applause.] ... because we understand that helping

our farming communities is more important than buying new cars

for traditional leaders or remodelling Ministers’ offices.

This is how we will build a safe, prosperous and inclusive South

Africa, and prepare our country for a changing world. We will

harness the full potential of the South African people. Because,

against all odds, ordinary people are achieving extraordinary

things. It is the teacher who works hard every day to uplift poor

children. It is the policeman who risks his life to safeguard his

community. It is the entrepreneur who battles impossible

regulations to keep her business afloat. It is the unemployed

parent who doesn’t stop looking for a way to take care of her

family. Imagine what they could do if they had a government that

worked for them instead of against them.

Mr President, in your parallel universe I’m sure your state of

the nation speech would have been just fine, but here in the real

world it did not cut it. On Planet Zuma you can pretend the

schools are working, that investors are lining up, and state-


owned enterprises are thriving. But in the real world none of

that is true. On Planet Zuma you can carry on dismissing the

aspirations of young, black South Africans. You can keep

betraying their hopes for a brighter future and govern as if

their lives don’t matter. But, here, in the real world, each one

of those lives really matters.

Here, in the real world, we need a President and a government

that serves all the people of South Africa. We need a President

with a vision and the power to unite people – black and white –

in striving for this vision, because we are better together. We

prosper together. We need a President who is an example to his

government and to the nation. [Interjections.] We need a

President who is in touch with the people of this country. We

need a President who puts people first and himself last. You,

sir, are not that President. I thank you. [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Hon members, can I ask that even when you are

heckling, which you are allowed to do, you don’t drown out the

speaker.

Mr J S MALEMA: My time! My time!


Hon Speaker, we thank you for the opportunity to speak to South

Africans, Africans and the world about the issues confronting our

people. We shall make it very clear that we do not want to debate

the state of the nation which was presented here by an

illegitimate President. [Interjections.]

We refuse to legitimise the morally and politically compromised

President of the ANC. We do not recognise him, due to his

incapacity, lack of direction, association with criminal

elements, unaccountability and pure disregard for the

Constitution and the people of South Africa.

We are here to speak about a country where more than 26 million

of its population live in absolute poverty and suffering. We are

here to speak about a country where more than 8 million of its

capable workforce cannot find jobs because the state, under its

current leadership, cannot provide jobs.

We are here to speak about the many capable children who do not

have access to quality and free education, because the state

cannot provide free, quality education for all. However, we are

comforted by the militant structures, like the #FeesMustFall

movement, the #RhodesMustFall movement and the EFF Student

Command because they are keeping the dream of decolonisation and

free education alive. [Applause.]


We must not forget that we are in a country where the black

majority – more than 80% of the population – is congested and

squeezed into less than 20% of the land, because the rest of the

land is owned and controlled by those who colonially took it from

the African majority through committing black genocide. We must

not forget that we are in a country where settler colonialists

and white monopoly capital is in control of almost all sectors of

the economy. The white minority own and control every section of

the economy, including the maize meal which feeds the majority of

our people, because the former liberation movement betrayed its

founding principles. [Interjections.]

We must not forget that we are in a country where the African

majority continue to be slaves and suppliers of cheap labour to

the white minority as cleaners, garden boys, domestic workers,

car guards, petrol attendants, security guards, rock drill

operators, and everything that pays low wages. The ANC has

destroyed the nursing, teaching and police professions by paying

those workers peanuts.

Our people are hungry for land. Land hunger is a reality. Our

people are misled into celebrating the so-called middle class and


the black executives who are nothing but credit-worthy and

indebted blacks who do not own and do not control anything.

We are here to ask the whole of South Africa to listen to the

voices of the struggling masses of our people in the informal

settlements, like Thembelihle, Stjwetla, the Winnie Mandela

squatter camp, the Chris Hani squatter camp, the Joe Slovo

squatter camp, Diepsloot, Alexandra, Marikana, and all the

dejected and neglected areas where poor black people live.

Fellow South Africans, the majority of our people in townships

live in a state of indignity and congestion. They live like pigs

when they are alive and even when they are dead. The majority in

eThekwini, Sebokeng, Hammanskraal, Soshanguve, Umlazi, KwaMashu,

Mdantsane and in many other areas are still forced to share a

small piece of land when they are alive. Even in death, they are

still forced to share graves, where more than two people are

buried in one grave. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

My brothers and sisters, let’s show solidarity with rock drill

operators, mineworkers, metalworkers, ironworkers, workers of

Shoprite and all the retail stores who are underpaid and some

employed through labour brokers. Twenty-two years after so-called

democracy, less than 10% of the land has been redistributed. We

want to reveal the obvious fact that, if it takes 22 years to


redistribute 10% of the land, it will take the ANC 100 years to

redistribute at least 50% of the land.

Our economy is just a consuming economy. We are unable to

manufacture and produce even basic consumer goods and services,

such as phones, televisions, cars, many food items, teaspoons,

matchsticks, toothpicks and clothes. What kind of self-respecting

country fails to produce food for itself, despite the

availability of arable land? More than 10 million workers who

wake up every day to sell their labour do not get any living wage

and do not qualify for houses, cars, clothes and education for

their children. Many black South Africans die because they cannot

afford medication. We speak of these realities because the so-

called President of South Africa never pointed to those

realities.

An HON MEMBER: Yes!

Mr J S MALEMA: We are aware that during your so-called state of

the nation address, you did mention the relocation of Parliament

to one city. We welcome that move because the fact that South

Africa has separate capital and administrative cities is as a

result of colonial compromises and the settlement of the Anglo-


Boer War. While many Africans died in that war, they were not

part of the ultimate political settlement in the early 1900s.

More than money, it is politically correct for South Africa to

have one capital city to affirm its own identity as a post-

colonial, political territory, not unworkable capital cities that

waste the resources of our people.

We want to make it clear to the hon Thabang Makwetla that we will

never sing Die Stem. [Applause.] Die Stem is another compromise,

which is not justifiable. No ruling, and neither a court, nor

prison can force us to sing a song of the apartheid murderers.

HON MEMBERS: Yes!

Mr J S MALEMA: On 11 February 2016, we decidedly and courageously

refused to be addressed by an illegitimate and morally

compromised human being who happens to be President of the ruling

party and our country.

In our previous life, we uncritically accepted so many lies,

fictions and conspiracy theories created about you, Mr Zuma, and

our fear of a third term also misled us. But the signs were

there. Your questionable political life and the events that led


you to become President were signs, indeed, that we should have

opened up to those signs.

All those signs were clear that you are not capable of being a

President. [Interjections.] This is the man who knowingly had sex

with an HIV-positive woman and later explained to the court that

a shower would lessen the chances of contracting HIV.

[Interjections.] We are now the laughing stock of the world. This

was another sign shown to us that you are incapable of becoming a

President, but we ignored that.

This is the man who knowingly impregnated a friend’s child,

despite his having many wives at home. This was another sign that

you are bad with judgment. [Interjections.]

This is the man who did not take any decisive action when the

Gupta family landed their plane at the Waterkloof Air Force Base.

Actually, instead of taking action, this is the same man who

embraces the same family and attends all their events, despite

the fact that those people compromised the security of this

country.

This is the same man ... [Interjections.] Wait a bit! [Laughter.]

[Applause.] I was going to say “Cheers!” but, hey, I remembered


you are the wrong man. This is the same man who appoints

Ministers with close relationships with Gupta’s family - and

those Ministers immediately start negotiating business deals for

the Guptas and his son. [Interjections.] I am speaking from

experience!

In my previous life, when I was a friend of the Minister of Sport

and Recreation, he received a call from the Guptas.

[Interjections.] He was still the Deputy Minister of Police, and

they told him that he was going to be the Minister of Sport and

Recreation. That was during the time he still had courage. He

went to the National Executive Committee, NEC, of the ANC and

raised this matter. He was so angry and he even cried about

it ... [Laughter.] [Applause.] ... asking why we were being

appointed by unelected leaders into positions of responsibility.

I hope, one day, my former friend will find himself and continue

to fight this just cause.

This is the man who, in December, exchanged Ministers of Finance

in South Africa, gave misleading and wrong reasons and

accelerated our country’s currency into junk status. This led to

the loss of more than R500 billion. The crisis caused by mindless

and unexplained changes in National Treasury are not some elite


or palace battles. It is critical in that it has got a direct

impact on the lives and livelihoods of ordinary South Africans.

When South Africa’s currency is weak, it will become more

expensive for South Africans to buy basic consumer goods and

services from other parts of the world. As we speak now, in the

context of the drought, South Africa has to import more than

6 million tons of maize meal, which is the staple food for more

than 80% of South Africans. A weak currency will mean that

everything we import from other parts of the world will be

expensive and unaffordable for many families. All this, because

of one man!

Our country is being relegated to a junk country because of the

actions and decisions of one man. This one man called a President

is responsible for the many ills affecting our country and he

blames all of this on the global economy. There are challenges in

the global economy but Mr Zuma is responsible for the many ills

confronting our country.

Alongside Mr Zuma’s unforgiveable blunders are Ministers and

premiers who learn from the best and replicate the same form of

corruption and unaccountability in the department and provinces.

The Premier of the Free State, Ace Magashule, is the most corrupt


premier in South Africa. He is not accountable to anyone. The man

is untouchable.

The Premier of Mpumalanga province is the most corrupt premier in

South Africa who plays a part in the disappearance of his

opponents in his province and loots as he wishes. The Premier of

the North West is also corrupt. He plays a part in the

disappearance of opponents in his province and is not being held

accountable. These, and many others engage in these activities

with the knowledge and endorsement of one man, who we are all

expected to treat with respect.

Alongside these ills caused by him is a family who are business

partners of his son and business partners of his political

subjects - the Gupta family. The Gupta family’s influence and

capture of the South African state and government is not fiction,

and the reasons we have provided are just the tip of the iceberg.

The Guptas are party to the institutionalisation of mediocrity

here in South Africa, and this is shown by the mediocre media

houses and other businesses that are parasitic on the state.

South Africa, we stand here, bound and obliged by constitutional

and moral obligations and call for the immediate removal of Mr

Zuma as the President of the Republic of South Africa.


HON MEMBERS: Yes! [Applause.]

Mr J S MALEMA: Mr Zuma has caused so much damage and he is in the

process of causing more damage. Under his watch, a huge amount of

money from the police slush fund disappeared, and that was money

meant to fight crime. Under his watch, money keeps on

disappearing in the State Security Agency. We cannot stand back

and do nothing when one individual is accelerating South Africa

into further decay.

The man is accepted to have breached his oath of office and the

Constitution. The reality is that, in no time, and under Mr

Zuma’s watch and supervision, we will be left with no country and

no systems with which to hold our people accountable.

We are here today, once again, to apologise to former President

Mbeki for being part of those who removed him on the basis of

lies, rumours and gossip spread by the sitting President. In his

letter, President Mbeki stated, “I did not tell who was

misleading us.” We were misled by this man - the President of the

Republic of South Africa! [Applause.]

I remember, I had a meeting with President Zuma ...


Mr H P CHAUKE: Madam Speaker ...

Mr J S MALEMA: ... after the Nicholson judgment ...

Mr H P CHAUKE: Madam Speaker ...

Mr J S MALEMA: ... where President Zuma said to me ...

[Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order! Order!

Mr J S MALEMA: ... he doesn’t want to work with President Mbeki.

The SPEAKER: Order, hon Malema! Please take your seat.

[Interjections.] Yes, hon member, on what point are you rising?

Mr H P CHAUKE: Hon Speaker, on a point of order: I would request

that you ask the gallery there to stop participating in our

debates. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Indeed, we always repeat this - and have, on

numerous occasions in the past - that we ask and appeal to our

guests in the gallery please not to participate in the


proceedings of the House by clapping their hands ...

[Interjections.] ... or in any other way participating in the

proceedings, because we want to welcome you all to be part of

this Joint Sitting only by sitting and observing in an orderly

fashion. Thank you very much. Proceed, hon Malema.

Mr J S MALEMA: I led the charge on the removal of President Mbeki

after the meeting I had with President Zuma, during which he made

it very clear to me that he was not prepared to work with

President Mbeki. This is despite the fact that the former

President of the Youth League, Mbalula, called me from the

mountain and encouraged me not to participate in that activity of

removing Mbeki because it would cause a problem. [Interjections.]

That is why I know that Mbalula has got the capacity to see wrong

things. He just needs to come around. [Interjections.]

[Applause.] Had we listened to him, we would not be in this

state. For those who do not know, Mbalula discouraged us from

calling for the removal of President Mbeki.

We apologise to President Mandela for allowing Mr Zuma to ruin

his legacy and turn South Africa into a junk country. We never

and will never agree with the economic policies pursued by both

President Mbeki and President Mandela. But at least they knew

what they stood for – unlike him, who stands for nothing ...

[Interjections.] ... and who always gets persuaded by the Guptas


to take the wrong decisions; a man who prioritises himself and

his family.

If all of you doubt that, then you must refer to the presentation

that was made in the Constitutional Court where all of you were

dumbed by the President. This is a man who can single-handedly

destroy what used to be the movement of the people. A man who,

when he says, “I will not pay,” the whole movement says, “He must

not pay.” A man who, when he says, “Now, I will pay,” the whole

movement says, “He will now pay.”

Think, comrades! You are participating in destroying the

organisation of Chris Hani, Luthuli and O R Tambo, an

organisation that never believed in the politics of a personality

cult. You are more Zuma members than being members of the ANC!

[Interjections.] [Applause.] You need to discover yourself.

To all South Africans, our message is clear and simple: Freedom

is coming. The EFF is the last hope for jobs and service

delivery. [Interjections.] We are the last hope for massive

industrialisation development to create millions of jobs. We are

the last hope for free, quality education for all. We are the

last hope for quality health care, sanitation and better

services. We are the last hope for the war against corruption.


The EFF is the last hope for the people of Stjwetla, Mdantsane,

Umlazi, Soweto, Mahwelereng, Bushbuckridge, Orange Farm,

Gugulethu, Khayelitsha, Mthatha and all areas where there are no

jobs and basic services for our people. The EFF is the last hope

for the workers of Toyota in KwaZulu-Natal, of all metalworkers

in Nelson Mandela Bay, Buffalo City and Tshwane. We are the hope

of all mineworkers in Marikana, on the entire platinum belt, in

Kuruman, Kimberley, the trapped workers of Lily Mine, and all the

areas where workers face brutal exploitation.

Mr Zupta, your legacy can be summed up into three things: Umshini

Wami, Nkandla, Guptas. [Applause.] I am leaving. I can’t sit here

to debate what you presented here because you are not a

legitimate President. Bye-bye! [Interjections.] [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Hon Malema, as you leave, I want you to know that,

as you know, what you did was wrong. [Interjections.] You should

have done it in the form of a substantive motion.

[Interjections.] You did it, knowingly. It was wrong, and it

shall be expunged from the Hansard. [Interjections.]

Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Hon Speaker, His Excellency President Zuma,

hon Ministers, hon Deputy Ministers, hon members, at the


beginning of this year, the Cape Town Press Club invited me to

deliver an alternative state of the nation address, revealing

what South Africa really needed to hear. I noted then that

although I served under our two presidents as Acting President

more than 20 times and although I have debated with four

different presidents over the course of 21 years in this House, I

have never had the onerous task of doing what Your Excellency did

last Thursday. I also said that what we most needed to hear was a

good dose of honesty about the economy, the fracturing of social

cohesion and the dire situation our people face because of the

drought.

To my mind, it is better to be frank with our people so that they

will know how long the night will last and whether the dawn is

actually coming. Our people are remarkably patriotic and have

been enduringly patient. It is morally reprehensible therefore to

feed them empty promises; it’s eminently dangerous, in fact.

I must therefore commend the President as his address on Thursday

was at least frank. It indeed acknowledged the grim circumstances

of our country. He did not shy away from the fact that despite

the hopes expressed in the National Development Plan, the NDP, by

all parties that we could achieve a 5% economic growth rate by

2019, this will not happen.


This forces us to face the fact that there is no prospect of

turning our economy around in the foreseeable future. That 5%

growth rate was our only hope for creating the level of

employment that South Africa needs. Regardless of the myriad of

challenges put forward to justify the difficulties our economy

faces, the closing line of the President's address was honest,

and I wish to quote you, sir: “We cannot change the global

economic conditions but we can do a lot to change the local

conditions.”

In this regard, the IFP welcomes the establishment of an

interministerial committee dedicated to enhancing investment, and

we welcome greater co-operation with the private sector in the

hope of placing our country on a growth path. I suspect that

South Africans welcome the Back-to-Basics approach on local

governance and the SA Police Service. Our people certainly

welcome the announcement that there will no longer be lavish

dinners following departmental budget speeches and that the need

for constant travel between two capitals is no longer considered

feasible and must be addressed.

But when one listens to the President's choice of words when

announcing cutbacks and efforts at better financial management,


the conclusion is inescapable that the government has indeed gone

too far in abusing state resources. It is a damning admission but

a true one.

I refer here to statements from the President’s speech. “We have

made an undertaking to spend public funds wisely,” and, “I invite

premiers and mayors to join us as we begin eliminating wasteful

expenditure in government.” I ask the question: Is this too

little too late? Is it enough to restore our nation's confidence

in the present leadership of the country? Undoubtedly, it is not

enough to pull us out of our economic distress. That would take

bold policy decisions.

When the President addresses the disastrous financial situation

of state-owned enterprises by saying, “We have heard concerns but

some of them are doing quite well,” it is clear that nothing will

be done to plug the fatal drain of state-owned enterprises like

SA Airways. I remember that even when I sat in Cabinet some 10

years ago we were constantly being asked to bail out SA Airways.

Why are we still doing it? Too often it comes down to poor policy

decisions. The President, for instance, applauds the recent

changes in visa regulations in order to boost tourism and enhance

investment. What he doesn't say, however, is that these changes


were required because visa regulations were passed against all

good judgment. They did enormous damage to our tourism industry.

We’ll struggle to attract foreign investment, in my view, as long

as there is policy uncertainty. For instance, on the issue of

land reform, we heard the President say during his state of the

nation address in 2015 that foreign land ownership would be

barred. He has now repeated this in 2016. For the past year,

foreign investors have been in limbo as to when and whether this

policy would be implemented.

At times, the President seemed to spend more time describing the

way things should work and what they look like when they are

working, than explaining how we are going to get from here to

there. He made a statement on the drought, for instance, that I

find quite discouraging. He said, “Government provides relief to

affected communities.” What does that mean to the millions of

people struggling without sufficient water? What does it mean to

the farmers whose livestock are dying every day? Is it a

statement of what a government in general does, or a promise of

what this government will do? The effects of this drought on our

people must be taken more seriously. Food security is threatened

for many families, and livelihoods are being lost.


Just days before the state of the nation address, the Institute

for Justice and Reconciliation, the IJR, released some shocking

results from the Afrobarometer survey, and I will mention just

three. It spoke about support for democracy having dropped to

64%; that two thirds of our citizens would willingly give up the

right to vote in exchange for a nonelected government that

actually delivers; and that 10% of black South Africans would

willingly welcome back the government of the old South Africa.

What is happening to our country? We are abandoning our most

cherished values because the exercise of those values has failed

us. Democracy, political franchise and freedom, values for which

my generation fought and died, are becoming worthless commodities

to a disillusioned people. We cannot let this happen. I have

asked myself what my response should be as a patriot and as a

leader of my people. I have considered the leadership we admired

in the giants of our past. And I cannot avoid the conclusion that

we must emulate their example in that we must be cerebral rather

than emotional. The battle of the present demands it. In the

present economic situation, it is so easy to whip up

emotions to indulge in demagoguery. A revolution is not very hard

to start. But is it wise to do so? Is it the right path for our

country to start a revolution, if our intended destination is the

restoration of peace, stability, hope and cohesion?


I’m reminded in all of this of the meaning of the words “inkatha”

and “kgare” in Zulu and Sesotho respectively: a tightly plaited

grass coil designed to help carry a heavy burden on one's head.

Symbolically, the IFP continues to aim to maintain balance,

assisting and protecting our people from the heavy social and

economic burdens they bear. As our country faces such dire

challenges, that is the role, Mr President, we will continue to

play. Msholozi. [Applause.]

Ms D CARTER: Hon Speaker ...

The SPEAKER: Yes, hon member?

Ms D CARTER: Hon Speaker, I didn’t want to interrupt the hon

Buthelezi, but I would like to just ask you a question. Members

rose on frivolous points of orders earlier on. At no point was

any member asked to withdraw anything. I’m just asking: In terms

of which Rule are you going to remove a speech from Hansard?

The SPEAKER: Thank you, hon member. I will rule later.

Ms D CARTER: Hon Speaker ...


The SPEAKER: On what point are you now rising?

Ms D CARTER: Hon Speaker, you made a ruling about 15 minutes ago,

now you are saying you are going to rule again?

The SPEAKER: Yes, I said I am going to rule on what you are

raising.

Ms D CARTER: But I just need ... In terms of which Rule ...

[Inaudible.] ...

The SPEAKER: Hon member, I am not having a debate with you.

[Interjections.] I am not refusing to rule; I’m just saying that

I will rule later.

Ms D CARTER: I want to remind you about the fact that you said we

must have patience ...

The SPEAKER: Please proceed, hon Masualle. Hon member, please

take your seat.

The PREMIER OF THE EASTERN CAPE (Mr P Masualle): Hon Speaker of

the National Assembly, His Excellency Mr President, Ministers,

Deputy Ministers, hon members of this assembly ...


Mr W M MADISHA: Hon Speaker ... Hon Speaker ...

The SPEAKER: Are you nostalgic for the EFF? [Laughter.] Hon

member of Cope - Madisha?

Mr W M MADISHA: Speaker, you have already made a ruling. Now we

want to understand: Regarding what is being raised here, what is

the ruling?

The SPEAKER: I am repeating, hon Madisha. Your honourable

colleague rose on a point of order. I listened, and I am saying I

will rule later. That is what I am saying and I repeat that. So,

please take your seat. Take your seat, hon Madisha.

[Interjections.]

Mr W M MADISHA: You have ruled already.

The SPEAKER: Hon Madisha, take your seat.

Mr W M MADISHA: But you have ruled already.

The SPEAKER: Hon Madisha, take your seat.

Mr W M MADISHA: You are out of order yourself. [Interjections.]


The SPEAKER: Hon Madisha, please withdraw that.

Mr W M MADISHA: Withdraw what?

The SPEAKER: Withdraw your saying that the Chair is out of order.

Mr W M MADISHA: No, you are out of order, because ...

The SPEAKER: Hon Madisha, I am not going to argue with you. If

you do not want to withdraw that, then I will have to ask you to

leave the Chamber. [Interjections.]

Mr W M MADISHA: We withdraw. [Laughter.] [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Thanks very much. Hon Masualle, please proceed.

Mr W M MADISHA: ... the truth. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Hon Masualle, please proceed.

The PREMIER OF THE EASTERN CAPE (Mr P Masualle): Thank you again,

hon Speaker, for the privilege and honour to stand before this

august House to be part of this debate. We dare not forget that

history has given us the honour to serve our people and change

their life conditions.


Last week’s state of the nation address by the President was very

concise in leading the charge on what needs to be done to address

South Africa’s challenges. More than that, the underlying message

of the President once more appealed to all South Africans to ask

not what South Africa will do for each one of us, but what

together we can do for our land to prosper. [Applause.]

I may just digress and say it’s really ironic ... It never stops

to amaze me why it is that we stood before the electorate on

7 May - each of the political parties had the opportunity to

present themselves before the electorate and indeed the

electorate passed its verdict. But, in the House, somehow an

impression is created that those who had garnered the least votes

are the ones who represent the majority out there. [Applause.] I

think it is a matter that somehow needs to be debunked.

This House would also recall that during the state of the nation

address of February 2015, the hon President unveiled a nine-point

plan to respond to the sluggish growth in the economic

environment. The President provided the vision and, through our

actions, we followed with concrete programmes to support that

vision.

I wish to spend a few minutes talking about the area of energy

supply. In the perspective of the Eastern Cape province, we asked


ourselves: What would our own contribution be in realising this

vision? As early as 2013, we took a decision to position

ourselves as the energy hub for the rest of the country,

particularly focusing on cleaner forms of energy. We did so

cognisant of the fact that the future of our planet and its

inhabitants is dependent on how well we care for our scarce,

precious natural resources.

As we speak, part of the manganese corridor development linking

the Northern Cape to the Eastern Cape, with its manganese export

facility in Coega, is on track with the manganese smeltering

facility to be located at the Coega Industrial Development Zone.

[Applause.]

Our partnership with the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University

in the area of shale gas research is at an advanced stage that

will lead to the use of our gas reserves in the Karoo basin, thus

contributing further to the energy mix that the President spoke

about, particularly the area of clean energy. These are

partnerships that we value, that are in themselves committed to

moving our country forward.

To date, we are making progress in the footprint of wind and

solar farms, as the Minister of Trade and Industry alluded to


when he made his address earlier. We have now a total of 17 such

projects with a total investment value of more than

R33,7 billion. These projects create much-needed job

opportunities and contribute more than 611 megawatts of power

tool to the national grid.

The province has also received an additional boost to its energy

security when the 335 megawatt Dedisa Peaking Power Plant Station

achieved commercial operation, thus playing role in reducing the

load shedding that we were speaking about a few months ago.

In the past year we saw wind farms awarded to the former homeland

areas for the first time in South Africa. In Ngqushwa phaya

ePeddie we now have such located wind farms. [Applause.] All

this, as I have alluded to, has been captured in the nine-point

plan that the President unveiled.

In his state of the nation address the President also alluded to

the centenary of our premier education institution, the

University of Fort Hare. We pay tribute to its visionary founders

and former alumnae. As the breeding ground of many of the

leadership in this room and beyond, we pride ourselves in being

the majestic jewel in the crown of knowledge of this continental


institution. May it continue to breed and groom excellent leaders

that will take our country into the next century.

We therefore look forward with great anticipation to the national

celebrations that will be hosted in our province on 20 May 2016,

and we can assure you that it will be an event which shall

properly celebrate the historic contribution of that institution.

[Applause.]

Taking our cue from what the President has said, we agree that a

resilient and a fast-growing economy is at the heart of our

transformational agenda. When the economy grows fast it delivers

jobs. In the area specifically of agri-parks the President spoke

about last week, the location of these agri-parks, the regional

enterprise development hubs and the cultural production

facilities in our province seek to improve the agroprocessing

capacity of the province, notwithstanding the detrimental effects

of drought that we are experiencing these days. As the province

we are determined to complement the President’s efforts by

increasing primary production, not only in Ngqurha, as the

President mentioned last week, but also in Lambasi, Sundays River

Valley, Butterworth, Matatiele, Sterkspruit, and Senqu.


Women and our young people have been identified as beneficiaries

of these programmes. On top of this, Port St Johns has been

identified as one of the vegetable production hubs, which will

ultimately support the Kei Fresh Produce Market around the King

Sabata Dalindyebo Municipality. [Applause.]

It has warmed our hearts to hear the President acknowledge the

work that we are doing through the industrial development zones

based at Coega and East London. As a follow-up to what we have

been doing since the call was made to maximise our oceans

economy, we have formulated our provincial maritime skills

development plan with partners in the sector.

This year, to give effect to some of the decisions we have made

through the department of education, we have already established

maritime schools or streams in the curriculum of our schools.

Schools like George Randell and Ngwenyathi High Schools have

started with a Grade 10 curriculum to help our learners access

the necessary skills. [Applause.]

We commit, Mr President, to taking care of the two bulk carrier

vessels that have been registered in Port Elizabeth under the

South African flag. We are also pleased that the very friendly

city has been hosting the armed forces this week in the Armed


Forces Week, which will culminate in the national celebration on

21 February 2016.

Furthermore, the development of the aquaculture zones at Coega

have commenced and this initiative has an estimated value of

close to R2 billion, with the potential to unlock at least 5 600

jobs. This initiative will provide space for abalone, fin fish,

seaweed and tilapia farming.

We are also proud, Mr President, to register progress in your

plans to expand the Coega dairy and Coega cheese plants aimed at

increasing milk export volumes by 200% at least. This will also

see an increase in cheese export production to well over 60%.

In conclusion, we are well on track with our road infrastructure

development, Mr President. Indeed, it is correct that the SA

National Roads Agency Limited, or Sanral, is one of those public

institutions, or state-owned enterprises, SOEs, that is doing

remarkable work and it is doing remarkable work in our province.

[Applause.]

This year alone an investment amount annually in our road

infrastructure exceeds R5 billion and indeed this is beginning to

unlock the potential of economic development in other parts of

the province.


We take on the President’s challenge that South Africa should

strive to become a financial centre of Africa. In our province we

have many institutions which can produce capable men and women

who can contribute to this vision — compatriots who will ask not

what South Africa will do for them, but what we together can do

for our country. Now is not the time to lose hope, but indeed, to

look ahead, forge ahead and move the country forward. I thank

you. [Applause.]

Mr M L SHELEMBE: Hon Speaker and members of the Houses, the state

of the nation address delivered by President Zuma on Thursday

last week is an insult to each and every South African. Apart

from a slight mention of the economic crises we are faced with,

very little was said to give the people a true account of the

state of our nation.

Once again, we were spoon-fed ANC propaganda about how good life

is in South Africa. No mention was made of service delivery

protests, which are flaring up all over the country on a daily

basis. Not a word was said about the drop in our matric pass

rate, and the President was silent about the drought which is

crippling our economy and threatening our food security.


The President made mention of the weak economy, but did not take

any responsibility for the weak performance. Rather than

admitting that he made a serious error when he appointed Van

Rooyen as Minister of Finance to appease the Guptas and, in doing

so, wiping out almost R700 billion of wealth in South Africa, the

President remained silent.

This is the crux of the problem with President Zuma. He never

takes responsibility for things that go wrong. The Guptas landed

at Waterkloof and President Zuma knew nothing. Millions of rand

were spent to upgrade Nkandla ...

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Deputy Speaker,

on a point of order: We don’t know who he is referring to as “Van

Rooyen”. In this House, we have “the hon Van Rooyen”. Thank you.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Shelembe, when ...

Mr M L SHELEMBE: Hon Van Rooyen.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes. Thank you.

Mr M L SHELEMBE: The Guptas landed at Waterkloof and President

Zuma knew nothing. Millions of rand were spent to upgrade


Nkandla, but President Zuma maintained that there was nothing

wrong with spending such lavish amounts for his private benefit,

until he was forced to acknowledge the wrong in front of our

Constitutional Court.

The NFP questions the integrity of President Zuma. Why did he not

do the honourable thing and pay back the undue enrichment when

the Public Protector made her report available? Why did he deem

it fit to manipulate Ministers and Parliament to shield him from

accountability? Why did he do his level best to discredit the

Public Protector and, in doing so, launch a vicious attack on the

integrity of a Chapter 9 institution, which has been established

to protect South Africans against abuse by those in power?

South Africa deserves a state President who will put South Africa

first and not his political party. We deserve a state President

who will protect and defend our hard-won democracy, and above

all, we deserve a state President who will treasure the core

values of good governance which are transparency and

accountability. President Zuma has failed dismally to uphold

these values and he does not deserve to hold the highest office

in the land.


South Africa is in a deep economic crisis and the governing party

has no solution to tackle this crisis. The NFP is saddened that

the state President failed to tell us how we are going to

strengthen our economy and to provide us with concrete solutions

to steer our country’s credit rating away from junk status.

The cost-cutting measures announced are welcome but,

unfortunately, are too little, too late. We trust that President

Zuma will lead by example in reducing the number of overseas

visits and the number of people he takes with him on these trips

abroad. More importantly, the NFP believes that the President

himself should be the first to explain to the hard-hit taxpayers

what benefit there has been in leading a massive delegation of 53

members to Davos recently, at an estimated cost of close to

R40 million.

The NFP would also have liked to see some enthusiasm for a

national minimum wage in the state of the nation address. Sadly,

for millions of South Africans who are poor and barely making a

living, the President offered no warm comfort, just another vague

undertaking once more, without any tangible details. A national

minimum wage will go a long way towards addressing workers’ basic

needs and reducing working poverty and inequality. Yet, President

Zuma chose to make cautious remarks about the implication of such


a national minimum wage, selling out workers once again to

placate business groups and rating agencies.

The time has come for ordinary South Africans to take a stand and

demand a state President who will lead us forward. We need a

biblical Samson who will fight the just cause of the ordinary

people against the Philistines - the ANC led by Zuma.

[Interjections.] Enough damage has been done by a state President

who puts his party before the country, a state President that

sees no wrong in undue enrichment for himself, his family and his

Gupta friends.

We need a state President that will carefully consider his

actions and not give in to external pressure from business

associates, as he did with the appointment of the hon Van Rooyen.

We need a state President who will address the real challenges of

drought, crime and unemployment, which we face on a daily basis,

and a state President that will address our education crises with

vision and vigour.

Zuma is not the state President that we deserve ...

[Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: President Zuma.


Mr M L SHELEMBE: President Zuma is not the state President we

deserve, and the ANC must take the blame for forcing such an

incompetent leader on the country. This year, we are having local

government elections, and now is the time for South Africans to

show the ANC that they have had enough.

The time for change has come. The time has come for Zuma and the

ANC to go. The time has come for democracy to be defended. Zuma

must fall. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Dr B H HOLOMISA: Deputy Speaker, hon President, Deputy President

and hon members, the South African economic situation demands

that we adopt an approach that is all-inclusive and pragmatic.

One of the credits to our country is our ability to resolve

challenges through dialogue. Perhaps in resolving the current

economic crisis, we need to borrow from our recent past. The

Convention for a Democratic SA, Codesa, delivered political

liberation with more still to be done on the economic front, so

that we can have a binding consensus on the macroeconomic policy

of the country.


In this regard, the UDM suggests that an all-inclusive national

summit be convened to develop and adopt a framework to guide all

role-players towards a national economic transformation indaba,

whose resolutions will result in progressive amendments to the

current legislative regime.

The proposed economic indaba must emerge with a comprehensive

blueprint of a road to be traversed by the country in dealing

with matters such as land, education, skills development, black

economic empowerment, etc.

The security of the workers’ pensions needs immediate attention,

given that the Public Investment Corporation, PIC, seems to be a

source of questionable deals for cronies of the ruling elite

through, amongst other things, consortiums like the Kilimanjaro

Sakhumnotho and some not-for-profit organisations like the Global

Fund for Christ.

In this regard, the UDM suggests to all contributors to the

pension and provident funds to consider establishing an

independent national fund forum to, amongst other things, monitor

investments, auditing and usage of their monies by the PIC and

other financial institutions.


We further propose that a task team, led by a retired judge, be

established to investigate all complaints from ex-mineworkers who

have been marching to Parliament and the Union Buildings,

demanding information on their provident funds, allegedly not

paid either by the state or their employers.

A widely publicised offer by the President to bring the Nkandla

issue to finality, in the interests of national unity, has been

noted by us. There is no doubt in anybody’s mind that the Nkandla

saga has affected many individuals and institutions adversely,

owing to the manner in which he handled the saga contrary to much

advice. As we speak, this has affected the trust and confidence

of many public representatives in this House, who felt abused or

betrayed during this process.

In this regard, we appeal to his revolutionary consciousness as a

patriot with unquestionable struggle credentials to place the

interests and unity of the nation first and vacate the office

with dignity. Give us a mandate, Msholozi, to handle your exit in

a dignified manner.

Further - and to avoid another embarrassing sitting President,

scoring own goals - the House must demand the long-time promised

ministerial handbook for scrutiny.


South Africans, whilst the state of the nation address was very

lean on corruption, billions of rand that were supposed to help

improve our social ills in this country is being looted left and

right. A new phenomenon has emerged through Setas, or sector

education and training authorities, which are used to divert

skills development funds to bottomless private pockets. Employees

who are suspected of blowing the whistle on alleged corruption

against the CEO of the construction Seta are either expelled

and/or suspended in droves.

To make things worse, some of these employees ...

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Holomisa, your time has expired.

Dr B H HOLOMISA: ... were paraded and humiliated when they were

taken by the CEO and chairperson of the board to an outsider ...

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Holomisa, your time has expired.

Dr B H HOLOMISA: ... the secretary of the South African Communist

Party, SACP, in KwaZulu-Natal. The victimised employees have

appealed to the Presidency without success. [Interjections.]


Animameli, ningxola gqitha.

SEKELA SOMLOMO: Nguwe lo ongamameliyo lungu elihloniphekileyo,

hlala phantsi.

Gq B H HOLOMISA: Nizizixhobo nje zokusetyenziswa. Ebenyanisile

laa mfana kaZibi xa esithi aniphatheki. Niyasetyenziswa nje.

Nitye imali apha kodwa anifuni ukuba sinixelele. [Welewele.]

(Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)

[You don’t listen, you are making too much noise.

You are the one who is not listening hon member, take your seat.

You are just being used like tools. Mr Zibi was correct when he

said it is not easy to work with you. You are just being used.

You have mismanaged the money but you don’t want us to talk about

that.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, you are being contemptuous. This

is contempt of the first order. [Interjections.] I now recognise

the hon Van Damme. Before you start, hon member, can we appeal to

members ... We don’t sit here to police members. Members realise

when they are infringing on obvious Rules. I do appeal to members


not to do what the hon Holomisa has done here. He is out of

order. It is inappropriate for anyone to want to be told what to

do when you’re an adult.

Ms P T VAN DAMME: Hon Deputy Speaker, the President’s state of

the nation address last week made it patently clear that the ANC

does not regard issues facing young South Africans as significant

or urgent. In his speech, the President did not present a single

plan devoted to improving the lives of South Africa’s youth. He

made no mention of basic education, the #FeesMustFall movement or

youth unemployment - the three most significant issues facing

young South Africans today.

It is alarming in a country where the population is largely made

up of young people that the President would not devote a

significant portion of his speech to this sector of society. This

shows a President that is not only completely out of touch, but

simply does not care about young people.

The only time the President mentioned young people was when he

asked us to register to vote. This is how the ANC sees young

people, as voting cattle, and not as a sector of society whose

views need to be taken seriously and needs catered for.


Millions of young South Africans look to you, Mr President, to

provide certainty and hope for the future. Young South Africans

yearn for bold, innovative, comprehensive and workable plans to

move the country forward. Your speech, sadly, provided none of

these for our young people.

I am sure that it has become clear, even for ANC voters, that the

only way in which a better South Africa will be achieved is not

only when President Zuma is gone, but the whole of the ANC.

Fellow young people, there is no messiah who will bring change to

the ANC, not Deputy President Ramaphosa, nor Dr Dlamini-Zuma – no

one. It is time to vote the whole of the ANC out of power.

[Applause.] [Interjections.]

It is absolutely possible to build a better South Africa for our

young people: a South Africa where the extraordinary potential of

all our people is realised; one where the structural inequalities

caused by colonialism and apartheid are dismantled; a South

Africa that is dynamic, vibrant and a leader in the developing

world; a South Africa we can all be proud of.

But before we provide the solutions to our young people, we need

to understand their problems. What are the conditions under which


our young people are living? According to the University of Cape

Town South African Child Gauge 2015, the spectre of poverty

haunts South Africa’s children before they even leave the womb.

Half of our young people live in poverty. This poverty is

experienced not only in the form of financial deprivation, but in

the form of a lack of access to basic services, health care,

quality education and protection from crime.

Last year’s #FeesMustFall movement sharply demonstrated the

problems of access to higher education. The insensitive and out-

of-touch comments from some ANC leaders on the legitimate

concerns of our students were absolutely disgraceful. Some, like

the president of the ANC Women’s League, Bathabile Dlamini, claim

that the #FeesMustFall movement was funded by foreign forces, and

others, like ANC Youth League president 34,9 Collen Maine,

accused students of treason.

The DA today stands in support of all students that have called

for additional funding to be allocated to universities. No South

African should be denied the opportunity to pursue tertiary

education, because they do not have money. The manner in which

our universities have been underfunded is one of postapartheid

South Africa’s greatest tragedies. A greater tragedy is how

R361 million has been pilfered from historically disadvantaged


institutions to fund last year’s moratorium on fee increases. The

ANC really governs sometimes like young black lives do not

matter.

The DA looks forward to the announcement on university funding by

Minister Gordhan, as promised by President Zuma in his state of

the nation address. However, it is unfathomable how this funding

will be found, given that the only budget cuts that were

announced during the state of the nation address were minor and

will do very little to meet the estimated R7,8 billion needed to

cater for the so-called missing middle.

If you really want to find funding for universities, Mr

President, you would cut your number of Ministries to 15, that is

already a R4,2 billion. Put your money where your mouth is: Cut

the number of Ministries and provide that money to universities.

The next higher education crisis looming is at our technical and

vocational education and training colleges, or TVET colleges. The

syllabi at these institutions are generally out of date, markers

are unqualified, and exam papers are largely inconsistent. It is

a disgrace, Minister Nzimande, that over 100 000 students are

still waiting for their certificates, and some students have been


waiting since 2013. Fix our TVET institutions before it is too

late.

Another key problem facing young people is unemployment. The

unemployment rate amongst our young people is more than twice

that of adults. In 2015, as many as 5,4 million young people were

unemployed, with young women forming the bulk of this.

Post-recession increases in employment for adults between the

years 2011 and 2014 were not matched by equivalent increases

amongst the youth. In fact, in 2011 and in 2013 youth

unemployment increased, and it was young black youth that

suffered the most as a result.

The ANC governs like young black lives do not matter.

[Interjections.] These, Mr President are in a nutshell just some

of the problems that face South Africa’s young people. There are

many, many more.

The solutions to these challenges are really quite simple. It

requires political will, dedicated leadership, laser-like focus

and having the right plan. The DA’s five-point plan for jobs is

an all-encompassing plan, which, if implemented, would not only

create employment but also result in increased investment in


energy, transport and ICT, and give more people education and

skills, reform radically the labour regime, provide direct

incentives for job creation and create a nation of entrepreneurs.

Through implementing these and other policies, the Western Cape

is now the best place to live if you are a young person.

[Interjections.]

At 29,9%, the DA-run Western Cape has the lowest youth

unemployment rate in the country, compared to provinces such as

the Northern Cape and the Eastern Cape, which have rates of 45,1%

and 41% respectively.

The Western Cape also has the highest absorption rate of people

into the economy at 43,2% and the lowest amount of young

discouraged workseekers at 1,2%. This means that more young

people are finding employment in the Western Cape than anywhere

in the country, and have more hope of doing so.

By focusing on improving the quality of education, the Western

Cape achieved a pass rate of 84,7% last year, the highest in the

country. It is the only province that had an improved pass rate –

and where every single learner who passed matric passed with

access to higher education. The Western Cape is not only better

in terms of education and employment, but the lives at home of


our young people are also better than those of young people in

other provinces. [Interjections.]

According to the 2014 Non-Financial Census of Municipalities, the

Western Cape has the highest proportion of households benefiting

from free basic water, electricity, sewerage and sanitation, as

well as solid waste management. It is therefore no wonder that

thousands of young South Africans will, for the first time, vote

DA in their municipalities this year, and the ANC stands to lose

support as the old age home that it is. The DA governs well and

it governs better. [Applause.]

The ANC has shown through its President’s state of the nation

address that it is an out-of-touch, old age home that does not

care about young people, that it is completely out of touch and

is on its way out. Goodbye. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF MINERAL RESOURCES: Speaker and Deputy

Speaker of the National Assembly, hon President Zuma, Ministers

and Deputy Ministers, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, comrades

and friends, today, 25 years ago, on 16 February 1991, Comrade

Bheki Mlangeni, an ANC human rights lawyer of Soweto, was killed

by a Walkman bomb. He died instantly, leaving behind his wife

Seipati and a young child. He was only 35. Eugene de Kock, an


apartheid hit squad leader, has since confessed to the gruesome

murder.

The President also highlighted in his state of the nation address

and on the occasion of the ANC’s January 8 statement, the

significance of 2016, as it marks historical anniversaries of

great importance that we as a nation need to appreciate, cherish

and embrace.

By acknowledging and remembering the sacrifices of so many, they

remain our lighthouse to guide and strengthen our democracy so

that all may enjoy the freedom of equality, dignity and respect.

This freedom was indeed not for free.

Today is the 11th day since the tragedy that befell our people at

Lily Mine in Barberton, Mpumalanga. Please let us keep Comrades

Yvonne Mnisi, Pretty Nkambule and Solomon Nyarenda and their

families in our prayers. Regrettably, rescue services had to be

suspended due to further major fall of ground and we are still

awaiting further information.

We also wish to acknowledge the proactive leadership of Minister

Zwane who has been seized with this matter from day one. The co-

operation between mine management, trade union leadership and


rescue teams has been remarkable, and the support from the

Premier of Mpumalanga and the interministerial committee,

consisting of Ministers Zwane, Shabangu and Dlamini, was a

welcome relief to the community. For now we can only hope for the

best outcome and prepare for the worst.

In the nine-point plan to turn around the economy, President Zuma

enunciated, amongst other things, advancing beneficiation as an

integral part of our radical economic transformation agenda. Let

us utilise both our comparative and competitive advantages in

mining to realise the true meaning of this transformation. After

all, without mining our mineral resources sustainably, the nine-

point plan may be difficult to realise. Everything around us is

either mined or grown.

The intersection between mining and farming is what has sustained

humanity over many years and will remain as such for many more

years to come. The ANC has further instructed us to advance

people’s power in whatever we do, and we dare not fail this

glorious movement and the society it leads. The ANC leads and the

ANC lives. [Applause.]

I think it is important at this juncture to also recognise, Mr

President, that peaceful revolutionaries have nothing to offer.


They are a typical analogy of the left brain and the right brain:

in the left brain there is nothing right, and in the right brain

there is nothing left. They are gone. [Interjections.]

Hon Maimane, the sod turning and building of the Mitchells Plain

and Khayelitsha hospitals were done by the ANC Western Cape under

the leadership of Premier Lynne Brown ... [Applause.] ... and

National Treasury paid for those hospitals. You quoted Chinua

Achebe - please claim no easy victories. We want to work with you

to eliminate the incidence of drug abuse all over the country,

including in the Western Cape and in our churches. This is what

we have to do. [Applause.]

Unfortunately, the cowards from the EFF have left.

[Interjections.] You see, the hon Malema is trying to sell

everybody wherever he goes. He tried to sell out the hon

President Mandela in London, and he received a backlash. Now, he

comes here ... He was a friend to you, hon Minister. He has tried

to sell out on issues that you discussed in secret. What kind of

sellout is this? Judas! [Interjections.]

Let’s come back to mining. On the occasion of the 104th annual

general meeting of the Chamber of Mines in 1994, former President

Mandela said, and I quote, “South Africa is blessed with an


exceptional geological heritage.” Indeed, our country has the

most beautiful geology and endowment of various mineral

resources. South Africa simply rocks!

Notwithstanding the 100 years of formal mining, we are assured of

another 100 years-plus of continuous mining given our country’s

estimated R50 trillion of nonpetroleum untapped resources. It is

important, therefore, to utilise our knowledge, experience,

lessons of history and mining expertise to approach the next

century of mining differently. Working together on this front, we

should be able to push back the frontiers of poverty,

unemployment and inequality.

Despite the current global economic challenges, there is still a

great deal of investors who see the economic potential right now

and latent in South Africa and the continent. This was evidenced

during the recent Annual Mining Indaba held last week in Cape

Town where over 6 000 participants gathered from across the

world.

It is stating fact and the obvious that the world is in the

throes of structural change. Global financial imbalances continue

to cause material and sustained volatility. Growing complexity in

the geopolitical arena further increases uncertainty in key


regions of the globe, complicating investment and business

parameters worldwide.

A key manifestation of this evolving and unsettling global order

is the ongoing currency volatility with massive swings,

particularly in the currencies of emerging economies like ours.

Our currency has not been immune from such dynamics either.

Whilst the rand depreciation entails a number of undesirable

effects on financial and business aspects of our economy, it

nonetheless assists our struggling mining industry. Given the

down-cycle of commodities and the fall in resource prices, many

of our mining operations would face much tougher conditions had

it not been for substantial rand depreciation. Many more

thousands of jobs would have been at real risk.

In our analysis of the viability of the mining industry, we need

to bear in mind that it is the net effect of commodity prices,

adjusted for rand depreciation, that matter for investment and

sustainability of operations in our mining sector. Clearly, there

is no uniformity in the sector. Commodities have their own market

dynamics.

Nonetheless, it is safe to argue that one thing common across all

mining operations is the fact that business operations and


corporate structures need to respond to the new and prevailing

order in this sector. Business as usual can no longer be

sustained.

Going forward, the competitiveness of our national mining

industry will, to a large extent, depend on the degree to which

it adopts green technologies, sound environmental practices,

humane labour practices and effective health and safety

standards.

Let me reiterate what you said, Mr President, in your state of

the nation address and I quote:

... our country remains an attractive investment destination.

It may face challenges, but its positive attributes far

outweigh those challenges. We must continue to market the

country as a preferred destination for investments. This

requires a common narrative from all of us as business, labour

and government.

Let me also assure you, Madam Speaker and Deputy Speaker, that we

are not resting on our laurels. Through the Council for

Geoscience - an institution that is over 100 years old and that

also has a massive reservoir of information about our geology -


we have successfully bid for and been awarded the privilege of

hosting the World Cup of Geology right here in Cape Town, in

August this year.

We will continue to encourage a mineral development pattern that

reverses the spatial inequalities of the past. We are thus

focusing our resources on identifying relatively underdeveloped

regions for quality mineral deposits that we can develop. These

include the enhanced exploration of the Tugela terrain of

KwaZulu-Natal and the Northern Cape. The next phases will focus

on areas in Limpopo and Mpumalanga.

Let me repeat this: The mining industry remains the foundation of

our country’s economy and will continue to be central in

achieving government’s objectives as expressed in the National

Development Plan and the African Mining Vision.

Let me emphasise that this industry is a long-term value business

and, notwithstanding the above stated challenges, the African

continent leads investment in project development in this

industry, with 30 large mining projects being commissioned on the

continent between 2015 and 2018. This immediate investment

amounts to $18 billion, of which South Africa has the lion’s

share of 29%.


The projects range from nickel, through platinum, gold, copper,

diamonds to other minerals. This is a demonstration of the

resilience of the mining industry, which is generally not a

beneficiary of incentive support by host governments like other

sectors of the economy are. The Gross Fixed Capital Formation in

the mining industry reached R80 billion in 2015, confirming the

confidence of the investment community in the business

environment, right here in South Africa.

We want to talk about the jobs. To stem the tide of job losses in

the mining industry, government, labour and business came

together last year in August to develop an intervention strategy

to minimise job losses, and to ameliorate the impact on affected

employees. The interventions, as agreed upon, range from delaying

the implementation of retrenchments to investment promotion and

market development. There are eight plans that I don’t have time

to enunciate.

Out of the 32 000 jobs under threat, close to 3 000 were already

saved between August and December 2015 – unlike the dollarised

economies of Australia for instance where, in November last year,

it was reported to have lost 60 000 jobs, and in the USA where

15 000 were reported to have been lost. So, here we have a


situation in which we talk about these things and correct them,

as we did in the past.

The facilitation by the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation

and Arbitration, the CCMA, the Department of Labour, the

Department of Mineral Resources, the mining industry and labour

has paid some dividends. The good news, Mr President, is that

commodities like gold are now starting to do very well. Diamonds

are picking up, and platinum is stabilising in terms of capital

investment in the medium term. However, out of the 53 commodities

we are mining at approximately 1 700 mines and quarries, iron ore

and coal are still lagging behind.

The Department of Mineral Resources has been working tirelessly

in collaboration with the Department of Rural Development and

Land Reform, the Department of Agriculture, Forestry and

Fisheries, the Department of Trade and Industry and the

Department of Labour to strengthen collaboration between mining

and farming for economic development.

One such success is the roll-out of macadamia plantations in the

Eastern Cape. The main purpose of this project is to assist in

alleviating the plight of rural communities and ex-mineworkers,


hon Holomisa, in labour-sending areas by creating alternative

economic activities.

So far, two sites have started growing macadamia nuts in the

Eastern Cape based on a partnership between communities, the

private sector and government. The business model is based on 300

hectares, and every 300 hectares generates 300 sustainable jobs.

Those jobs can be sustained permanently for eight years.

The first site at Ncera is at an advanced stage of

implementation, with 60% of the land cultivated and planted out

of which 80 hectares have already been sending tons of macadamia

nuts to the global markets since 2013. This site has also created

150 sustainable jobs and has a five-star graded nursery which

supplies trees to the macadamia industry in general.

The second site at Amajingqi on the Transkei Wild Coast, in

Willowvale, started planting trees in November 2015 and will have

7 500 trees planted on 300 hectares by the end of this year,

2016. The first group of 63 employees have secured sustainable

jobs and more jobs are to be created as the project progresses.

[Applause.]


South Africa is leading the world in producing the highest

tonnage of macadamia nuts, followed by Australia and others.

Currently, the biggest macadamia-nut-producing provinces in South

Africa are Limpopo, followed by Mpumalanga, then KwaZulu-Natal.

The Eastern Cape is joining the industry through such an

innovative model which has attracted the attention of the mining

industry, ex-mineworkers and the Department of Mineral Resources.

This is viewed by the Department of Mineral Resources as an ideal

approach to empower ex-mineworkers.

The chief executive officers of the mining industries will be

visiting the Premier of the Eastern Cape tomorrow. The macadamia

initiative is among the key initiatives to be shared with the

mining industry. The current initiative in the Eastern Cape is

poised to create 1 200 new sustainable rural jobs with the

potential to create another 3 000 jobs if the Eastern Cape were

to exploit its full macadamia potential. [Applause.]

[Interjections.]

Another example that we are looking at, amongst other examples,

is the Mogalakwena Agricultural Community Co-operative Project.

This project by the Mogalakwena Platinum Mine pioneered a co-

operative training farm and training centre for the benefit of 32

villages with a population of 400 000 people. [Applause.]


On beneficiation, Mr President, transformation in this industry

also requires the integrated development of mineral resources

through greater levels of value addition. Consequently, the

department is working with the Department of Trade and Industry

and the Department of Science and Technology in implementing

actions to advance beneficiation.

Through the Council for Mineral Technology, Mintek, government

has spearheaded the commissioning of a rare earth minerals-

refining pilot plant and has 20 more successful beneficiation

projects, most of which are rooted in townships and rural

communities.

We have also started in earnest the investigation of the

possibility of establishing a trading centre or bourse for key

minerals, and will begin consultations on this shortly.

The beneficiation of minerals does not only support our

industrial development aims in line with the National Development

Plan, or NDP, it also supports our aims and plans as regards food

and energy security. The Department of Mineral Resources will, to

this end, be prioritising, through the Council for Geoscience,


the assessment of uranium, thorium and related mineral resources

in South Africa to support the diversification of our energy mix.

Now that time is not on my side, let me deal with the issue of

fuel cells. We have many successes, for instance in platinum fuel

cells, such as the Naledi Trust Community in Kroonstad which has

been powered by a 60-kVa peak-power fuel-cell system via a mini

grid. The system was designed, integrated and assembled in South

Africa by local engineering companies. The fuel cell plant mini

grid and reticulation were done by local companies including the

fabrication of methanol tanks.

Government also supported the demonstration of a 100-kilowatt

fuel cell plant at the Chamber of Mines. In addition, we

commissioned fuel cells in three schools in Cofimvaba, in the

Eastern Cape, to provide primary and standby power to rural

schools that are piloting the Department of Science and

Technology’s Technology for Rural Education and Development

programme, Tech4Red.

These fuel cells provide power to enable uninterrupted e-based

learning at the schools. The local fuel cells company, Clean

Energy Investments, co-owned by the Department of Science and

Technology, also installed a fuel cell for standby power at the

Windsor East Clinic, enabling uninterrupted service to patients.


There are many more examples to demonstrate our local

capabilities.

Let me talk about the ex-mineworkers because the President has

touched on the issue of regulatory certainty, but also to say

that strengthening the participation in the mining and petroleum

sectors remains a priority for this government.

Through the African Exploration Mining and Finance Corporation

Bill, we aim to clarify and strengthen the role of the State-

Owned Mining Company, Somco. The State-Owned Mining Company Bill

has been published for public comment. The Bill establishes

legislatively the existing African Exploration Mining and Finance

Corporation, which already holds a healthy portfolio of mining

and prospecting rights, including an active coal mine that

started operating in 2010.

This company received its rights in terms of the Mineral and

Petroleum Resources Development Act. However, it is an

opportunity for established companies to establish joint-venture

operations with this company, consistent with the public-private

partnership model that proved successful here in South Africa and

in other sectors as well. In African jurisdictions, such as

Botswana, Namibia, Morocco, Niger and others, the state actively


participates on a 50:50 basis and it stands that this company

will also make this success.

The question of transformation has been touched on; I will skip

it. On the ex-mineworkers, let me say the following. We have

continued with the activities covering the provision of health

and safety compensation services and access to other social

protection benefits to ex-mineworkers especially in the labour-

sending areas. We were supported by the Chamber of Mines and we

had outreach programmes in the Eastern Cape, the Western Cape,

the Northern Cape, Limpopo, KwaZulu-Natal, Mpumalanga and

Gauteng. Yesterday, we were at Engcobo in the Eastern Cape, and,

Minister Sisulu, the family sends their regards.

Another milestone that is still to be realised is the

strengthening of policy and legal frameworks for the compensation

of occupational injuries and diseases for mineworkers, which

remains a major challenge for the government.

The last point that I want to make, Mr President, is that, under

the leadership of Dr Motsoaledi, we have also started a process

of integrating the compensation laws in the country. We are on

track on this matter to ensure that we only do the best for the

workers of this country.


So, hon members, because my time is up there were areas I didn’t

touch on, but I thank you very much for your attention.

[Applause.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Thank you, hon Oliphant. Hon Radebe, the hon

Deputy Minister is quite able to finish his own sentences. So, in

future, don’t help him when he doesn’t ask you.

Business suspended at 16:44 and resumed at 17:06.

The MINISTER OF TOURISM: Deputy Speaker, Your Excellency

President Zuma, hon members, hon President, let me start by

quoting two short sentences from your state of the nation

address: “We are proud of our democracy and what we have achieved

in a short space of time. Our democracy is functional, solid and

stable.” [Applause.] In this hard-fought-for democracy of ours

there have been many impressive achievements.

One of these great achievements is the way tourism has grown over

the past two decades. Tourism arrivals in South Africa have grown

from 3,9 million in 1994 to 8,9 million arrivals in 2015.

[Applause.] That is phenomenal growth! Tourism has truly become


an immensely valuable treasure chest for our people, filled with

precious gems and opportunities.

And, right now, the opportunities in tourism are probably greater

than ever before. But, before I get there, a word or two about

our economy. We do have challenges; there is no escaping that.

Commodity prices have fallen dramatically, as Minister Rob Davies

highlighted earlier in this debate, and we are experiencing one

of the worst droughts our country has ever experienced. Not

surprisingly, our economic growth is just not where it should be.

We all know that. But we are sometimes guilty of seeing just the

negative. Our economic policies have stood up to the harshest of

tests. Our economy has proved to be very resilient. Growth is far

too low, but it remains positive. Two of our Brics partner

countries, that is the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South

Africa group - both very big economies - are in recession.

Having said that, the fact is that growth is not where it should

be to address the challenges of unemployment, poverty and

inequality. We need to respond in the right way to reduce our

debt and to get our economy on a higher growth path. That is

precisely what our ANC-led government is doing. In the midst of

these challenges we continue improving our roads and port

infrastructure. We continue building houses for our people and


constructing dams. We are building hospitals and schools. That is

the good news. You will hear more about that tomorrow from

Minister Patel. Minister Pandor will tell you more tomorrow about

the Square Kilometre Array telescope, the biggest radio telescope

in the world by far designed by South Africans. [Applause.]

But we do need to identify opportunities to get out of this

sluggish growth rate and get onto a healthy growth path. And that

is truly where tourism comes into the picture. As it stands

today, across the value chain, about 1,5 million people are

employed in the tourism sector, directly and indirectly.

According to the Statistics SA Satellite Account, 655 000 people

were directly involved in producing goods and services provided

to tourists in 2013.

We are confident that tourism can grow rapidly, offering more of

our people work and livelihood opportunities. We are working

closely with the Ministry of Small Business Development to

stimulate the establishment of new SMMEs. Some of these small

businesses will become the big and successful big businesses of

the future.

Comrade President, in your address to the nation on Thursday you

said that “SA Tourism will invest R100 million a year to promote


domestic tourism, encouraging South Africans to tour their

country.” Your emphasis on the importance of domestic tourism

came as music to the ears of all of us who are working in

tourism, who so passionately believe in the great value tourism

offers our country.

We can assure you, Mr President, that we are putting a great deal

of effort and resources into domestic tourism. We are determined

to make our iconic attractions accessible and affordable to all

our people.

More people should be able to travel to the Kruger National Park

to see the biggest wildlife extravaganza on earth. Our people

must have the opportunity to take the ferry to Robben Island and

experience the story of the triumph of the human spirit over

oppression.

Many more schoolchildren should be able to visit Mapungubwe and

to take pride in the history of this ancient African civilisation

that cast the Golden Rhino long before Africa was colonised. This

is our heritage, to be shared by all our people.

It is fitting that your words, Mr President, were spoken on the

day that we were commemorating the release from prison of our

first president, Nelson Mandela. This is exactly what our icon


and leader, Madiba, would have wanted for his people: that all

South Africans, regardless of economic status, should be able to

enjoy our beautiful country and rich heritage. And, indeed, this

is what this ANC-led government promises to work at, together

with our partners in business.

We will soon announce some exciting new measures to make our

world-famous tourism attractions and iconic sites more accessible

to all South Africans. We will not be able to achieve this goal

overnight, but we are deeply committed to making this dream a

reality for all our people. We will apply the R100 million you

referred to, Mr President, creatively, and it will be backed up

by a vigorous marketing campaign.

Around the country, our hotels, B&Bs, restaurants and tourist

attractions did a roaring trade over this festive season. You’ve

seen it. Some of you went to restaurants, and some of you tried

to make bookings and you couldn’t get in. The best news is that

this recovery translates into jobs - a lot of jobs.

For every tourist who occupies a bed, there is someone to make

that bed, to cook, and to serve meals. Behind every tourist is a

long line of people who benefit from a long list of jobs. Some

supply fresh produce to restaurants; others make furniture for


hotels. Some are tourist guides who tell our remarkable story to

the world.

With more tourists coming to South Africa and more South Africans

touring their own country, we can help break the back of

unemployment in our country. That is why every tourist counts.

That is why it is so important for every person who has a job in

tourism to do it well, and that is why the Department of Tourism

is training our people in service excellence.

The Kruger National Park welcomed 6% more visitors last year than

in 2014. In December, the astonishing rock formations at Bourke’s

Luck Potholes attracted 40% more visitors than the previous

December.

In the Eastern Cape, Premier, the Camdeboo National Park welcomed

20% more visitors this December compared to 2014. No less than 4

000 people experienced the thrill of bungee jumping at the

Bloukrans Bridge last year, and about 200 000 people visited the

nearby Khoisan Village for a unique cultural experience.

In the Northern Cape more than 12 000 people visited the

Augrabies Falls in December - a 10% growth on December 2014. The

Noord-Kaapenaars here will be pleased that the Northern Cape was


named yesterday by Rough Guide as one of the top regions in the

world to visit in 2016! [Applause.] Waar is julle, Noord-

Kaapenaars? [Where are you, Northern Capers?] In KwaZulu-Natal,

the number of visitors to the iSimangaliso Wetland Park grew by

8% over last year.

Tourists are increasingly seeking adventure and cultural

experiences in rural areas, off the beaten path, and businesses

are adapting to serve their needs. More people from around the

world are eager to experience the amazing things we have to

offer. This brings me, hon President, to another thing you said

in your state of the nation address. You said: “We must take

advantage of the exchange rate as well as the recent changes to

our visa regulations to boost inbound tourism.”

Indeed, hon members, the exchange rate is making a Sho’t Left

very attractive for South Africans. For visitors the exchange

rate coupled with the recent changes to the visa regulations

offer massive opportunities for growth in international arrivals.

Everything points to 2016 being a bumper year for tourism in

South Africa.

The Departments of Tourism and Home Affairs are working closely

to implement the Cabinet decisions on visa regulations. Travel


companies in China have already been accredited to submit visa

applications on behalf of travellers. We expect very strong

growth from the Chinese market in the future. The same visa

application process will soon apply to India as well, and the

same result is expected.

While it is true that many factors affect tourism numbers, these

changes are important and in line with multilateral agreements in

the United Nations World Tourism Organisation, the UNWTO, which

advocates ease of travel as a means to promote tourism

development and multiply its socioeconomic benefits, without

compromising safety.

Last year: 2015, Mr President, indeed, was not a good year for

tourism in our country. According to Statistics SA data, tourism

arrivals from the top nine countries requiring visas saw a year-

on-year decline of 20% in 2014 and a further 7% in 2015. However,

in the last quarter of 2015 there was 14% growth in arrivals from

these visa-requiring countries. This is good news ... [Applause.]

... and I have no doubt that tourism numbers will dramatically

increase given the improvements in ease of travel and other

conducive factors.


In fact, all indications are that we now have ideal conditions

for growth in in-bound tourism. Growth means more decent jobs for

our people. Tourism contributed R357 billion to our GDP in 2014,

and supported 9% of total employment. The World Travel and

Tourism Council estimates that by 2025 tourism will contribute

R590 billion to our GDP and will support over two million jobs.

Mr President, this is the World Travel and Tourism Council’s

estimate; it’s not my view. Many of us are convinced that we can

do even better than that.

Our ANC-led government knows what needs to be done to put our

economy back on a stronger growth path, and it is systematically

putting all the building blocks in place. We know what we have to

do to achieve inclusive and sustainable growth in tourism. We so

often forget what a special country we live in. Sometimes it

takes someone from outside to remind us that we are so blessed to

live in such a beautiful country. [Applause.]

Recently, the influential BuzzFeed site voted South Africa as the

most beautiful country in the world. The most beautiful country

in the world! [Applause.] Our African sister countries also fared

very well: Namibia, Kenya and Tanzania were all on the top 10

list.


The people of Africa are rising. The continent is attracting

investment from around the world and opening the doors for

tourism. Tourism can convert the natural beauty and cultural

heritage of our country and our continent into an astounding

economic and social success for all our people.

We offer tourists unique and meaningful experiences. Tourists

remember them forever, and they will tell others about them. And

through the actual experience of our country, perceptions change.

Our eight World Heritage Sites, ranging from Mapungubwe in the

north to Robben Island in the south, from iSimangaliso in the

east to the Richtersveld in the west, each tell us a unique story

of our rich natural and cultural history.

We have become known as a country that offers the most diverse

and exciting tourism experiences. You can dive with sharks in the

Atlantic Ocean off Cape Town. [Interjections.] The President is

not here. I invite the Deputy President to join me in a bit of

shark-cage diving. The President will be invited to do some

bungee jumping with me. [Laughter.] You can hike in the silent

magnificence of the Drakensberg Mountains, or cycle through the

bustle of Soweto. While you’re in Soweto, you can experience the

culture of Vilakazi Street, the only street in the world that was

once home to two Nobel Peace Prize winners. [Applause.]


Hotels, high-end properties and game lodges were in great demand

over the peak season. This suggests that there are attractive

investment opportunities in these segments. Bookings from our

core markets, including the United Kingdom, the United States of

America and Europe, increased, and guests are booking longer

stays and spending more money during their stays. Our tourism

businesses have done well in difficult times. We commend them for

their hard work and perseverance, and for their commitment to

attracting more tourists to our shores.

Mr President, we have said consistently in our manifestos and our

National Development Plan, the NDP, that it is through working

together that we can make South Africa a truly great country for

everybody. I am pleased to inform you that there is a healthy

partnership between business and government in the tourism

sector. We are jointly striving to achieve the inclusive growth

of the sector and to create more jobs and opportunities for all

our people.

Our excellent performance in business events shows what an

important driver of growth this segment has become. South Africa

has been ranked number one in Africa for international meetings


and events, and we are steadily climbing up the ladder of

international rankings for business events. [Applause.]

The growth of tourism depends on healthy co-operation between all

three spheres of government. We are working together to create

new experiences and to crowd in tourism activities around our

mega attractions. To mention a few examples: the Departments of

Environmental Affairs and of Tourism are collaborating to develop

a Wild Activity Hub at Phalaborwa in the Kruger National Park. We

have also joined forces with the Department of Trade and Industry

to unlock the full potential of the Oceans Economy. And we have

teamed up with the Department of Arts and Culture to improve the

visitor experience at Robben Island.

We are pleased to announce, Mr President, that we have begun the

work to install a solar energy system to replace Robben Island’s

reliance on diesel generators. [Applause.] You can expect an

invitation when we officially switch to the solar system later

this year. We know that Robben Island is close to your heart. You

lived there for a number of years, admittedly not by choice. Now,

millions of people from all over the world want to visit this

iconic World Heritage Site by choice.


Our country not only shares with the world a rich history of

ancient civilisations, struggles of resistance, peaceful

transition to democracy under the leadership of the ANC, but also

tells the story of our shared ancestry and common humanity. It

all began in Africa.

In Gauteng the discovery of Homo naledi resulted in a visitor

rush to Maropeng in the Cradle of Humankind, which had a year-on-

year increase in visitor numbers of 22%. This is one gem that

will continue sparkling for decades to come.

Mr President, we are collectively buoyant, confident and

optimistic about the growth prospects for tourism in our country.

But we are not sitting back and waiting for it to happen. We are

working hard to make it happen. [Applause.] We are removing the

barriers that could stand in the way of tourism growth. We are

training people to improve what is already an excellent standard

of service in our country. We are working hard to enhance our

destinations and our offerings to make our visitor experience an

unforgettable one. And we are intensifying our marketing efforts

to bring more and more people to our magnificent country.

We are striving to become one of the top 20 destinations in the

world. And in the pursuit of these goals, we will create jobs and

lasting benefits for millions of our people. Through tourism, we


will share our proud stories of liberation and reconciliation

with the people of the world. Through tourism, we will contribute

to global peace and friendship. We will share with the world our

warmth and our spirit of ubuntu.

We are acutely aware though, Mr President, that our tourism

sector is not as inclusive as it should be - that there is a need

for meaningful transformation in the sector. In this regard we

are proud to announce that the new BBBEE codes are designed to

accelerate transformation by including more black people

throughout the tourism value chain, and that the Charter Council

was the first to table these new codes. They will help us to

develop black-owned suppliers and enterprises, which in turn will

support jobs and grow communities. The codes will also help to

empower black women to take up executive management and

leadership positions in tourism. So, if you don’t make it back to

Parliament, you know where to go. Go to tourism – there is a

great career waiting for you. [Applause.]

We need constant innovation to convert our challenges into

opportunities. We have excellent tourism assets, we have a good

performance record and we have great potential for the future.

More importantly, we have dedicated people in the tourism sector

and in other sectors of our economy, who are working hard to make


South Africa a better place for everyone. We must stand together

to combat all attempts to derail us from moving our country and

our economy forward.

One thing that should be said, Mr President, is that all the good

work that this ANC-led government is doing stands to be

undermined by illegal activities. Wherever this happens, we must

all stand together and put our country first. Drugs rob our youth

of their future. Illicit traders threaten our collective

livelihood. Operation Fiela was launched to combat attitudes of

impunity and intolerance that had threatened the rule of law in

some parts of our county. Our government acted swiftly and

decisively to stabilise the situation, and developed an

integrated national action plan to reassert the authority of the

state. Between April and November last year, over 3 000

operations were conducted under the action plan. Over 40 000

arrests were made, vehicles were impounded and firearms

confiscated. Large quantities of drugs were found before they

could make their way onto the streets and wreak their damage,

especially among our young people. [Applause.]

Operation Fiela has helped to reinstate the rule of law in many

communities, and our people and our visitors can now feel much

safer. As we intensify our efforts around Operation Fiela, we are


restoring an environment which is conducive to investment in

tourism and the growth of our economy. “Well done” to our

Minister of Police and all the dedicated policemen and

policewomen who are carrying out this operation.

Getting back to tourism: With all the tremendous opportunities

that tourism offers to help get our country on a stronger growth

path, we must now stand together to build a tourism nation.

That’s what we need: a tourism nation. We are all brand

ambassadors for our sector and for our beautiful country. People

who come to South Africa as tourists could well return as

investors, if they believe that their investments will be secure.

Let’s not wait for BuzzFeed to declare us the most beautiful

country in the world. Let’s shout it from our own rooftops and

billboards. Tourism gives us hope for the future. We need to stay

positive and keep doing constructive things to build the sector

together.

To conclude: We do have challenges in our economy, and we do

stand to lose jobs in the mining sector. That’s the reality. But

we can more than compensate for these possible job losses by

getting greater numbers of tourists visiting our country. That’s

the truth! We must now remove all obstacles in the way of tourism


growth. We must intensify our marketing efforts, and we must make

the visitor experience a wonderful one. Thank you, Chair. [Time

expired.] [Applause.]

Mr R A P TROLLIP: Hon Deputy Speaker, what happened last Thursday

might have created the misguided perception that the extent of

state capture is driven by one family, the fact is, it is not.

The truth is that it has systematically been captured by a number

of families in the senior ANC leadership echelon and their

friends, led inimitably by Jacob Zuma and abetted by the ANC

itself. This was declared unambiguously when the President said

that the ANC comes first, and you all nodded. Therefore, it is

safe to say that your President, due to his despicable political

chicanery, has no one to blame but himself. [Interjections.]

Mr Z M D MANDELA: Hon Deputy Speaker, on a point of order:

Perhaps the hon Trollip’s absence in the House has led him to

forget that it is “His Excellency President Zuma” and not “Zuma”.

[Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Go ahead, hon member. It’s “the President”;

he’s right.


Mr R A P TROLLIP: Uyayazi ukuba iyandikhuthaza loo nto ... [Do

you know that encourages me ...]

...because it shows that change does happen. Since I left this

House some members have been convicted and converted.

Inguqu ifikile. [Kwaqhwatywa, kwahlekwa.] [Change has arrived.

[Applause, laughter.]]

Therefore, it is safe to say to your President that due to his

despicable political chicanery he has no one to blame but himself

for having to present his state of the nation address from behind

unprecedented barbed wire and steel barricades.

Lihlazo elo. [That is a disgrace.]

The fact that your address did not live up to the nation’s

expectations was best described by Aubrey Matshiqi who said: “You

have not convinced the poor and jobless that anything will be

better.” You will know this in August, hon President, when the

elections will toll the end of your presidency. You ironically

declared that some people don’t understand politics and that they

move with the wind, being blown this way and that.


Die beskrywing is van toepassing op u, want dit is u wat heen en

weer gewaai word deur die politieke winde soos ’n rolbos in die

woestyn. [It is an apt description with regard to yourself,

because it is you who is being swept to and fro by political

winds like tumbleweed in the desert.]

What you and your government have come to represent is like the

Long Parliament of Oliver Cromwell had become when he brought it

to an end, saying:

It is high time for me to put an end to your sitting in this

place, which you have dishonoured by your contempt of all

virtue, and defiled by your practice of every vice. You are the

enemies of all good governance.

He went on to tell them and remind them, “You, who were deputed

here by the people to get grievances redressed.” You, sir, like

them, have not redressed the people’s grievances. You have

compounded them and, worse, you laugh about it. To add insult to

this neglect, you and your party have spawned a form of

despicable and vitriolic racial fascism that has been fermenting

in the ANC during your term of office, which is now sweeping

across this country like a toxic red tide. [Interjections.]


Ngabazukulwana benu aba. [Uwelewele.] [These are your

grandchildren.] [Interjections.]]

You should be ashamed of undoing President Mandela’s example and

legacy in this fashion. Your unabashed performance here last

week, when you addressed us without so much as a hint of an

apology for your premeditated deceit, was a disgrace. Yes, can

you believe that? Can you believe that you could come here and

present that without even so much as an apology? [Interjections.]

In this regard, I brought a handkerchief for your footman.

Ndiphathele uMphathiswa uNhleko le tshefu ukuze akwazi ... [I

brought this handkerchief for Minister Nhleko so that ...]

...when Minister Nhleko has to tell the nation that what he

described as a fire pool is, in actual fact, what we all knew it

was: a swimming pool, he ’i going to need this handkerchief.

[Applause.]

Nabanye kuza kufuneka ukuba bafumane iitshefu. [And others too,

they will have to get handkerchiefs.]

The other people that need to get a handkerchief are the hon

Nxesi, the hon Sizani, the hon Motshekga and the hon Frolic, and


in fact, the rest of the ad hoc committee. They all need a

handkerchief to wipe the egg off their faces. [Laughter.]

Yima khe ndicebise maan, thengani iitshefu nonke ukuze nikwazi

ukosula iqanda ebusweni benu. [Kwaqhwatywa.] [Let me give you an

advice, you all need to buy handkerchiefs to wipe the egg off

your faces. [Applause.]]

The President had the temerity, after one long overdue meeting

with business leaders, with the private sector, to come here and

tell us about business and economics - when he and his tripartite

partners malign business so easily at their meetings and rallies

- that the reasons for the parlous state of our economy are the

global headwinds of slowed growth and international recession.

The President clearly didn’t take this new-found economic wisdom

into account when he fired Minister Nene and replaced him with

his straw man, the now proverbial “weekend special”. [Laughter.]

His response that the nation and the markets had overreacted is

what makes whatever he said about fiscal discipline and prudence

completely incongruent.


Mongameli, awuthembakalanga wena kwimicimbi yezezimali.

[President, you are not trustworthy when it comes to financial

issues.]

The President’s lack of credibility is sadly not only limited to

the realm of economics. Politically, he has left a trail of

broken promises and hamstrung administrations in all three

spheres of government, especially in the Eastern Cape and Nelson

Mandela Bay where I come from. Despite what the hon Masualle said

here, I have seen no evidence of the nine-point plan to eradicate

poverty and create jobs.

Andikaboni kwanto mna. [Kwaqhwatywa.] [I haven’t seen anything

yet. [Applause.]]

The President’s lack of example and leadership has led to

factional chaos and management ineptitude at all levels of

government. In the Eastern Cape, the shame of blatant state

larceny, that is: theft, in the name of none other than President

Mandela’s fraudulent funeral saga, remains unresolved.

Your party insiders have also been directly responsible and

implicated in the notorious multimillion-rand Siyenza Group


toilet fraud scandal. [Interjections.] Here, too, there have been

no consequences whatsoever ...

...kwaba bantu babesitya laa mali. [... to the people who

squandered that money.]

The President didn’t say one word to us about what he expects

municipalities to do under the leadership of his newly retreaded

Minister. Nelson Mandela Bay has an unemployment rate of 36,6%

and youth unemployment of 47,3%.

Abaphangeli abantu eBhayi. [People in Port Elizabeth are

unemployed.]

And this city has two major ports, an established motor industry,

the Coega Industrial Development Zone, and the much- vaunted

Phakisa initiative which is a potential tourism Mecca - maybe the

hon Minister who was here should go and visit Port Elizabeth -

and yet the ANC cannot create jobs in Port Elizabeth. Why?

Because it is too busy navel-gazing and squabbling over political

patronage. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr J MAMABOLO (Gauteng): Hon Deputy Speaker of the National

Assembly, President Jacob Zuma, Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa,

Ministers, Deputy Ministers, hon members, ladies and gentlemen,


kindly allow me first to convey the sincere apology of the

Premier of Gauteng hon David Makhura. The premier would have

really loved to be here and I am glad to convey his apology.

[Interjections.]

I feel honoured and privileged to be afforded a rare opportunity,

a rare moment, to make a few remarks contributing to the state of

the nation address. We congratulate and, without doubt, marvel at

the remarkable excellence with which the President found the

primary pulse for a radical economic turnaround of our country.

This is consistent with the view of the ANC, shared by all its

alliance partners, of a second radical phase of the national

democratic revolution. We say this aware that there are those who

are hellbent - and who have made it their preoccupation and point

of daily obsession - on ridiculing and slandering in order to

find fault with what the President says. These permanently

doubting Thomases and prophets of doom are required by their

paymasters to construct fault where they clearly cannot find one.

[Applause.]

The President correctly articulated the economic challenges

facing our country as a result of a number of factors, including

external economic shocks. The hon President then made a profound


call and said, “The situation requires an effective turnaround

plan from all of us.”

The President further eloquently made a point in terms of what

would certainly make a qualitative difference. He said, and I

quote: ”First, our country remains an attractive investment

destination. It may face challenges, but its positive attributes

far outweigh those challenges.” This point was well articulated

by hon Deputy Minister Oliphant.

Hon President, for us as the province of Gauteng, a province that

is growing fast and urbanising fast, we are really interested in

what you defined as the positive attributes that far outweigh the

challenges that our economy faces.

Now, let me say that in Gauteng ... This is consistent, hon

President, with an article that appeared in yesterday’s Business

Report of The Star by Joe Brook, who indicated that the

international trend currently to grow economies and create jobs

was to look at a city-by-city point, and that there there were

great opportunities for what you referred to, hon President, as

the positive attributes for economic growth. In that regard, as

Gauteng province, of course urbanising and having many cities, we

want to agree, hon President, that the positive attributes to


grow our economy lie in working with the cities. You will

certainly agree, hon members: we have many in our province.

We have studied and analysed the immense opportunities for growth

in each one of these cities and we are confident, hon President,

that we will respond positively to your call for a turnaround and

to make sure that we maximise the opportunities provided by what

you defined as the positive attributes that far outweigh the

challenges we have. [Applause.]

Hon members, allow me to articulate and to present to you the

vision of our province, well presented by Premier David Makhura

in the past two years, a vision that we call transformation,

modernisation and the reindustrialisation of Gauteng as an

internationally competitive city region.

In this regard, hon President, our province has achieved a lot

thus far in the past two years we have been in office. Firstly,

we have presented to our people what we call the Transformation,

Modernisation and Reindustrialisation perspective, the TMR

perspective.

We can say without any doubt that the overwhelming majority of

the people in our province, the key role-players in the economy,


have all welcomed - in the most popular and in the most

resonating way - the TMR strategy in our province. We are very

glad that the TMR strategy constitutes a point of hope for the

overwhelming majority of our people.

Secondly, hon President, we have built a relationship of trust

with our communities. This we did by establishing what we call

the Ntirhisano Service Delivery War Room. To this extent, hon

President, there are independent research organisations that have

confirmed that we have politically stabilised the province of

Gauteng. We have significantly reduced the number of protests,

especially sustained violent protests in our province. Our

province is very stable, hon President. [Applause.]

Thirdly, we have created technical capacity within organs of the

state, working with our municipalities to make sure that we

promptly respond to the challenge you outlined of a radical

turnaround of our economy. As we speak, hon President, the

Gauteng province has completed integrated planning with our

municipalities to make sure that we roll out the TMR perspective

across all our municipalities and in terms of what we call the

five corridors of development.


Whilst appreciating that Premier David Makhura will lead the rest

of the province on Monday in outlining all the packaged projects

for radical economic transformation, let me just share with you

two of the most important key infrastructure projects that we

will soon be rolling out. In the Western corridor in the West

Rand region, we have a project which we are going to launch, the

first post-apartheid city in the area known as Syferfontein. This

is the first democratic post-apartheid city that will make an

impact on the city of Johannesburg, Westonaria, Randfontein

Municipalities, Merafong and Mogale City Local Municipalities.

[Applause.]

Now, hon President, we would like to invite government on all

levels to partner with us to make sure that we realise the first

post-apartheid city led by the democratic government.

The second major project we have is what we call the Kopanong

Precinct. This is a multibillion-rand investment project to

revitalise the inner city of Johannesburg. Working with the city

and the private sector, we are going to invest in revitalising

and renewing the inner city of Johannesburg. And we are

definitely sure, hon President, that this mega-infrastructure

project will turn around the economy of Gauteng. [Applause.]


Hon President, allow me to also say that as part of the TMR

perspective in our province, we would like to invite you and, of

course, the rest of Cabinet to engage with the province on the

concept of the township economy. More often when we talk about

township economy, people mistakenly believe that we are talking

about minor interventions that will have no bearing on the

outlook of the spatial legacy of apartheid in our townships. I

must say, we as the provincial government of Gauteng, working

with our municipalities, are going to leverage the government’s

infrastructure investment portfolio to make sure that we

radically turn around and change the balance sheet and expand the

property assets of our townships, and, in that way, we are quite

sure that we will create people’s property as a source of

people’s power.

Now, let me conclude, hon President, by welcoming a very

important intervention you mentioned. You actually invited

Parliament to consider “a big expenditure item” that we would

like to persuade Parliament to consider ...

The MINISTER OF SMALL BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT: Hon Chair ...

Mr J MAMABOLO (Gauteng): ... is the main maintenance ...


The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Mamabolo, please take your seat.

Hon Zulu?

The MINISTER OF SMALL BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT: Thank you, hon

Chairperson. Would the member take a question?

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Mamabolo, are you prepared to

take a question?

Mr J MAMABOLO (Gauteng): Yes, hon Chair, I am prepared to take a

question.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Zulu, he is prepared to take a

question.

The MINISTER OF SMALL BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT: Thank you very much.

Hon Mamabolo, I would like to ask you what you would say to the

people of South Africa about the dishonourable, despicable

behaviour ... [Interjections.] of the members of this House who

continue to insult, disrespect and agitate against the President

of the country. What would you say to that? [Applause.]

[Interjections.]


The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Order! Hon Mamabolo, you are

on the podium.

Mr J MAMABOLO (Gauteng): Thank you, hon Minister, for a very

profound question which ... [Interjections.] ... I am quite sure

worries many of the people of our country. [Interjections.] But

let me say that from the point of view of our province, we are

deeply concerned and very worried ... [Interjections.] ... about

the emergence of extremely backward, neofascist and racist

tendencies that are degenerating ... [Applause.] ... the capacity

of this House to serve our people.

We have observed that there are people who have made this their

daily business. These are fanatics of violence, of racism, that

have nothing to offer this House. [Applause.] All they provide

are insults and violence. The majority of our people may not have

the opportunity to express themselves, but they will do so during

the next local government elections. [Applause.] They will send

them to the dustbin of history, as has happened with many

fanatics of violence. So, we are very pleased that history will

treat them in exactly the same way it has treated the same people

with the same tendencies. And we are confident that we will move

forward.


Let me conclude by saying that the province of Gauteng is ready,

hon President, using our infrastructure investment portfolio, to

host what will be the first democratically constructed real

people’s Parliament, which I hope you will come to. [Applause.]

We are pleased to say ...

Mr J W JULIUS: Chairperson ...

Mr J MAMABOLO (Gauteng): ... consistent with the character of

what we have said in the province of mega human settlement.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Mamabolo, please take your seat.

Hon Julius?

Mr J W JULIUS: Chair, I just wanted to know whether the hon

Mamabolo will take a question on the whereabouts of the Premier

of Gauteng, whether he will not ... [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Julius, that’s not a question.

Hon Mamabolo, please continue.

Mr J MAMABOLO (Gauteng): Thank you very much, hon Chair. Let me

say that our province is ready to make sure that we host you.

Remember that Gauteng has been declared the best province to work


and live in. [Applause.] We are ready, hon President, for you to

come to Gauteng, and we will build the best, most beautiful

Parliament whose look and feel will make sure that hon members

would be ashamed to disrupt and to make insults in. The quicker

and faster you move the better, Mr President, because our

province is ready. Thank you. [Applause.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you, sir. [Applause.]

Mr I M OLLIS: Chairperson ...

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: I now recognise the hon Davis.

Mr I M OLLIS: Chairperson, just on a point of order. I don’t ...

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Davis, please take your seat.

Mr I M OLLIS: I didn’t want to interrupt the previous speaker,

nor the current one. Regarding the point you just ruled on, I am

yet to be in this House when a person asks a question and it’s

ruled as not a question. The procedure is normally to ask the

Speaker whether or not they will take a question? Since when does

the presiding officer decide on the content of a question?

[Interjections.]


The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you, hon member. Please take

your seat.

Mr I M OLLIS: Could you reply to me, please? [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Please take your seat.

Mr I M OLLIS: I would like a reply, please. [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Please take your seat.

[Interjections.]

Mr I M OLLIS: I have raised a point of order ... [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: You did.

Mr I M OLLIS: You need to rule. [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Take your seat, so that I can

respond to you. [Interjections.] Order, members! The hon Julius

did ask to put a question to the hon member who was on the

podium. The question he put to the member on the podium was to

ask the member to speculate as to where his premier was? And I


disallowed that question. Hon Davis, please continue.

[Interjections.]

Mr G R DAVIS: Madam Chairperson, today, as we debate the state of

the nation, we stand in solidarity with the 8,3 million South

Africans without jobs ... [Interjections.] [Applause.] ... and we

recognise the role that education can play in job creation and in

redressing the legacy of the past.

As the Supreme Court of Appeal said last year, basic education is

the primary driver of transformation in South Africa. And yet,

last week, in his state of the nation address, President Zuma

said nothing about basic education. Nothing! We spend

R203 billion per annum on basic education. It is the biggest line

item in the budget, but the President had nothing to say about

it. The matric results released last month showed a national

decline from 75% to 70%, but the President said nothing.

Every province, except the Western Cape, performed worse than the

previous year, but the President said nothing. And there were 22

schools across the country that recorded a pass rate of 0%.

Imagine that: a school where not one learner passes, but the

President remained silent. [Interjections.]


The President was silent on Thursday because he is not in charge

of education. Minister Motshekga is not in charge of education.

In most provinces, the MECs are not in charge of education.

Because, in most parts of the country, it is the SA Democratic

Teachers Union, Sadtu, that is in charge of education.

Three weeks ago, we visited rural schools in KwaZulu-Natal. Now,

government officials there told us how Sadtu teachers drop their

own children off at former model C schools in the morning and

then go on strike for the day, depriving other people’s children

of an education. One district director described it as, and I

quote, “the highest level of cruelty”. We heard how, in the Ugu

district, there was no teaching for seven months over the past

two years because of a dispute between Sadtu and a district

director. Seven months; no teaching. Is it any wonder that

KwaZulu-Natal was the worst-performing province?

We visited Bhekisizwe High School in the Umzinyathi district. We

heard how teachers go on holiday two weeks before the term ends,

and come back two weeks after the term starts. And they get away

with it. At Dumaphansi Secondary, 146 learners have written

matric maths in the past three years, but not one learner has

passed. And guess what? Not one teacher has been fired for

underperformance.


The reason for the high failure rate in the province was summed

up by a district director who told us, and I am quoting him, “Our

teachers are not teaching; that’s the bottom line. Organised

labour has taken over the system. Until we correct that, we are

wasting our time.”

Now, there are many hardworking and dedicated teachers in our

country, and we pay tribute to them. But we have to be honest

about this: There are too many teachers who can’t teach, and

there are too many teachers who won’t teach. And they are never

held to account because they are members of Sadtu and Sadtu is an

alliance partner of the ANC.

Minister Motshekga will soon table the so-called “jobs-for-cash”

report in this House. It has taken nearly two years for the task

team to complete its work, but we have reason to believe that the

wait was worth it. The report will show how Sadtu-aligned

officials arrange teaching posts for Sadtu members in exchange

for cash. It will show how Sadtu has captured six of the nine

provincial government departments. Six of them are under the

control of Sadtu. It will show that, in these provinces, Sadtu

runs a protection racket where underperforming teachers are

protected because they are members of Sadtu. It will show how


Sadtu uses militancy to exert pressure on its members to be

unionists first and professionals second.

The conclusion is clear: For Sadtu bosses, loyalty to the union

is prized over loyalty to the children of this country. And if

you’re a Sadtu member looking for a promotion, it’s better to be

on the streets picketing than in the classroom teaching.

President Zuma, we know this is a difficult time for you, and we

know you need all the friends in the alliance you can get, but if

you won’t put South Africa first, at least put the children of

this country first. [Applause.] Break your silence on Thursday.

Tell us what you will do to smash the Sadtu protection racket, so

that we can improve the education of every child in our country.

I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr N T GODI: Madam Chair, Comrade President, comrades and hon

members, the APC represents a historical, political and

ideological current of Africanism. As the torchbearers of

Africanism, the APC represents a continuum of the likes of Anton

Lembede, A P Mda, Robert Sobukwe and that erudite Africanist

intellectual, Peter Raboroko. Africanism, as understood and

articulated by the APC, is Pan-Africanist in scope, socialist in

content, humanist in orientation and creative in purpose.


I stand here in memory of the late Robert Simangaliso Sobukwe, a

great patriot and outstanding leader who passed away on

27 February 1978, whose life and legacy the APC celebrates

throughout the month of February. Through the force of example of

his personal integrity, he serves as the embodiment of the best

product of the liberation movement, of leadership and our

responsibility to our people — as he said — completely

subjugating the self and having a consuming love for our people.

Comrade President, we concur with you, racism is backward and

hurtful. Let us take from Sobukwe’s teaching that there is only

one race, the human race to which we all belong. This is what can

save us from the racism that the majority of white South Africans

... and the xenophobic statements from one political party in

this House.

The APC is concerned about the persistently high unemployment

levels, poverty and inequality affecting the majority of our

people. Whilst we appreciate the unfavourable international

economic environment, the APC believes that, in this situation,

taking the historical context into account, the state must

enhance its role in the economy. Twenty-two years later, private

capital has failed this democracy. The state must have the

courage and determination to lead.


The grinding poverty of our people is a crisis that requires bold

state action. Freedom must have material meaning to the lives of

our people. We must never get used to the poverty and hardships

of our people.

As Lenin said, “No amount of political freedom will satisfy the

hungry masses.” The African people deserve better. I thank you.

[Applause.]

Mr S G MTHIMUNYE: Madam Chair of the NCOP, I want to correct one

thing: The SA Democratic Teachers Union is not aligned to the

ANC. [Interjections.] It is Cosatu that is aligned to the ANC.

[Interjections.] I hope the poor member of the DA gets his

politics correct. [Interjections.]

The second point I want to correct ...

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Don’t drown out the speaker

on the podium.

Mr S G MTHIMUNYE: ... is that the matric exam results fluctuate

all the time from province to province. We have seen that over

the years. In 2014 we had the Free State leading the country in


terms of matric results, but we never blew our own trumpet about

it. The Western Cape therefore is no exception. We can only

congratulate you ... [Interjections.] ... because we are not

jealous as the ANC.

Change does not simply involve a slow and continual increase or

decrease in growth. At a certain point new qualities emerge as a

sharp rupture with the past and a leap into the future. The

foregoing has been the political situation in South Africa in

terms of the first phase of our democratic transition from

apartheid and colonialism to a national democratic society. In

the same vein, while not gainsaying the challenges we face, the

second phase - whose focus is on economic transformation for the

reversal of the legacy of colonialism of a special type - should

demonstrate a quantitative incremental change culminating in a

qualitative leap.

It is without doubt that the statutory pillars of apartheid or

colonialism were felt by the adoption of the new Constitution of

1996. What is of critical significance with the Constitution is

that in section 9(2) it entrenches substantive equality and

further privileges for justifiable socioeconomic rights. It is

noteworthy that while a positive obligation is cast on the state

to promote and fulfil the rights as contained in the Bill of


Rights, equality in this respect cannot, substantively, be

removed from economic redress imperatives. The state is empowered

by the Constitution to take measures designed to advance persons

disadvantaged by the unfair discrimination of the past.

Madam Chair, the ANC-led government is pursuing economic

transformation as inspired by the vision of the Freedom Charter

and its second transition document: that the people shall share

in the wealth of the country. There have been advances made in

the provision of essential services to the people, but the

structure of the economy remains largely untransformed, with

monopolies abusing their dominance over small enterprises and

sometimes driving them completely out of the market or into

bankruptcy through anticompetitive practices that are well known

by yourself and those you represent.

It is still correct to contend that the major part of the economy

remains in private hands. The ANC is therefore committed to

employment-creating economic growth and protecting the right to

fair labour practices. The state is being capacitated to rely

less on tendering and to deliver essential services to the people

by itself. Economic development priorities favour local

companies, co-operatives and social forms of ownership. There is

an intention to ensure beneficiation of primary goods including

strategic minerals in the country. State-owned enterprises, or


SOEs, and the development finance institutions are being

strengthened to ensure that they play a key role in economic

development and facilitating service delivery.

Economic transformation requires steps that effect quantitative

changes towards a qualitative leap into which prosperity is

equitably distributed across racial and gender lines. To achieve

economic equity, South Africa requires that steps be taken to

transform the structure of the economy to render it broader and

more inclusive. In transforming the structure of the economy, the

developmental state must consolidate and advance development and

ensure a better life for all in a South Africa that truly belongs

to all who live in it, black or white.

The fact is the economy of the country remains in the control of

private hands which are dominantly expatriate capital. The 70% of

the economy in private hands by extension implies that there can

be little economic transformation without private-sector co-

operation. However, the private sector appears more driven by

profit accumulation than it is by social transformation

imperatives.

The ANC by character is biased towards the poor and the working

class. However, the obtaining conditions at national and global


spheres by far require the ANC government to be more cautious in

advancing economic transformation. The vexing question therefore

is whether the ANC is expediting the full emancipation of our

people from the legacy of colonialism of a special type. Indeed,

the dialectical nature of the ANC character, being the

disciplined force of the left, neither bows to the market forces

dictating that everyone should care only for themselves nor

embraces the adventuristic antics of the extreme left that seek

the immediate obliteration of capitalism.

South Africa’s role in the global arena extends beyond economic

diplomacy to creating a more just economic world order. The ANC-

led South African government secures national interests while

contributing to building an integrated African economy through,

amongst other things, regional economic integration. The Freedom

Charter envisages peace and friendship amongst nations through

social justice. It is in pursuit of this noble goal that the ANC-

led government continues to build strong South-to-South relations

and to promote North-to-South relations, while advocating for the

transformation of global economic institutions like the World

Bank, the World Trade Organisation and the International Monetary

Fund.


South Africa and other African countries are in the process of

transforming their economies from being predominantly reliant on

the export of raw material to efficiently beneficiating their

primary goods to prop up their export value. There is thus

gradual economic growth and development on the continent, albeit

from a low base for some countries. It should, however, be

highlighted that some parts of the continent are politically

unstable owing, in the main, to extremism, terrorism and external

interference in domestic affairs.

The ANC believes therefore that there can be no meaningful

economic development without peace and stability, hence our

government’s involvement in peacekeeping and peacemaking missions

on the continent.

South Africa is a member of a number of international bodies

seeking to foster economic development across the globe. The

balance of forces in bodies like the Bretton Woods institutions,

which include the IMF and the World Bank, remains heavily tipped

in favour of developed countries. However, South Africa and other

member states have not relented in advancing the interests of

developing countries.


South Africa has concurrently been strengthening South-to-South

relations more especially through its membership of the Brics

countries. The Brics countries have now launched the Brics

Development Bank to avail funds for developing nations to advance

their development agenda. The Development Bank is critical to

funding infrastructure development to extend affordable and

accessible services to the majority of citizens of both permanent

and temporary residents of developing countries. Infrastructure

development is also aimed at facilitating better conditions of

business, thus stimulating economic growth and, by extension,

employment creation and poverty eradication.

South Africa’s membership of the International Labour

Organisation enjoins it not only to promote favourable employment

conditions and ensure fair labour practices, but also to promote

the creation of decent employment. In this regard, South Africa

has an obligation to ensure that South African companies do not

only observe fair labour practices when conducting business

inside the country, but also that they do so even when conducting

business in foreign countries. In other words, South African

firms cannot pay living wages to South Africa workers whilst

exploiting workers in or from other parts of the continent. I

hope you will tell your friends.


Madam Chair, “The people shall share in the country’s wealth!”

exclaims the Freedom Charter editorially. The 53rd ANC conference

acknowledges that significant progress has been made in meeting

the basic needs of the people - that includes the growth of the

social wage and the provision of infrastructure. However, it

further recognises that the redistribution of economic assets and

the growing of job-creating industries have been minimal.

The ANC is committed to taking resolute action to overcome the

triple challenges of poverty, inequality and unemployment, which

are at the heart of South Africa’s socioeconomic challenges. To

this effect, the ANC government is transforming the structure of

the economy through industrialisation, as empowered by its

policies such as the Black Industrialists Policy, the Industrial

Policy Action Plan, or Ipap, and many more.

The ANC’s most effective weapon in campaigning against poverty

remains the creation of decent work, which itself requires faster

and more inclusive growth. The triple challenges of unemployment,

poverty and inequality require that accelerated growth take place

in the context of an effective strategy of redistribution that

builds a new and more equitable growth path.


As I conclude, there is undoubtedly more to be done to achieve

economic transformation and the distribution of the economy. The

ANC is therefore committed to ensuring that the people are

emancipated from the legacy of colonialism of a special type. It

is also committed to co-operating with labour and the private

sector to achieve employment-creating economic growth and

strengthening regional economic integration for a more prosperous

and united Africa.

Economic transformation is therefore an endeavour to realise

social justice for a prosperous South Africa in a better Africa

and a better world. The ANC therefore pursues a better life for

all South Africans while working for a better world order,

underpinned by equality and social justice.

There exists therefore a basis on which we say South Africa today

is indeed better than yesterday. And there is hope that tomorrow

will be better than today. [Applause.]

My last point before I depart from this podium ...

[Interjections.]

Ubab’uMalema wenze ihlazo elimbi khulu kwamambala. Mina lapha

ngibuya khona siyawagcina amasiko. Siyawela, sikhamba nabobaba.


[Mr Malema has done a shameful thing indeed. In my community

where I come from, we observe traditional rite of passage. We

attend circumcision school under the guidance of our fathers.]

It is mischievous and very derogatory in African culture for

Malema to come here and make a mockery of it.

Liyahlonitjhwa lel’isiko. [This culture is highly respected.]

You don’t just speak about it anywhere in any way. I thank you,

Madam Chair. [Applause.]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Chairperson, it was hardly

surprising today that the ANC’s speakers’ list only came out a

few moments before we came into the House. No doubt there was a

lot of anxious coin tossing, drawing of straws and nail-biting

bouts of rock, paper and scissors in the ANC caucus room to see

who the poor souls were who would have to come out here today and

defend this one man’s indefensible behaviour ... [Applause.] ...

and his very poor speech yet again. But we did get some people

out here, the B-team, admittedly ...

An HON MEMBER: The D-team!


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: ... but we started, of course,

with Rob Davies, the Minister - more excuses, more handwringing,

more apologies: “It’s not our fault; we’re buffeted by outside

forces.” Snake oil indeed when one looks at the mismanagement

that his department has effected over the African Growth and

Opportunity Act and other key job-creating agreements that we

have. He comes here and expects us to come and grovel before his

mighty feet because he is fixing Eskom. Well, he broke it in the

first place! Your government. Your policies. Your inefficiency.

You mess it up and expect us to be grateful.

He goes on about the National Development Plan, NDP. Now let me

tell you something, colleagues: he does not even believe in the

NDP, and he expects us to think he’s going to implement it in his

department - the nine-point plan. The self-same nine-point plan

that led to a 74% drop in foreign direct investment last year,

Minister Davies.

He spoke a lot today about iron and steel. Well, let me tell you

something: When it comes to the ANC, they iron over the problems

and steal all the money. [Applause.] But you don’t have to take

my word for it. I’d like to quote the lord of Luthuli House, Mr

Gwede Manthashe. I quote, “Of great concern are the NEC members

who are either charged or have pending cases of corruption


against them.” As the numbers of these comrades grow, we will be

unable to sustain the technical argument of innocent until proven

guilty - an admission from your own people.

He comes here with his hocus-pocus economics and voodoo tricks to

try to trick us into thinking that the BMW deal is something to

celebrate. What he doesn’t say is they’ve withdrawn the 3 Series,

which sells three times the models of the X5, and replaced it

with the X5. Get real! That’s snake oil indeed. But you know

what? I’d like to quote Lenin as well, as the hon Godi did,

except I want to quote John Lennon. [Laughter.] He wrote the song

called the Nowhere Man and it goes something like this: “He is a

real nowhere man, sitting in his nowhere land, making all his

nowhere plans for nobody.” Isn’t that Minister Davies?

[Applause.]

We then had the Premier of the Eastern Cape. I see he has done a

hit-and-run. The weakest province. How low can the bar go that

this is the best that you can bring to the House today? The worst

performing province in education: a pass rate of only 56%, mud

schools, no furniture; with 45% unemployment and 46% of the

national bucket toilets on his watch are in his province. He

comes here with his Breitling watch, flashing it at the podium,

and expects to fool us.


Abantu bakujongile. [People are watching you.]

Then the Deputy Minister of Minerals and Energy. Working for

Minister Gupta must be hard - poor man is still trying to work

out how he got appointed and why he’s here. He came here with

slogans. But you know things are getting really bad when you duff

up your own slogans at the podium. You’ve botched the Mineral and

Petroleum Resources Development Act, but I want to say I do agree

with you, hon Oliphant, we do find common cause with you. You are

absolutely right: the ANC has produced a lot of nuts. [Laughter.]

Given the fact that mining investment fell by 74% last year, I’m

not surprised you want to come here and talk about macadamias

instead of minerals.

Minister Hanekom, shame, shame: another Planet Zuma inhabitant

clearly. He forgets to talk about his tourism-killing visa

regulations that he sat on his hands on. Isn’t it a shame that he

could stand up against apartheid, but he cannot stand up against

President Zuma? This mighty man reduced to processing the visas

to Planet Zuma.

Hon Mamabolo, we know why the Premier of the Gauteng province

isn’t here today. We know.


An HON MEMBER: Be honest. Be honest.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: We know why he sent you. He

shuffled you to infrastructure from Cogta because of your poor

performance. Even your own party doesn’t trust you, but you are

here today. [Laughter.] And, frankly, your corny duet with the

Minister there was so stage-managed it was like a cheap soap

opera and about as credible as President Zuma on the economy.

[Laughter.] But let me answer your question, hon Julius: the

reason the Premier of Gauteng province is not here today is

because he hates President Zuma ... [Applause.]

[Interjections.] ... and he is in his province doing what South

Africans across the length and breadth of this country are doing

and that’s plotting to get this President out of office and

rescue this country. That’s where the premier was today.

[Applause.]

Hon Mthimunye, thank you very much. It was like reading a copy of

the Business Day all over again. Not much substance there, I’m

afraid. But you know what, we have seen this week how the

President has thrown the ANC caucus under the bus. So instead of

the struggle songs that we are going to hear going into the local

government elections, I bet you they are taking lessons on the


Wheels on the bus go round and round, round and round, round and

round, because your own President threw the whole lot of you

under the bus.

We now know why you guys bought those very large buses that don’t

fit anywhere in Port Elizabeth: you needed something big enough,

President, to throw your caucus under. [Applause.]

[Interjections.]

Let me now say, there is a speaker who is going to come up here

next. We know the venom and vitriol that’s on its way to this

podium. Let’s talk about the first person in this Parliament who

got thrown under the bus by President Zuma in his defence of

Nkandla. Anyone know who it was?

An HON MEMBER: Who was it? Tell us!

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: It was our former Speaker, Max

Sisulu - an honourable man, a deeply honourable man who has the

respect of everybody in this House. [Applause.] He made the

cardinal error of putting this Parliament first, his duty to the

Constitution first – something all of you have failed at – and

called for an investigation into Nkandla. What happened to him?

He got thrown under the bus. Isn’t it ironic that the last person


up today is defending the first person that got thrown under the

bus, and she has something very familiar in common with him. The

truth of the matter is that the ANC caucus has lost all

credibility.

I leave you with the words of Dante who said, and I quote, “The

darkest places in hell are reserved for those who maintain their

neutrality in times of moral crisis.” Shame on you! [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: Hon Chairperson, to the

esteemed chief clown here who has just left the podium ...

[Interjections.] ... yes, indeed I have something in common with

the man who you describe as the former Speaker, Max Sisulu, and

it is honour. [Interjections.] That is something that we have in

common. [Interjections.]

Madam Chairperson, Mr President, hon members, on a sober note, I

want to start off by honouring the valour of a young South

African woman, Thembi Nkadimeng-Simelane who, for 20 years worked

tirelessly to track down the brutal apartheid killers of her

sister, Nokuthula Simelane. [Applause.] She has finally won the

right to have the killers of Nokuthula, who operated in the ANC

underground in Swaziland, prosecuted. Thembi was only nine years

old when her sister was heinously murdered. And we sit here and

joke about everything else except that which is vital to our


people: their dignity. The courage and bravery she has displayed

gives me hope, Mr President, that our young people will continue

our struggle for justice and everything we fought for.

There is hope in the future when there is somebody like Thembi.

We have overcome many obstacles. We will rule this country until

all our people have a better life, until we have a truly

nonracial society, until these benches all around here are packed

with people who treasure our liberation, and not trash it.

[Applause.] We will get that society, and the ANC will still

lead. [Applause.]

Those who came before us have bequeathed us with simple tools to

characterise this particular debate we have had today. One of

them is the tireless wisdom I would like all of you to remember

at all times, when we have an occasion like this, and it says:

“Great minds discuss ideas, average minds discuss events and weak

minds - vacuous minds - discuss people.” [Interjections.]

[Applause.] That is exactly what we have heard here. And I can

add to that: Not only are they vacuous and discuss people, they

have even created planets of their own imagination - Planet Zuma.

That is the banality of these weak minds.

The President presented here a solid road map for the current

period that we are in through his state of the nation address on


Thursday. Not unexpectedly, the response to the President’s

address can be grouped into two camps: one, the anti-ANC/anti-

Zuma brigade, which was predictable. This camp found nothing, saw

nothing, heard nothing, and learned nothing from the address.

[Interjections.] This was exemplified by the hon Maimane and the

hon Julius Malema who, thankfully has left. The air is cleaner

without them here. [Interjections.]

The second group, which is the most important group, are the

discerning citizens of this country. They not only listened but

they also read the state of the nation address. The latter

comprised mainly investors, businesspeople, economists, CEOs of

companies, captains of industry and ordinary citizens wanting to

hear about the future of this country.

In the Business Day of 23 February 2016, journalist Stuart

Theobald speaks for many who are in the business of making sure

that they understand what the President said. And this is what he

had to say. I quote:

Senior business leaders have had three key meetings with senior

government officials ... The effects were clear in Mr Zuma’s

speech ... much that business has been asking for: promoting SA

as an investment destination ...


[Applause.]

Indeed, while this is obvious for the broader business community

and ordinary citizens, the message, sadly, is lost on all the

anti-Zuma brigade that you find on that side – completely lost.

Given the past experience, I did not hold my breath or expect

that perhaps sense would predominate in this debate. What we have

heard from kortbroek - whatever it is: kortbroek Trollip - and

everybody else is taking this country nowhere whatsoever.

[Interjections.]

Mr I M OLLIS: Chairperson, on a point of order: it is “the hon

Trollip”. We don’t refer to each other in the way that this

Minister does. [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Your point is sustained, sir. Hon

Minister, we have the “hon Trollip”.

The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: Oh, I am sorry; I thought he

said hon kortbroek. [Interjections.] No?

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order, members!


The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: Okay, the point is made, “hon

Trollip”. [Interjections.]

All we have heard today is the same repetition of moans and

groans, which is within the grasp of everyone here ... is

completely outside the grasp of the Western Cape province. Here

where we are now is poverty, inequality, racial tension of the

highest nature - right here in the Western Cape. [Applause.]

[Interjections.] Now, Maimane comes here and tells us his grand

plan – “hon Maimane”. He comes here and he tells us of his grand

plan of how to fight gangsterism. It has been the worst here in

the Western Cape. Why have they not done anything about it, right

here? [Applause.] [Interjections.]

For us, therefore, the responses from the private sector, from

the Banking Assocation of SA, Basa, and from the SA Chamber of

Commerce and Industry, Sacci, and from ordinary citizens were

very encouraging and supportive of the measures announced by the

President. And here today we are also very pleased to have had

supportive and constructive statements from hon leaders like the

hon Buthelezi and the hon Godi over there. [Applause.]

[Interjections.]


The hon Nkwinti once coined a phrase. He said, “Mr President, we

are moving.” Siyaqhuba. But now we have gone beyond that in our

delivery. We are sailing on ... sailing on. Sometimes it is on

rough water, but our mast is aligned to the wind. We are doing

exceptionally well in some areas, and it is time that we boldly

take credit for what we have been able to achieve.

I want to give you one example: In his address on the occasion of

the Sunday Times Literary Awards, Justice Edwin Cameron provides

a lucid, objective assessment of the performance of our political

dispensation. He notes:

Our polity is boisterous, rowdy, sometimes cacophonous and

often angry. That much is to be expected. But after nearly two

decades, we have more freedom, more debate, more robust and

direct engagement with each other.

He continues, most importantly, saying: Much has been achieved,

perhaps more than those who tend to be very hostile - more than

they would ever be able to realise.

He continues:


Almost all violent crime is down. Compared to 1994, the murder

rate has almost halved. Government’s housing programme has put

many millions of South Africans into their own homes. In 1994,

just over half of households had electricity. Now 85% do. In

1994, just more than one third of six-year-olds were in school.

Now 85% are.

The income of the average black family has increased by about a

third. And, through the system of social grants totalling about

R120 billion every year ...

- is in place and although it does not cover everybody, it

actually has afforded most of them some way out of poverty.

The long and short of Justice Cameron’s message and of those

others is that we are on track. The wind blows behind our sails;

and we are sailing on. Justice Cameron’s observation has been

echoed by many other independent research institutions. This

includes Goldman Sachs’ appraisal of South Africa’s 20 years of

democracy, that of the World Bank, that of FastFACTS, a record of

race relations, and one that I want to quote to all of you is

that of a pamphlet entitled: “They huff and they puff but cannot

blow this house down." Dealing with human settlements policy, the

following are the facts. In 1996 there were 3 400 000 families

residing in formal housing, but by 2014 that number had increased


to 9 400 000. Can you hear that? [Applause.] This is an increase

of 6 million houses that have been provided by this government.

Now, can anybody beat that? Nowhere in the world have you ever

had a record to beat that. These are not my statistics. These are

statistics from the SA Institute of Race Relations.

Mr President, hon members, it goes on:

The view that the service delivery efforts of the government

have failed and that living standards are only a little better

than they were 20 years ago is untrue. On the contrary, service

delivery, here specifically, referring to housing, must be

judged as a success story in many respects.

[Applause.]

We are sailing. We are sailing. Mr President, it goes on to say

that what we have achieved is an average of 912 families moving

into a formal house per day since 1996.

Hon members, imagine this: Every day you go to bed, 912 African

families have moved into a new house. We could never have outdone

that anywhere at any other time, except under the ANC government.

Think about that as you sit in comfort – that 912 of the poor


move into a new house every night! [Applause.] What does the

Western Cape do? It sits, folds its arms as Masiphumelele burns

down. There is no emergency. It burns down every week; no

emergency called because it is not Clifton, it is not Bantry Bay.

It is of no consequence to anybody.

But what we do is make sure we can bring dignity to our people by

providing them with some social network. We are a product of the

liberation struggle and this is what we want to make sure - that

we live in this House as we move on.

We created this democracy to ensure that our people

no longer live with the scourge of inequality. We

created this democracy in order that our people no

longer live with racism. We created this democracy

so that our people no longer l iv e in poverty and

humiliation. This is what defined us in 1994 and

this is what defines us now. We stand here by the

will of the people and do the best we can every day

– every day - the best we can in the name of the ANC.

[Applause.] It does not matter how hard you howl,

how much you whinge o r h o w m u c h y o u

g r a n d s t a n d . Our government and our policies


have been lauded internationally, and, where we have

erred, we have acknowledged it.

An HON MEMBER: No, you haven’t.

The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: We have.

[Interjections.] We have. [Interjections.]

This brings me to the issue that relates particularly to the

DA, and this is the issue of racism. [Interjections.] We as the

ANC were founded on the premise of making sure that the demon of

the past is destroyed. We stand on the principle of nonracialism.

The resolution of the race problem requires, amongst other

things, that we understand racism from the perspective of the

victim.

Nonracialism presupposes respect for other people. It calls

for understanding and the appreciation of other people’s

experiences. If we do not do that, we will be caught in a

cycle of blame and political point-scoring, which is what has

been happening here.

In his study, a US psychologist found that most whites refuse

to acknowledge that racial discrimination remains and that it

is widespread, and that it is especially dominant in white-


controlled workplaces, in company boardrooms, in law courts, in

schools and in other places. For some, racism is limited to

the extreme prejudices of some people who are in the extreme.

No, it lives in each one of us. Those who have lived through

legislated discrimination have in us vestiges of that racism.

And if we deny it, it is because it lives larger than the next

person. You cannot have lived through apartheid and not have

been affected by it. And if we don’t acknowledge it, there is

something very wrong – fundamentally wrong - with us. I am

aiming this at you, hon Maimane. [Applause.] [Interjections.]

Experiences of racial discrimination are not only painful and

stressful; they also have a cumulative affect on individuals,

their families and communities. For t h e majority of whites,

however, acts of discrimination and acts of violence are

isolated events. As a result, whites, unfortunately, often

feel that we tend to overexaggerate, you know, overreact

to some of these things. A n d they forget that blacks live

with this on a day-to-day basis.

We in the ANC have interrogated this matter and have

dealt with it over the years. We urge you to deal with

the racism in your party, hon Maimane. [Applause.]


The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Minister, please take your seat.

Hon Nkoana-Mashabane? [Interjections.] Are you standing on a

point of order, Ma’am? [Interjections.]

Order!

The MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION: Is the

hon Minister prepared to take a question?

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Minister, are you prepared to

take a question?

The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: Yes, I will.

The MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION: As the

hon Minister knows, South Africa has earned its own respect

through the preamble to our Constitution if not through the

entire Constitution. Would you say that the representation of

people who voted for the DA is reflective of who is seated here

representing the DA? [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Minister ... Order! Order!

[Interjections.] Order, members! Hon Minister?

The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: The DA loves waving the

Constitution at us, at every step of the way, and talks down to


us as though they are talking to some schoolchildren. Indeed, the

preamble to the Constitution deals with this matter. And, indeed,

the constitution of the DA itself and the cabinet of the Western

Cape is the complete opposite to what the Constitution has

declared for the Republic of South Africa. [Applause.]

[Interjections.] And it is of no consequence ...

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Minister, please take your seat.

Hon member, yes?

Mr B M BHANGA: Speaker, can I ask the Minister a question?

[Interjections.] Can I ask you a question?

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Can I ask you to allow her to finish

responding to this one, and then we will give you the

opportunity, if the Minister will allow it. Minister, will you

take another question?

The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: No, I will not.

[Interjections.] [Applause.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Please continue, Minister. Order,

members! Order! Please continue, Minister.


The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: Thank you. Hon Chair, in an

article entitled White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible

Knapsack, the author links racism with privilege and self-

interest. She writes, and I quote:

As a white person, I have come to see white privilege as an

invisible package of unearned assets which I can count on

cashing in each day, but about which I was meant to remain

oblivious. White privilege is like an invisible weightless

knapsack of special provisions, maps, passports, code books,

visas, clothes, tools and blank checks.

That’s how she has come to experience white privilege. In case

most of you have not understood this: Remove your knapsack,

because this is what gives you the privilege that makes you sit

there and be insensitive about the suffering of our people.

Hon Maimane, look very carefully at your party. The DA’s success

in making inroads into black society will be determined by

vigorous soul-searching within your party of how you have

overcome prejudices that were held by the whites, especially on

your side, before we gave them the freedom that they have today.

You will not make any inroads into black society and you know

that. [Applause.] [Interjections.] You know that. Look very


carefully at everybody that you have around you, and, in fact,

watch it. [Interjections.]

We came here in 1994 and deliberately transformed a stifled,

exclusive Parliament into a people’s Parliament with the

intention of making it an institution that is owned by the

people. We opened it up to live television, but we did not do

this to make it a people’s theatre.

What went on in this Chamber on Thursday last week was nothing

more than a disgraceful display of tantrums and theatrics. At the

last analysis of the ratings of television programmes, the

parliamentary channel was rated one of the most watched channels.

That is very good for television, but we are not competing with

Idols here. Parliament was bound to be more vibrant because we

have younger people and we expected that it would be more

vibrant. But we did not expect it to deteriorate to the level

that it did on Thursday.

Worst of all, leading is the pack is the hon Lekota. It is

particulary disturbing that a man who has a background that he

has would have done what he did. He stands up and says, the

courts have decreed A, B, C on the President, and he knows it is

not true.


Hon Chair, I would like you to look at the records and, in fact,

call the hon Lekota to order, because what he said was not true

and he knew it. [Interjections.]

I am very glad that the other hypocrites have moved out. As I

said, there are no insults being hurled, except heckling from

this side - also, perhaps with a bit of acid insults in it as

well - but the air is cleaner without them.

In closure, we’d like to thank the hon Buthelezi. Clearly, he is

one of a few opposition leaders who actually listened to the

speech. The hon Buthelezi acknowledged what the President

conceded needed to be done, and he conceded that the President

had indicated that he was not too happy with our performance. Hon

Buthelezi, we are equally very concerned about the drought. I’m

glad that it was mentioned here, but tomorrow we will have the

Minister of Water and Sanitation who will deal with the issue of

this drought scourge.

Thank you very much to the hon Holomisa for the suggestion of an

economic indaba resembling that of Codesa. The rest of the hon

Holomisa’s ramblings are not worth mentioning here right now.

[Laughter.] It was just very much like him.


Hon Van Damme, we are seized with the matter of the youth and I

trust you are equally seized with the matter of your citizenship.

Mr M L W FILTANE: Point of order, Chair. Point of order.

[Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: What is your point of order, sir?

Mr M L W FILTANE: Chairperson, my point of order is that the

statement that the hon Minister made is derogatory about my

leader. You don’t talk like that about Holomisa. [Interjections.]

Not in this House. You don’t do it.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you, sir. Hon members, I will

look at Hansard and come back to rule on this matter. Please

proceed, hon Minister.

The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: May I just assist the hon

member? Holomisa is also my leader. He is also my leader. And

what I said about him I say to him as well. [Interjections.] May

I continue?


I was indicating that I hope that the hon van Damme is equally

seized with the matter of her citizenship in the same way she is

seized with the matter of the youth. [Interjections.]

Hon Trollip, I am glad that you mentioned Nelson Mandela Bay. We

are taking Nelson Mandela Bay, I can assure you of that. Let me

tell all hon members what the latest poll says about Nelson

Mandela Bay: Danny Jordaan received 47,8% ratings. What did you

get? Ten per cent. [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Order!

The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: To conclude, I revert to where

I began. Great minds discus ideas, average minds discuss events

and weak minds discuss people – which is what the DA has been

doing throughout this debate. The hon Maimane has proved that he

belongs to the latter category. As expected, he and his party

offered no policy proposals or alternatives. [Interjections.] It

only expressed its obsession with and its hatred of the

President. Let me say this to you, hon Maimane, white supremacy

triumphs when it transforms a promising young black man with

priestly pretentions to proclaim with pride his hatred for the

President. That is when white supremacy triumphs.

[Interjections.] [Applause.]


What we heard from you was howling and baying without any

dignity. [Interjections.] It does not add any dignity. No country

has ever been built on hatred, hon Maimane and hon Holomisa.

In closing, great leaders like Nelson Mandela are exemplary, not

only because they never faced enormous obstacles, but because

they were able to rise in spite of those hurdles. Let us find

inspiration in their spirit of no surrender, hon President. I

thank you. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

Debate interrupted.

The Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces adjourned

the Joint Sitting at 18:48.

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