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The Editorial Board

Editor-in-chief

Eugene Y.T. Cheng

The Hong Kong Student Review of Political Science

(SRPS) is published and owned by the Politics and Pub-

lic Administration Association SSS HKUSU. It is a non-

partisan student journal which aims to promote the

study of politics and public administration and facilitate

the intellectual exchange between students and aca-

demics.

Editorial Statement

Politics and Public Administration Association SSS HKUSU

Session 2012-2013

Chairman

Joseph S.X. Chen

Internal Vice Chairman

Spencer P.K. Lam

External Vice Chairman

Janice Y.T. Tang

General Secretary

Ada P.Y. Wong

Financial Secretary

Alta C.K. Ho

Publication Secretary

Eugene Y.T. Cheng

Publicity Secretary

Kevin K.W. Lam

Current Affairs Secretary

Wallace T.H. Wu

Chinese Current Affairs

Secretary

Ann M.H. Wong

Academic Secretary

Rex L.T. Leung

Marketing Officer

Mimi Y.M. Cheung

Public Relations Officer

Adele K.P. Chiu

Social Secretary

Zoe K.W. Cheung

Welfare Secretary

Cherry W.M. Leung

Honorary President

Prof. Joseph C.W. Chan

Head, Department of Politics and Public Administra-

tion, The University of Hong Kong

The Editorial Board of the Hong Kong Student Review

of Political Science (SRPS), formerly known as the Bul-

letin, was founded in 1977. It is a sub-committee un-

der the Executive Committee of Politics and Public

Administration Association SSS HKUSU, The University of

Hong Kong.

The views expressed in the various articles represent

those of the authors and not the Association. The arti-

cles included in SRPS may not be represented in any

form without the written permission of the authors.

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Page Content

4 政壇新力量：立法會議員范國威專訪

10 Why Africa deserves our attention?

Alex M.H. Wong

14 The More Violence, the Less Revolution

Why Nonviolent Resistance is More Likely to Succeed and Lead to Transition to a

Stable Democracy

Matthew L.C. Choi

20 評香港政府的地產政策

紫鶯

21 從北韓危機看中美關係

林栢勤

22 Functions Review

30 Acknowledgement

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Editor’s Note

I am pleased to introduce to you the Hong Kong Student Review of Political Science (SRPS) Spring 2013 Issue.

SRPS serves as a platform for students to share and express their views on the study of political science and current

affairs, not only with fellow schoolmates but also with the public at large.

In this issue, students from our university submitted their articles concerning a wide range of topics related to po-

litical science, including people’s negligence of Africa, civil disobedience, Hong Kong’s policies in property market

and the recent increased tension in Northeast Asia, which centred upon North Korea. The diversified submissions

and the wide range of topics covered will surely bring you interesting and new perspectives of politics.

On behalf of the Association, I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to the Hon Gary Fan Kwok-wai for ac-

cepting our invitation to the interview, all the students who have contributed to this issue of the SRPS and the edi-

torial board who have worked restlessly to make this issue a reality.

I sincerely hope that you would enjoy reading this issue.

Eugene Y.T. Cheng

Editor-in-chief

The Hong Kong Student Review of Political Science

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政壇新力量：立法會議員范國威專訪

訪問/ 鄭語霆 胡駿希

攝影/ 何頌淇

撰文/ 鄭語霆

甫踏進范國威在立法會大樓的辦事處，就感受到其所

屬的新民主同盟（新同盟）之新和小：辦事處不太大，

內有兩位議員助理辦公， 一男一女， 均二十來歲。訪

問開始前，范國威在與教育學院的同學探討本地研究

生不足的問題。 一踏進辦事處， 他便命助理幫忙草擬

各項政策的發言稿。 立法會議員的工作， 比想像中還

要繁重。

挑戰四伏 有待「拆彈」

2012 年立法會選舉有不少新人當選，范國威便是其中

之一。 半年已過， 他的感受如何？范國威直言感到「疲

累」和「忙碌」。「有大量工作已經開展，亦有部分工

作尚待展開。」

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他直言這屆立法會和以往的立法會有很大的不同，因

為香港面對很多問題與挑戰需要他們去解決。 「首先是

房屋、住屋問題。 過去曾蔭權政府無所作為， 促使梁

振英政府急於覓地以興建公屋，希望使大部分在公屋

論後冊上的市民能在三年內擁有公屋單位。」

「另一問題是中港矛盾。 零三年開放自由行、 零九年

推行一簽多行、 前年的雙非嬰兒、 來港產子問題、乃

至去年自駕遊和早前的奶粉問題都使中港矛盾加劇。

這是因為很多內地旅客攜帶貨物出入境，使自由行性

質出現變化。」

范國威又說，近月社會鬧得沸沸揚揚的政制改革亦是

立法會面對的挑戰之一。「這不但牽涉政界，商界和普

羅大眾亦在其中。我們需要尋求共識。2003 年『沙士』

肆虐、加上二十三條立法，導致了自 1989 年六四事件

百萬人上街以來最大規模的遊行。近日熱烈討論的『佔

領中環』，亦是另一次大規模的公民抗命。」

政治宣傳 需要準確創新

范國威曾赴美國三藩市攻讀美術設計，後受六四事件

衝擊而投身政壇。 他自言很感恩， 因為修讀美術設計

的經歷是一個很難得的機會， 使他擴闊視野， 學會如

何使用不同工具與人溝通。 「很多香港人都是大學讀哪

一科， 畢業後就會投身相關行業， 可是從政者大多不

是如此。很多從政者是本身在大學本科不是讀政治學

而『中途出家』的。」

「政府與很多從政者都會有很多宣傳，比如說發表演

說、撰寫文章、製作網頁等等。這些都牽涉到政治上的

溝通（political communication）。 你做得好， 別人會同

意你的主張。你表現不好，就只會給人一種『作秀』的

感覺。」

他在談及政黨和政府的文宣和宣傳時，以美國前總統

列根作例，強調「準確」的重要。「列根被評為 great

communicator， 是因為他以前是演員， 其演藝生涯得

到的經驗使他在人際溝通裡面可以準確地傳達他想傳

達的訊息。 他在穿梭機爆炸， 導致七名太空人死亡的

時候，他需要激勵美國人不要因此放棄探索外太空的

國策。於是他在演說中說這幾位太空人是 almost

touched the face of God 的時候殉職的， 我們不應該因

此放棄勇於探索的美國精神。」這段演說後來取得不少

正面迴響，蔡子強更評價之為「神乎其技」。

「新同盟網頁和很多選舉文宣都是由我擔任美術指

導。 比方說我們在立法會選舉的廣告， 為宣傳反赤化

而透過潑紅油漆表達這個訊息。這與設計唱片封套很

類似，因為我們要準確傳達我們的訊息。」

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除了在平面藝術上的宣傳以外，范國威亦在議會裡有

不同於激進民主派的抗爭模式。「黃毓民、陳偉業、梁

國雄把公民抗命型抗爭帶到議會之中，我們所做的有

不同之處。 例如特首梁振英發表施政報告時， 我演示

了走水貨一幕。 我在報章裏再三提出這是『行為藝術』，

希望在平面以外做好宣傳工作，向選民傳達我們的信

念。這樣能夠吸引別人的注意，亦是一個新嘗試。」

議員工作 繁重多樣

不少身兼立法會和區議會議員的從政者，都會面對兩

方工作難以兼顧的問題。范國威更說自己常常被鎖在

立法會內， 處理區議會工作的時間相對少了很多。 他

會如何兼顧兩者？「我的自我期許是希望多撥時間落

區， 與市民見面、跟進個案和交待工作。 在未來除了

星期一之外， 星期六也可能有需要落區， 因為星期六

除了一些事務委員會召開公聽會以外，會議比較少。」

「我不會像涂謹申、 吳藹儀一樣當『Bill（條例草案）

王』。 他們加入了很多法案委員會和事務委員會， 而

這些委員會需要召開很多次會去審訂法案，大大減少

了地區工作的時間。 例如立法會召開了約一百次會議，

以修訂公司法和競爭法。現在有關限奶令的法案會議

已在兩個月內召開了七次，可見未來的立法工作將會

相當漫長和艱鉅。」

他認為議員其實是半個申訴專員，因為年中要處理很

多申訴個案。「以前我只需處理一般市民的申訴個案。

當上立法會議員後， 除了一般市民的個案外， 我們還

需要處理區議員 、立法會議員乃至政府局長的個案，

例如為表現良好而獲得社工推薦的囚犯求情和其他比

較細微的地區個案等。」

談及政治領袖的角色，范國威以「雙重角色」概括之：

他們有時在民意之後， 有時會帶領民意， 兩種職責都

需要有系統地進行交替，不能老是在民意之後。

新議員 新政黨

2011 年區議會選舉中， 新同盟派出 10 人參選，8 人當

選， 其中 6 位更有票數上的增長。 這對新同盟和范國

威而言， 無疑是一枝強心針。「如果我們在當時遭逢慘

敗，或許我們就不會參加立法會選舉了。」

2012 年立法會選舉，范國威所屬的新界東選區競爭最

為激烈，共 19 張名單角逐 9 個議席。范國威能在其中

突圍而出，成為「新丁議員」之一，殊為不易。

他道出新同盟成立兩年多以來遇上的種種困難。 「新同

盟是個一人黨、 一區黨， 是小型政團，組織小、資源

少， 在很多議題上不能像大型政黨一樣作仔細分工，

需要積極參與和研究。比如我沒有加入教育事務委員

會， 但仍然會處理北區跨境學童和學額不足的問題。

這樣的確很辛苦，但也使我維持高見報率。」

「雖然我在泛民主派裏的知名度頗高，但新民主同盟

的組織、 團體知名度相對不足， 使開展地區工作出現

一定困難。在未來我們會有大專實習生計劃，為 2015

年區議會選舉的工程做好準備。我們會積極招攬年輕

人參與地區工作，也鼓勵其他人提供技術和財政上的

支援。」

問及有沒有打算打破「一區黨」格局，「衝出新界東」，

他直言當然有此打算，但當再追問他準備在哪區部署

參選時，他便回以「軍事機密」四字，並補充會在相關

地區派遣社區主任，做好該區的人才培訓。

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本土論述 如何拓展？

近年中港矛盾加劇， 本土論述甚囂塵上。 范國威參選以

「港人優先」為政綱主軸， 似乎與此論述不謀而合。不

過， 當問及他會如何完善本土論述時， 他認為履行選舉

承諾較為重要。

「我們在參選政綱裏主張修改基本法，取回入境審批

權、取消一簽多行、反對開始第二階段自駕遊等等。我

們亦會就參選政綱裏沒有提出的地方發聲。如近年教資

會主張國際化， 大量引入非本地研究生， 使內地研究生

數目增加了一倍，我們因此要求教資會正視本地研究生

比例失衡的問題。」

「我們強調針對具體問題，作具體回答， 強調法規、制

度上的改革。 扣帽子、指罵他人、標籤內地人是蝗蟲只

能逞一時之快，並不能有效解決問題。」

新同盟過去和一些民間組織也有合作。 如北區水貨客關

注組曾邀請他們參與「光復上水」行動，新同盟只是低

調參與，避免予人「抽水」之感。「我們和其他認同本

土優先的人和團體 ，在不同位置上各司其職 ，做好自

己，透過『傳道』和教育宣傳我們的主張。」

「我們強調捍衛本土權益和自主性，而不是盲目排外、

鼓動仇恨。 認為認同本土優先就是法西斯的人， 應該具

體指出何謂法西斯。」

對於近年不少示威人士舉英屬香港旗， 范國威有這樣的

看法：「這是一種對殖民時代的懷緬， 也是對特區政府

出現連番施政失誤，漠視港人利益的情緒上的反彈。」

他在公開大學教授香港政治時講及「重新殖民地化」的

課題， 例如探討大量雙非人士和兒童來港是否為香港人

口換血等。

「一些『維園阿伯』認為， 香港不存在『重新殖民地化』

的問題， 因為香港已經是中華人民共和國的一部分。 這

與『一個男人不存在女性化的問題， 因為他本身是一個

男 人 』 的 說 法 一 樣 ， 是 說 不 過 去 的 。 『 重 新

殖民地化』牽涉的問題很多， 包括在上位者不肯下放權

力、開放政制、濫權等。 這不單是誰是『左膠』，誰是

法西斯的論爭。」

佔領中環變數多

近日以「佔領中環」爭取普選的說法引起各界熱烈討論，

但真正發生的可能性有多大？他認為佔中牽涉大規模

的政治動員，變數甚多。「駐港解放軍會否清場，曾偉

雄會否像零五年對付韓農示威般， 出動一萬人對付參與

佔領中環的民眾，這是未可知的。」

他說，自八十年代開始， 民主派就跟殖民地政府展開憲

制上的爭拗，爭取「八八直選」和全面民主的政制，至

今仍未見曙光。「在很多國家的民主化過程中，都會經

歷蘊釀期、背景期和共識期，而在達到共識以前，社會

往往會經歷一段長時間的內耗。 這不但是一場對決，不

只是政治上的矛盾，香港社會各界，包括商界和市民，

都需要尋求共識，以解決這個問題。」

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在接受訪問前數天， 民主黨創黨主席李柱銘（馬丁）提

出接受提名委員會的方案 ， 並降低參選門檻，務求使

泛民候選人有入閘的機會。范國威隨即說真普選聯盟

在當天已經開會商討有關說法，並表示不接受李柱銘

的方案。

作為李柱銘的前助理 ， 范國威以「英雄遲暮」總結他

發表言論過後，又將之收回的做法。

「馬丁的言論是觸及原則上的問題，不是時機不對。」

「你只要講錯一句話，你以前立下的功勞就會被人抹

殺。如『華叔』司徒華和民望較高的何俊仁在政改一役

中下了錯誤的決定， 他們就晚節不保了。 馬丁這樣做

不但進一步減少民主黨的影響力，亦對民主黨造成傷

害， 使泛民主派的支持者認為民主黨不可信。 我們亦

以此自警，不可犯下一些低級錯誤。」

團結泛民之路 甚為艱難

當選以後， 范國威希望自己能夠扮演「漿糊」角色，化

解泛民不同黨派之間的矛盾。他直言自己的確遇上很

多困難， 亦舉出不少和民主黨多次駁火的經驗。「如黃

碧雲在鞍泰區補選失利後，直斥新同盟為『民建聯 B

隊』。 在立法會投錯票事件亦令民主黨的公信力大受影

響。」

他在剛當選後在報章裏發表過不少見解，他認為那些

見解都成為了事實。 例如泛民需要再發起另一次「高山

大會」， 團結各界以爭取民主， 和民主黨必須處理因

為 2010 政改一役而造成的裂痕等。這些看法似乎因為

真普選聯盟的出現而得以付諸實行。

那麼， 真普選聯盟是否修補泛民黨派裂痕， 重新團結

泛民的平台？范國威並沒有明確回答，但提出各黨都

不派形象比較「火爆」的政客出席會議，以減少磨擦。

「社民連派出吳文遠等人出席真普選聯盟會議，人民

力量亦派出劉嘉鴻、『慢必』（陳志全）列席。他們都

是形象比較斯文的成員， 可以減少磨擦。 民主黨方面

亦不派何俊仁、劉慧卿， 而派蔡耀昌出席， 都是為了

避免發生衝突。

范國威提出的另一見解，就是超級區議員透過辭職補

選發動變相公投。 選戰過後， 不少人都提出此一建議，

如今泛民黨派已表態會參與其中。 如公民黨派出余若

薇、 民主黨提出由何俊仁發動辭職公投。 這都被納入

戴耀廷的「佔領中環」五部曲之中。

談及修補泛民之間的裂痕，范國威不忘提及團結一致

對泛民主派的重要性。「即使遇上很多困難，在大是大

非面前， 27 位泛民主派議員也需要走在一起，例如彈

劾梁振英、 組成真普選聯盟等。 這些都是民意要求我

們這樣做，而非議員的個人選擇。」

至於爭取真普選成功與否，他認為一切端看事態走向。

「我們要繼續爭取市民參與，亦要展示這不但是民主

派與建制派和中央的角力，並要告訴建制派必須停止

自我消磨。 我們亦不會低估爭取真普選的難度。 泛民

主派別無選擇，必須團結一致。」

9

談過與溫和民主派的合作，當然不得不問及與激進派

的合作如何。 范國威聽罷， 毫不諱言這向來就是高難

度合作。

「我被安排坐在人民力量議員和長毛之間，就是希望

我扮演『人肉防火牆』的區隔角色。 連如此細緻的東西

也考慮在內，可想而知泛民成員之間的合作是何等困

難。」

3 月下旬， 蕭若元宣布結束人網， 導致人力分裂成蕭派

和黃派， 他認為這亦令合作難度進一步提高， 因為其

他人無法得知人民力量議員就某些議案的具體取態。

後記

訪問結束前，他談及泛民最遲要在星期一（4 月 15

日）決定是否在星期三（4 月 17 日）的會議中，就財

政預算案的撥款條例草案發動拉布戰。其中人民力量

和社民連支持拉布，「飯盒會」中部分泛民黨派則表

示不支持。「臨時撥款只到 5 月下旬，如果到了 6 月

初仍未通過（撥款條例草案），政府無法取得撥款，

就會陷入停頓狀態。」對政府而言，泛民也罷，未來

數年，僵局處處的景況相信將會繼續。

10

“The day will come when history will speak. But it will not be the history which will be taught in Brussels, Paris, Washington or the United Nations….Africa will write its own history and in both north and south it will be a his-tory of glory and dignity.”

--- Patrice Lumumba

President Xi Jinping’s visit to the three African countries of Tanzania, the Republic of Congo and South Africa in March once again highlights the importance of Africa on the international stage.

However, how well do we know about Africa?

Research asymmetry

Though the Sino-African relation is always the focus of the media, a recent commentary by Tu Huazhong of Tsinghua University that appears on Global Times, the official newspaper of the Communist Party of China, warns about the detrimental consequences of ignoring research in Latin, Asian and African countries.

The number of Chinese research papers written by schol-ars on social science problems in Africa reveals how se-vere the problem is: while there are only around 2000 papers that cover Africa, the ones that cover the USA, Japan and Europe is 23 times, 11 times and 6 times over the African one respectively; for English papers pub-lished in journals similar imbalance exists: there are around 110 papers written by Chinese social science scholars (HK included) on Africa and the number of pa-pers covering the USA, Japan and Europe is at least 2 times more.

Figure 1. The lack of academic interest on Africa

Considering the fact that Africa is a huge continent com-posed of 55 countries that allows the USA, Europe, Chi-na, Japan and India to fit in simultaneously, the lack of academic interest in Africa will bring unbearable conse-quences to China which is going to be increasingly active in the region. And this threat is more real than ever as demonstrated by incidents like the anti-Chinese waves across Tanzania in 2006 and 2008 as well as the difficult position of China in the South Sudan secession move-ment.

Why Africa deserves our attention? Alex M.H. Wong

Bachelor of Social Sciences II The University of Hong Kong

11

A recent mistake made by the South China Morning Post in mixing up the data on China’s investment in Africa and Sino-African trade further illustrates this point.

As political science students, Africa has a very high chance of being the next frontier in political science as the continent has changed dramatically (better than most of us think of). And if you are a Chinese, you better start to pay more attention to this continent as our na-tional interest is closely tied with it.

But understanding starts with the elimination of com-mon stereotypes.

When we talk about Africa, the following images inevita-bly pop up in our minds: a skinny black child with a big belly surrounded by flies; children carrying AK-47s on their shoulders, etc. A Google search of ‘Africa children’ will return the suggestion of ‘starving’, ‘poverty’, ‘soldier’, not to mention the black and white photo-graphs of starving children in case of picture search.

This is no longer the whole story of Africa.

Every 60 seconds in Africa……….a minute passes

Once dubbed as “The hopeless continent” by The Econo-mist in 2000, Africa today is a vibrant continent that are being honored by different names: “A hopeful continent” according to The Economist in March, 2013; “Lions on the move” according to McKinsey Global Institute in 2010 and “Africa Rising” by Time Magazine in 2011. The-se optimistic names are not buzzwords, together they are giving a hopeful forecast that Africa will one day be able to fulfill the vision that was once dreamt by the great African leader Patrice Lumumba.

Here is the evidence to support the claim: average GDP growth of the 55 Africa states is over 6%; six of the ten fastest growing economies come from Africa; real in-come per person has increased by more than 30% over the past decades; Africa’s middle-class population that accounts for 34% of the total population will become engines for socio-economic and political growth; civil wars were 50% less common than a decade ago; 60% of the world’s arable but uncultivated land lies in Africa; by 2060 extreme poverty will be eliminated as most African states join the group of upper-middle-income countries; demographic dividend that is yet to come will further drive the development as Africa will become the young-est continent with over 70% of working population, the happy numbers go on and on.

Cautious optimism

However, we must not fool ourselves with shear opti-mism. The roads leading towards the bright future is go-ing to be a bumpy route filled with pitfalls and hurdles.

Some of the most pressing challenges that Africa faces include: massive inequality (half of the continent’s popu-lation still lives on less than $1.25USD a day); poor infra-structure (hard and soft ones); the urgent need to elimi-nate hunger (239 million people over the continent go to bed hungry every night); job creation (studies show that wars are more likely to break out in regions with a high number of youthful populations if job issues are not re-solved); resource curse; urbanization at a break-neck speed etc.

The challenges that Africa faces are tough, but they are far from impossible to overcome. This is especially true when a new generation of African leaders like Paul Ka-game of Rwanda; Joyce Banda of Malawi and Ellen John-son Sirleaf of Liberia who are determined to utilize their knowledge and skills in leading their countries towards a bright future.

12

Take the case of Rwanda as example. Rwanda is a coun-try where the ‘most efficient’ genocide in history took place in 1994 when more than one million of its people were being slaughtered in only 100 days out of ethnical reason. When the Rwanda Patriotic Front led by Paul Kagame overthrew the genocidal regime and took con-trol, the country was short of everything except for one thing---corpses. Nonetheless, under the leadership of Paul Kagame , the admirable spirit of Rwandan people as well as the (delayed) support of the international com-munity, Rwanda today is a beacon for the continent: Rwanda is expected to achieve most of the eight Millen-nium Development Goals (MDGs) on time before 2015; its GDP grew more than 70% between 1995 and 2001; less than 50% of its population are now living in poverty. All these figures are impressive, it’s even more jaw-dropping when we find that Rwanda is a land-locked country; it doesn’t have major resources like oil and it’s next to the Democratic Republic of Congo, the main battlefield of Africa’s World War.

Rwanda is not an exception, many more successful sto-ries can be found across the continent: Botswana, Mozambique and Mauritius are among them.

If Rwanda can make it as the poster child as Africa’s suc-cess story, it will be logical to say that the rest of the 54 countries are capable of doing so given the right leader-ship decide to do the right thing in developing their countries according to their unique circumstances.

The dragon meets the lion

President’s Xi’s visit to the three African countries after his Russian trip is hardly a surprise. China has a long his-tory of engaging with African countries. While some Western governments try to ‘share’ their own history as colonial powers with China by applying the term ‘neo-colonial’ to describe China’s presence in Africa, a remark-able piece of work by Deborah Brautigam1 provides a powerful case against the claim that China is a neo-colonist.

While there are always realist reasons behind China’s motives in Africa, the Sino-African relation is the only relation that the official description is ‘friendship’. In fact, Chinese leaders since Mao have a tendency of refer-ring the African people as ‘brothers’. But under the veil of comradeship, it’s sheer business.

The current engagement of China towards Africa is more than just resource exploitation. The cumulative invest-ment of China of various kinds in Africa is somewhere between US$16 billion to US$40 billion with over 70% of China’s foreign direct investment concentrated in Nige-ria, Sudan, South Africa, Zambia and Algeria. In addition, trade between these two giants is more than US$200 billion in 2012. To tap the potential of the huge market in which consumer spending is going to reach US$1.4 tril-lion by 2020, there are more than 2000 Chinese firms doing business in telecommunications, energy, manufac-turing and agriculture that have settled in Africa. All of these numbers are going to rise much further.

With these figures in mind, we better prepare ourselves as the day that we are sent to an African state for a short business trip is likely to happen in the near future.

After all, you don’t want to act like an idiot in front of your boss by mixing up Mauritius (an island located in the Indian Ocean) and Mauritania (in West Africa) as President Nixon once did.

Together, we go far and also go fast

As the African proverb goes “If you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go together”, the future of Africa is going to be fast and far, fast in a sense that the speed of growth in all aspects is unprecedented, far in a sense that the impact and opportunities will be felt by each and every one of us.

13

Africa is rising. There’s no doubt about it. But the rise will not be a smooth one.

But if we are to take advantage of the emergence of the hopeful continent as a businessman/businesswoman, a political science student, a national citizen or a global citizen, we must bridge the research gap between the study of Africa and the rest of the world.

Together, we are going to fulfill the wish that Lumumba and many other great Africans have died for: to write a bright new chapter of this Dark Continent.

References

1. Brautigam, D. (2009) The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa. New York, Oxford University Press.

14

The More Violence, the Less Revolution

Why Nonviolent Resistance is More Likely to Succeed and Lead to Tran-sition to a Stable Democracy

Matthew L.C. Choi Bachelor of Social Sciences (Government and Laws) II

The University of Hong Kong

There is a prevailing view, or indeed a myth, among po-litical scientists, that the threat or the use of violence is the most effective strategy in a political contention. However, there is overwhelming empirical evidence which shows that nonviolent resistance is more effective in bringing about regime change. Moreover, empirical evidence also reveals that nonviolent resistance is con-ducive to transition to a stable democracy. This article shall explain why.

(Note that the article does not suggest that nonviolent resistance should be adopted as a strategy in every con-tention. Nor does the article attempt to answer the mor-al or philosophical question of whether, or in what cir-cumstances, civil disobedience is justified.)

Nonviolent Resistance: Emergence of the Concept and its Religious Roots

Nonviolent resistance, according to Martin Luther King and Mahatma Gandhi, is a civilian-based form of struggle in a contention that employs social, economic and politi-cal forms of power outside institutional methods of po-litical change, without resorting to violence or the threat of violence.

The term “civil disobedience” was first proposed by in 1849 by Henry Thoreau, who advocated that Americans at the time should stop paying tax to oppose slavery and the Mexican-American War which he considered unjust.

The concept of nonviolent resistance also has its reli-gious roots. Gandhi invoked the Buddhist and Hindu no-tion of “ahimsa” (literally: nonviolence), and called his nonviolent movement against the British colonial regime “satyagraha” (literally: the force of truth).

The concept of civil disobedience finds its support in the Christian natural law tradition. Thomas Aquinas suggest-ed that when an unjust law contravenes a “higher” law, the unjust law does not bind citizens in conscience. Even if a revolution, as the last resort, is necessary in extreme circumstances, as suggested by John Locke, only the use of minimal force is permitted against unjust govern-ments. This is contrasted with the Marxist conception of revolution as the violent destruction of the existing so-cial, economic and political order. Christians who en-gaged in resistance movements in history include Die-trich Bonhoeffer, a German pastor who played a crucial role in the underground resistance against the Nazi dic-tatorship under Adolf Hitler, and needless to say, Martin Luther King.

Empirical Evidence: Likelihood of Success and Prospect of Democracy

After an introduction to the concept of nonviolent re-sistance, we now turn to empirical data on the likelihood of success of violent and nonviolent means of resistance, and the likelihood of transition to a stable democracy. Recent research projects on the topic include the study published in 2005 by Adrian Karatnycky and Peter Acker-man, and another published in 2011 by Erica Chenoweth and Maria Stephan.

15

Firstly, empirical data shows that nonviolent resistance is more effective in bringing about regime change. The study by Karatnycky and Ackerman, of 67 countries where authoritarian regimes were dismantled since 1972, found that in 50 of these 67 transitions, or over 70% of countries, regime changes were the result of non-violent resistance.

In the study by Chenoweth and Maria Stephan, of 323 resistance campaigns between 1900 and 2006, 53% of nonviolent movements successfully achieved their goals, compared with only 26% when violent tactics were em-ployed.

Secondly, nonviolent resistance is more conducive to the building of stable democratic institutions after the regime change. The study of Karatnycky and Ackerman revealed that, in 18 countries where cohesive and strong civic coa-litions emerged with little or no violent repression by the authoritarian regime, 17 became “Free” states according to Freedom House Ratings.

The prospects for civil and political rights after the re-gime change are significantly better when the opposition refrains from using violence, even when there is violent repression. In the 12 countries, where the authorities employed violent force, but the opposition resisted by nonviolent means, nearly 60% were “Free” in 2005, while others were “Partly Free”. By contrast, in the 20 countries in which both the government and the opposi-tion used violence, only 20% of the countries were “Free”, while 60% were “Partly Free”, and 20% were “Not Free”.

The study by Chenoweth and Maria Stephan yielded sim-ilar results. Among countries with average levels of de-mocracy at the end of the conflict, a country after a non-violent movement, whether successful or not, is over 40% likelier to be democratic five years after the conflict, than a country where violent resistance occurred.

The results are even more striking when the sample is restricted to successful movements, in which the proba-bility that a country will be a democracy 5 years after a movement is 57% among successful nonviolent cam-paigns, compared with less than 6% among successful violent insurgencies.

Furthermore, Chenoweth and Stephan found that nonvi-olent resistance is conducive to civil peace. Countries in which a violent campaign has occurred have a 42% prob-ability of experiencing civil war within 10 years, com-pared with 28% in countries where nonviolent resistance occurred.

Argument 1: Nonviolent Resistance is More Effective in Inducing Regime Change

Before discussing the reasons why nonviolent resistance is more likely to succeed, it should be noted that the most fundamental difference between the strategies of violent and nonviolent means of resistance is their un-derlying conceptions of political power.

On one hand, violent resistance reflects a monolithic conception of state power. Since there is absolute ine-quality of power within the regime, which possesses enormous political, economic and military power, and citizens, the only possible means to overthrow an au-thoritarian regime is to create an armed force that gains sufficient strength to destroy the state’s military and dis-mantle the state’s institutions.

On the other hand, nonviolent resistance reflects a rela-tional view of political power. Citizens possess various types of power that they may either grant to rulers, or withhold it (for example, stop buying goods of state-owned enterprises, refuse to work or refuse to pay tax-es), so as to cause massive disruption to “clog” the ma-chinery of the regime. As we shall see, this difference in conception of state power is highly relevant to the two strategies’ likelihood of success.

16

Chenoweth and Stephan argue that the success of nonvi-olent resistance is in mass participation. Their argument is two-fold. First, nonviolent movements allow higher level of mass participation. Second, high level of mass participation is crucial to the success of a resistance movement.

The study of Chenoweth and Stephan found that, among the 25 largest resistance campaigns between 1900 and 2006, 20 have been nonviolent. Moreover, among the 20 nonviolent movements, 70% were successful, while only 2 out of the 5 violent campaigns were successful. In oth-er words, among these mass movements, nonviolent resistance were much more likely to succeed.

Why Nonviolent Resistance Attracts More Participants

On one hand, compared with violent resistance, nonvio-lent resistance facilitate the active participation of many more people. The study of Chenoweth and Stephan showed that nonviolent resistance were persistently as-sociated with higher levels of membership.

Firstly, physical barrier to participation is lower for nonvi-olent resistance, as citizens from diverse sectors of soci-ety, even female citizens and the elderly, can participate in a range of actions such as labour strike, consumer boycotts and sit-ins.

Secondly, compared with nonviolent resistance, many sympathizers of violent resistance are reluctant to partic-ipate because they believe that it is immoral to commit violence.

Thirdly, nonviolent movements are more likely to over-come informational difficulties. Since they rely less on underground activities, they are more visible to the citi-zens. Furthermore, in many nonviolent movements, es-pecially in the Colour Revolution in some Eastern Euro-pean states in the early 2000s, the organizers incorpo-rated elements such as concerts and drama performanc-es into the campaign to attract young citizens.

17

Why High Level of Participation Leads to Success

On the other hand, the level of mass participation has a strong positive correlation with the chance of success.

Firstly, nonviolent resistance movements attract citizens from diverse segments of the society, ranging from civil servants to businesses and academics. They are capable of causing mass disruption to the functioning of the re-gime, thereby raising the cost of maintaining the status quo to the regime .

Secondly, from the perspective of regime elites, citizens engaging in nonviolent resistance are more likely to be credible negotiating partners, than are violent insur-gents. As a result, nonviolent movements are more likely to win concessions from the regime.

Thirdly, security force defections are more likely when the resistance movement is nonviolent. The study of Chenoweth and Stephan found that nonviolent move-ments were 46 times more likely to succeed when securi-ty force defections occurred, and security forces defec-tions are more likely to occur, since members of the se-curity force re-evaluate their preferences, when a di-verse range of citizens participate in the movement, with many of them having existing social networks with mem-bers of the security force, or share a collective identity with members of the security forces.

One of the most well-known examples in modern history was the struggle against the dictatorship of Marcos in the Philippines in 1986. The soldiers, many of them were Catholic, refused to fire at protesters, who included many nuns and priests.

Fourthly, violent repression of mass nonviolent re-sistance may backfire, and has paradoxical consequenc-es. The study of Chenoweth and Stephan found that non-violent movements are more than 6 times likelier to achieve full success than violent campaigns that also faced regime repression.

At the domestic level, when the regime uses brute force against unarmed population, there is rising sympathy for the nonviolent resisters. While traditional regime sup-porters, such as business elites and security force mem-bers, may be disturbed by these brutalities, new seg-ments of the population may be convinced that change is desperately needed.

At the international level, the international community is likely to support nonviolent movements under brutal repression, and may impose sanctions on the regime.

However, it is unlikely that repression of violent move-ments will backfire, since the regime can depict revolu-tionaries as terrorists, and the state as the defender of law and order, in order to justify repressive measures. Similarly, the international community is less likely to side with violent revolutionaries.

Argument 2: Nonviolent Resistance is More Conducive to Civil Peace and Transition to Stable Democracy

There is compelling empirical evidence to show that, while nonviolent resistance is more likely to result in transition to stable democracy, countries experiencing violent insurgencies often lapse into civil war, or return to authoritarianism.

Why Nonviolent Resistance is Conducive to the Devel-opment of a Nonviolent Political Culture

Nonviolent resistance is conducive to the development of a political culture in which conflicts are resolved through nonviolent means.

Firstly, in countries where nonviolent resistance succeed-ed in removing the entrenched power, the victory itself demonstrates that nonviolent means can be effective in winning power, and becomes part of the collective memory of the people.

18

Secondly, the use of nonviolent means in transition driv-en by nonviolent resistance strengthens citizens’ expec-tation that the post-conflict political regime will also be nonviolent in its relationship with constituents. Even when governments who come to power following nonvi-olent revolutions use violence when challenged by non-violent movements, the country’s past experience con-strains the behaviour of the post-conflict regime. In Thai-land, with a long history of nonviolent popular move-ment, the police are not permitted to carry firearms when responding to nonviolent movements. In May 2010, security forces acted with restraint when facing the “black shirt” protestors, and used violence only when provoked by violence.

Why Regimes Established after Violent Resistance Tend to have a Violent Political Culture

By contrast, regimes established after successful violent movements usually failed to develop a stable and reliable political order that resolves conflicts through nonviolent means. This was evident in Libya, more than one year after Colonel Gaddafi was overthrown by violent insur-gencies. Militias still refused to disarm, and carried out violent “revenge” to detain and beat suspected sympa-thizers of Gaddafi.

The following explains why countries after successful violent insurgencies are likely to fall into a vicious cycle of violence.

During a violent insurgency, the feeling of insecurity pre-vails among armed insurgents, especially given the fear and memories associated with a high level of casualty in extremely violent circumstances. Owing to the strong sense of insecurity, a winner-take-all political culture develops, rather than one which deals with conflicts through negotiation and compromise.

As a result, even after compromise has been reached among armed parties, rival factions may interpret seem-ingly innocuous moves by their opponents as a violation of the terms of settlement, and, through responses of their own, contribute to the breakdown of settlement. In Afghanistan, brutal civil war broke out almost immedi-

ately after violent insurgencies ousted Soviet forces in 1989.

Why Nonviolent Resistance is Conducive to Democracy

Nonviolent resistance is conducive to the building of democratic and consensual institutions.

Campaigns that rely on a nonviolent strategy are more likely to use consent, leading to the establishment of more democratically oriented parallel institutions that might aid in the transition to a democratic system when the conflict has ended. In South Africa, during the nonvi-olent anti-apartheid campaign, popularly elected local governments and courts in black townships usurped the authority of apartheid regime-appointed administrators and judges, long before majority rule came to the coun-try as a whole.

Why Countries after Successful Violent Resistance Tend to Backslide into Authoritarianism

By contrast, most countries after successful armed insur-gencies lapsed into authoritarianism.

Firstly, successful campaigns that rely primarily on vio-lent methods are more likely to operate by means of se-crecy and martial values. Such values tend to reinforce themselves in the post-conflict regime, as armed insur-gents in Cuba and Afghanistan installed closed and secre-tive dictatorships following their victories.

Secondly, when a new government is established after violent overthrow of a regime, the new government may be tempted to continue to use violence to purge remain-ing members of the old guard, as in the case of Libyan militias. This phenomenon is unlikely in the aftermath of successful nonviolent movements, since a sizable portion of regime supporters have often been co-opted into the nonviolent opposition.

19

Thirdly, many citizens in countries after successful violent insurgencies may long for a return to authoritarianism, when they fear that their countries, in prolonged armed struggle, may degenerate into failed states, or, at best, democracies that are perilous. As a result, leaders of armed groups may seize power and establish authoritarian regimes that may be as repressive as the ones that were overthrown.

Conclusion

In conclusion, there are both overwhelming empirical evi-dence and compelling theoretical basis that nonviolent resistance, compared with violent means of resistance, is more conducive to transition from authoritarianism to sta-ble liberal democracy. This finding accords with the decla-ration of Bart de Ligt, the Dutch revolutionary, “the more violence, the less revolution”.

Recommended Readings

For studies on nonviolent resistance, refer to:

Ackerman, P., & DuVall, J. (2000). A Force More Powerful: a Century of Nonviolent Conflict. New York: St. Martin's Press.

Ackerman, P. & Kruegler, C. (1994). Strategic Nonviolent Conflict: the Dynamics of People Power in the Twentieth Century. Westport, Conn.: Praeger.

Chenoweth, E., & Maria, S. (2011). Why Civil Resistance Works: the Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict. New York: Columbia University Press.

Karatnycky, A. & Ackerman, P. (2005). How Freedom is Won: From Civic Resistance to Durable Democracy. New York: Freedom House, 2005. Retrieved from http://biblioteca.hegoa.ehu.es/system/ebooks/19005/original/

How_freedom_is_won.pdf?1343378079

Nepstad, S. (2011). Nonviolent Revolutions: Civil Resistance in the late 20th Century. Oxford: Hong Kong: Oxford Uni-versity Press.

For an introduction to the Christian natural law tradition and its implications on social action, refer to:

Holmes, A. F. (1983). Contours of a World View. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, Chapter 11

For a list of scholarly writings on nonviolent resistance, refer to:

McCarthy, R. M. and Sharp, G. (1997). Nonviolent Action: a Research Guide. New York: Garland Pub., 1997

For theories of nonviolent resistance, refer to:

Sharp, G. (1973). The Politics of Nonviolent Action. Boston: P. Sargent.

20

香港政府把高地價政策奉為圭臬， 深信不疑。 英殖民

時代， 中國害怕港英政府會在回歸前把土地拋售， 失

去收入來源， 而港督也希望製造香港繁華的假象， 建

立港人對樓市的信心， 遂在 1985 年規定每年土地供應

只有 50 公頃。土地供不應求，價格自然上升。回歸中

國後，香港政府標榜「自由市場」和「低稅政策」，不

干預地產市場，買賣地產的徵稅甚小，本地市民和海外

投資者紛紛投機，房地產價格不斷飆升。

一個只靠地產業支撐的城市，人心也就被困在一幢幢

高聳入雲的摩天大廈裡，利令智昏，競逐著虛有其表的

繁華，沒有出口。這城市沒有動人歷史，只有被困於大

廈掙扎求存的野獸。這，是你想要的樂園嗎？

兒時總愛穿梭在小城裡縱橫交錯的街道，每條狹窄的

小巷，彷彿都訴說著一個個獨特的故事。在冬日的清

晨，披著大衣，迎著凜冽的寒風，從大街向左拐，手中

握緊那小得可憐的零用錢，挑著小食。我特別鍾愛那格

仔餅店，老婆婆總穿藍白間襯衫，嘴角淺笑，做著熱騰

騰的格仔餅。咬一口，暖暖的奶油和花生醬滿溢在口

中。吃完後總愛到樓上書店閑逛，嗅著那微微的紙香。

每樣東西都有種期限，若承受不了時間的磨蝕，註定被

人遺忘。不知何時起，小店外紛紛貼出「租約期滿」的

鮮黃橫幅，車仔麵、豬腸墨魚、奶黃包只能留在回憶待

續。取而代之的，是能付昂貴租金的珠寶店、連鎖茶餐

廳和化妝品店，職員穿著光鮮的制服，生硬地擠出笑

容，交易變得冷漠且疏離。朗豪坊建在小巷的不遠處，

把回憶壓得支離破碎。香港不再屬於本地人，反為內地

遊客服務。

政府有見於此，恬不知恥，並把結業原因歸咎於「弱肉

強食」，實令筆者氣憤。政府幕僚不能忽視此問題的嚴

重性：小店結業，員工一夜之間變為失業遊民，民怨日

深；一式一樣的商場失卻多元化， 不能吸引外地遊客，

拖垮旅遊業；樓市價格上升到一發不可收拾的地步，

引發泡沫危機。要有效解決問題，政府插手干預市場是

無可厚非的。雖香港奉行自由市場，但在發展經濟的同

時，也不能剝削小市民謀取生效的權利。若這發展方針

不再適用，為何不革故鼎新，嘗試另一套方法呢？韓國

首爾也為自由經濟體系，市政府為了維護士多、小攤販

的小商戶利益，禁止超市售價某幾種食品，讓小店也有

生存空間。另外，政府亦可就商業租金管制展開研究，

規定業主不能一年間加租三至四成，令租客無所適從，

被逼結業。我明白，政府要放棄現有方針，實要有無比

的勇氣，但有些事情，曠日持久，以後也沒有空間扭轉。

我所懷念的香港，鮮花處處，街頭巷尾也找到獨特故

事。

評香港政府的地產政策

紫鶯

香港大學社會科學學士（政治學與法學）一年級

21

北韓最近多次行為及言論引起其他國家的高度關注及

不滿，成為國際安全問題的焦點。中國以往在處理北韓

問題上扮演重要的角色，但北韓最近過激行為會為中

國帶來極大外交挑戰，如何好好處理此問題以及作出

適當的回應將會是中國在外交上的一大挑戰。中國一

方不能面對北韓作出嚴重譴責或經濟制裁，否則會嚴

重破壞與北韓的外交關係。而另一方面又不可以把此

問題置之不理。由於中國已被稱為世界大國之一，應多

主動關心及處理國際事務，以履行其大國責任，不能抱

著各家自掃門前雪的態度，把國際議題置若罔聞。因此

中國如何在兩害相權取其輕，將會成為中國習李時代

的第一項嚴峻外交挑戰。

筆者認為北韓這些行動會拉近中美關係，使中美雙方

有更多合作空間。由於在 1950-1953 年韓戰時中國派兵

支持北韓，因此中國與北韓早已建立不俗的外交關係，

而近年每當北韓發表激進言論，每次激動的行為，中國

都不會對北韓予嚴重譴責及作出經濟制裁。中國以往

更多次在北韓問題上扮演調停，中間人的角色，例如中

國多次勸告各方冷靜克制，亦盼望各國重返六方會談，

以談判桌的形式解決衝突矛盾，避免以戰爭或其他過

激的行動，以防使北韓與其他國家關係冰前颱雪。但很

明顯在最近北韓多番言論及行為後，中國外交部所作

出的回應已比以前大相徑庭。例如中國將加入與美國

等國家共同的經濟制裁，而雙方亦隨著北韓愈來愈過

激而加強互信，合力解除國際安全威脅。中國與美國亦

大有可能從更多途徑共同討論應對北韓的方法，並採

取更多策略，圓滑地解決危機。

但亦有評論指是次北韓危機未必一定拉近中美關係，

因為中美以往甚少展開核安全領域會談，與美俄的情

況不一樣，美俄在冷戰後仍會定期召開核安全領域會

談，透過談話方式交流核武，從而減少誤會，避免造成

核武競賽。但由於中美過去很少進行這些會議，因此雙

方未必在今次危機拉近關係。亦有指中國會增加核武

數量，於 2020 年內亦有可能追上美國核武數量，製造

共多達 600 枚核彈頭。當然，不能否認的是中美在解決

北韓危機上仍有不少踏腳石，但同時亦製造了不少契

機，讓中國與美國透過會談，早日解決此問題。而近日

美國國務卿克里訪華時亦與多位中國領導人會面，進

一步確立雙方合作關係，並加強互信，減少分歧，加強

在國際和地區事務中的溝通協調。這亦反映出北韓危

機促使中美加緊合作，就國際和平安全作出貢獻。

最後，筆者由心盼望各方能三思而後行，共同構建和

平，能盡快以理性和平方式解決北韓危機。

從北韓危機看中美關係

林栢勤

香港大學社會科學學士一年級

22

Functions Review

Pastpaper Distribution

This event was held from 4th to 6th December, 2012 outside James Hsioung Lee Science Building from 2pm to 6pm.

Members studying Politics and Public Administration courses picked up past papers at our counter. The following

pastpapers were distributed.

At the same time, members collected the POLITIKA Annual Journal 2012. It was estimated that around 100 members

came to our counter to collect the materials.

• POLI0005 – Capitalism and social justice

• POLI0019 – Hong Kong and the world

• POLI0040 – Public sector management

• POLI0052 – International relations of East Asia

• POLI0062 – Political analysis

• POLI0080 – Global political economy

• POLI0094 – Political participation: why and how?

• POLI0095 – Civil society and governance

• POLI1003 – Making sense of politics

23

施政報告論壇 2013 – 穩中求變？穩中行騙？

是次論壇於 1 月 24 日假中山廣場舉行。本會很榮幸邀請到全國政協委員劉夢熊先生、立法會議員梁國雄先生、

立法會議員梁家傑先生和傳媒工作者謝志峰先生擔任嘉賓。四位嘉賓當天就行政長官梁振英先生首份施政報告

進行了激烈的辯論，所有嘉賓就施政報告提出的政策，尤其是住房問題，扶貧政策和政制改革的細節。總體而言，

本次論壇不僅成功地讓觀眾更深入地了解本年度施政報告的內容，也提供了一個平台，為學生和廣大市民有關施

政報告的利弊與嘉賓交換了意見。

24

Mega Sale 2013

“Multiplex”, the annual Mega Sale of the PPAA, has successfully come to an end with the endeavors of our committee

members and the tremendous support of all of you.

The Mega Sale is an annual fund-raising event of the PPAA in which the profit earned will be used to facilitate the oper-

ation of the Association, to organize different forums and symposiums which help to raise the public’s awareness of

current affairs. This year, we offered a wide variety of products for sale in order to cater to the needs of different peo-

ple, from the luscious snacks to the exquisite stationery and ornaments, not to mention our newly-designed zip-up

hoodies which have attracted spate of supporters and boosted up our overall revenue.

25

The 40th Inauguration Ceremony

The 40th Inauguration Ceremony was successfully held on 4th February, 2013 in Rayson Huang Theatre.

At the Inauguration Ceremony, the

members of the Executive Committee

Session 2012-2013 was introduced

and formally inaugurated. This signi-

fies a continuation of the association

and marks the commencement of the

new session.

Speech was given by The Hon Sin Chung-kai, SBS, JP, Member of the Legislative Council, and Mr. Alan C. L. Lau, chair-

man of session 2011-2012 at the Ceremony.

26

「當和平理性遇上勇武抗爭時 – 香港社運何去何從？」時事研討會

近年香港社運的表達手法日趨多元，「和平、理性、非暴力」的模式備受挑戰。有鑑於此，本會於 2 月 28 日於

圖書館大樓 LE3 舉行「當和平理性遇上勇武抗爭時— 香港社運何去何從？」時事研討會， 並有幸邀請了香港大學

法律系副教授戴耀廷先生及政評員及社運人士陳景輝先生擔任嘉賓，探討香港社運的未來去向。會上討論了「和

平、理性、非暴力」的傳統社運模式是否已經失效、較激進的表達手法和模式會否成為香港社運的主流，以及由

戴耀廷先生提出的「佔領中環」爭普選的方法的可行性等議題。

「撥亂反正 保存港大百年基業：學生會及評議會改革之路」研討會

面對學生會和評議會的昏暗及獨裁， 本會於 3 月 4 日舉行研討會， 並有幸邀請到曾擔任評議會主席一職的霍俊

杰醫生以及有意貢獻學生會的鄧日朗同學 (現為學生會會長) 出席，與港大學生一同討論如何通過修改憲章，從而

加強對學生會及評論會的制衡和監管。 討論期間亦有同學指出廢除必然會員制等相關問題。 研討會整體討論氣

氛十分熱烈。

27

「傳媒歸邊，中立不再？透析傳媒赤化論與香港的新聞自由」時事論壇

本論壇於 2013 年 3 月 8 日在中山廣場舉行。當日邀請到香港記者協會主席麥燕庭女士以及立法會議員毛孟靜女

士擔任嘉賓講者。 兩位嘉賓引用資料及分享親身經驗， 剖析政治壓力籠罩香港傳媒行業的現象，亦對日益萎縮

的新聞自由表示憂慮。總結論壇所述，要捍衛香港的核心價值，仍然有賴市民積極監察媒體及政府。

政治及公共行政博覽 2013

本會自 1973 年成立以來，每年均會舉辦名為「政治及公共行政博覽」

的大型活動。本年政治及公共行政博覽的主題為「香港管治問題之根

本」。

回顧整個博覽，我們曾邀請到多位社會上的知名人士與同學分享和交

流意見。我們邀請到前立法會議員楊森博士及黃毓民議員和我們探討

有關公務員體制的缺失、人民力量主席劉嘉鴻先生透析地區架構重組

和執政階梯的關係、中原地產董事施永青先生和我們討論香港財政儲

備的漏洞以及葉健民教授講述香港政壇僵局的問題。 政治及公共行政

博覽 2013 於 3 月 28 日圓滿結束。

28

政治及公共行政博覽 2013 開幕典禮暨論壇：「沒有人才 只有庸才 – 香港公務員體制

的缺失」

政治及公共行政博覽 2013 時事研討會（一）：「政制弱勢 盡在殺局？香港執政階梯

斷裂之因由」

本論壇於 3 月 20 日在中山廣場舉行。本會有幸邀請到港大社會工作及社會行政學系助理教授楊森先生、立法會

議員黃毓民先生、 立法會議員梁家傑先生以及民主黨副主席羅健熙先生為嘉賓。當日嘉賓們探討了高官問責制的

弊端，亦講及政務官文化與制度，從而分析特區政府缺少政治人才和公務員質素下降的因由。

本會於 3 月 22 日舉行是次時事研討會，並有幸邀請人民力量主席劉嘉鴻先生擔任嘉賓。 會上討論了港府於 1999

年解散臨時市政局及臨時區域市政局的決定與香港執政階梯斷裂的關係，更進一步探討在香港成立市議會和獨

立地區行政機關的可行性，又討論了立法會和地區議會分工權責的漏洞和改善方法。

29

政治及公共行政博覽 2013 時事研討會（二）：「扶貧政策過於短視 儲備方針需顧長

短–從財政儲備看社福政策之不足」

是次研討會於 3 月 25 日舉行。本會有幸邀請中原地產董事施永青先生及工黨副主席鄭司律先生為嘉賓。兩位嘉

賓討論了香港政府的扶貧政策和社會福利政策，探討如何充分利用本港龐大的財政儲備。雖然參與的人數低於預

期，但嘉賓和參加者的討論提供了很多獨到的思巧角度，對香港的社會福利政策和財政儲備的運用分享了許多意

見，使同學對香港社會福利政策的未來發展有更深的認識。

政治及公共行政博覽 2013 論壇暨閉幕典禮 ：「官員只執政 政黨僅議政 – 如何打破香

港政壇僵局」

本論壇暨閉幕典禮在 3 月 28 日於學生會餐廳對出空地舉行。本會邀得多位社會人士出席並分享意見，當中包括

葉健民教授、胡志偉議員和陳志全議員。論壇期間，多位嘉賓都分別認同香港政治僵局的存在並強調爭取全面特

首普選（沒有篩選機制）的重要性和其意義。台下觀眾亦踴躍發問，爭取與嘉賓交流的機會，會場討論氣氛熱烈。

最後，論壇的完結亦同時標記政治及公共行政博覽 2013 圓滿結束。

30

Fotomax 快圖美

Swindon Book Co Ltd. 辰衝圖書有限公司

EGG Optical Boutique

Yazhou Zhoukan 亞洲週刊

META Magazine

Acknowledgement

Submission of Articles

The SRPS welcomes articles on political science or public administration, as well as commentaries on current affairs

and political incidents written by students. Articles of any topic on any stance are welcomed. Should you have any en-

quiries, please feel free to contact us via ppaa@hku.hk.

Address:

c/o Department of Politics and Public Administration,

The University of Hong Kong,

Pokfulam Road,

Hong Kong

Website: http://www.hku/hk/ppaa

Email: ppaa@hku.hk

Association Office:

Room 931, The Jockey Club Tower, Centennial Campus,

The University of Hong Kong