spirit servant shikigami

8/15/2019 Spirit Servant Shikigami

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SPIRIT SERVANT:

NARRATIVES OF SHIKIGAMI ANDONMYŌDŌ

DEVELOPMENTS

PANG CAROLYN ( B.A. ( Hons.) , NUS )


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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Acknowledgements are more than a list of names; it is recognition of those

who have been crucial in making this thesis possible and gratitude to all the important

people in my life who have always inspired and supported me during my research.

Mentors are a crucial beacon to guide me when I felt lost during times of

confusion. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Dr Scot

Hislop for his insightful advice, infinite patience and constant concern for my well-

being. Despite the inevitable stress and frustrations, my studies have always been a

journey of great enjoyment because of his continual support. I am immensely

indebted to Dr Lim Beng Choo for her constant emotional support and much-needed

guidance. I always find strength in her gentle and motherly concern to strive on. I

want to thank Professor Komine Kazuaki and Professor Masuo Shinichir ō who


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Friends are my treasured travel companions on this crazy adventure that we

call life. Let us continue to have fun together on this unpredictable life journey. To

Karen Feng, for making my life in Tokyo wonderful and memorable. To Yuen

Shumin, for being a wonderful buddy in study, tutorship, travel, fashion... in summary,

everything! To Kam Thiam Huat, for devotedly connecting all the JS batches. You are

the unsung hero of the department. To my long-time close friends, Kah Yen, Su Lynn,

Jau Chern and Chien Tee, for more than a decade of precious friendship and caring

support. To Letitia, Clarence, Serene, Esther, Karl and Susan for all their valuable

support, advices and companionship. To all JS students, for making my life in NUS

full of fond and cherished memories.

I owe much thanks to the Japanese Studies administration staff for making my

school life so much more enjoyable. To Ms Lee Bee Ling, for her good-natured

accommodation of my random moments and appreciation of my wacky antics. To Ms


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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgments ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ i

Table of Contents ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- iii

Summary ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- v

List of Figures -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- vii

Glossary --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- viii

Chapter 1 Introduction ------------------------------------------------------------------ 1

1.1 The Early Developments of Onmyōdō ----------------------------------------- 3

1.2 Methodological and Theoretical Issues ---------------------------------------- 5

1.3 Looking at the Spirit Servant through the Chapters ------------------------- 10

1.4 A Note about Semantics and Terminology ----------------------------------- 12


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3.3 A Category of Magic Skill: Shin-sarugakuki -------------------------------- 41

Chapter 4 Developments in Shikigami Narratives:

From Augury to Assassin ------------------------------------------------ 49

4.1 Analytical Spy and Physical Materiality: Ōkagami ------------------------ 51

4.2 Corporeality, Lethal Weapon and Knowledge-based Exclusivity: Konjaku

monogatari- shū ----------------------------------------------------------------- 54

4.3 Deadly Curse and Retaliation Spells: Uji-shui monogatari --------------- 61

Chapter 5 Shift in Shikigami Narratives:

From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ------------ 70

5.1 Loss of Control and Indiscriminate Harm: Zokukojidan ------------------- 71

5.2 Bridge Augury and Twelve Guardian Deities: Genpeijōsuiki ------------- 77


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SUMMARY

Despite its significant influence on the early history and religious practices of

Japan, Onmyōdō is a much-neglected strain of study in the Japanese fields of religious

and historical research due to its Sino-centric origins and position as an occult

practice. In this thesis, my interest lies in highlighting the role of Onmyōdō in early

Japanese history through a literary analysis of one of its emblems, the shikigami,

while at the same time, emphasizing the complex relationship between religion,

literature and history. Onmyōdō (陰陽道) which is literally translated as Way of Yin

and Yang or Japanese Yin Yang Theory, is a religious practice based on Chinese

Taoism employing Yin Yang theory and Theory of the Five Elements, and was

particularly influential during the Heian period. In view of the syncretic nature of

t J li i hiki i h th t di iti f b i il


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between religion, literature and history. The subsequent adoption of later literary

descriptions of shikigami by the contemporary religious institutions of Onmyōdō such

as Seimei Shrine in Kyoto and Abe no Seimei Shrine in Osaka reveals mutual

influences between literature and religion and suggests the importance of literature in

shaping the way religious institutions construct their religious identity and practices.


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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 Shikigami statue ----------------------------------------------------------------- 90

Figure 2 Small-scale model of Ichijō-modori Bridge -------------------------------- 90

Figure 3 Hand-phone strap on sale at Seimei Shrine -------------------------------- 90


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GLOSSARY

The translations and explanations given here are mine.

kijin 鬼神 Demon gods or invisible spiritual beings with super-

human powers. (It is also read as kishin or onigami.)

Onmyōdō 陰陽道 Way of Yin and Yang, Japanese Yin Yang Theory. (It

is also read as Inyōdō or Onyōdō.)

onmyōji 陰陽師 Master or diviner of Yin and Yang, yin-yang master. (It

is also read as onyōji.)

Onmyō-ryō 陰陽寮 Onyō Bureau, Bureau of Yin and Yang.

onyō 陰陽 Theory of Yin and Yang. (It is also read as inyō.)

shikigami 式神,

識神

Frequently identified as a spirit servant to onmyōji. (It

i l d hikiji ) Th h diff Chi


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_________________

CHAPTER ONE

_________________

INTRODUCTION


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CHAPTER 1. Introduction

The image of Onmyōdō (陰陽道, Way of Yin and Yang) as a superstitious

occult practice with Sino-centric origins has led to the tendency to occlude Onmyōdō

from mainstream scholarship and overlook its deep ties with Japanese historical

developments and its role in early Japanese social, cultural and religious history.

Through a study of literary descriptions of one of its emblems, shikigami, I seek to

highlight the significance of Onmyōdō in Japanese religiosity and early history and

emphasize the complex relationship between religion, literature and history.

Onmyōdō is a religious practice with a philosophical system based on Chinese yin-

yang thought and Theory of the Five Elements (五行説 , gogyō setsu) that had

developed independently in Japan. This system of beliefs requires a strict observance

f i i d b d l d h f d l


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CHAPTER 1. Introduction ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

study of the relationship between literature and history to rework the traditional

scholarly perception of literary narratives as an insignificant and unreliable source of

social and cultural study.

1.1 The Early Developments of Onmyōdō

With the introduction of Chinese yin-yang thought and importation of

specialists of divination and calendar from Paekche 1 and books on Taoist arts of

invisibility and magic from the sixth century 2 , the history of Onmyōdō became

intrinsically tied with Japanese history. The arrival of Chinese Taoism and Yin Yang

Theory signaled a new development in Japanese religions as they subsequently

synthesized with early Shintoism that utilized Chinese geomancy and the yin-yang

system while mutually influencing Esoteric Buddhism and Shugendō.3 The earliest


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state institution under the Taihō-r itsuryō (大宝律令 , Taihō code) in 701 6 and

underwent reorganization under the Yōrō-ritsuryō (養老律令, Yōrō code) in 718.7

Onmyōdō flourished as it was established as part of the state apparatus under the

Onmyō-ryō where its practitioners served the court and imperial family. The close

association of Onmyō-ryō with the imperial family and the use of Onmyōdō rituals

for both preventive and curative purposes among the Heian aristocrats served to

support and legitimize the spread of Onmyōdō practices.

By the tenth century, Onmyōdō, which literarily means, “The Way of Yin and

Yang”, became a widespread term and court officials serving in the Onmyō-ryō wer e

commonly known as onmyōji (陰陽師), which is literally translated as onyō master or

yin-yang master.8 Allan Grapard notes that the “director [of the Onmyō-ryō] himself

ibl f d h l d hil h l b d d


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Fujiwara no Tamemitsu (藤原為光), Matsuo-gimi (松雄君).11 Kuchizusami became

widely used as a learning guide for young Heian aristocrats and heavily influenced

late Heian educational compendia. The encyclopedic guide listed various information

under nineteen categories that had titles such as “Geography”, “Animals” and

“Periods within the Year.”12 Prognostication was given particular emphasis under the

major categories of “Onmyōdō”, “Heavenly Phenomenon” and “Medicine”. 13 The

influence of Onmyōdō was such that it became a required subject of learning for

Heian aristocrats. Although Onmyōdō found its origins in Chinese Taoism and yin-

yang thought, the rapid indigenization of Chinese cultural and religious influences

during the Heian period resulted in significant developments away from its Chinese

roots to create a new philosophical system that was distinctly Japanese. However, the


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suffers from the problem of meandering through a confusing bedlam of historical

changes in time without offering a clear, coherent explanation. The second

retrospective approach of studying shikigami from a comparative analysis of

meanings through the centuries arose from the existence of a broad library of folk

literature, diary records and anthologies of historical, court and military tales. In my

initial research on shikigami, I took the first approach of studying its characteristics as

offered in Japanese tales, much as most Japanese scholars have attempted. Yet,

instead of deciphering this elusive entity, I found myself increasingly intrigued by

what its function is and what it pertains to the early Heian literati who read the tales

and even within the practice of Onmyōdō itself. If we simply look at the

characteristics of shikigami, there is a tendency to subsume it under the category of

supernatural beings without considering the deeper historical impact of its existence,


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by society.14

This concept of the myth of shikigami as a societal creation instead of

institutional prescription will be further examined in Chapters 3, 4 and 5 where I will

trace the developments of shikigami descriptions with an overview of the historical

developments of Onmyōdō. Due to an apparent lack of official documents that define

shikigami and consistent details from the diverse practice of Onmyōdō itself, I

referred to related Japanese classical literature to allow for an understanding of what

my thesis is discussing.

There are numerous tales about Onmyōdō in Japanese classical texts that

range from early eighth century to fifteenth century period. The texts of Mumyōshō

(無名抄), Tsukikarima- shū (月刈藻集), Nagatobon heike monogatari (長門本平家物

語 ), Hōjōkudaiki (北条九代記 ), Kokonchomon- jū (古今著聞集 ), Ochikubo


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depictions of shikigami from the works of Makura-no sōshi, Shōyūki, Shin-sarugakuki,

Ōkagami, Konjaku monogatari- shū, Uji-shui monogatari, Zokukojidan and

Genpeijōsuiki for analysis. As my interests lie in examining the symbolism of

shikigami, what it reflects about early Japanese society and its relationship with the

historical developments of Onmyōdō, I take a chronological approach towards the

analysis of texts to show how literary descriptions of shikigami transmuted and

acquired new attributes from the early eleventh century to early fifteenth century

period.

I do not attempt to construct a meta-narrative to explain the impetus behind

the construction of tales about shikigami. Instead, my intent is to highlight the

embeddedness of shikigami tales in the social context of their production. It is also

my intent to emphasize the symbiotic relationship between the developments of


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happened but rather to celebrate patterns of holiness that gave shape to history [italics

are my own].”15

Legends reveal underlying cultural and religious patterns that provide

a new perspective to the study of the past while reaffirming the subjectiveness of

literature.

My study of shikigami myths through an interweave of related literary tales

and historical diary records attempts to extract patterns of thought and highlight the

function of literary narratives as providing alternative perspectives to “official”

historical narratives. I follow David Bialock’s idea of the “symbolic discourse of

texts”16 which focuses on the representative and performative functions of literary

texts and recognizes the “embeddedness of texts in the material conditions of their

production (including their graphic form) and the ways in which they intersect with a

variety of doctrinal, ritual and symbolic practices.”17

Bialock highlights the problem


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rather than a single direct, top-down trajectory. The assumption that the agents of

literary creations were only the aristocratic class would unduly discredit the

contribution of other classes and defeat my purpose in validating the symbolic value

of literary narratives. In order to avoid such a prescriptive assumption, my reference

to the participants in the textual constructions of shikigami in this thesis refers to the

literate class, which in other words refers to anyone who had access to literary

materials and immediate participation in the creation of literary texts.

1.3 Looking at the Spirit Servant through the Chapters

Shikigami is not a common folk belief figure of worship like kitsune (狐,

foxes) or deified individual with historical origins like Kitano cult’s Sugawara no

Michizane (菅原道真, 845 - 903) but an esoteric figure of imagination existing


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proceed with a descriptive analysis of shikigami based on specific Japanese tales and

diary records as what most Japanese scholars had done previously, but I situate my

analysis of the texts within a historical context dictated by the developments of

Onmyōdō.

The encounter with shikigami in my research reveals a close connection

between textual constructions of shikigami and the historical developments of

Onmyōdō where descriptions of shikigami in literary texts and historical diaries

adjusted to the new circumstances when changes in Onmyōdō took place. This

continual textual construction of shikigami was a fluid and active process that was

surprisingly sensitive to the changes in Onmyōdō and nuances of social expectations.

I will show in Chapter 3 how early records of shikigami presented it as a metaphoric

reference to an augury tool. In Chapter 4, I will show how later texts described


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employed as part of the main title of this thesis. The term “spirit servant” is

particularly suited to my intention of positing the questionable functions of shikigami

narratives as shown in the title of the concluding chapter, “Who is the Spirit Servant

Serving?” which presents a rhetorical question that reiterates the main concern of this

thesis: To whom does it serve in actuality? Although the common understanding is

that shikigami acts as a spirit helper to onmyōji, a deeper probe into the circumstances

surrounding the construction of its myths and the subsequent adoption of this

“fictional knowledge” by contemporary religious institutions of Onmyōdō question

the functions of shikigami narratives. It also highlights the issue of whether its

existence was meant to serve the intentions of the institution of its belonging, its

literary creators or the readers.


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effectively translates to the comparison of elite versus popular tendencies. Under this

conventional scholarship, “yin-yang refers in effect to two rather different sets of

practices: one that was gradually disseminated to Japan by populations of immigrants

arriving from the continent and a second based on a textual tradition that was

transmitted directly to the court.”19 This deliberate separation has led some scholars to

adopt “the term yin-yang thought (in’yō shisō) to distinguish between the intellectual

system of correlative cosmology based on the yin-yang five agents cycles (in’yō

gogyō), which had an elaborate textual tradition, and the term on’yōdō20 to refer to

magical techniques ( jujutsu) used in geomancy, purification, and other ritual

practices.”21

The second point is the recent scholarship approach of studying Onmyōdō

from the perspective of cultural hybridity that “even when the tension between


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other forms of rituals and purification rites, concepts about inyō expanded and

developed further variations.24

Another mention to be made here is the complexity embodied in the concept

of “shikigami”. The various readings of shiki, shiki-no-kami and shiki-jin, and

different Chinese characters of 式神, 識神 and 職神 are used to refer to shikigami.

The single Chinese character, 式 is sometimes used to represent shikigami. In the

Japanese dictionary, Nihon kokugo daijiten, shikigami is described as a kijin (鬼神,

demon god) who is commanded by the yin-yang masters of Onmyōdō and possesses

the ability to freely morph and perform marvelous magic. 25 Another Japanese

dictionary, K ō jien gives the same explanations of shikigami as being under the

commands of onmyōji and having shape-shifting and magical abilities but described it

26


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literary texts but supplement it with corresponding dates based on the Gregorian

calendar for easy reference. I consulted K ō jien (6th ed. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten,

2008), Kokushi daijiten (Tokyo: Yoshikawa K ōbunkan, 1979-97) and Nihon kokugo

daijiten (2nd ed., vol. 6. Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2001) for the verification of Japanese

terms, names and dates. For the translation of Japanese official titles, I generally

follow the translations listed in Helen Craig. McCullough and William H.

McCullough’s A Tale of Flowering Fortunes. I referred to Nihon koten-bungaku

daijiten (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1998) for the verification of periods of production of

cited texts. I referred to Zuixin hanyu dacidian (Selangor: United Publishing House

(M) SDN.BHD., 1997), Zhongguo fangshu dacidian (Guangdong: Zhongshan

University Publishing, 1991) and A Chinese-English Dictionary (Revised Edition)

(Peking: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 1997) for the verification of


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_________________

CHAPTER TWO

_________________

PREVALENT CONCEPTIONS OF SHIKIGAMI

IN CONTEMPORARY SCHOLARSHIP


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CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship

An overview of literature about shikigami shows variations in the way it is

described through the centuries, which has consequently resulted in different

understandings about this entity in contemporary Japanese scholarship. As Japanese

scholars have employed different literary texts and time periods for analysis, this has

produced varied and sometimes contradictory definitions of the shikigami. In this

chapter, I present definitions from Japanese classical texts and scholarship on

Onmyōdō to allow for a broad understanding of current interpretations of shikigami.

The purpose here is to show that the various definitions are due to different

conceptions of shikigami in contemporary scholarship which has neglected to take

into account the changing significance of shikigami through the centuries. From the

study of contemporary research on Onmyōdō, I have categorized the various


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CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

duties of the Onmyō-ryō, that one of the Onmyō-ryō’s duties was senzei (占筮). This

is a form of augury using augury sticks and principles based on the Book of Changes

(易经, I-Ching ).1 Court onmyōji were regarded as responsible for the tasks of augury

and predictions which subsequently augmented their image as diviners.

During the Heian period, an onmyōji was often consulted in the event of a ke

(怪, 恠, strange occurrence), where he used shikisen to determine if the unusual

occurrence held further implications. Onmyōji specialized in shikisen, particularly the

rikujin-shikisen (六壬式占), a type of complex augury calculation that was said to

have been introduced into Japan during the late sixth to early seventh century.

Shikisen was widely used by practitioners of Onmyōdō in the Nara period until the

mid-sixteenth century where it was replaced by ekisen (易占), a type of augury


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the jūni-shi have to be carefully coordinated through mathematical calculations to

match the dates and times with the symbolic astrological signs. Onmyōji would then

use the result to ascertain if the ke had any detrimental effects and advise what actions

should be taken to alleviate them.

Suzuki Ikkei sees ke as an important factor in the association of shikigami

with shikisen, taking examples from historical diaries such as Teishinkōki (貞信公記,

907-948), Midōkanpakuki (御堂関白記, 995-1021) and Shōyūki (小右記, 978-1032)

to illustrate the broad and varied definitions of ke. Ke might first appear as

commonplace, nondescript occurrences such as a crow dropping its excrement on

someone, and it required a knowing eye to recognize the deeper implications behind

such incidences. Suzuki emphasizes that ke is a sign of forthcoming calamity, not the


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shaped ideas of shikigami as a spiritual entity.8

Murayama also points out that the two

shikigami which Abe no Seimei (安倍晴明, 911-1005), a famous onmyōji who

served six emperors from Emperor Suzaku (朱雀天皇, r.930-46) to Emperor Ichijō

(一条天皇, r.986-1011), was fabled to command is a symbolic representation of the

chokuban’s Heaven and Earth panels. 9 Suwa gives more details about the close

relationship between shikigami and shikisen by explaining that the twelve shinshō (神

将 , guardian deities or warrior gods) which legends claimed Abe no Seimei

commanded, were likely based on the twelve cardinal points on the chokuban’s Earth

panel that relate to the jūni-shi.10 Although jūni-shi do not possess a clear identity,

they were given characteristics of divinity in Onmyōdō and existed as shugojin (守護

神, guardian gods or protector spirits) that were often invoked during rites. 11 The


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Suzuki provides another perspective of shikigami where he views the inter-

changeable use of the Chinese character, 識 ( shiki, consciousness) with 式 in

reference to shikigami (式神, 識神) in late Heian literary texts as a reflection of

human cognition. He provided several examples of “shikigami” (識神) in Buddhist

texts, such as Bosatsushotaikei ( 菩薩処胎経 ), which defined it as an

anthropomorphic realization of the active psychological or mental state ( shiki, 識).13

Suzuki is one of the few Japanese scholars in the field of Onmyōdō research to

attempt the study of the origins of shikigami and his early efforts to identify the

source of shikigami take the approach of examining examples from Konjaku

mongatari- shū (今昔物語集, 1120) and Uji-shui monogatari (宇治拾遺物語, 1213-

1221) and using the religious backdrop of the two anthologies of tales to present the


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classical texts and concluded that the Chinese character, 式 was initially used in the

early Heian period but was later inter-changeably used with 識 in reference to

shikigami (式神,識神).16 As mentioned in an earlier section, Suzuki is one of the few

Japanese scholars who speculates that the use of 式 for shikigami (式神) was initially

intended as a metaphorical allusion to onmyōji’s mastery over shikisen (式占).17 After

a study of the religious background of Konjaku mongatari- shū and comparisons with

Buddhist texts to examine the meanings behind 識, Suzuki surmises that despite

referring to the same entity in Onmyōdō, the use of 識神 to represent shikigami

suggests that it is later viewed as a form of anima rather than augury abilities. Suzuki

proposes that 識神 is a collateral existence produced by the active psyche which

possesses autonomous control over the consciousness (識, shiki).18 The concept of


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under Tadayuki, Tale 16”

21

of Konjaku mongatari- shū, as a competition of mental

strength rather than magic skills.22

He argues that shikigami is a literary

representation of Chitoku’s will and psychological intention to assess Seimei’s

capabilities. When Chitoku faced Seimei, competitive desire overtook him and

weakened his state of mind, causing him to lose sight of his original intention. As

such, he lost control over his will, his “shikigami”, which allowed Seimei to

overcome and “conceal” his shikigami. In other words, Seimei and Chitoku’s battle of

wits is actually a struggle of control over one’s own will and desire. Suzuki’s concept

of shikigami as a form of human cognitive power is a fascinating interpretation that

highlights a psychological approach towards the study of shikigami and suggests a

possible influence of Buddhism on Onmyōdō philosophical ideas since the late Heian

period.


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examination of the historical context behind the legends of Abe no Seimei, he takes

literary examples from texts such as Shin-sarugakuki (新猿楽記, 1052), Ōkagami (大

鏡, mid-eleventh to early twelfth century), Uji-shui monogatari and Gen peijōsuiki (源

平盛衰記 , end fourteenth to early fifteenth century), to classify shikigami

characteristics. He then uses the classification of shikigami characteristics to identify

two main traits; the first trait refers to magic that utilizes the innate powers of objects

to carry out tasks and the second is that of the role of a “kakyū-no-kenzoku-shin” (下

級の眷属神, lower-ranking deities attached to Buddhist divinities).

24

Suwa gives

literary examples of Seimei using a leaf to kill a toad or controlling a piece of paper to

do his bidding as indicative of the employment of an object’s inner powers to perform

tasks 25 and defined shikigami as magic that allows onmyōji to draw on the innate


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inner life-force or essence which is believed to exist everywhere and in everything

from animate to inanimate objects. The inherent essence in objects can be utilized by

magic spells and the process that involves the utilization of this innate energy and its

resulting effect is termed “shikigami”. The onmyōji is dependent on objects that

possess the energy, such as a leaf or paper, and magical incantations to summon the

powers existing within the relevant objects, which implies that shikigami is seen as a

naturally-existing energy instead of internal magical prowess cultivated through

individual spiritual practice. This animistic view of shikigami as an external form of

energy that onmyōji can utilize runs into the problem of identifying the nature of

energy that it originated from. However, an examination of the deeper significance

behind this animistic definition suggests that shikigami is actually a means through

which the onmyōji controls the innate energy in natural elements with magical


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abilities, but he admits that none of the characteristics can be clarified or proven in

present-day scholarship.29

Miura studies the relationship between Onmyōdō and

magic by focusing on magic spells in Onmyōdō tradition in his paper with an

emphasis on jujutsu (呪術, magic spells and incantations) and juhō (呪法, magic

rituals)30 which he sees as having been influenced by fuko (巫蠱) and the Taoist

magic of goraihō (五雷法), a spell that controls supernatural elements such as ghosts

and fox spirits.31

Fuko (巫蠱), or gu (蠱) in Mandarin, is a Chinese poisonous curse

that is created by sealing five venomous creatures such as centipede, toad, snake,

scorpion and gecko in a sealed jar and letting them devour each other. The sole

surviving creature is believed to be the most powerful as it contains the venom of the

other creatures and it becomes the gu which is used to carry out spells and cause the

32


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and bring all kinds of illnesses through the gu till the victim died, or even stealthily

shift the victim’s wealth to the gu owners’ houses.35 A more sinister aspect of gu is its

ability to allow its owner to control the soul of the dead victim.36

Miura sees similar

characteristics between gu and shikigami. He takes the tale of an onmyō ji, Dōma (道

摩) from Kojidan and Uji-shui monogatari, whose act of sealing a curse in an earthen

pot to harm Fujiwara no Michinaga (藤原道長 , 966-1027) as indicative of gu

practices and refers to Genpeijōsuiki to suggest that shikigami could also be gu in

human form.37 By relating shikigami to gu magic spells, Miura presents shikigami as

a form of malignant human-created curse rather than energy tapped from naturally-

existing elements. Miura’s study of shikigami from the perspective of gu associates

magic rituals in Onmyōdō tradition with Chinese magic spells and suggests that the


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Hisao, Miki Sumito, Matsuo Satoshi and Nagai Kazuko describe shikigami as a kijin

(鬼神, demon gods or invisible spiritual beings with super-human powers) in their

annotations of Japanese classical texts. Komine Kazuaki’s annotation of Konjaku

monogatari- shū identifies it as a kakyū-shin (下級神 , lower-ranking subordinate

deity)38 while Mabuchi Kazuo calls it a seirei (精霊, spirit, ghost or genie).39 Harima

Mitsutoshi’s annotation of Zokukojidan (続古事談, 1219) refers to it as a reijin (霊神,

spiritual being or deity that performs striking miracles).40

Annotations in Japanese

classical texts establish shikigami as a supernatural being though it is uncertain as to

whether it should be viewed as a spirit ( seirei), lower-ranking deity (kakyū-shin,

reijin) or demon god (kijin). The difficulties in expressing the complex ideas

embodied in shikigami can also be seen in Western translations of Japanese classical

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meanings of shikigami by overlooking its particularities and distinct niche in Japanese

religious thought.

Some Japanese scholars have tried to compare shikigami with other

supernatural beings to establish a better understanding of what it is. Using an example

of the fourteenth century illustrated scroll painting, Fudōriyaku-engi emaki (不動利益

縁起絵巻), Toyoshima sees the portrayal of shikigami as two diminutive helpers

assisting Seimei in a ceremonial purification rite to subdue demons of ailments as

similar to the attendant roles of Kongara (矜羯羅) and Seitaka (製多迦), the gohōdōji

(護法童子, attendant gods that is commanded by divine protectors of the Buddhist

Laws) to Fudōmyōou (不動明王) in Esoteric Buddhism.45 He then quotes from a

Tendai Esoteric Buddhist text, Anchi mitsukuketsu kyōryōchi (安鎮秘口決境領知) to


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shikigami, where the qualities of possessing both invisible and physical forms, being

summoned through incantations and under the commands of their masters were

regarded as key influences in the development of shikigami.49

Despite the difficulty in

establishing the category of supernatural being that shikigami belongs to, it can be

understood here that shikigami is commonly viewed as a spirit entity that can be

summoned by human onmyōji through spells and incantations, rather than bestowed

by divinities or attained after a long process of spiritual self-cultivation.

Literary descriptions of shikigami in various texts present a gamut of qualities

that range from being an amorphous entity to having a variety of physical forms and

abilities such as being able to act as a messenger, perform mundane household chores,

aid in ceremonial rituals, give predictions, set curses, spy, assassinate people and


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this by illustrating how ideas of shikigami evolved in tandem with changing ideas

about Onmyōdō. I will also clarify that the variations in descriptions of shikigami

characteristics through the centuries suggest shifting ideas about the significance of

shikigami.


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_________________

CHAPTER THREE

_________________

EARLY SHIKIGAMI NARRATIVES:

THE AMORPHOUS ENTITY


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CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity

In the previous chapter, I highlighted the tendency of Japanese scholars to

neglect the time periods and historical context that shaped literary descriptions of

shikigami. This resulted in different conceptions and definitions of shikigami in

contemporary Japanese scholarship. In the following chapters, I focus on a literary

analysis of ten tales from the works, Makura-no sōshi, Shōyūki, Shin-sarugakuki,

Ōkagami, Konjaku monogatari- shū, Uji-shui monogatari, Zokukojidan and

Genpeijōsuiki, together with historical records, to show how textual constructions of

shikigami changed over the early eleventh to early fifteenth century period as a result

of historical developments in Onmyōdō. A chronological order of analysis of the

selected tales is given in tandem with the corresponding periods of Onmyōdō

developments to situate the shikigami within a clear historical context and allow for


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CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

spying agents or supernatural beings with physical forms under the command of

onmyōji. The early thirteenth century literature, Uji-shui monogatari casts shikigami

as a deadly curse with a physical form that would take effect only when sent by

onmyōji. In contrast, another early thirteenth century work, Zokukojidan and the end-

fourteenth century to early fifteenth century work, Genpeijōsuiki present a sinister

transformation in shikigami characteristics where it appeared uncontrolled by onmyōji,

with the ability to freely manifest in the open and even cause harm to innocent

passersby.

This transformation from an amorphous power to a subservient corporeal

being to a freewheeling entity offers a thought-provoking hint about historical

developments in Onmyōdō that had effected such changes in literary descriptions

about its emblem.


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period. The mid-Heian work of Makura-no sōshi is one of the few Japanese texts with

the earliest mention of shikigami. This text shows that the early prototypical

shikigami was perceived to be an augury tool instead of a supernatural force or

immanent being. Makura-no sōshi is by Sei Shōnagon (清少納言, 966? - after 1017)

and was completed in 1001-1002.1 It is a miscellany of the author‟s observations and

thoughts about court life, people, nature, habits and miscellaneous things. It provides

one of the earliest records of shikigami. The cha pter, “When I first went into court

service”2 describes an episode of Empress Teishi (皇后定子, 976-1000) asking Sei

Shōnagon if she was fond of her when a sudden loud sneeze from the Table Room

interrupted Sei Shōnagon‟s reply. As the sneeze occurred when the author was giving

her answer, the empress jested that it was a sign that she was lying to her and left. Sei

Shōnagon was greatly dismayed by this episode and bitterly resented the person


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by the strength or weakness of its hue –

but that red nose bloomed false.

And so my flowering heart withers alone

To find itself in misjudged misery.

„Please take this to Her Majesty to lift her spirits,‟ I said,

and added, „The god of divination [式の神, shiki-no-kami]

knows all. I stand in great awe of him...‟”3

The sneezing episode was a minor affair that had so distressed the young,

inexperienced Sei Shōnagon such that she found it necessary to evoke shikigami

( shiki-no-kami) as proof of her sincerity. In an attempt to convince the empress, Sei

Shōnagon referred to shikigami as a vow of her honesty and loyalty and proclaimed


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referred to tadasu-no-kami (糺の神, god of Tadasu), a sacred augury forest of the

Shimogamo Shrine (下鴨神社) that was believed to be able to verify truths, in a letter

to Sei Shōnagon after the sneezing incident to tease her about whether she would be

able to maintain any lie when faced with the augury of truth. Sei Shōnagon‟s written

reply to the empress‟s letter referred to the sneezing incident and the depth of her

sincerity by punning on the homophone, hana, which means nose (鼻) or flower (花)

and declared that the sneeze caused by the “red nose” that had “bloomed false” was a

misleading indication of her sincerity. She then ended the letter with a note about her

belief in the divination abilities of the shiki-no-kami (式の神, god of shiki) to reveal

the truth of her words in response to Empress Teishi‟s mentioning of the augury tool

of truth, tadasu-no-kami in her letter. Sei Shōnagon cleverly used the term, “ shiki-no-


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activities.6 The influence of onmyōji in the Heian imperial court is particularly seen in

the routine practice of mono-imi7 (物忌, period of purification) and kata-imi8 (方忌,

directional taboos) by the imperial family and aristocratic class in accordance with

daily augury predictions by court onmyōji. The acknowledged status of court onmyōji

as specialists of augury and their expertise in the use of shikisen might have

influenced ideas about shikigami and associated it with an augury tool, such as that

expressed in Makura-no sōshi.

The mention of shikigami in the interaction between Sei Shōnagon and

Empress Teishi and the open use of shikigami as a means of oath-swearing in

Makura-no sōshi indicate that shikigami was already a familiar concept that existed in

the Heian imperial court during the early eleventh century. The lack of explanations

about shikigami in Sei Shōnagon‟s written reply to Empress Teishi was based on the


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the political and social environment during the regencies of Fujiwara no Michinaga

(藤原道長, 966-1027) and Fujiwara no Yorimichi (藤原頼通, 992-1074). In the entry,

“Officials”9 in section “Troubles”10 of chapter 20, “Extraordinary Events, Part 10”11,

it was recorded that the Minister of the Left, Fujiwara no Michinaga was troubled

with illness by a shikigami in the second year of Chōhō era (長保二年, 1000):

(Chōhō era 2nd

year, 5th

month) Same year, same month,

eighth day, it is said that shikigami was the cause of the

Minister of the Left‟s troubles.12

This concise entry was recorded together with numerous brief documentations

of illnesses and troubles suffered by the imperial family and aristocrats Unlike


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A reason for this added characteristic could probably be due to the people‟s

attitudes towards illnesses and their cures in early Japan. Allan Grapard observes that

beliefs in the exorcism and “magical” cure of diseases already existed during the Nara

period and such treatments were conducted by the Bureau of Medicine that had

experts consisting of one hakase (博士, doctor), two masters, and six disciples.13

This

association of medical problems with magical cures can also be seen in Shigeta

Shinichi‟s study of the relationship between aristocrats and onmyōji during the Heian

period in which he describes the process where aristocrats often consulted doctors

along with onmyōji and Buddhist monks in the event of illnesses. 14 Traditional

medical treatments were still practiced but the belief that diseases caused by the

supernatural needed magical cures resulted in a twofold process of medical

consultation that involved both medical and magico-religious solutions. Buddhist


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medicinal cures. Some of the rites conducted by onmyōji for curing illnesses or

expulsion of spirits responsible for illnesses are taiyaku-sai (大厄祭), kiki-sai (鬼気

祭) and kaijo (解除).

3.3 A Category of Magic Skill: Shin-sarugakuki

The central government‟s decline in power during the mid-tenth century

created a tumultuous milieu of social and political disorder.16

Rebellions from

disgruntled and ambitious noblemen such as Taira no Masakado (平将門, ? - 940) and

Fujiwara no Sumitomo (藤原純友, ? - 941) were eventually subdued but “difficult

social conditions caused by drought, famine, epidemic, and great fires, plus a sudden

increase in robbery, murder, and suicide, convinced many people that the end of the


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religious practice and the increasing role of onmyōji as ritual priests and

thaumaturgical sorcerers.19

This gradual transformation of onmyōji from a specialist of yin-yang theory to

a diviner with magical skills can be detected in Shin-sarugakuki, a fictional work by

the Professor of Literature, Fujiwara no Akihira (藤原明衡 , 989-1066) that was

completed in 1052. Shin-sarugakuki describes the principal occupations of the period

in detail and is perceived as the predecessor of the later genre of ōrai-mono (往来物,

textbooks).20 It is regarded as an important literary contribution to the history of

Japanese customs, theater and performances with Marian Ury describing this work as

presenting the “principal occupations of the time and their vocabulary with

encyclopedic thoroughness.”21 The descriptive commentary about various artisans and

performers of the time illustrates a vivid picture of the social environment in the late


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manipulate human souls... Although he had a human form,

he was able to communicate mentally with otherworldly

beings.23

The awe over the legendary abilities and magical powers of onmyōji was

carefully presented by Fujiwara no Akihira who listed Kamo no Michiyo‟s expert

knowledge of augury and formidable command over various elements such as wild

beasts, deities, supernatural beings and humans in the tale. The description that

Michiyo was able to command shikigami (仕式神, shi shikigami) suggests that this

was one of the abilities that a highly skilled onmyōji was expected to possess. The

close relationship between the onmyōji and shikigami that is seen here will be

reiterated in later tales about onmyōji such that shikigami eventually became an


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statutes for annual rituals that was completed in 927 upon the orders of Emperor

Daigo (醍醐天皇, r. 897-930) and finally authorized and enacted in 967. As observed

and succinctly summarized by Felicia Bock, the statutes in Engi-shiki “seem to

indicate that the major portion of the work of the Yin-Yang Bureau consisted of

observing heavenly patterns (astronomy-astrology), performing calendrical

calculations, preparing the annual calendar for the court and administrative offices,

operating the water clocks, announcing the hours of dawn and sunset, and conducting

the Na festival24

, as well as teaching these sciences and arts.”25

There appeared little

within the government manual to indicate that onmyōji had the power or authority to

command supernatural or spiritual forces26 though Shin-sarugakuki presented ideas

about the expected abilities of onmyōji that included supernatural prowess.

The magical abilities that the onmyōji, Kamo no Michiyo was described to


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Onmyōdō to be initially recognized as a form of proto -science (原始科学, genshi

kagaku) rather than a superstition (迷信, meishin).28 This initial classification of

Onmyōdō as a science for the health of both state and individual instead of a magico-

religious practice is further found in Grapard‟s description of the Japanese

bureaucratic system where “divination by turtle shell was not assigned to the Bureau

of Yin and Yang in Japan, but to the Department of Shrines, where it was performed

by the Nakatomi29

and Urabe30

sacerdotal lineages.”31

Yamashita Katsuaki analyzes

that Onmyōdō was placed on par with the Tenyaku-ryō (典薬寮, Bureau of Medicine)

and regarded as a form of specialized skill and knowledge. 32 The regard for the

technical skills of Onmyōdō is particularly seen in the establishment of facilities to

educate and train students to become onyō specialists.33 The notable lack of mention

of control over shikigami or any supernatural elements in the assigned duties of the


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elements called for the habit of consulting onmyōji before the aristocrats embarked on

their daily activities.35

The late ninth to early tenth century saw changes in the original

functions of the Onmyō-ryō to include more ritual activities that focused on pollution

taboos and purification rites such as spirit exorcisms.36

By the later half of the tenth

century, the heavy engagement of the Onmyō-ryō in conducting ceremonial rituals

and magical rites gradually cast court onmyōji as ritual priests and thaumaturgical

sorcerers.37

The portrayal of onmyōji as a diviner with magical skills and ability to

command supernatural elements in Shin-sarugakuki can be found in Yamashita

Katsuaki‟s study of Onmyōdō during the Heian period. Yamashita provides three

main reasons for the development of Onmyōdō from a philosophical proto-science

into a magico-religious practice that resulted in the thaumaturgical image of onmyōji


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came from the social demands for such magical powers and sorcery and the final

reason was the active use and mastery of related books on rituals and magic by

onmyōji in response to such demands.41

Yamashita sees the development of Onmyōdō

into a magico-religious practice through the adoption of ceremonial rituals and

magical rites to be a result of a response to state demands for such a change in their

role. 42 Such a development in Onmyōdō concomitantly resulted in literary

descriptions of onmyōji possessing magical skills, as seen in Shin-sarugakuki where

the onmyōji is described as being able to summon supernatural beings and create

spells.

From the literature of Makura-no sōshi, Shōyūki and Shin-sarugakuki, a

changing description of shikigami from a reference to the shikisen augury to a cause


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distinct development in shikigami characteristics. As onmyōji became increasingly

involved in magical ceremonial rites that cast Onmyōdō as a magico -religious

practice, shikigami moved from its original manifestation as an amorphous

representation of shikisen augury powers and magic skills to become a figure of

supernatural existence with magical skills.


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_________________

CHAPTER FOUR _________________

DEVELOPMENTS IN SHIKIGAMI NARRATIVES:

FROM AUGURY TO ASSASSIN


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CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin

The late Heian period was marked by the declining influence of the

aristocratic class with the advent of the feudal Kamakura regime. Throughout the late

eleventh century, social developments were strongly influenced by Buddhist ideas of

mappō (末法

, latter days of the Buddhist Law), a period characterized by irrevocable

spiritual decline and political and social turmoil.1 Allan Grapard points out that

during this period,

“...history was not seen anymore as the symbolic manifestation

of the will of the kami and their associated buddhas and

bodhisattvas, but as a devolutionary process over which human

beings had little or no power. Time was conceived of as an


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CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

the level of efficacy of the rituals called for the service of thaumaturgists believed to

possess powers that could enhance the rituals. As the aristocrats were the most active

participants in the ritual activities, onmyōji were expected to perform functions that

expanded beyond those stated in Engi-shiki. The late Heian period saw the heavy

involvement of court onmyō ji in ceremonial and purification rites as a result of

demands from the imperial family and aristocratic class. As the Onmyō-ryō took on a

more significant role in the performance of ceremonial rites for the state, Onmyōdō

underwent a gradual transformation from a specialized philosophical proto-science

into a magico-religious practice that cast onmyō ji as diviners and ritual priests with

supernatural powers. Consequently, textual constructions of shikigami were subjected

to the same transformation that imbued supernatural abilities into the previously

functionally-ambiguous shikigami. In this chapter, I employ tales from the late Heian


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(花山寺). As he passed by Abe no Seimei’s house along Tsuchimikado (土御門)

street, he overheard Seimei announcing a prediction derived from observations of

unusual astrological signs about his forthcoming abdication and later, instructing a

shikigami to enter the imperial palace. The extract below details the episode where

Seimei was commanding the shikigami:

“...“One of you spirits had better go on ahead to the

Palace,” Seimei said. And they tell me that an invisible

person pushed open the door and answered, “It looks as

though His Majesty has just passed the house.” (He may

have seen the Emperor’s retreating figure. Seimei’s

residence was at the intersection of Tsuchimikado and


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material limitations differ from the earlier amorphous descriptions of shikigami in

Makura-no sōshi as the augury tool of shikisen with the fluid ability to know all the

happenings in the imperial court. Tachibana Kenji and Kato Shizuko’s annotations of

Ōkagami note that the shikigami’s protean powers of transformation (hengenjizai) are

controlled by onmyōji which indicate that shikigami did not naturally possess a

physical form but its appearance was instead dictated by its onmyōji master.5 In this

tale, the author adopted a third person narrative to specifically state that shikigami

was an invisible being (me ni ha mienu-mono) that was unseen by normal humans.

The author deliberately stated that it is hearsay that shikigami was an “invisible

being” which leaves an ambiguous end to the episode and avoids the issue of whether

shikigami was visible to the emperor.

Abe no Seimei (安倍晴明, 921-1005) was a historical figure who served six


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to enhance an onmyōji’s capability in manipulating many elements. The portrayal of

Seimei’s possession of several shikigami performs as a verification of his prowess and

magical abilities. This indication of magical prowess is repeated in another tale in the

late Heian work, Konjaku monogatari- shū that will be discussed in the section below.

4.2 Corporeality, Lethal Weapon and Knowledge-based Exclusivity: Konjaku

monogatari- shū

Konjaku monogatari- shū is a collection of more than a thousand tales by an

anonymous author that consists of thirty-one scrolls with three missing scrolls. It is

speculated to be completed in 1120.7 Joseph Kitagawa describes it as “probably the

most valuable source regarding the religious beliefs and practices of the masses

during the Heian period.”8 The majority of the tales deals with Buddhist philosophical


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signs as punishment for the monk’s insolence. When Chitoku left after Seimei asked

him to revisit another day, he was alarmed to discover that his pages had disappeared

and quickly went back to apologize to Seimei and ask for their return. The episode

ended with Chitoku being highly impressed with Seimei`s magical abilities and

requesting to become his disciple. Below is an excerpt of the battle of wits between

Seimei and Chitoku:

“...Seimei guessed that the old fellow knew more than he

let on and had actually come to test him. On his mettle

now, he decided to have a bit of fun himself. The two

boys seemed to be genies.11

Seimei prayed silently that if

they were, they should vanish; and he secretly cast a spell


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The account of Seimei’s ability to control another onmyōji’s shikigami works

to impart a sense of awe of his mastery over supernatural elements. The use of

shikigami as a gauge of onmyōji’s power and knowledge is highlighted by Chitoku’s

test for Seimei and his strong admiration of Seimei’s ability to manipulate another’s

shikigami.

The earlier tale in Ōkagami describes shikigami as an “invisible being” with

the physical power to open doors and vocal and analytical abilities to report

happenings to Seimei. Konjaku monogatari- shū provides a more definite image of

shikigami where it is able to take on a physical human form with a degree of realism

that can deceive unknowing people into believing that it is real. There are no visible

signs to verify the existence of shikigami at first sight and even Seimei who is

renowned for his impressive magical skills and knowledge, had to verify his


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certain talisman ( fu) and with the formal chanting of an incantation or spell ( zhou).”13

Mitamura also observes that “in general, two main groups of [T]aoist hand signs can

be distinguished: those that developed in direct imitation of Buddhist mudras, and

those that can be described as uniquely [T]aoist finger techniques. Hand signs

deriving from Buddhist mudras include signs signifying “lotus”, “bridge”, “sword”

and so on. They are the same in name and execution, yet their specific description in

[T]aoist texts makes it clear that they were given an additional significance. Here,

unlike in Buddhism, each finger segment was linked with the larger cosmos by being

associated with the eight trigrams, seven stars of the Dipper, or twelve zodiac

positions.”14

In Ōkagami, Seimei’s exceptional mastery over shikigami is shown by his

possession of many shikigami at his command. The ability to manipulate several


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knowledge of the skill to control another onmyōji’s shikigami .16 Despite Chitoku’s

fearsome magical powers and excellent control over his own shikigami, he is depicted

as inferior to Seimei due to his inability to conceal and manipulate another onmyōji’s

shikigami. The fluidity of control over shikigami implies that it is not permanently

bound to a particular person whether by spells or mental control. Chitoku’s

experience reveals the belief that if one possesses necessary knowledge of the spell,

shikigami can be easily manipulated and even captured from another onmyōji. In

other words, the control over shikigami can be cultivated and obtained through the

possession of the requisite knowledge rather than dependence on heavenly gifts or

boons from divinity. This autonomy from divine grants and reliance on specialized

knowledge and training conversely caused restrictions to the attainment of such

magical knowledge.


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responsibility of being sacerdotal lineages of Onmyōdō. The ritsuryō state is

described by Ian James McMullen as opening the way to the “political ascendency of

oligarchic noble lineages”, which resulted in monopolies in the various spheres of

politics, religions and culture as certain family lineages were accorded hereditary

specialties. 21 As the ecclesiastic practitioners of Onmyōdō were of aristocratic

lineages, the possession of texts about Taoism, yin-yang theory and ceremonial rites

were primarily controlled by the Abe and Kamo sacerdotal lineages that in effect,

prevented commoner onmyōji from accessing such knowledge. This divergence

between commoner onmyōji and court onmyōji is represented by Chitoku’s defeat

due to his lack of the knowledge of the spells possessed by Seimei.

In the later part of the same tale, “The Tutelage of Abe no Seimei under

Tadayuki, Tale 16”, the command of shikigami and the legendary powers of Seimei


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just end up committing a sin.” ...He picked up a blade of

grass, muttered something, and tossed the grass at a frog.

The grass crushed the frog and killed it instantly. The

monks looking on turned pale with fear.”23

This anecdote is an accolade to Seimei’s moral character as seen in his

reluctance to kill an innocent life for the sake of entertainment. In this account, Seimei

admitted that there are limitations on an onmyōji’s power where it is difficult to kill a

human with magic despite the possibility of doing so. Yet, this is contradicted by his

display of the killing of a frog where a blade of grass was powerful enough to

instantly crush the frog. Japanese scholars such as Toyoshima Yasukuni and Suwa

Haruo see Seimei’s action of muttering incantations into the blade of grass and using

CHAPTER 4 D l i Shiki i N i F A A i


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situation in his house where shutters would lower and rise while doors would close

when there was no human around.24

The final part of the tale reiterates the corporeality of shikigami in more detail

where it is recorded that the descendents of Seimei could hear sounds made by

shikigami in Seimei’s original abode, the Tsuchimikado house.25 The suggestion here

is that the shikigami possessed by Seimei continued to exist even after the death of

their master. Shikigami were said to remain in the head household but did not appear

to be inherited by the descendents of Seimei since they could only hear but could not

see or control them. Shikigami is not a hereditary substance that can be passed on

physically or biologically to another person but specific knowledge is required to

possess them. As highlighted by Chitoku’s experience in the earlier part of the tale, it

requires the knowledge of the spell before one can control a shikigami which suggests

CHAPTER 4 D l t i Shiki i N ti F A t A i


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supernatural existence that has the potential to bring lethal harm to small creatures

such as a frog. The level of mortal harm that shikigami was believed to be capable of

is given in more detail in a tale from the mid-Kamakura work of Uji-shui monogatari

in the section below. Uji-shui monogatari is a collection of a hundred and ninety-

seven assorted tales said to be completed in the period 1213-1221 by an anonymous

compiler. The tales show strong Buddhist influence and about eighty similar tales can

be found in Konjaku monogatari- shū. In tale 26 in scroll 2, section 8 titled “Seimei

sealing the young Archivist Minor Captain’s curse,”26 Seimei witnessed the setting of

a shikigami curse on a popular chamberlain and decided to save him. It was later

revealed that the curse was initiated by the jealous brother-in-law of the chamberlain

who desires for his death. The tale ended with Seimei successfully saving the

chamberlain by causing the deadly curse to retaliate and kill the spell-caster instead.

CHAPTER 4 Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin


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unintelligible muttering. The fall night was long. At dawn

there was a knock on the door, and Seimei had the

chamberlain send someone to answer. It was a messenger

from the enemy diviner. The chamberlain’s brother -in-

law, who lived in another part of the house, was so

jealous of the chamberlain that he had this diviner set a

genie on the chamberlain to kill him. Seimei had spotted

the genie. “The gentleman was so strongly protected,” the

messenger loudly announced, “that the genie came back

and killed my master instead!””27

In this episode, the corporeality of shikigami is described to be in the physical

CHAPTER 4 Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin


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“corresponds exactly to the rise to ascendancy of the Fujiwara house and to the

regency of Fujiwara no Mototsune [藤原基経, 836-891], a fact which reveals that

political worries in Heian Japan were as if symbolically manifested in an increased

consciousness of the course of nature in relation to human affairs.” 29 In Grapard’s

description of this phenomenon, he explains that the “notable increase in records of

natural occurrences interpreted as heavenly warning or blessings is related to the

evolution of the goryō [御霊, vengeful spirits]30 belief system, and might be viewed

as a manifestation of popular criticism of governmental p

spirit servant shikigami

Documents