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Sanskrit syntax /

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SANSKRIT SYNTAX.

SANSKRIT SYNTAX

BY

Dr. J. S. SPELTER

WITH AN INTRODUCTION

Dr. H. KERN.

—=§>$<§>?<§-=

LEYDEN. — E. J. BRILL.1886.

©

In order to comply with-, the. wishes of Dr. Speijer I take

the liberty to introduce his work with-the students of Sanskrit.

Indian grammar, which is virtually the same as saying

Pacini's grammar, superior as it is in many respects to any-

thing of the kind produced among other civilized nations of

antiquity, is professedly deficient in its treatment of syntax.

As all Sanskrit grammars published "by Western scholars are,

so far as the linguistical facts are concerned , almost entirely

dependent , either directly or indirectly, upon Panini , it cannot

be matter for surprise that syntax is not adequately treated in

them, although it must be admitted that Professor Whitney's

grammar shows in this respect a signal progress.

Some parts of Indian syntax have received a careful treat-

ment at the hands of competent scholars, amongst whom Del-

briick stands foremost. All who are grateful to those pioneers

will , it may be supposed,gladly receive this more comprehen-

sive work, the first complete syntax of classical Sanskrit,

for which we are indebted to the labours of Dr. Speijer. May it

be the forerunner of a similar work , as copious and conscien-

tious , on Vaidik Syntax

!

H. KERN.

Lbyden, 13 July 1886.

PREFACE.

This book aims to give a succinct account of Sanskrit Syntax,

as it is represented in classic Sanskrit literature, without ne-

glecting however the archaisms and peculiarities of vaidik prose

(brahmana, upanishad, sutra) and of epic poetry. The facts

laid down here have been stated chiefly by my own observa-

tions in perusing Sanskrit writings, and accordingly by far

the great majority of the examples quoted have been selected

directly from the sources, if not, those suggested by the Pe-

tropolitan Dictionary or others have, as a rule, been received

only after verification. Moreover , valuable information was gained

by the statements of vernacular grammarians , especially of Pa-

nini, to whose reverenced authority due respect is paid and

whose rules are referred to at every opportunity. For some

useful intelligence I am indebted to Mr. Anundoram Boeooah's

Higher Sanskrit Grammar Calcutta 1879. A welcome and pre-

cious assistance were to me some treatises or occasional hints

of distinguished European scholars , who , as Delbruck , de

Saussueb, Whitney, have explored tracks of this scarcely

trodden region of Indian philology. But for the greater part

of the subjects falling within the scope of this compilation,

VIII PEEFACE.

monographies and special investigations of a sound philological

and scholarlike character are still wanting, and I have felt that

want often and deeply. For this reason I am fully aware,

that many deficiencies and inaccuracies will certainly be found

now or appear afterwards in this first Sanskrit Syntax written

in Europe. Notwithstanding, as I felt convinced that mylabour, however imperfect, might prove of some profit by

facilitating both the access to Sanskrit literature and the study of

Sanskrit language, and that on the other hand this work might

afford some base for further investigations on special points of

Syntax, it is placed before the public with the confidence that

it may be judged , what it is , as a first attempt , and an attempt

undertaken by a foreigner.

In arranging materials I preferred following , as best I could,

the nature and spirit of the language I was working on, rather

than clinging too closely to the classification familiar to us by

the Syntax of Latin and Greek ; in stating facts I have avoided

generalizing from such instances as did rest only on my own

limited experience, remembering the wise words of Patanjali

^iP< 5t*s^i OTlnQsra': (friid'H ui*<yj iiuUild&itn-HjjPftuRj h^ri-

The whole of this Syntax is made up of six Sections.

Page.

Section I. General remarks on the structure of sentences . 1—13

Section II. Syntaxis convenientiae and syntaxis rectionis.

y Chapt. I. Concord ... 13 23

,; II. How to denote case-relations 24 29

„ III. Accusative 29 42

„ IV. Instrumental 42—58

V. Dative 58—67

„ "VI. Ablative '

. . 67 81

„ VII. Genitive, 81—101

„ VIII. Locative 102—113

PREFACE. IX

Page.

Chapt. IX. Periphrastic expression of case-relations. . . . 113

I. Prepositions 113—134

II. Periphrase by means of noun-cases . . . 134—141

HI. „ „ „ „ participles, gerunds

and the like 141—145

„ X. Compounds 145—178

Section III. On the different classes of nouns and pronouns.

Chapt. I. Substantive. Adjective. Adverb 179—193

II. Pronouns 193

1. Personal pronouns and their possessives. . 193—201

2. Demonstratives, Relatives, Interrogatives . . 201—215

3. Pronominal Adverbs 215—221

4. Pronominal Adjectives 221—222

„ III. On nouns of number 222—227

Section IV. Syntax of the verbs.

Chapt. I. General remarks. Kinds of verbs. Auxiliaries. Pe-

riphrase of verbs . . 228—235

„ II. On voices 235—241

III and IV. Tenses and moods 241—278

„ V. Participles and participial idioms 278—296

„ VI. Gerunds 296—300

„ VII. Infinitive 300—309

Section V. Syntax of the particles.

Chapt. I. Particles of emphasis and limitation 310—315

„ II. Negation 315—320

„ in. Interrogations 320—326

„ IV. Exclamation 326—329

„ V. Connective particles 329—336

Section VI. On the connection of sentences.

Chapt. I. Coordination 337—346

II. Subordination. Periods and clauses 347—352

III. Relative sentences introduced by pronouns . . . 352—357

IV. Relative adverbs and conjunctions 358—372

V. The conditional period 372—379

VI. The direct construction; ^H 379—388

Amsterdam, July 1886. J. S. Speijee.

PREFACE.

Before perusing the book, the reader is begged to change

p. 12 § 17 Kam. - into Kad.

„ 21 § 31 serves to determine ~„ s. t. qualify.

„ 185 R. 1.

„ 43 and 43,4.

,, born.

51 § 68

SECTION THE FIRST.

GENERAL REMARKS ON THE STRUCTURE OFSENTENCES.

1. The subject of the sentence ') is put in the nomi-Sl

indCt native case. The predicate of the sentence is either

^te." noun or verb; OTt TO"fpT (the horse runs), R^UTtJSP

(the horse is young).

2. To the noun-predicate the so called verbum sub-

Ver- stantivum is commonly not subjoined; from a logicalbumsub- point of view it is indeed of no use, and its obliga-stanti-

vum. tory employment in modern western languages rather

to be called an abuse. Pane. 26 ^. i^irm snf <^qun ; (he is a

lord , we are mean people) , Nala 1,30 fst =5^ jt\ -l I (luit R^w =et qafr

51^:, Qak. I isrfg ^Pr<Hl •ssr frgmfd :(is perhaps the head of the

family near?). It may, however, be added. Pane. 100 wrre>

srprt BR&ftefifT, Kathas. 16, 115 a^iioimj imfoi (I al°ne am guilty.) —

1) Vernacular grammar has no term to name the subject of the sen-

tence or grammatical subject. The term kartr signifies the agent or

logical subject. In the same way karma means the logical object, whatso-

ever may be its grammatical function ; it thus implies the object of the

active verb as well as the subject of the passive or the objective genitive.

In such sentences as »the knife cuts", the grammatical subject is both

kartr (agent) and karana (instrument).

1

2 § 2—4.

It must be added, if »to be" means »to exist" or uto be met

with;" likewise if the grammatical tense or mood is to be ex-

pressed.

Rem. It is even wanting sometimes in such sentences, as con-

tain a predicate in the optative or imperative mood; especially in

some current phrases, as .^h^ (adoration to him), ^j" fj [sc. itoth]

hail to you), crt cjizrr (why make mention of —) sTT^fW or strt tpw(v. a. malum absit), etc. Prabodh. Ill p. 66 the Bauddha monk entreats

the Qaiva fo let him enjoy the instruction of his doctrines ai-sM^d

firrcriT'St UdittW it <TT(lScrff fsrw^(be you my teacher, I your pupil,

initiate me into the doctrines of the Qaivas).

3. Besides ^TTFT and >T^frT, the verbs felR\ frT^TFT,

^rTrT and the participle JTrT may be used more or

less as verbum substantivum. Schol. on P. 3, 4, 65 ') fa^f j?T-

stj^ (there is something to eat), Ven. Ill p. 94 ^cr ^jfttPT a^rt ^nfHr^r-

UiyinqfaKRH'irfrl (hero D. is sitting down under the shade —), Hit.

107 oiiuy^lsft srrf^" am the king of the crows is at the door). Fromthe given examples it however sufficiently appears that the original

meaning of those verbs has not wholly faded. Accordingly it is

sometimes not indifferent which verbum subst. to choose. So fspj^

especially denotes the »being met with" fr. il y »t likewise =fffer,

but not uaf^; rnr expresses the »being in or on", as f^HJ iH : (v. a.

painted); 5[ffi7 comp. Lat. versatur.

Eem. By consequence, nsriH is the proper verb, if there be laid

some stress on the predicate, in other terms, if it be pointed out that

the subject is invested with the dignity or possesses the quality predi-

cated of it. Ch. Up. 6, 16, 1 it is said with respect to somebody, seized

on account of a theft , apparently committed by him g- jrfir f^ ^£jHEjf?T [not sjfef] ; Pane. Ill , 57 sFrrfSr <^rft aj: w&T iraffr 1TOT. (whenthe fire burns the wood, wind is his mate), Mhbh. 1,89,2 ot fgpraT

4. The same character is exhibited by the predicates

1) f&tJrT in this sutra is one of the sg^j-qr; (wonta meaning to be).

§ 4-7 3

made up of a noun and a verb of becoming,growing

,

seeming , remaining , being called,-considered and the like.

Comp. 32.

5. The noun-predicate itself deviates by no means

predi-from the common use of other tongues. It may thus

cate- be any kind of noun either substantive or adjective,

and is put in the nominative case, provided that it be

pointing at the same person or thing as is pointed out

by the subject, as 5TTfTt<Tr fTT%'< (the night is cold) , for

in that sentence the subj. J\T%'< and the predicate STtrTFIT

are relating to one and the same thing. This we may

call the noun-predicate proper. Nothing, indeed,

forbids other nouncases, adverbs and the like doing

duty of the predicate, as 37QT rTT^FT when = „water is in

the pit," Pat. 84 -a^r g^raT ' cfrrer: (yonder [house], where that

crow is), Mudr. 23 ^ttsj: UMTgMgTT (he [will] not [be] able to

blot out [that] stain) , E. 2,42,7 qrf OTT * ft qn (I have nothing

in common with them nor they with me) and sim.

6. As to the verb-predicate , the same action mayv"^. be expressed as well by the active voice as by the

thfaJT Passive - When active, its agent or subject is put in

tive the nominative case and its object in the accusative;voice

or in

the pas-

voice ^ -^ f-ia ,r^rTf ^TST ^"TTrT (N. N. makes a mat). In the pas-

sive.

sive sentence , the object of the action is subject of the sen-

tence and accordingly a nominative ; the agent is invari-

ably put in the i n s t r u m e n t a 1. ^^fTR1

37S"! IWOtT

(the mat is made by N. N.) ; of ^FTPF (I sleep) the

pass, form is ^UJ Fplrf (it is slept by me), and so on.

7. Sanskrit has a decided predilection" for the passive

4 § 7-9

Passive voice. In translating from that language it is oftenvoice.

necessary to transform passive sentences into active.

For inst. Pane. 43 R^chM* SjTTt mr HdNdi^ ; (it is a long time I

hear blame you), Daeak. 133 chmfq f^ichi^ i cMtJlunfllEiRi (a

maiden of heavenly appearance respectfully approached me), Hit.

43 fnr ar nn y<£t mrmfz^;\ ^iwi<iy n-^rii a^r yl^R: gasfi ^s: i

rfrRrPT Ijlf »4jt f^rnr *T5FTp W^UI spT:

8. Since this preference is of course not limited to tran-

'ronai"sitive verbs , nothing can be more common than the use

p™1' of impersonal passives. Hit. 93 ^rrft hm^jhch-h fer-

fpt (some guardian of the crops was standing aside), Dagak. 18

iraf^HM cfrfTrfr f^rff g,:Hfa<ilffi (the lion, after having slain the

elephant, disappeared), Ven. Ill p. 79 dnmdt n^TOTT sr: sr^WT ^ tQuUl -

RZTT Qriii i. Even the verb subst. has occasionally a passive form

,

cp. 32 6).

Imper- Bern, Apart from the said impersonal verbs, we have to re-

verb«cor^ *^e °^ an^ genuine impersonals with active or medial en-

dings and meaning. In classic Sanskrit they are scarcely used,

being but remnants of a more widely employed idiom of the elder

language. Ait. Br. 1,9,2 ftot stm& cfi<J<rr> qf^ f5&K)rH i^rfit (it

avails such community, as where is a hotr knowing this), Acv.

Grhy. 4,1,1 aiferilfH ^<iMH '4tiri°'^H (if a worshipper in the three

fires be affected by illness, he -should withdraw); — Pane. I an

^ ofzi ^ RimPi (if it does not succeed notwithstanding the effort —).

Likewise snSHrT (it rains) = 5^7 snfe (cp. Tajn. 1,136 with Kac.

on P. 1,4,89) and so on.

9. Participles, especially those in FT and rT^rT^[e^'and the krtyas are frequently employed as

d

d

uty

D

ofif tn ey were finite verbs, without the at-

mte* eri dance of the verb subst. In simple prose

a great deal of the sentences are moulded in thatshape. Hitop. 12 sren aniprr cam i fcrt : mRrifti (the tiger killed

him and devoured him) , ibid. 7 jtct f5Mj]aiMm ; tnrr* SPTTfosrw

(he entrusted his sons "to the foresaid Vishn.), Q&k. I [d-DddNU i

§ 9-10. 5

hmWuEj =ttit (surely , the hermitages should be entered in

modest dress).

Rem. The participles of the present and the future do not par-

take of this construction, cp. P. 3, 2, 124 with 126 1

).

10. The subject of the sentence is not alwaysU

im.° expressed. Often it is implied by the verb. For ^TrT

and ^TTTT are quite as intelligible as^T^T ^TR and cT ^~

^Tm> and likewise in the third person the sole <^llrl

suffices , if there can be no doubt as to the giver meant.

Nevertheless, the personal pronouns denoting the

subject are not seldom added, even when not required

for the understanding, certainly much oftener than in

Latin and Greek. See f. inst. Nala 2,19; 3,9; Kathas. 6,133.

But the omission is impossible , if stress should be laid

on the pronoun.

Agent In passive sentences , the personal pronouns denoting

plied, the agent may be wanting likewise , but of course this

is not by far done so often as in active sentences.

Pane. 127 ^ RfartJ i iuft^ [sc. -a^r], ibid. 327 ifr fqsr fSf^ar mn-

aiK >s fritewiiH (say, friend, why do [you] run away thus by false

fear?).

The omission is regular with passive imperatives , that

are expressive of an injunction or commandment in a

softened or polite manner, as JIWTFT (go), ^dl^hear) Pane. 87 the panther thus addresses the hungry lion, his

1) A vartt. to P. 3,2,124 states an exception for the case, that the

negation qT is added to the participle, in order to signify an impreca-

tion. Of this rule applied I know but one instance,Qicupal. 2,45 quoted

by the Petr. Diet. s. v. rrr, V p. 680; but it is not improbable that the

author of that poem has done so designedly to show his own skill by

applying an out-of-the-way grammatical rule.

6 § 10—13.

master ^iffifeh^rim q' 'w httt: tnmtn^cr i ^fcraFrarrf erra: ssttt i jt*t

11- But in sentences without a finite verb the personal

pronoun denoting the subject cannot be missing. It may

be said promiscuously ^rT^T'TTFF and Wir\c\ M«^*j

+H ehrdfrfH and SfiFT^Fr^T and so on. The fullat t c *\

forms ^» ^JrT^T'TTFT, pf =h rl =ftrU t^TCT are , of course

,

also available.

Kern. Occasionally they are wanting even then,provided that

it be beyond doubt, which subject is meant. Pane. 214 the crow

Sthirajivin relates to the king of the owls the ill treatment he has

endured from his own king , for ^r ^-mch l EirH^i ^srt =rlrT: [sc. 5^T

,

as is perspicuous by the context] ; ibid. 53 the lover addresses the

princess (id<J& wri [sc. rof] f§F btt srmfsr ; ibid. 38 stm imrsfe Urinw

dUttld far^#rnior: [sc FoFr]. Cp. ibid. 137, 13; 154, 10.

12. A general subject may be expressed by using

raisub- the passive form, as 3^?JrT (it is said) , 'Mtfrl (it is

taught). Likewise by the plural of the 3d pers. of the

active as M\^' (they say, when = it is said; germ, man

sagf), m\< (it is known), ^M^rl at is told). But

not seldom also the singular of the 3d pers. of the

active is employed in this manner. Pane. II, 34 chuun -

P^MHIMfri EFI^mi5.frl W^HIM. (** *s not without cause,, one becomes

a friend or a foe). The pronoun omitted is ft (= one,germ, man)

,

which is also sometimes added. Pane. 1,216 <zrm =r feHf t&vrsfir

|9r 1 yjflrch^lRlPwfriHlMUlry: (one must not lose courage oven in

distress; by courage one may regain one's position in time).

13. The accessory parts of the sentence, such as are to

point out the where , the when , the why , the how of

the fact related, the qualities and other attributes of

§ 13—14. 7

the persons or things involved, are embodied into speech

by the same or nearly the same grammatical appa-

ratus, as serves that purpose in other languages. It is

the relative frequency or rareness and the distribution

of these instrumentalities of speech, which gives to

Sanskrit style its proper and peculiar character, the

main features of which may be sketched as follows:

14- l'y. Sanskrit, in comparison with western langua-Clia-

racter ges , does not avail itself much of finite verbs. Hence

SanS _ abundance of gerunds, participles, absolute locatives,

st *llnoun-predicates and a relative scarcity of subordinate

sentences. Accumulating short coordinate phrases is

likewise avoided by using gerunds. Dagak. 19 sn^r srtst-

U5l^PrlchTl4lHdi-iRrr — »I took off the baby from the tree and sought

for the fair one in the forest, but not discovering her I carried

it to my teacher, and gave it over in his hands. By his order

I now have brought the boy to you."

In Sanskrit style the predicate of the sentence is

many times expressed by means of a nomen adionis

,

to be translated by a finite verb. Pane. 21 35^^ 1 <srr-

fer fff/ffi^ fSterrtTTcrerRiT (Dam. said: why does my master stop

and stay here?)o o

Jpy. Abstracts in FIT or pi may be made of any

noun either simple or compound. Since they are available

in all noun-cases , they afford an easy expedient to bring

a whole clause into a shape as concise as possible and

to express logical relations in the very sharpest and

most distinct way. Hence they are often employed in

treatises, commentaries and similar works. A more

detailed account of them will be given hereafter.

8 § U.

ni'y. A great and important place in Sanskrit com-

position is filled up by compound nouns. This syn-

thetic expression of thought is applied to the most vari-

ous and manifold logical relations, but it is especially

in the more flowery style of adorned literary compo-

sition, that they are used at a considerably large extent.

Eelative clauses are commonly avoided by them.

IV'y. An other characteristic of Sanskrit style is its pre-

dilection for the oratio directa. Words and thoughts are

related just as they have been spoken and thought or sup-

posed to have been, but they are not moulded into the figure

of an oratio obliqua. Generally the adverb £>\r\ (thus,

so) is put behind the words or thoughts related. Ac-

cordingly the English sentence he asked his friend, why

he had not left this town is Sanskrit ^t^l^tH 1^1^15=1

witqrfltlliri fa -A H fJ^HL So f. but utt. i m^^humdfeammfM Q^MriiffitH (Mylady is tired; for this reason I beg

Her to take Her rest).

V'y. The system of correlation between relatives and

demonstratives, though sufficiently developed as to the

number and variety of combinations, has retained a

great deal of the unwieldiness and prolixity of its ru-

dimentary stage. It often reminds of the solemn style of

old Latin. Mostly the relative clause precedes. Pane. 2

*tot iw amI^kii: f%f§; ?nf^T rren-rrfejrrra^ (act so as to fulfill mywishes), ibid. 70 q-

: g^ft g-^t •sm&ct ct,gmMN , and the like.

VI1?. Sanskrit likes rhetorical interrogations, that is,

such as do not put a question, but contain a state-

ment either positive or negative. As this turn is muchmore employed than in modern languages, such inter-

§ 14-16. 9

rogations are often to be translated rather freely. So

sft: is not rarely an other expression of »nobody" and g?f ^ —» every body;" gnr: is frequently = »because." Similarly %pj fer —»yes "

^T^T1^ and qTT — »certainly ," cp. the idiom ^ ^ 37 ^ and

other turns , more fully to be dealt with in one of the subsequent

chapters. Compare Engl, why , when = »now, well," Greek ovkovv.

VlPy. The predilection for the passive construction has

been already mentioned (see 7). It is of course not restric-

ted to the finite verb, but applies also to participles.

15. Like all languages, that possess a rich store of in-

Ordf

erflections , Sanskrit affords a comparatively great freedom

words- as to the order of words in the sentence 1

). Yet, it is

frequently not altogether indifferent in what order one puts

one's words. We ought to distinguish between the tra-

ditional or regular arrangement and the various excep-

tions caused by the exigencies of style , enphony , metre

etc. Therefore though tracing a general scheme, we

must keep in mind, that it bears but on the most

frequent employment , as it has been observed in perus-

ing the best writers, but it cannot claim to be a set

of fixed rules rigorously to be followed throughout.

16. The traditional order of words is this.2

)

1. The predicate being verbal, it ordinarily closes

the sentence, which is headed by the noun-subject,

when expressed. The other elements of the sentence

are taken in the midst, but placed so as to make the

Tradi-

tional.

1) Compare Pat. I, p. 39,1. 18^gFJrJr ^WRI q^FUrUitl'H fTEft UejOTfUH-

2) Qn .this subject we have an excellent treatise of Prof. Delbkuck

Die altindische Wortfolge aus dem Qatapathdbrahmana 1878. Yet, of

course , it does not go beyond the archaic period of Sanskrit literature.

10 § 16.

verb have its object immediately before it,^^tT! 3R7T

^tfrT (JOT. makes a mat), ^rft ^HPT: ^ TRT"

JFTQ^T SJTFItP (N.N. has parted for Pataliputra with

his brothers). In a similar manner the attributes and

other accessories of nouns precede them. Moreover, as

one is inclined in Sanskrit to avoid subordinate sen-

tences, by availing one's self largely of participles, ge-

runds and the like (14, I), it often occurs, that the

chief sentence is preceded by a greater or smaller amount

of accessory elements of the kind, put according to

the exigencies of grammar and style either before the

Subject Or Subsequent to it. This sentence , taken from Pa-

tanjali (I, p. 39, 10) may illustrate tbe above statement, qq iumTT 3T-

xrraT aMNfoMmRii! sr-ciiotdchisr nraw 3n(Bmti ^hi jiffi scz nmtifri w.O O ^ rS 5-v

Here the subject preceded by its attribute stands at the head,

then follows ^MnQam i lui : formally a predicative attribute of the

subject, but as to its meaning an accessory of the gerund aqQutl ,

3'y the other accessories of the said gerund, 4'y the gerund itself,

5'>' the accessories of the chief predicate , finally that predicate itself.

Rem. In passive sentences the agent, as far as I

have observed, seems to have the precedence in the tra-

ditional order of words , not the nominative of the karma.

Pane. 126 irfsfir: ydd^f^ f&STtrr ysMtrUiPi jhiPi #mi^, Hitop. 92

2. If the predicate be a noun, it is put be-

fore the subject. Pane. 38 g*np ^njT'Str rrii|^^d>uq^

rr^fsrsf:- Similarly in the passive. Hit. 20 =Ery^rr HdH-cUUl wn 35raT

i-ltoirlcy^ (now at all events I must be your companion).

Eem. Pronouns, it seems, may be put indiscriminately before or

behind their noun-predicate: snrars^iT or ^ Hn*h

3. Attributes are put before their nouns. But when

§ 16-17. 11

doing, duty of a so called predicative attribute,

they generally follow. Comp. for inst. the proverb ^TRqiTrrr

sftejstrJTPrr amiTf (fortune which has arrived spontaneously, grows

a curse, when neglected).

Rem. Not seldom they are separated from the noun (or pro.

noun) they belong to. Dae. 141 qn i fa aiHma : PTOTT Mf^rU*: ; when

translating this sentence one should render <wrm by the adverb

basely or in a base manner, iio Pane. 73 pnr ^t^srsTfir mi\H\ ^ f§r-

^H-d^uTluMJ note the disjunction of §^5rs: and ^^r-

4. The vocative generally heads the sentence.

5. The prepositions are commonly preceded by their cases.

6. In sentences linked to the preceding by means of

relatives or particles, these words are put first; when

enclitical , they are affixed to the first word of the clause

they introduce.

17. As it has been stated above (15), this traditional or-

ned! der of « words is liable to be modified by various in-

fluences of the power to cause the speaker to pre-

fer an other arrangement. Instead of the subject, the

word on which stress is laid will head the sentence.

In this way the verb or an oblique noun-case or an

adverb (especially when of time) , are not seldom

put first, because of emphasis. Hit. 97 sRfermfrr sr^sr: (of

the kind there exist many, indeed), Dag. 132 aqi<Jl -Ei*jj an*HiH

fc^chU ^cr 5F?T. ch(4J-Mlri4yfri^l41«HlM_ (then I said : let this mise-

rable elephant be gone, bring an other, a number 1 of the elephants);"

Hit. 110 qiT sf^TTfR' rrra^5i<??ich<UH ^^ictj Pane. 39 jj^r Fsrar q^ET ^

gjreajTjJ ibid - 53 ^°r rraT ^ ihtttft: fSiOrrp^ (meet with her still

to-day). Absolute locatives and the like are also placed at the begin-

ning. Bhojap. 8 jt^ft iftir mm\: cfiWl^yf ^5ff:, Hitop. L31 cjstnrr

STEJfJTOOT q^Hfwrr; STrTT: , Pane. 54 nsf iTOT (TT ftrlf HoRT^W cfrr^TT mfo-

Likewise in connecting sentences it is necessary to

12 § 17—18.

commence a new sentence or a new clause at the word

,

which relates to somebody or something mentioned in

the foregoing. Hence demonstratives often head the sen-

tence. Pane. 37 =g#r *(wfy feOandju iswr i fbt — iif|o)idch:

HfdoHrlfff Wlfra- T^fTT fa'rWMI STiTTiTT I FTfT: ST =T *Wjfeii,itolRliH.

Bern. In general, the manner in which sentences are linked

together may be of some influence on the arrangement of words.

So the type, represented by Hit. 110 ttsTT MdlPm^Hlga rrerfijTPT-

nQa : i 5TTt[ =5 FIFT [instead of rtitii^] , "often occurs , especially in

polished style. Cp. f. i. Dae. 139 ^=s(. .. .fm -dUMiJviuim i wmw ST

Uift, Harsha 11 *JrtWl*^ollHJrt' ' 5TOTW.

On the other hand similar reasons may expel the

verb from its place at the rear , substituting for it some

other word , required there by economy of style , because

the end of a sentence is also fit to give some emphasis

to the word placed there. Katn. Ill ^ ^ feiRn frnmh

F5ff& (in you there is nothing we may not look for), Dae. 97

:T ^sTli^rtchlR Hrtxitlly £tjW[m H l^a i^mHI thrill HIM*H ?^^^ (^

you do not restore to the citizens what you have stolen of them, you

will know by experience the succession of the eighteen tortures , and

at last the mouth of death) ; Kam. I, p. 292 Trsroltr T37 ^Jlfc snnsr

it ^TTfiTvyQ'ii'H^oiH^fH jrtnjT-

There is much freedom, where to put ihe negations,

as will be shown in the chapter, which treats of them.

18. Sanskrit poets, especially in the more artificial andF^' refined kinds , display a still greater variety in arrang-

ing the parts of the sentence. We may account for

it partly by the exigencies of versification, but for a

good deal it is the effect of their aspiring after an ele-

gant and exquisite diction. Yet , as deviation from the

traditional order of words is not striven at for itself,

the idiom of the poets is rather characterized by the

§ 18-19. 13

richness and size of compounds, by the elegancy of words

and the melodiousness of sounds , by the elevation and

perfection of style , than by an artificially disturbed ar-

rangement of words. Such entangled and intricate struc-

ture, as for example characterizes Latin poetry, is an

exception in Sanskrit J). There it is chiefly displayed in

the extraordinary great liberty in placing relatives, in-

terrogatives and negations.

Rem. Rhythmical wants and euphony , of course , may also exer-

cise a greater or smaller influence on the order of words. Espe-

cially in the old dialect. Here are some 'instances. Ch. Up. 4,4,2

sr^f t^-h I(instead of srf ^rJT^r), Ait. Br. 1,30,9 HVJi&uufjf T^-

^I^Ph (instead of °=tot q^Ml^jTujO , ibid. 2,37,4 mm ^tm ssizi mrfft.

The rhythmical disposition of the words is here prevailing on the

regular arrangement required by logic, compare the figur hyper-

baton, so much, employed in Greek and Latin. — An other

mark of antiquity is separating prepositions from their verbs , chiefly

by particles put between them, as Ait. Br. 2, 31, 6 sq- srr a<4/-i

5TT HTT^JfT^

SECTION II.

SYNTAX IS CONVENIENTIAE AND SYNTAXIS

RECTION1S.

Chapt. I. Concord.

19. A twofold agreement is here to be spoken of, one

1) Kathas. 30,53 may give an instance of poetical arrangement.

In prose the words ch-c%lrchl<TWHiffy^ would not have been separated.

14 § 19—20.

existing between idea and word (I), the other between

words standing in the same sentence (II).

Real I. As a rule, there is agreement between the real

gram- and the grammatical gender and number. As to the

gender number, an exception is to be stated for the collective

num- nouns and some pluralia tantum , as ^yj: (water), tmrrr: andter-

srasr: (life) , snarf: (the rainy season), in the elder language also

a^or: (collar-bone), ?rtsrr: (neck)..i) Barely the gender disa-

grees, as the neuter fq=r »friend," words as htsFT, m% "vessel;

fit person," f. i. Mhbh. 1,61,3 snn crr=r ^ i |d*rel^ (you are the proper

man to hear —) |htT (n.) and gcjTTT (£) "deity," etc; — ^r^T:

masc. plur. »wife" is an instance of disagreement in both gender

and number 2).

The diminutives generally retain the gender of their

primitives 3

): tprcfi m- as jd but qf^FJT f- as q=jt.

Rem. Of the collectives some are not always used so; jpr

f. ex. may as well denote a single individual as a collection of

individuals. Accordingly, in the latter case it may be said as

well jpt: (sing.) as -^u; (plur.).4) Similarly ^rtei: or ^skt: »people,

le monde, les gens" q^rr or g^rr; "offspring; subjects."

20. In a general proposition a whole class of individuals Pin

Singu-

laris

gene-

ralis.

may be optionally denoted by the singular or by the1.2.5S.

1) Still Panini seems to have, known it but as a plural , for in teaching

taddhitas derived from it, he says iHol l«rt [not vftylUI:] -SUT =g 4,3,57.

Compare the similar development of Latin cervix out of the pi. tant. cer-

vices , see Quintilian VIII, 3,35.

2) 5?^ is used as a singular in the Dharmasutra of Apastamba (see I,

32, 6; H, 1, 17; 5, 10; 11 , 12; 22, 7, etc.).

3) Words in ij have, however, sometimes diminutives in t. So srert

(a small dagger — flfyujl Amar. k.), whereas si^ (n.) more especially

» sword."

4) So Nala 6,11 RTT: <fyiMi: ^ rrferfir: ^ UrpT I

(IdM f^TTTT-

^T_, but in the subsequent cloka we read rTrT: WT inmui ^hutI)

§ 20—23. 15

plural of the common noun. sjT^Ttrr: qw: or sjt^tctt: -Hrr.

(the brahman [that is, any brahman as far as he is a brahman]

ought to be honored). Cp. f. inst. Bhoj. 13 m^ (aeiomchgi ^frT-

ns?f FTrgrantoT f&TTrWcFiQFrHrrfOT^ar efiq: [a kapalika speaks] »men,

bitten by a serpent ,' or poisoned , or sick , we release immediately

from illness."

Plural Rem, Proper names occasionally are employed in the plural

pel. number, -when signifying one's family or descendants. Ragh. 1,9

names- j'dUHM'dil 5R& (I will celebrate the family of Raghu), — Pan 2,4,

62—70 gives a list of those, that admit of such a plural.

21. The plural of abstract nouns is employed in Sans-

of

U

ab-krit more largely than with us, at least sometimes in

atract phrages somewhat strange to our feeling. Kamand. 1,62nouns. r ' o o

filerR^jyj ^^rfffRTrrw y i f^ ui : i wrt sbifSicii ^r^r: efrlsrsj =w.-|sr:

»if a prince, who keeps his senses under control , follows the path

of polity, his fortune (fortunce) blazes upward, and his glory (laudes)

reaches heaven," Qak. VI ^ mMQdtH Pd)

I

TgmfS^ ^cT ^TT: "sleep-

less he passes his nights, tossing himself to and fro upon his

couch," ibid. YII fjPft tr^^rpwJraT^wrf^r 5nominum similitudines. Of

the kind are am ry Mhbh. 1, 123, 77 sin times of distress," i^rcr

(= HUcPTlwr) R. 3 , 4 , 9 and the like.

22. The plural of a people's name is commonly used tov^si.'

^fU™1

denote the region, where that people dwell. The coun-

ts try , inhabited by the nation called 3T#P is also namedname. ______

5F§V> ; in the same way it is spoken of WlaRnT! , *TrrUT!>

^nFftfTT! , foT^TT*' etc., if the country of Pancala, Mat-

sya, Kosala, Vidarbha is meant. Compare Latin Voted,

Parisii , Chatti, Germ. Polen, Hessen, Sachsen, Engl. Sweden

and sim.

23. The pluralis majestaticus is often used in addressing

piura-perS0I]S or speaking of them in a reverential ^mariner.

jestati- This applies to all words and epithets, such venerable men are

cns' designated with. Cak. II the king asks the messenger f$fq~3nfiT:

16 § 23—25.

JrfijfT: (are you sent by my revered mother?). R. 1, 68 king Ja-

naka tells Dacaratha the great exploit done by his sublime son

Rama ir?f *w wn {istFoiwiP«<^*<*t3: i y^auii^ ^idf^rsfai ria- <t=Hk:

(your illustrious child, my king, has won my daughter, as he

was come here by chance, a companion of Vicvamitra).

Rem. Note the much employed metaphor of speaking of »the

feet of " instead of the revered master himself. In that case

the name or title is commonly compounded with °itrt: — note

the plural J- as Hitop. 96 ^r z&smt •s^rcp^r xi^fij i>dqi<iMfyfi(M(ri

»— insults Your Majesty."

24. Similarly it is a token of great respect, if one is

addressed by the plural of the personal pronoun, ^^or hbrt: instead of jspr or the polite UcTR. Dae. 69 a girl thus

addresses a holy man wtoFJW q- ^mr eft 31^ Q^ l^fd (Reve-

rend, she, your servant, tells you of wrong done by me), Qkk.

V the ascetic Qngarava says to king Dushyanta joh vrafe (Your

Majesty has heard —), Pane. 71 [Damanaka to the lion] |or H^t-

25. The plural of the first person is allowed to be made 1*?- 1 .

*^jO J.

3ro*I= use of, when meaning a singular or a dual. Here we"^ have not a majestic plural , but almost the same libertyOr 33T-

as in Latin , to use nos = ego. Thus 5RT*T may have the

purport of5T^[ and sgTQTFT, and ^FT! may be = <=h()lHr

or ^vop. Instances are very common. Mudr. I Canakya

thus addresses his pupil cir* ^rTtrrRwhT ^oiwiHt^tifri , Pane. 41 a

monk asks for hospitality with these words ift m£ srtr Mtf i fc i wfa-

«HHHotiPHch' qrepr: iq- 5fJTO=r ?m sn^ffa;.

8) Similarly Pane. 58 the

1) Panini doea not mention this idiom; did it not exist in his time?

Fatanjali also is silent about it, but the Kacika-comm. contains the

vartt. (on P. 1,2,59) zprf^ JT^riiefnsn'T;

2) The given instance does not agree with the statement of some

grammarian quoted by Pat. 1, 230 WTT ST^ I a*MiJ <dQlU IMUim qzftrfr ^T. Pat.

himself allows the plural of the first person even then, unless the pro-

per name or the yuoapralyaya be added, thus sg^r jcl^: , not oRT.

§ 26—27. 17

plural is used instead of the dual, f§j cpq-; HiiirH (what shall we do

no w [you and I] ?)

26. In all periods of the language the dual is the proper P&n i,

Dual 4>^ s1'

and sole number by which duality is to be expressed.

If the voluminous mass of Sanskrit literature will once be tho-

roughly examined with respect to syntactic facts , it is not impro-

bable there will be put forward sundry instances of duality ex-

pressed by the plural number. But the number of such excep-

tions cannot be but exceedingly small. 1). For, though the vulgar dia-

lects and the pali have lost the dual, polished Sanskrit always

strictly observes its employment and does in no way offer that

confusion of dual and plural, which is so obvious in Attic Greek

and already in the dialect of Homer.

27. II. — Concord in case, number, gender and

nadM-person is in Sanskrit the same, as in all languages

kara" with inflections , that is to say , it does exist betweennya. 7 ^

all such words, as, while standing in the same sen-

tence , are to point at the same thing. For this reason

,

the predicate does agree with its subject in case and

person , the attribute with the noun , it qualifies , in

case and — if possible — also in number and gender,

and so on. It would be superfluous to exemplify this

general rule, 2) which, moreover, is common to all

1

)

I have noticed three instances , all of them in poetry , and partly

fit methinks to be interpreted so as to confirm the general rule. Of

them , one R. 2 , 22 , 23 Wftsft JOT^T fchlW-dPi": contains a plural,which

may be accounted for as denoting either the various kinds of sludium

and ira (cp. Manu 7,45—48) or as pointing at the diversity in time,

space and persons of the manifold instances of holiness lost , so the comm.

srScTcR ajRisl^rdldh — Kathas. 107,51 s=JJyydW( IUIIHL.the majestic plural

seems to have been employed. - Strange is this passage: Mhbh. 1,24,6

'cMlRr'^l ^T^Ppanrft ^ptJrf-fePT, there being no room for the scho-

liast's interpretation i( I f^rtlW qfrfsl(|reH -On^lRrti^tri STjot^PJ;

2) Grammatical concord bears with vernacular grammarians the well-

2

18 § 27.

languages It will suffice to notice some more or less

remarkable features:

1). Pronouns follow the general rules ofagreement. Thus

it is Sanskrit to say H ST^FT- , as it is Latin to say

haec est quaestio, whereas Teutonic dialects always put

the pronoun in the neuter sing. Dutch dat is de vraag

,

Grerm. das ist die Frage. Pane. 63 qq mumNti^ (so is my li-

velihood) , ibid. II , 201 g^fr \x\^\ f^ ipa: (that is the most im-

portant counsel) , Cak. VII f%s*rf>T er% ^<r<g|R qPjtiWii : HirrsFrrmiT-

Hci(% rl41Uol ; Im I'HL 0^ °fficers are successful in weighty affairs, im-

pute it to the virtue of their masters, who honour them with

the execution). — Yet there may occur instances , where it would

be not possible to observe this rulei.)

2) Occasionally the verb will agree with the noun-

predicate when standing near , instead of agreeing withthe subject. Pane. 263 *$ m% i snm fa ^r for 5rrfw [not jott:],

M. 9, 294 skt HdjrltT) ^rtt: OTT^f ^ irij^-edd ' (these [foresaid] seven ele-

ments are named together the seven-membered kingdom) , ibid. 2,81

n^ictii^rw: fatT^T Iter yiid^l tainr sr^rofr gsra^— ana tne three-

membered s&vitrl should be considered as the mouth of brahma).

chosen name of saman&dhikaranya , that is »the relation existing between

samanadhikaranas or words , whose substrate fcftychJUl) is the same

fcRR)".

1) See for inst. Ch. Up. 6,16,2 ^Ir^Piri* WI mmi 5T wmi frec-

*rf% UdHchFTr. Here sr 3TrJTT is rendered by Prof. Max Mfiller sit is the

Self," in a note he subjoins: »The change of gender in sa for tad is

idiomatic. One could not say in Sanskrit tad atma it is the Self, but sa

dtmd." (Pref. to the Sacr. Books of the Bast , I, p. XXXVI). Neverthe-

less, in the words immediately following ri-HMfo , that very idiom seems

to be neglected, for the neuter rfrj^is the predicate of the masc. pair.

Here the neuter has been preferred, because of tad and tvam there is

not affirmed a full identity, as it is done with respect to sa and atma,

but it is only said, tvam is a phenomenal manifestation of tad: »tad

(sc. atma) is also in you."

§ 27—28. 19

3) Sometimes, in cases of discordance between the

grammatical and the real gender or number of a noun

,

its predicate or attribute will agree with the latter

(constructio ad synesin)E. 2, 52, 42 „rt Pm^-h : - R^u^fiTT: HsTT: (thinking of thee — the subjects do not take food); here

to crjrT: , though grammatically a fem. , is added a participle in the

mascul. Note in the example quoted the distance by which the

attribute is separated from the noun, it qualifies.

28. If the same predicate belongs to more subjects

or the same attribute refers to more nouns at

the same time, the idiom of Sanskrit is almost like

that of other languages.

Either the common predicate (attribute) agrees with

but one and must be supplied mentally with the others

,

as Prabodh. Ill gTcmrt' v$xh T^ft^jT cp. the schol. p. 57 ed. Calc.

(Kantimati and this kingdom and my own life are at your mercy

from this moment). — This practically has the same effect as

applying the Eem. on b.) of the other alternative, recorded on

page 20.

or it has a grammatical expression adequate to its

character of being common to more substantives at the

same time. In that case:

a.) the number required is of course the dual when

relating to two individuals, otherwise the plural. -pft

^^im^ q^ijifi

1

;— jt*t. ^rrr ^ mwrra sr 3%tt:- Cp. the Rem.

on b.).

b.) as to the gender there must be distinguished

between persons and things. When relating to persons

of the same sex , the common predicate or attribute is of

the same gender : fim mm =z srraft i mnT *sm ^ \ aft- When

applying to persons of different sex , it is always put in

20 § 28-31.

the masculine: fimmrng zjaft- But when belonging

to inanimate things or things and persons mixed, it is

neuter. Kam. 1 , 54 ipraT s^tiwn *tpt nffmi^r rrfhrarr; M. 4 ,39

Bern. If neuter words are mixed with words of other gender,2 \g'

it is allowed to put their common predicate or attribute in the neuter

of the singular. Mrcch. V g-dQchoH^ *mt wmxi rT£: wpa ri<r)<M i

^giJl^HiifeM^' 5Tf#r rfmsr (the bird, whose wings are clipped,

the leafless tree, the desiccated pool, the toothless snake are equal

in the eyes of men, so the moneyless man).

c.) as to the person. In the case of difference, the

first person outweighs the second and third, and the

second precedes the third (see Pat. I, p. 352, cp. 240, n° 26,

Ka/t. 3,1,4). Patanjali gives these examples ^ =s( ^d^-am ^^ : ' "C

29. The type Tiberius et Oaius Gracchi, linguae Latina et Graeca

is also Sanskrit. Ch. Up. 5, 3, 2 gql^oim-Hfl fciHdlUim :ar-

30- Occasionally words connected by »with" are construed as if

they were copulated by sand." E, 2,34,20 rf iifTtoirfJ sfTfHjrt

rnnvfl- prjortwift i tm^- ifWr smr £37FT: ^5nm-j^ Here the plural

h<f{: TO5RR proves that m)hhi smfT has the same effect on the

construction as ^fTT ^f-

PREDICATE AND ATTRIBUTE.

31. The distinction between predicate and attribute')

is chiefly a logical one. Formally both follow the

same rules of syntax, and it is but by the context,

partly also by the place it occupies in the sentence,

1) The term ^attribute" in this book is virtually the same as the

term vi<,-eshana of Hindu grammarians. It includes therefore the so

called » apposition ," for I found no reason why I should r'etain the need-

less distinction, which is often made between attribute and apposition.

§ 31—32. 21

we can learn how to understand a given samanadhi-

karana, whether c|^! NrTT = »the old father" or = „the

father is old," etc

As to their meaning, then, we may distinguish five

classes , I the simple attribute , ^"U"! I^TrTT = „the old

father," II the so-called predicative-attribute, as MrlT

ST^: (= ^^', ^T*T) »the father, when old," III the noun-

predicate of the sentence , as ^'^^ FTrTT = „the father is

old," IV the noun, wanted by the verb for making up

together the predicate of the sentence, as RrTT ^Iv

WFZfl (the father grows old), fcTFT^ ^ ^"OH (you

think the father old) , V such a noun , as though for-

mally agreeing with the subject or some other substan-

tive , really serves to determine the verb, as Dae. 141

TOTfa sTIrFfTsT: ^TW erf^TfJi: , see above, page

11 RemOf them the formal agreement of class I and II is

fully made clear in 27. As to class III see 5.

32. IV. — The noun wanted for completing the predicate

°e

°

t^" is used in many idioms , the most important of which are:

£{*£" a.) it is a nominative , when accompanying verbs of

a.) a being, seeming , becoming ^growing , remaining , such passives

naf^e. as to be called, held for , considered, appointed, made, sim.

Qak. I ttit msr [5»<jiE : m^r. (this deer has become distant),Hitop.

92 crf%tn-: W&m snrg: (the birds grew angry) ,Pane. 51 ftraar foPT-

ch^lfe&FT. HsTTFT: (why you have swooned so at a sudden ?); Priy.

p. 14 chwirtffg Tsr iyrgro (why do you look so glad?) Pane. 56 g-

TT?TT tiWJUl sr. ffT: (the king was reduced to the possession of

nothing but his" fortress) , Pane. Ill, 152 rrf^xift n^pJTT (i* is the

wife that is called one's ."home").

22 § 32.

t>) an b.) it is an instrumental, if wanted by a verb of being

,

instru- .

mental, becoming, seeming etc. when impersonal passive In this case

both subject and noun-predicate are put in the instru-

mental. Mudr. I rrcrr ^ m^M-T vftorT = a^ ^rui*Jl-lRri»lR; Dacak. 18

sImAh Jdch^^Hd^UMlQ (the baby was strong enough to endure

all this toil).

This idiom is, of course, obligatory with the krtya's of ij.

'Dacak. 164 na^JUbH r^

Istg^m nfdHot^ (the prince deserves to

be your attendant), Pane. 21 ot ^ «|s<IH*4Ui il^lMUl maw(and his strength may be adequate to his voice).

c ) an c.) an accusative, when qualifying the object offtCCUSft"

*i™. the verbs of calling and naming , of esteeming , holding

for , considering, knowing as, of making, appointing , elect-

ing and the like. M. 2, 140 nursrra w^tM (him they call a

teacher) , Nala 3 , 22 ^ qi f%fg (know me being Nala) , Mudr. Ill

^ilficrJl MMfd^^iri^lJoiMylH (Canakya has made king a gudra, the

son of Mura), Pat. I, p. 332 hu^qH I^Ti^A MxtlH (he boils rice to a

jelly), Pane. 3 {MH«imiW Jrtft ^TJWR^raprrf^snfsT FPTT j^T.

Con- NB. It is superfluous to give some more instances ofcurrent

diom that well-known type, but it must be observed, that

Sanskrit has also other concurrent idioms , it often pre-

fers. Note in the first place, the nominative with ilrl,

2ly the instrumental of abstract nouns. Both are equi-

valent to the nomin. or accus. of the completing pre-

dicate. Instead of sTT^THf >|oFT HHNMl[H (1 hold

you for a brahman), it is also said Sli^lU ilrl H°T

or sii^IUIpM ^m ; the same of course applies to the

passive construction. R. 3 , 9 , 11 sr <uj<*i ^frr tetctft hRkh^cim,

(you have set out for the forest, called Dandaka), Kag. on P. 1, 1,1

^fens^i -m -rl I roi —I tavhr^ (vrddhi is established [here] a grammatical

term). A more detailed account of those idioms will be

given in the course of this book.

§ 33—35. 23

33; In the archaic dialect we frequently meet with two nominativesMiddle construed with some verbs in the middle voice , viz. such as signifyvoice ' ° J

atten- to call one's self, to consider one's self. ') Egv. 10, 85, 3 sftif rprjff

two no7- ^RoM-i (he thinks himself having drunk soma), Ch. Up. 5,3,4

minati- f^ftuy) SB^m Wt <Uj | Pl =T fd-U l rch^ STf ^gfwf sf^H (why did you

say you had been instructed? how could anybody, who did not

know these things, claim himself instructed?), Tbr. 2, 3, 8, 2 et

s^rrrerET R4rl=lW«UH (he , after having created the asuras considered

himself as if he were a father). 2) Similarly it is said in litur-

gical style ftj w; with nom. »to assume the shape of —", Ait. Br.

6, 35, 4 =^tcT: sifiTt ?pT apcTT (having assumed a white horse's shape),

Tbr. 1,1,3,3 =sn^ i*r mt-sfX-3)

Rem, In classic Sanskrit this idiom seems to have antiquated.

»To call — , to consider one's self" is expressed by means of the

reflexive pronoun, as a i cm-l' rp%i jj ihh* srarHn- Instead of the old

typo srssrt ^tf cFroiT we meet with such compounds as Pane. 326

34. In the case of a substantive being the attribute or

predicate of an other substantive, disagreement of gen-

der or number or of both is possible. R. 2, 115, 15 vqrr:

fSl iH I ^rofT wra m<i.<=h (Bh. put on his head the pledge, [namely]

the slippers).

1) This nominative has its counterpart in Greek and in modern lan-

guages. So says an illustrious German poet (Fej,ix Dahn ,Skaldenkunst

p. 79) »weise wahnt' ich mich, und ach! ein Thor , ein pflichtvergessner

Knabe erwies ich mich."

2) In a few passages of the upanishads and epic poetry we meet with such

expressions a qf?T3H ^-iWI-r. 'holding one's self a learned man ," for ex.

Mhbh. 13 , 22 , 13. They are hardly to be accepted as compounds ,.like crfaT-

riHrii , qm'inwj and the like (P. 3, 2, 83).

3) See the amount of examples in Weber, Ind. Stud. XIII, 111. — Ait.

Br. 5 , 7 , 2 we have a confusion of the two constructions , the ace. of the

pronoun a irHh^ being used together with the nom. of the noun ^^j srr

21 § 35—36.

Chapter II. How to denote case-relations.

35. The manifold relations between nouns and verbs or

nouns and nouns are signified by cases, by the pe-

riphrase of cases, by compounding. As to the

proportional frequency of the said modes of expression

,

nude cases are more freely employed in poetry than in

prose, oftener in the earlier periods of Sanskrit than in

the latter; whereas periphrastic expression strives at ex-

tending by the time, the implements of circumlocution

increasing in number and variety, the nearer we ap-

proach to our own times. But the faculty of signifying

case-relations by confining the correlating nouns into

the somewhat rudimentary shape of compounds has not

been overturned nor diminished by time. On the con-

trary, whether we look at their frequency or at their

manifoldness or at their expansibility, the old dialect

is by far surpassed by the alexandrinian period of Sanskrit

literature.

36. The same richness and abundance is generally displayed

in the several constructions, taken separately. Two or

more conceptions of the same case-relation being equally

possible in thought, they mostly are also available in

speech ; there is perhaps no language , where one may be

less limited in this respect. Thus we meet side by side with

a partitive genitive, a partitive ablative, a partitive loca-

tive. Causality may be denoted by means of the instru-

mental as well as by the ablative or by various periphrase

,

as «£rll:, =hl^U|JT, ^ilJt!TTrT etc. The person spoken

to may be put in the accusative or dative or expressed

by means of CTTrT , J7 :< ^T- The verbs of giving are

§ 36—37. 25

not only construed with the dative of the person be-

stowed upon, but also with genitive or locative. The

dative of the purpose is interchangeable with many a

periphrase (5TSPT, HMrH etc.) and with infinitives.

And so on. — Add to this the many implements for

periphrase, either prepositions, partly ancient and commonto the Indo-european mother-tongue, partly new-formed

in Sanskrit, or nouncases and verbal forms that have

almost the force of prepositions, as Ff^WH" FFTfcFJ

etc. when = „to," ^JrT „on account of," ^"sTPTpIT or ^^FJT

= „without," ^TNIUI — „by means of ', sim. Moreover,

in most cases one is free to compound the substantive

with those words, for ex. to say sjll^rl^rl i' instead

of sftfarlW %rft: (for the sake of life) , ^INIUlTqf^ =

^I^IUItMiql^ (over a stone), etc. — Finally it must

be kept in mind that in a large amount of cases one

has even the choice of either expressing the case-rela-

tion , o r letting it be implied by a compound , made up

of the two correlating substantives ^><Mlt1«^ = Q^TT

TH^! (a lion among men),{TsTT^ : = ^TfT! J^p (the

king's attendant) , *l l^^ri != ^T^TT <^r{< (slain by

a serpent), sim.

37. In consequence, the three general classes, we have

set up, — cases, periphrase, compounds — do but re-

present one and the same logical category and are

in practice coordinate. For clearness' sake however,

as they cannot be dealt with promiscuously, they re-

quire to be treated successively. Accordingly chaptt.

26 § 37—38.

Ill—VII will contain the syntax of the cases , ehapt.

VIII the periphrastic expression of case-relations; in

chapt. IX the different kinds of compounds — including

also dvandva and karmadharaya , though logically be-

longing to other categories — will be gone through.

General scheme of the cases.

38. The nominative or first case (^Mll sc. T3PT-Scheme ^of the

ffix',) is expressive of the sentence's subject and predi-

cate, see 1 and 5. Moreover the nominative is em-

ployed to denote the noun taken by itself, apart from

the sentence, as will be shown hereafter.

The person addressed is put in the vocative. ').

1 ) Though the vernacular grammarians have a proper term for the vo-

cative — amantrita P. 2 , 3 , 48 — and even two for the vocative of the sing,

(the voc. Bing. especially is named sambuddhi, ibid. 49) it is however not

considered a distinct eighth case, but an appendix to the nominative.

PaniNi, after having stated (2,3, 46) Hlfayf5*l<&Ri#<4f^imcW~WM JTOTT

i- the first case serves only to signify the gender and number of the thing

designated by the word's rude form or prdtipadika", thus proceeds : gsiHnT

^ (47)^n,

'S'SijP'lrW (^8), that is »it serves also to address, then it bears

the name of amantrita." — By the way I remark, that in translating

P.'s rule on the proper sphere of the first case , I have dissented from the

traditional interpretation. According to the commentaries i|f7i|im means

»size" or wneasure" — such words as &\H\ , <p| I il , STTG3FT are given for

examples — and y-d-i is »the grammatical number" so as to make the

whole signify: »the first case denotes the mere meaning of the prd-

tipadika, the mere gender, the mere size (or weight) , the mere number.

"

See f. ex. the Kacika on our sutra. That interpretation cannot be right.

In the first place, in the Paninean terminology, it must be observed,

prathama does not mean the word put in the nominative case, but

only the suffix of that case, just as dvitiya names the suffix of the

accus. , trtiya that of the instrumental and so on. Now , to say in ear-

nest, the prathama has the duty of denoting three things apart from the

purport of the pratipadika, viz. linga or gender, parimana or measure

and vacana or number is unacceptable and almost ridiculous , for the suffix

of the nominative cannot give us certain knowledge but as to two of

§ 38. 27

Of the six others the general purport ') may be

sketched thus:

1. The accusative or second case (flirn^T) de-

notes a.) the whither, b.) the object of transitives, c.)

an extension in time or space , d.) it is used adverbially.

2. The instrumental or third case (FTrffaT

them, nl. gender and number; the size or measure of the thing denoted

by the pratipadika is made as little known by declension, as its color

or its age. Moreover gender and number are grammatical conceptions

,

measure , size , weight geometrical ones. It is time to discharge PaniNi

of the absurdity imputed to him by his interpreters , and to show he is

here as plain and judicious as that great grammarian is wont to be.

The commentators were misled by b|-eM , which they did accept as ex-

pressing »the grammatical number", as , indeed, it very often does. Vethere it must be the bhdva of sp? in its original meaning the naming or

the being named, cp. P. 1,4,89 a \£ifu f<>Jol-=M (=dn, when naming a

boundary) , 2 , 1 , 33 ohrt^RlchltiloMH (= with krtyas , when denoting exag-

geration), 5 , 3 , 23 ychi^d-cM SJT3T, etc. Therefore itis not 5PER , which here

is carrying the meaning of grammatical number, but qrfprrtjr; for this

word may as well be employed in the narrower sense of » size; periphery,"

as in the larger of »any measure whatever," and accordingly itis aiso

occasionally a synonym of w<°ii\ , (cp. P. 5 , 2 , 41 and the passages adduced

in the Petrop. Diet. IV, p. 540). For these reasons the sutra, which

occupies us, is to be analysed in this way JJTfHTf^ciTPTOr JT f5i^-n(^^iui

(— rr fg^-Wl or sr fSl^-oMH ,for snmT and sra^T are both expressive of

the grammatical number) rrcftopcRFTRT U^WI-

1) PaniNi has short and well-chosen terms to point out their different

provinces. The category of the accusative he names karma, that of the

instrumental kartr sagent" and karana »instrument," that of the dative

sampraddna , that of the ablative apddana , that of the locative adhika-

rana. The duties of the genitive have not found an adequate expression.

With respect to the nominative it must be observed, that Panini's

definition (see the preceding note) does ascribe a larger sphere of em-

ployment to that case than we do in styling it the case of » the subject

and predicate.'' In this the Indian grammarian is right. Nouns quoted

or proffered outside the context of sentences are always put in the nomi-

native.

28 § 38.

may be called the with-c&se , for it signifies witA what , by

what, how. According to the various applications of

this fundamental notion, there may be set up divers

kinds of instrumental. So we have an instrumental of

accompaniment — the so-called sociative — one of the

instrument, one of the agent, of the way, the means,

the manner , the quality , of time , of value, and so on.

3. The dative or fourth (^rpT) points out the

direction of a movement. Mostly it is employed in a

metaphorical sense. For the rest, its employment ad-

mits of a division into two kinds: a.) the so-called

dative of interest, b.) the dative of the purpose.

L The ablative or fifth (miRl) denotes whence

there is a starting, withdrawal, separation, distance,

consequence and the like, it being applied to various

categories of thought.

5. The genitive or sixth (TOT) upon the whole

may be described as the case, which signifies cohesion.

It chiefly serves to express relations existing between

substantives ') and according to the logical varieties of

these relations we may distinguish between the posses-

sive genitive, the partitive, the subjective, the objective

etc. Besides, the sixth case is wanted with some ad-

jectives (as those of likeness , knowing and the contrary)

and some verbs (as those of remembering). Sanskrit

also has three more kinds of genitive, each of them

displaying a particular character, nl. 1. the genitive of

1 ) In this book the term substantive has not the limited acceptation it has

with the etymologist and the lexicographer , but includes any noun that syn-

tactically has the worth of a substantive, as w$, when= » truth."

§ 38—39. 29

the time, after which, 2 the absolute genitive, 3. the ge-

nitive, which is concurrent with the dative of interest.

6. The locative or seventh (FTfT'ft) signifies the

where and therefore it generally is to be rendered bysuch prepositions as in, at, to, on. As its employ-

ment is not restricted to real space , but of course also

extends to other spheres of thought, there are various

classes of locatives , for ex. those of time , of circum-

stance , of motive (the so-called FTnfTflTT^U) , the abso-

lute locative. On the other hand the locative is not li-

mited to the spot , where something is or happens , but

it also signifies the aim reached.

Rem. 1. All nouns are declinable and put in the said cases,

if wanted. This applies also to such conventional terms and signs

,

as the grammatical roots, affixes, anubandhas, pratipadikas , etc.

Rem. 2. Indeclinable are l ly the adverbs, 2ty some nominal

derivations of the verb , namely the gerunds and the infinitives

Why they are devoid of declension is quite plain; for they do

duty of noun-cases and generally their etymology does agree with

their employment.

Chapt. III. Accusative.

39. I. The accusative expresses whither something is

ae„o'. moving. Pane. teH i^ crfwr: (he set out for his home) , Nala 1, 22

tinsfof5>rfHililVl(! T (then they went to the country of Vidarbha) , M.

the .

^whi- 2, 114 fgrerr 5lTjpnHcm^ (Knowledge came to the Brahman and said

—), In the instances adduced the movement is real.

But in a metaphorical sense the accusative is likewise

available. E. 2 , 82 , 9 jrmq- jwht (tw, Dae. 40 dfa^m I^ott^(by this solicitude I grew sad).

This obvious construction is not the only one.

30 § 39—41.

The aim striven at may also be put in the dative (79),

the aim reached is mostly denoted by the locative (134).

Moreover various periphrase > by means of STTcT , %)I«V|-

^FT, FRTT^PT, AFftpT, ^K$$ etc. are concurrent

idioms, see chapt. VIII.

40. From this ace of the aim the aqc. of the ob-

ject is not sharply to be severed. On the boundary are

standing such turns as 3T 'MMIrl (he bends to you , rests

on you), T^rf <A<A*iir\ (he attains knowledge), STFFT-

PT^cTrT (he moves towards the village).

Verbs Betn. Verbs of bringing , carrying , leading , conveying may be

brim-const;rued with two accusatives , one of the aim and one of the ob-

wg andject pwrai =roin rri^ cmsrf?r eibIh at (see Siddh. Kaum. on P. 1, 4,

the ^ »

like. 51); — Dag. 83 Fori" ^Rnf rollrtjtHHM Ge* me conduct you to your

lover), Qak. V ma^^i trf^isf fa^T (having dhmissed Qak. to

the home of her husband).

41. When construed with a passive verb, the accus. of

ortiietne aim sometimes remains accusative , as in Latin and

^ Greek, sometimes it turns nominative. So it is good

£teSanskrit to say W W*Tt 7T*T?t, W ^Ftf JMaWKathas. 25, 210 srcrfFf rFrTarr jfi' bil^ l U l *?) inn (now I want to go

to the city of Benares), Pat. I, 464 i iuih gt ,sen (the meaning will

be understood), cp. ibid. 44 chqiH.-c^H Twm, ibid. 102 zrr^t warn

IFfTHT: ')•

1) Vernacular grammar makes no distinction at all between aim and

object. Both kinds of accusative share the common appellation karma.

Yet I greatly doubt, whether the ace. of the aim may turn nomin. when

attending on the passive of all verbs of moving. I, for my part, am not

aware of instances of any of them, but for JIT- The transitive compounds

(43) of course are left aside, likewise such verbs, as the vaidik jnjH*

when=»to be asked for — ".

§ 41—42. 31

Eem. The ace. of the aim is not changed into the genitive , when

attending a noun. It is said Stttt sssrer 5rf^(the transporter of a

horse to Srughna) , with the ace. of the aim and the gen. of the

object. Op. Pat. I, p. 336.

42. II. The ace. of the object. — Upon the whole , the

the ob- same category of verbs are transitive in Sanskrit as areJec

' elsewhere. Yet , some cases of discrepancy and some

idiomatic turns proper to Sanskrit are to be noticed:

1. Verbs of speaking may admit of the accus. of the per-

son addressed, cp. 46; 2. Many a Sanskrit intransitive

,

whose English equivalent is likewise intr., may occa-

sionally admit of an object put in the accus.; then

the translation will generally differ. Of the kind are:

1. jlf^fn intr. to weep, tr. to weep for;

2. ^h[h » to laugh , » to laugh at

;

3. -i^fa » to rejoice, » to rejoice at;

4. ijJ|-c)Ih » to be sorry, » to pity;

5- spsfe » to rain

,

» to rain upon

;

6. awlH » to fight, » to fight;

7. Rj-rmfW» to think, » to think of; to reflect;

8. Verbs of rambling, erring, like j*ir, txz are trans, when =»to walk over, to go through", note also such turns as qrnrt yTorfS'

(he is a hunting) , 2hf ^-fir (he lives by begging). — 9 H^teh^tri , =T*rf?t

and its compounds, may be construed with the ace. of him to

whom respect is shown. A complete list of such verbs is difficult to

give. Most of them are to be known by the dictionary.

Ecm. 1. As a rule, the said accusatives are not obligatory. So

the verbs of speaking admit also of a dat. or locat. or crf^; —qir and SHIFT are oftener construed with dat. or gen.; — it is

said as well gwrf^ SjgTjrr or yam I STf fer^ etc.) as jrwrffT sggqj

and so on.

Eem. 2. Note also the turn u<\-M\ tfsrfn (tflis fa^8 to mJ share)

and the trans, construction of qyjR or ij^mifd sJTm>T^ (^^4)^ etc.),

see f. inst. Kumaras. 1, 25; 3, 63; Eagh. 3, 22; 4, 11.

32 § '42—44.

Rem. 3. frarfH (to play) with the ace. of the wager is an P-2J

idiom of the brahmana.

43. Intransitive verbs may become transitive, when being

versb, compounded with some preposition 1); TTFT^JT^TFT

beco- ~v _ r —

.

ming (he goes after the cow) ,pass. *M»S J||^ •iJlvMr|. This

transi- v ° ' x - O

when chiefly applies to verbs, compounded with *|'|rl ^Wcom- fpoun- 5|7f 3q" ^TTrT, but also to others Examples: yftohWid (to

ded. Otransgress); nfii<m mzrwj vSrfmfff, cp. P. 1, 4, 46; ^HchujfH (to

pity); snwsrffT (to partake of-, to enjoy); .aqa ioiiH (to live by-),

iHomfd (to dwell near-) ; crffriTTfTT (to appear to-) ; aoM^fd and 5TT-

^Mid' (to rest on , to grasp), jj lbRlid (to inhabit), j^wR (to

neglect), qpu^T^fd (to go to meet) etc.

Rem. This influence of the preposition is even seen in the

ace. attending on some compound adjectives, as fl^ioirT , "S^Fet (Nala

2, 27 rinurfHliWcjr-i:, R- 2, 50, 1 ^fterPT^Per:)-

44. Instances of the so-called etymological or co-

natefac-gnate accusative are not wanting Dag. 133 crrazf qw-

™sa- dUHolNHj R. 2 , 54 , 37 sfifaT: ^rft ^ d^fd*^ (v. a. we have passed the

night), ibid. 58, 21 ejtiiWJIU ^f=f ^^3 iffiTg (behave yourself pro-

perly with respect to your mothers) , Mhbh, 1 , 102 , 3 iJhsT: 3vOT:

srarar d^loil-li: ^rasmj; — An example of its passive construction

is this: R. 2, 58, 20 gpr^ H^H d.S

'

<5 Prided I ^ ^sfaH

Rem. 1. Some of these etymological accusatives touch upon

the sphere of the adverb and the gerund in °=gq-. Sometimes it

is rather difficult in what category to class them. Of the kind

are Oh. Up. 3, 15, 2 rr q^rftt ftf^fft, Mhbh. 1, 154, 30 quim^l -

^OT(he killed [him] as one kills a beast), P. 3, 4, 43 itOTdTT^ a^fWj sim.

Rem. 2. The krts in °t^ are only available when etymol. accus. p - 3» •

The Kagika gives these examples : Qu. git BRTfpTSFmSf: Answ.^oTT cfrrf}--

T=FmsriTj so cfrf JTfwT#tmn: etc.

45. Some verbs admit of a double construction, which

l)Pat.I,p. 107 *)chMthl 3Srft |- tflMMirH ; ^chMch l H5r£rT.

§ 45-46. 33

?4ith

is the counterPart of tlie well-known Latin idiom mumsadou- mihi donat = munere me donat. Compare for inst.

struc- i&HsT. — Mhbh. (ed. Calc. 3, 17242)

(Dharma bestows riches on both

good and wicked).

Yajii. 2, 114 [fan] ^gT fswir-

fgrTF5!T& cTT STWTTFT (a father

may either bequeath his sons

as he likes best , or he should

bestow the best lot upon the

eldest).

M- 8j270 ^Fiirrfftf^jrmTCT ottstt

ST^um f%^ (a not-dvija,

when hurting a dvija with

harsh words).

riujlfi ^1 1 ffi'-m (he robs the owner)..

t%T. - R. (Gorr.) 5, 11, 11 yjfsr.

trimiPriMpH ' (they utter out be.

guiling talk).

5fTT. — gWt^tifrl (he robs the mo-ss ~~ s» *^

ney).

Both constructions are used side by side in this mantra of

Paraskara (G-rhy. 2, 2, 7) q^ig-y^qRcUM: qti<jyi<i,4ri FTCFoTTyr^yift.

Bern. The verb qsr seems to offer some irregularity of construc-

tion, but in fact it is not this verb, which is dealt with in a

strange way, but it is the common translation of it, which con-

ceals its proper meaning. One is wont to translate it »to sacri-

fice," but its real purport must have been some of »worship-

ping, honouring, feeding" or the like. Accordingly the offering

is put in the instrumental, the divinity fed or worshipped in

the accusative. One needs must say ^fafir ^piMd l *-!^ robs fcovt;

d&litOa iu/Mta-i. — The real equivalent of our »sacrificing" is

^ = iietv, here the divinity is a dative, and the object is either

the fire or wheresoever the offering is poured into, or the of-

fering itself; therefore ^g^r ijfn sis{)ftj or §^wr ^rfr <&s|<|(m- —Moreover the etymol. accus. is of course also available as well with

rj^ as with j;; it may be said jrff tidm^1

, atTi^ sj^)fa. But the

instrum. of the offering with ^ is vaidik according to P. 2, 3, 3

(see Pat. on that sutra, I, p. 444).

46. Now, some verbs have the faculty of admitting two

objects at the same time.

It is said as well cF>*rr oris? (he tells a story) as Fori ori% (he speaks

to you) ; as well snj j^jh (he vanquishes the enemy) as ^rsf strfff (he

3

Doubleobject.

^>

34 § 46-47.

conquers a kingdom); as well fspsriFTsnfirT (he teaches his pupil) as

twiHUl l RH (he teaches the law). By combining both constructions

we obtain l. <%m crfs? Farr; 2. srg jmt stzttft; 3. fsnssr wn^u i fcf.

This double object may attend a.) verbs of spea-

king, as ^", 5f^[, %||t^ etc., asking , as ZTR, T^T

yifciuiri , 4-e^iri and sim., teaching, especially *M

^llltd and 3jyT'|C|t||r( , b.) some others , especially

sHTfrT (to win), ^tf^r (to mt/%)

,^TH*TfrT (to punish , to

4ne). See P. 1,4,51 with the commentaries.

Examples: speaking: Nala 1,20 rmt -s^rfTrnft srrk sanst^TJ ^TrRT, E. 2, 52, 31 srrfrrir ^f| ^fra^rw; — asking, begging: Ch.

Up. 5, 3, 5 rem iTT ^ idd-feTi muHUhitW (that fellow of a rajanya

asked me five questions), M. 8, 87 Mlt^l er^gjr tSsTPT, Kathas. 1,

31 st ar mmi\-4r\ (he requested a boon of me), Mhbh. 1, 56, 24

Horn? jm nra =T Fat ( id-duPlm^ (I do not beg gold of you, my

king, nor silver, nor cows); teaching E. 2, 39, 27 ^itrer srsrir-

eM^iaT a<Hm i firi TPT^ (I 'will do all that, which Mylady enjoins

me to do) ; — f% : Mhbh. 3, 59, 5 Pmm^EwHd tsiraT jm ^T5T ^tr, —5^: Kumar. 1, 2 imat^T ^Mlfi TfmslhST — J^ff^Ti^ (they mil-

ked from the earth resplendent gems and herbs of great medi-

cinal power); — ^uju : M. 9, 234 H i^M^a 5TT3^ (he should punish

them with a fine of a thousand pana).

Eem. Indian grammar adds to them some others , instances of

which construed with a double object are scarcely met with in

literature , if at all. Of the kind are f% (to gather), pr (to check),

jtst^ (to rob) , rp^ (to churn) , thus exemplified • d-d+Jd fa-Tl fr! thcHlPl i

hHc^u i Pa asw i srtrf T^RRr m«ji(h etc. ').

47. Yet , with none of the said verbs the double accusative

is of necessity. Other constructions are quite as usual,

sometimes even preferable, especially in simple prose.

1) Here also vernacular grammarians put the two accus., depending

on such verbs, as irt, 5T^, see 40 R.

§ 47-49. 35

The verbs of asking are often construed with the ablat. or genit.

of the person addressed. Those of teaching admit of aec. of the

person _|_ loo. of the thing taught (Priy. p. 11 iTVHrtioiNI R^ • • •

.

rSltdf3rict||) , 4ll(5.uifd, M (£ui'R and other verbs of enjoining are con-

strued with ace. of the enjoinment _|_ dat. (or its substitutes) of

the person. Those of speaking are often construed with the dative

of the person addressed, or the genitive, or gf^.

NB. Some verbs as 3FfaMpi (to tell) , c^fFr (to make

known) , 3Tll<^llrl (to enjoin) never comply with the

double object.

48. In the passive construction the person asked, addres-

sed, defeated etc. turns nominative, the thing asked

for, spoken etc. remains accusative. Therefore, though it

may be said separately -jarr sn: as well as ss^spj, <TVf oN i -d 'sas

well as tjCT: <T5Tr; , when combined, we get the type grimtWrh^cW i

TO: cpRT d-aww Examples : Pane. 29 nrfqnr mn nsr^ ^srTOn-mq--

£PTO^ (v. a. I have asked my master to grant you his protection),

Kathas. 27 , 142 siium CT^JUwf^ f^r tiiRid :(Bana has prayed

Qiva for a foe, fit to fight with); — E. 2, 97, 15 ^ f| n ftvj

sfTsft n^irr ^rrfro oTet: ;— Dae. 80 j^t QhjuhhI (flJWH^ifu i 5^tt-

(imi*^; — M. 8, 36 a-^H ft oi^^Ufcd ; taild-dttmimw*^ (but when

bearing false witness , he must be punished with a fine of one

eighth of his goods).

This passive construction is often avoided ') by em-

ploying one of the concurrent idioms, taught in 47.

Therefore smfat fsrt srf?r or ftj-^jt, ndiwWdri : <rs: or rSTPRcffTgnrr, etc -

49. " Accusative with causative verbs. — If the primitive

1) With some verbs it is, if at all, but rarely met with. Upon the

the whole , the construction with a double object appears to be the rem-

nant of an old vegetation , which has almost passed away to be suc-

ceeded by new stalks and young stems. We may see the same process

at work in Latin. Greek and the teutonic languages. In all of them

the idiom of the double object loses territory time going.

36 § 49.

Doutie be an intransitive verb, its causative is construed withobject ttt-twith the accusative of its (the primitive's) subject. Prim. JjIrT

"^cf^fT: Cans. HS\$n\ \<^\ri Himufa. The same ap-

plies to verbs of going ; then we will have occasionally

two accusatives, one of the aim and the other, point-

ing out the primitive's subject. Prim. !^g(^t1 I ^TElFT-

£T^ il-^JH Caus. {IsTT^Q^TT (||&iH(j?l ^MUM.But if the primitive be a transitive, there is diver- p-M>

sity of idiom. Often the primitive's subject is in the

same manner put in the accusative, when con-

strued with the causative, but often also in the in-

strumental. In the former case we have of course

two accusatives, as KatMs. 9, 10 JF=ppr ^ ^wf imm-^Ew?w(the best of ascetics made the queen eat a consecrated porridge),

wherewith cp. this instance of the instrumental: Mhbh. 2, 1, 7 rr 'i i-gj i fli

[chRdrchN Qh rsraT (I shall not be able to get anything done by yon).

The difference of both constructions is determined by

the diverse nature of the notions , carried by them. If

one wants to say he causes me to do something, it

is by his impulse I act, there is room for the type RT

r^rarchUMIM , but if it be meant he gets something done

by me, I am only the agent or instrument through which he

acts, the instrumental is on its place T37l^lr^l|Mlr1 1MI.Examples : a.) of two accusatives ; Mudr. I, p. 43 =af?t ch^lfeN-Tji i'-

ti^sit afHshi-HMiP'Jaj]UiHfeprT u(i(utd Jt^»rh (do not the vices of

Candrag. still remind the people of the former kings ?) , Dag. 144

ftrffl- <TOTT <iffo l dl itt mfHwm^HI*^ (my parents allowed me to

wed that girl), Mhbh. 1, 75, 28 sr ^'til^MH^nmH^ (he made the holy

men pay taxes), R. 2, 55, 17 i \mxi[nm [ i)Wi*i<Ati (he ordered her to

embark), ibid, 2, 94, 2 ^ ^mufqnitH faiichd.Uc'auJH i *rnifiT, Da?. 215

§ 49—50. 37

tTTOT qt fcloihW — So always gyrrcnrfTT *f%f^rf^, for this verbat the same time formally is a causative and as to its meaning(to teach) it belongs to the category, mentioned in 40.

b.) of the instrumental of the primitive's subject: Dag. 170 ^TfTCO" mytfeiorar^ ^TfTT y4l4.Hliji ^mrj (she obtained . an order of

the king who was unaware [of what had happened before] to put

to death this honest man) ; Mudr. I, p. 37 ^r mch^ i&T £hprf3rSTT (after

having got written the letter by Qakatadasa) ; Pane. 51 jmnr srnr-

q^sR<T teii^Hia«n(the cartwright let him bring home by friends), Ku-maras. 6, 52 ^ ^p^nrraTqw SjSFrW (he [Himavan] suffered his zenanato be entered by them, that is »he opened his zenana to them"),

M. 8, 371 frt SotPt: ^yi^ldl (her the king should order to bedevoured by dogs) ').

50- In the passive construction these two types are likewise

possible: 1. the primitive's subject turns nominative, the

primitive's object remains accusative , as Mudr. V, p. 172 qflq iliJHi

sraTW^Tir **4 l m , the active form of which would be chim 5WT-

^rmpiT qf^ji fqHoi i^, 2. the primitive's subject is instrumental

but the primitive'1

s object turns nominative , as Mudr. I, p. 22

1) Panini gives a different rule about the construction of the causa-

tives. In his sutra 1,4,52 he teaches that the primitive's subject is the

karma of the causatives of a.) all intransitives , b.) the verbs of going (moving)

,

c.) those of perceiving and knowing (srfs), d.) those of feeding, e.) those

of' uttering voice, and the following rule declares » optionally also with

chliilftH and ^| J it Id 1 ' [and their compounds, see Pat. I, p. 109, 1. 10].

With the other causatives , therefore , the primitive's subject is not

considered an object (karma), accordingly not put in the accus., but in

the instrumental, according to P. 1, 4, 55 compared with 2 , 3 , 18.

Now, to these rules of Panini, which do not take account of the in-

ternal difference existing by necessity between the two conceptions

,

but simply set up some outer marks, I have substituted the description

expounded in the context. Mr. Anandobam Bobooah has preceded me in

this way. Moreover I have tested Panini's rule in numerous instances,

but found it deficient now and then even when paying due respect to

the modifications made in it by the different varttikas on our sutras

(1, 4, 52 sq.), whereas the same enquiry confirmed the exactness of the

rule as it has been laid down in the context.

38 § 50—52.

fsrach^m ^)^m-4 yi(Hri«HM*Jl HcJrlyoi^: active fawcR^nit [raA anm-

ridMMftoH MaHtfoi i M (K. has killed the unhappy Parv. by means

of a vishakanyd). The latter type appears to be rare ')

,

the former is the general one and is applied even in

such cases , as would not admit of two accusatives in

the active form.Examples of type 1. — Mudr. VII, p. 222 m^^HHtHHteTi H ehq^ta

qaor ^fw?T: , Kull. on M. 8 , 287 ma inatTl naiH' FPrefr 5Tq4W: (he

must be caused to pay as much as has been expended), Dag. 164

^m artaSTO^r ^j MMid^H f^eh^^n I Qh I .sf^T (Kocadasa made me enjoy

a bath, food etc.), Hitop. 96 hhw [sc. sHtr] >et nmfn: innw *if|H :

(then he [the hare] commanded the chief elephant to make his pro.

stration), R. 2, 62, 1 j^n (wimi srrioTH: T^isr mmq^Example of type 2. Malav. I, p. 15 aqidiKWoi irraayn) mrr <jm^T

M l-^QrioU : (v. a. His Majesty, indeed, has it in his own power to

make me release Madhavasena).

51« When having got a more or less figurative sense, the causatives

may change their construction. So with ^faQ (to show) and ^ id^frt

(to tell) the person who is caused to see and to hear is sometimes

put in the ace. as attending on a causative, but it is more com-

mon to use the gen. or dat., because they in fact range with the

verbs of showing and telling. So d^lriand its compounds are

never construed with the ace. of the person to whom something is

made known.

52. The accusative of the object is not restricted to the

fa°

t;"e finite verbs, but affects also some active verbal forms,

pen'a-which are grammatically classed among the nouns. In the

'

o

n

ng first place all participles , gerunds and infinitives with ac-

tive signification must have their object put in the accusa-

011

nouns

1) Apart from the two examples adduced in the context I do not

remember having met with any. In both of them the object and the

agent are persons.

§ 52. 39

tive. Hitherto there is no difference between the syntax of

Sanskrit and of its sister-languages. But the accusative is

also wanted with some classes of verbal nouns, com-

monly not reckoned among the participles etc., ' ) nl. p. z, s,

69 sq.

a.) with those in 3 , made of desiderative verbs; this

class of adjectives has indeed almost the nature of par-

ticiples, b.) with some in T^ of kindred signification,

c ) with those in =hcR , when having the worth of a partic. of the

future, d.) with some krts in °^r2) , e.) with the krto in °f|,

when barytona.

Examples : a.) M. 1 , 8 f^nsrforforyT: Osrr: (wishing to create the

manifold creatures), Mhbh. 1 , 167 , 48 ^Jlf^l &mn fSpfk: -tfuu\ -

pgrejrrj — b.) Dag. 25 ^rt ^imjuiifrmqiHfiiUM^tjJas I could not bear

the harshness of their words) ; — c.) Kag. on P. 2 , 3 , 70 ^r£ cMJch)

bjsifd (he goes to make a mat) 3) ; e.) see 53.

Eem. 1. Those in 3^ are also mentioned by Panini as agreeing

with ace, but this construction has antiquated. Instances of it are

met with in the archaic dialect. Taitt. S. 6 , 1,6,6 chmch l U^ felJl

Uorf^r v ^sr ars;, Ch. Up. 5,2,2 sFraprt ^ smt wain (surely, he

obtains a dress).

Eem. 2. Note also the ace. with the adj. 53-^ (worth, deserving).

As far as I know, this idiom is restricted to the epics. Mhbh. 1,

63, 4 -Wren^T rtsmr FTTOT (this king is by his penance worth of

1) See Siecke, de genetivi in lingua sanscrita imprimis vedica usu,

p. 17 sqq.

2) Especially, if a debt be the object, P. 2,3,70. KS19. SM 5TzFt

3) Examples in literature are scarce. Whitney (Grammar § 271 c.) quotes

Mhbh. 3,73,25 Hd-rW(iT6ll<*: 1 but the example is doubtful, for the whole

sentence runs thus : flillHl sfw HolTwRolld*: > where it is also possible

to accept the ace. as the aim of the verb sgTTTrl:. — R. 3,10,15 RiJjSPTRT-

;rgffi>[u,4ihU Utlol lRl fiT: 1 7?TTOrof would afford an instance of Tgg> , con-

strued with the accusative, if it were not probably a bad reading; Ttrlctt^rdHL.

is to be changed in jm -l%dM;

40 § 52—54.

Indra's rank), R. 1 , 53, 12 ^ nflrtimMgTti* qrtHchim i H^ (she is not worth

being given up by me) ').

Eem. 3. In the ancient dialect of the vaidik mantras many more

kinds of verbal nouns may agree with ace. So for inst. Rgv. 6, 23, 4

srfSor?r qfq-; ^rrt1

^J^im :. Mhbh. 1 , 113, 21 we have even an ace. de-

pending on a nomen actionis QiTitim T^T (by his desire to conquer

the earth) imjifHJrtiHruJ I rjj likewise ibid. 1, 167, 3 ^j-ftn ufHRlchl&u

(by his wish to retaliate Drona).

53. The ace. with the barytona in jt though not rare in the earlier

period, seems to protract but an artificial life in classic Sanskrit,

as it is met with only in refined style and even there side by side

with the genitive 2). Dag. 199 it is said of a good king, that he

was sfaioifarii sryuLwidfuHi ssraTPTSTBrfiirTT spy^jnnorfnfTT sept (ho-

nouring the wise, making his attendants mighty, raising his kinsmen

,

lowering his foes); comp. Pane. Ill, 71 himI^HHI etsTT: (a king,

who rules his subjects). — On the other hand, the examples given

by Kac. on P. 3, 2, 135 prove that at the time, they were ap-

plied at first, the construction with the ace. was obvious and na-

tural. So ^ujiIht^: mifaWH i nsrPrT crajjfcl^ (the Qravishthayanas

have the custom to shave the hair of the young-married woman.)

Cp. Apast. 1, 3, 15.

54. m. The accusative of space or time serves to de- *" 2,

space note a continuity of either; it expresses therefore

time, what space is occupied or during what time the action is

1) In the classical language g^ complies with genitive. So Priyad.

39 iqQuirolliiWyitcWUJ (let her sit down , she is worth half of my seat).

Likewise 4M^.

2) Panrai explicitly states (P. 3,2, 134 sq.), that the barytona in °f|

are restricted to the denoting of lasting and inherent qualities. But he

nowhere affirms that the oxytona are not to be employed in that sense.

Indeed, a genitive with nouns in °FT, even when expressing lasting qua-

lities, is very common in classic Sanskrit. In the same passage Dae.

199, the example in the context has been borrowed from , we read q fl fdrl I

qcrfaraTOnH, aQd w: uIh*hi ioWMwImmiy^i^. • • • *^huiui nwrr ^iHoi-

\iiikii' Comp. the list of epithets in Kad. I, p. 2 girff *4^|iyi|Fmi4^etc.

§ 54-55. 41

going on. Compare the ace. spatii and temporis in Latin

,

Greek, German etc.

Examples: a.) space R. 2, 91, 29 s^cT f| *m agfa: m-NdWfemVs^qiT_ (for the soil became flat over an extent of five yojana's in

every direction), Mhbh. 1, 153, 40 f^r FT- . . =*m f riw i ^wi^'uilg)(he seized him and dragged him along over a space of eight

bow-lengths).

Rem. "When naming the dimensions of a thing , one does not

use this accus., but avails one's self of bahuvrihi-compounds.

6.) time Pane. 165 ^m Io| Ph fj^TTf^ rot^Wrrafa^ (for so many days

it was yours), Dag. 96 h^t: HHi-gildi ehi^irchM*i.(gen^e sirs)please,

wait a moment).

Rem. 1. Now and then the ace. of time denotes the time at

which. R. 2, 69, 1 jnqsr ^Tf¥' fr |?tt: uQvmPh st ftt ^fta. i n^rHifij rft

Jlf* ?aqt %€t -syj-iftiy:

, Dag. 153 sft •sfg Iht;: f^^jcT S5TJt|;

m=nrVsM i f£ *i^f3roTl-ri|g: rrragircr lon^a yrtiyisiH; Cp.

Ait. Br. 1, 22, 12; Mhbh. 1, 63, 40; ibid. 1, 121, 34; Apast. 1, 5, 12.

Rem. 2. Sometimes znstrT is put behind the ace, when deno-

ting the time, during which. Hitop. p. 51 rrar q i HMcft moi<jjfiqjH

asffam (I am bound to perform during a month a vow for Durga).

Rem. 3. The ace. of time remains unchanged in the passive;

see Dag. 96 quoted above. But occasionally it is dealt with, as

if it were the object. R. 2, 88, 2 ^ ftst h$ \w, siBrf)- ^^ j^ft

(= here the noble hero has passed the night on the naked earth)

instead of vj&ff srfim^ ')•

55. IV. As a rule, the accusative neuter of anyAdver- rrfrefMaiac- adjective noun may do duty for an adverb,5TTslousa- _^tiTe

- JTS^TfT (he goes swiftly) ,

*J ^ HTTrT (he speaks gently)

,

1) Comp. such Latin expressions , as Caes. B. G-. 5 , 39 , 4 aegre is dies

sustentatur, and the interesting discussion on the matter Pat. I, p. 445 sq.

From Patanjali's words it is sufficiently plain , that to say STTWT TTO': I

SiajH 3?tw: is as go°d as «I«IH' qTCPTj SISJH 4hliUM. From another pas-

sage of the same book (l,p. 338, vartt. 9) it results, that some made

the kalakarma-verbs range with the akarmaka or intransitives.

42 § 55—58.

^ fa^lrl (he amuses himself secretly), tf'sl'cMM—- ^ v-*

^TF^TTrT (he entertains respectfully).

The ace. of the subst. trij (name) is used as a particle= unamely,"

sometimes also it answers to Greek ovofua »of name." Nala 1 , 1

56. a great number of prepositions and the like agree

also with the accusative , see chapter IS. Of the interjec-

tions, r&T^FT is often attended by accusative.

Chapter IV. Instrumental.

5 7- The third case has been styled instrumental after

its most usual employment of expressing the instrument

or means or agent [P. 2, 3, 18 cp. l, 4, 42]. Yet its start-

ing-point is rather the conception of accompaniment,

and it is for this reason some claim for it the name

of sociative. ]

) Nor can there be any doubt, the suf-

fixes, by which the third case is made, viz. bhi and a,

convey the meaning of accompaniment, simultaneous-

ness and nearness

58. I. Sociative. — The instrumental is the equivalent

mental, of our with = together with , accompanied by. In this manner the

Tocia

1

-third Case is USed £ L PanC

- I'305W IF : ^jdslEW JTT5P5I iftfiilffrj--

tive- iiHx^-: i trmrzi to: efazr; TOftfiT: (deer seek after the comradeship with

deer, so kine with kine and horse with horse, the fool with the

fool and the wise with the wise).

a.)witii TJpon the whole however, the instrumental, whenprepo- '

sitionB. sociative, is accompanied by some word expressive of

1) ThiB tenet has been laid down by B. Delbbuck in his pathmaking

treatise Ablativ, Localis, Instrumenlalis , 1867.

§58. 43

the notion of being together viz. 1° the adverbs FT^f-

^FPT, FTFJT, til=ti*i which may then be considered

prepositions, as ^FT! STTtPTT FP<j>; 2° such participles as

frf^rT, Wffi, ^m, ^rf^FT and the like, as JJF\'

tllrlMI fn^rT! or compounded tl Irl iFTT^rT'. Orthe notion

of the sociative is expressed by a compound , the for-

mer part of which is H° (or *T^°) as (FT Hfftrp. Occa-

sionally the gerund 5TT3J*T (having taken) is also used

in the meaning of with.

The prepositional adverbs H«c etc are likewise added

to the instrumental for the sake of denoting relations

between different parties as to converse with, to meddle

with , to light with , to contend with , sim.

Examples: a.) ^ etc. expressive

1. of concomitancy. Mrceh. X, p.372 %fq f&UH gT^rr: ^ oiM-riUHdi

(are Carudatta and Vasantasena still alive?), Mhbh. 1, 113, 20 ^t

rTTWTf od-d'^rMiy- UUrfi-HTt p'rl^raiT: I EpCTT ITOTT ^ ^T^^i) Pane. 127

cpt eiTOH sa^sr n^H ufajdi:, Kathas. 4, 136 ^ ri-Mi ipjfira sngnT-

2. of mutual relations. Pane. 78 rT: JH^itrilO =7 ch(l(n; ibid. 257

3R^T 5Tf fief STf : (v. a. how are you his friend?), ibid. 281 fag-nT

snr Rfaffcmorlm i(disagreement with a friend) , Kathas. 47 , 88 ?r c&

fBT^V *& S^L ^e fougnt witt nim)> Pane. V, 66 ^TrrsR^fiT^I-

^ffgHeJ l cdj;^ i =T iF5f hIh^ I^Jmh i&T; Note the phrase fr g^ S^IFW

(Pane. 137, 13; 178, 1) and the type, represented Pane. 43 ;rf

tflUlifr ^ ifc^MHH ' sr^T (after having fastened her to the pile with

a strong fetter).

b.) >FT%r and the like: Kathas. 13, 110 ^nji; UFJraftrFT: q^rrclor

rnrV jrirr (he fled from this spot to his home with his attendance),

E. 2,52,91 Sita prays q^jsr q^HiijiTErT m=rT ^ ^fnfT: [that is:

»»</* his brother and me] ^fHat ^TomTTBrfaw-

U § 58—60.

Bern. An elegant paraphrase of the s ociative is occasionally "ft^fcr

used as the latter part of a bahuvrihi. So in the verse quoted Fat. I, p.

426 afafediJ^UHM l t M l UJdM^— »alone but for his good sword, he

went after the Pandava," Dag. 159 ^ch l^ HdMr*K!6d rsr qf^oii -

fcHlfiiHkniH'js'fri (you stand aside as if longing for some you love,

alone with your lute), Pane. 159 i i sich^Ul w°Ti[i,rTlm .

59. Yet the sole instrumental will not rarely suffice. Ini)with-

out the old vedic dialect, the brahmanas included, it is

8iti<m& very common , denoting as well concomitancy as mutu-

ality of relations. But in classic Sanskrit it is restricted

to the language of poetry and poetical prose and to

some typical expressions.

Examples : a.) from the archaic dialect. Rgv. 1,1,5 ^aft g-srftr-

jTJTUr^ (may the god come with the gods), ibid. 8, 85, 7 ^frferStj

aw rT w&; — Ait. Br. 1, 6, 3 s^jh HrWT miw (he enjoys food

with his family), Ch. Up. 5, 10, 9 amf^ 1

: (conversing with them).

6.) from classic poetry, etc.: 1, concomitancy R. 2, 27, 15 srr^ roTCT

JiPwmifi eftt (I shall go to the forest with thee), ibid. 2, 68, 2

JElHT Mlrj<ri<*><?t. it^ttV orerfff JfBTT SEgpr ; — 2. mutuality of rela.

tions Dag. 175 rim fa zjsrsnn 4,w<3r\i srspsr (he took a great aver-

sion to his young wife), ibid. 91 rWT sUfei bhi l nuisUfeWch^oi*^ (with

this courtesan I made a bargain), E. 3, 18, 19 *i\iri \S : mUmsI

m|7^ im : eh^^i-4 ^T ^rnf: (Laxmana, one should make no joke at all

with cruel and vile people), Pane. V, 62 ^ HlPw^kirMferh (a wise

man does not keep counsel with women). It is often said fsrKwiH

UI^U ll without g^, etc.

Rem. 1. Note the turn, instances of which are afforded by

Mudr. Ill, p. 116 inrr teidloi-w i^uioi wiRirft (I have left them

nothing but life) and Prabodh. V, p. 103 aRm^Jn ^i p^uioi ^r

ulamfd (in short he will part with his body).

Rem. 2. Note chgS^ (quarrel) with the sole instrum. Pane. V, 74

q^nr Htjchl^ i uif thgt^ : (the cooks' quarrel with the ram).

60. Compound nouns or verbs , whose former part is FT,

FT or FRc , 2'y many words expressive of the notions of

§ 60—61. 45

uniting, combining , mingling are often construed with the

sole instrumental, even in prose. This construction is

the regular one with *TsT and its derivates.

Examples: a.) compounds, commencing by g- etc. Dae. 79 =g-^iro

wifii Hitop. p. 16 srw f^m HgUMMrTl H l *;rfi< ^oi i^ (there1is

not in this world a man more happy, than he, who has a friend

to converse with), Qak. IV, vs. 12 =g?R tfeHoidi -1'dmfcw (a jas-

mine, clinging to a mango-tree). Mrcch. I

, p. 34 jyj ttSr ^nTSfrT-

b.) other verbs of uniting, mingling, combining. — M. 1, 26

S^pffsTOwrrr: g^iWTf^fn: PITT; , Pane. 274 i^sft fold l rtJ l fqf§TrT: (mixed

with his kinsmen), Qak. I, vs. 30 srra =T W^mfd q^rfu: (she does

not join her voice to mine).

Eem. 1. Jl^fa ' is often = Lat. afficere alqum alg/uare. SoMhbh.

I (Paushyap.) ftnsn^FiSFr Jlstfiri* :wsr (it was not his intention to

harass his pupils), op. E. 2, 75, 57. Many times it is = »to bestow

something upon somebody", f.i. Pane. 3 ^ rm mitrHairH JldOm i Pj

(I will bestow a hundred of grants upon you).

Eem. 2. P. 2, 3, 22 mentions the verb ^rr, complying with

ace. or instrum. , but instances of that idiom seem to be wanting

in literature; Patanjali gives the example fqrTT or fg=iT MstUhIH )

but it is not plain what is here the meaning of g^rr- — A- similar

instrum. depending on a compound verb, commencing by ^-, is

taught by Pan. 1, 3, 55 and his commentators, see Pat. I, p, 284.

According to them it is said 5T3TT ^wgpT i ^eiwt HM^-e^H "he makes

presents to a servant-maid , to a female of low-caste , etc." the instr.

gj #being used only in the case of illicit intercourse.

in- The instrumental attends on the adjectives of equality p. 2, 3,stram. " * " '

°[tif; likeness, identity and the like, as W\ , FFTH, H^T,

adjj. of nr^M. Here however the genitive is a concurrent

,construction

,just as in Latin. It is said promiscuously

ty , etc. ftftj: or jtj^t stt: tp 1

;

Examples: E. 2, 118, 35 sor^rn SPT; (equal to Indra), Hit. I, 22

Ercrfa; i=PTPTT: (like beasts), Hit. p. 118 -efc[ j^R^rt OTT5f =T iTrTt ^T uf&.

72.

46 § 61—62.

tarfff-, Malav. I, p. 21-^ar tj if crrjTsraTftr ctwui (he is not even equal to the

dust of my feet); Pat. I, p. 327 %• groj ) lridi^HorirT (he has become

their equal). — If »to compare with" is to be expressed by some

metaphor, the instrumental will often be of use, so for ex., when it

is denoted by the image of putting on a balance, cp. Eumaras.

5, 34. — . Compare also such expressions as Dag. 130 gT-s^Mpra'

g rife7chch4 : (and I having the same business as these friends of

mine here).

of a genitive: Mhbh. 1 , 139 , 16 a^ror i&rt ^rferr ^rrfer chfei^H&pR. 2, 23, 3 swt th-d^i ftp mm STssr spst ([his] face shone like

the face of an angry lion).

02 As the instrumental is the exponent of the notion

instru- of accompaniment and simultaneousness , so it is also avai-mental

with lable with words expressive of the very contrary, namely

of sepa- separation and disjunction. In the same way as it is saidration. r~~ ___

<pT?TT ?Trcn • > PlMI 7TWi'> „with you," one is allowed

to say pTtTT Tf^rT: , el?TT $A'lrh> „without you." ')

The proper case for expressing separation, the ablative

is however also available. In some phrases the instru-

mental is more frequently employed, in other again

the ablative. The instrum. prevails with T^pT and most

of the compounds , beginning with T^° , also with ^l^rl

and «M^T, but the ablative with such as rT^', 2T3T.

Examples: Pane. 84 qlTTnT'feui!): (he was not deprived of life),

1) Delbr. 1.1. p. 71 »Der begriff trennung ist zwar logisch der gegen-

satz von zuaammensein, liegt ihm aber desshalb psychologisch sehr nahe."

Or , to speak more exactly , it is not the conception of separation , that

is expressed or signified by the instrumental , but the notion of mutu-

ality underlying both union and separation, finds in it its adequate ex-

pression. We have here therefore the same kind of instrum., which is

spoken of in 59, b 2. Accordingly words of separation may also be con-

strued with ^r etc. Pane. !\7 rpTFTOT ST^ (dUllD Mfd&dfd- Compare

English to part with.

§ 62—63. 47

Dae. 172 hn^ fl Ui *HU^ I

^

zrgrgremT (she peeled the grains of rice of

their husks, so [cleverly] as to keep them entire), Kathas. 15, 82

yirl l^oti I ^Tjft {ot|; f&r^oJraTJT^ (R- forbore the grief caused by his

separation from Sita), R. 2, 96, 27 cfrgwr jt^ftt Rf^ft trffjjsmt (let

the earth be freed from a great stain), i)

Rem. The adjectives jf^ft, ^fcr, fd<i~i , fm^> sim. often are =» without."

63. II. By extending the notions of concomitancy , ac-

mentTi,companiment , simultaneousness from space and time

*£ to all sorts of logical categories, we may understandcase. how iarge a sphere of employment the third case occu-

pies in Sanskrit syntax. Generally spoken , it is always

used, when it is wanted to express the circumstances,

instruments , means , ways,

properties accompanying

the action and qualifying it. In other terms , the instru-

mental has the duty of telling the how of the action

or state, expressed by the verb or verbal noun, it de-

pends on.

For clearness' sake the most striking types of this

instrumental will be severally enumerated: V* and 2'y

it is expressive of the instrument (karana) and the

agent (kartr). These two kinds of instrumental are

practically the most important, for they are the most

wanted for. Examples of the former jt^-dt qfrtIh (he cuts with

a knife), qTHjt n^H (he goes on foot); of the latter t$x\ dcchd^

(it is done by me) (57).

1) M. 2,79 affords an instance of instruin. and abl. depending On

the same verb, The latter half-cloka runs thus ircrTlUMH) 4iyi-r4Mdl-r -\ •

a

fdPolM-ttjff (after a month he is released even from a great sin likewise as a

snake from its skin). Here the abl. ctto': and the instr. fsraT are coordinate.

Compare the like coincidence of abl. and instr. causae.

48 § 63—64.

Thirdly, the instrum. denotes accompanying circumstances

and qualities , like Latin abl. modi and qualitatis. M. i, 3

aJiitH mffym etiJFd SHM-dd^ (he must make money, but without

giving toil to his body), Pane. 129 ^iHchmfao^H ft^chl ^isiW*'-

^h (Ping, exercised his royalty with Dam. as his minister).

Fourthly, it declares the test, to measure by; vmm-

rdimfa (you will know it by its fruit).

Fifthly, it expresses the price or value, something

is rated at , bought , sold , hired for , the thing , some other

is taken for in exchange , sim. Pane 158 yqchuirH fSrarfcreniT:

m^cfr : (a book sold for a hundred rupees).

Sixthly , it denotes the way , by which one goes ;Qak.

HI jjrnrr si lowIndian MrH(fa( nHT (the tender girl has passed

a little before along this row of young trees).

Seventhly, the instrumental denotes the cause, motive*

or reason , by which something is done or happens to be ;

y^T ^SRfT: (prosperous by wealth), f^rar HOT (fame by learning),

H^NUMHU^ (that person has arrived by my order), srterr 5PPT

(v. a. a present).

64. It should be kept in mind, however, that these and

sJum. similar distinctions are but made for argument's sake

reHo an<* ^° n0* answer to sharply separated real divisions.

^ Properly speaking , there is but one instrumental in all of

with, them , just as in English it is the same word with, which

is used in phrases as distant from one another as / go

with you , I cut with a knife , he with his black hat , he is

content with me. For this reason on the one hand no-

thing impedes increasing the number of divisions and

subdivisions according to the manifold logical variety

of its employment, but on the other hand no system

of division will exhaust it, and more than once we

§ 64—66. 49

may be at a loss under which head to enregister a given

instrumental.

Eem. The being implied of so various logical con-

ceptions by an implement for expression as small, as

a case-ending is, has by the time become inconvenient.

Instead of the simple instrumental, therefore, a more

explicit mode of expression , signifying more precisely

which kind of logical relation is meant in every instance

,

is often made use of, namely the periphrase by .such

words asW, ^HT, SPl^T, TO^, ^T^etc.Its relative frequency is one of the most striking fea-

tures of modern , compared to ancient , Sanskrit.

65. Some fuller account on the different kinds of instrumental will

Fuller i,

accountbe S1Y6n n0W-

°1. instrument or karana. — Examples: Pat. I, p. 119 wraidH i srr

them. r ' r ^«v*i-ivi. mi,

srs ch iw (a piece of wood , tied with a rope or with iron) , Mrcch.

I (p. 54) g^f g idlj jiUl ifrl^iHH (cover him with this cloth), Pane.

148 ^r arsR f^rsmn? rTUtirft, Mhbh. 1, 144, 18 crraT^ron'g^T hi<hh

(he started on a chariot, drawn by asses), ibid. 1, 120, 19 ;j%^t

<cd^I)m|frt SoTTWJIUrWMI JfTN^ I jjsh 3OT^; RrjiyiiM OT^SR^ iTFToTPT

(by sacrifices he propitiates the gods, by study and penance the

munis, by [procreating] sons and [performing] the funeral rites

the fathers, by [practising] mildness he propitiates men).

Persons, when being instruments, are likewise put in the third

case; consequently the Sanskrit instrumental of a person answers as

well to Lat. per as to Lat. a. Prabodh. VI, p. 132 ifjrr ^ qfimn^T

(SiQhm = Lat. compertum est a me per speculatorem.

66. 2. agent or kartr. — In this meaning the instrumental attends

a.) on passive verbs , to denote the subject of the action , as has

been pointed out 6 , —&) on verbal nouns , as Malav. I, p. 28 [HfdTdmm i

qTUT Pl -jJM (forbearing the blame of others), for q^rrr f^RTO =qftiT oRfrf f^tETT- In the latter case the so-called subjective genitive

50 § 66—67.

is a concurrent construction , which is even generally preferred unless

ambiguity would result from its employment, cp. 114.

Agent Bern. Likewise both instrumental and genitive are available to^.Z,

krtya. denote the agent with a krtya. As a rule the instrumental is required

,

if the verbal sense prevail, but the genitive, if the krtya have

the value of a noun adjective or substantive. Examples: instr.

Pane. 167 i^idW ^ai l -Hi M^HoM*^ (I am obliged to emigrate), Malat.

II fifirr? wn ST53T (what can I help here?), Vikram. I jjclfgiW-

QdoJ JTsrft: (v. a. the audience are requested to listen with atten-

tion); — gen. Pane. I, 450 qwnnf yfuiHi inarr f^&rrat t^tott. i st-

tfl^r: M i qaTlOT lHWHHl^i chcHR^ : (the learned are an object of dislike

to the ignorant , the wealthy to the poor , the virtuous to the wicked

and honest women to such as are of a loose conduct), ibid. p. 268

srcf iiiuii: qmdl -si Ui|rj||7mi ofMIT: (we , domestic animals , are a prey

for wild beasts). Hence, when compounded with g-, 3;: or ^, they

are construed with gen., Pane. 176 ^sht [^f^^iiui wpt aTsy^TPTPTj

Mrcch. IV (p. 144) rrqW m^: dwn ^mx =r (*ftdm<4rW nmnw-67. 3. quality , attribute , circumstance 1

).— When denoting a qua- , ' '

litveT"'^y or tribute i* " = *ne abl- qualitatis of Latin grammar, but

the restrictions as to its employment in Latin do not exist in

Sanskrit. So it is said (Kacika) irfq Hdl*»il Ui;rHl ^HMrf ^^ (have

you seen a disciple with a pitcher?), ibid, on P. 2, 3, 37 jfr sTetPt:

ft i|^; so Hitop. 125 srW: telyq&RH (a treasury with little expen.

ses) comm. ssRrqHjifar fdiiMur fjrtjrr; E- 3, 7, 3 taiirtrgTT: ct.M-1^ (a

forest with manifold trees).

Examples of its attending a verb. — Then it has the nature of

Lat. abl. modi or circumstantiae. E. 2, 64, 47 g- ft f^SEPT 1PTIT ssr-

JWWJI^irdtPT, Pane. 161 sr^f iTlrTT dN^I^HIil-^iri (a bridegroom

approaches with a great noise of music), ibid. 28 twj k\dh\i\ nroTr

yim^cM n-JduwHO^^uiRjtiiR^ch^iHijyiim ^n^rr ^r: [sc. F5pn] (go

to him and while living brotherly with him on the same spot,

1) Pan.'s sutra is ir^UrM -uVUl [sc. f|fft5rr] , which is expounded by K&9, =SrJfUtTOT ^ratfT »to name the laxana or mark, which makes known some-

body or something as possessing such quality, property, nature etc." It

includes therefore the notions quality, attribute, circumstance.

§ 67—70. 51

spend the time with eating, drinking, walking together), ibid. 162

5^T dlrlfotllrlch^m ^ft srgr (while discoursing thus , the night passed

away).

E em. 1. Note gjTH with instrum. »to behave in such a manner,"

Pane. 56 ft ira%HrfH^qTrr ddmu iuM")^ .

Eem. 2. Such instrumental have often the character of ad-

verbs and may be considered so (77). Among others we mention

compounds in ^gtir and "sfjqrrT, when — »as, by the way of." Mrcch.

V, p. 187 thHtft spr icrfft dcH-s!,MUl JTTFliT (methinks, the firmament dis-

solves and falls down as rain).

Eem. 3. In some turns the instrumental of circumstance may show

something of the fundamental character of the sociative. So E. 2, 37,

18 cfrwita' H^ i tH 5R ii-c^tjd crtst (with L. as your companion go to

the forest, my son), ibid. 2, 30, 27 ^ ^ rTBT p&T teli lHUjfaffcra

(I should forsake even heaven, my queen, if its attainment would

be joint with grief of you). Similarly Pane. 309 fiM^txtwioli i; sw-

riMrt3ctifqil<?wVi<* fHyd^«riH-4dcjimi Hf^4=Hcdiuiy JHHiiiidi: (the fisher-

men arrived with a great number of fishes they had killed

and bore on their head). Here we are , indeed , on the very boun-

dary of the sociative and the instr. of quality.

68. This instrumental is by far not so frequent as its equivalents

in Latin and Greek, the attributes or accompanying circumstances

generally finding their adequate expression in the bahuvrihi-com-

pound , see chapt. X. Qualities and dispositions of temper and mind

are also signified by compounds , beginning with the particle g° , as

^rfnsrr, Stsr^TRJT, cp. 184, E.; occasionally by periphrase, as Kam. 3, 3

MMfcoM 1

. chfrumi <mrr £frTOgTn^ (with the utmost compassion he must

succour the distressed).

69. 4. test or criterion. — Examples: Eagh. 15, 77 a.-diTl'JH grsfft m i ^cH4

' EPTOoT ?TT (her chastity was inferred from her pure body), E. 3,

12, 23 aViifu i iaiix^ i Ef £wpt Hmd l ft^ (by the dignity of his

person I conceive him a vessel of penance and self-control). Cp.

Lat. magnos homines virtute metimur.

70. 5- price or value. — Examples : Pane. 318 rTrfts?nfiT! cWrTT JTT

5Price- jfnanft ritfr*f^f¥^3srT: >

**»• on p-2

>3

>18^^JP

52 § 70-72.

Pane. 3 qrf foWiQshzf HiiMHUlriHiR' ch^lPi, R. 2, 34, 40 ^g^h^uwEr gsr-

chljihri 5njf (I choose exile , were it at the price of all my wishes).

Likewise the instrum. is used to denote that, which is given in

exchange for something: Pane. 152 JT^Trj chRj^ftiH^f^rliRd^r^

(who takes [from mo] peeled sesam in exchange for unpeeled?)

Rem. 1. The last but one example admits however also of an other

interpretation, as ggeRW: may signify » above all my wishes." There

are a good deal of instances proving, that Sanskrit had, especially

in the ancient dialect, an instrum. of the thing surpassed of the

same power as the so called ablativus comparationis. More on

this subject see 107.

Rem. 2. The verb qfjwt (to hire) may be construed either P-!> 4.

with the instrum. or with the dative of the wages; sih1^ or ^ inid

q 17 shirt : Both conceptions are logically right.

71. 6. way, by which. — Pane. -212 chrWH qirnn iiiilK l: *(<*il: (in

Yajr

' what direction the crows have disappeared?). By a common-

which. place metaphor jttttoT) <TOT sim. are also used to signify the manner,

in which one acts. Pane. I, 414 i^rfyTT gj|g(^§? q*rr ^T ETTf^T ST.

72. - 7. cause, motive, reason. — Examples: Dag. 198 gfj-^f^ spim": Pa2

' 3,

' t;

au" gyT fTOT ^ feKPT (some boy, vexed by hunger and thirst), Oh.sauty *j i <t -»

(instru- Up. 4, 10, 3 g- ^ a I [tH I s^fgirj 5TT (from sorrow he was not able to

sTeaM- eat), Qak. IV njQfacfrrt I Hj ^UUH?JT *TT FT STffrq rm: (even when

sae.) injured by your husband you should not oppose him from wrath).

Causality is also expressed by the ablative, and in some cases

the latter is to be employed exclusively. But commonly both con-

structions are promiscuous and occasionally found together in the

same sentence. Pane. IV, 34 jt^ ^ fM f%t%^t Jjarr PrtRsiHi' i

JT5TT: sripr aTOTT finfr ^ f3 *fl >i rt :(nothing is ambrosia and poison

at the same time , woman alone excepted , by whose union one lives

,

and the separation of whom causes death), Kathas. 29, 25 gffiui

JTETOTT! ?pT (lilri :(i* 's from joy she has no appetite, not from

illness).

Rem. The ablative is forbidden and accordingly the instrumen- P. 2, 8,

tal is of necessity; ^ l ly the cause or motive be at the same

time the agent, see 102, 2'y if it be an abstract noun of the

§ 72—73. 53

feminine gender, expressing a quality. ') It may thus be said srfifrjr

or srterforjfi; (released by heroism), but only fftjrr ggtiQH : (he fled

from fear). Hence often the abl. of a masc. and neuter and the

instr. of the feminine range together, as E. 2, 70, 25 sriToT ^rar

f3iT f%^TT MM^di mj i rorprr =srrfa jh^tt wjmtRi ^r ^sftptj or Prabodh.

II, p. 31 srpyf: waft wn srroirpH <gg: i %crfrf *MQu*uifeiyci-,iH;ddiii

^r ^r ^ma-Urufildl-uffi (as you were a boy , forsooth , I have seen you

at the end of the Dvapara-age , now by length of time and by mybeing vexed by old age I did not recognise you exactly). In

scientific and philosophical works, commentaries and the like, abla-

tives in °F5nrr alternate with instrumental in °rrar in order to de-

note the cause or the moving principle.

73. Next to the instrumental of causality comes that , which

menu- signifies by what side, Like the Latin abl. partis it com-iwpar- moniy depends on adjectives , but may also be the com-

plement of the whole predicate. It is especially used

to point out the points of comparison with verbs or nouns

,

which denote superiority or inferiority, likeness or dif-

ference.

Examples: E. 1, 1, 55 frnn foigirT: (disfigured), Ch. Up. 2, 11,2

H^i^m trsrfworifT t^t^Mt, Dag. 77 *ortimu: w%£t 5repT Rifduy")

-suBirT (he was rich in various kinds of knowledge and in good

qualities, but not very bulky in earthly goods), Pane. 274 fsfcir-

^JTrTTwrt sffifnr 5TOT (Sq imi^ chimin stt ffcr. (am I inferior to

both of them either in valour or in outer appearance or in study

or in cleverness?), Dag. 177 ^t?f^t f&tfiFT ^lsll-ri^-^ldH ^ SoTOpf-

1) P. 2, 3, 25 perhaps admits of two interpretations. The words fsnTTTT TIUT

-sf^PTFT may signify » optional, when expressing a quality, provided

this quality is no feminine" or » optional, when expressing a quality;

not at all, if [the motive be] a feminine." Moreover the term stri may

denote as well all feniinines, as only such, as have special feminine

endings. — At all events, in practice, when signifying causality, the

ablative with the special femin. ending °OT: is always avoided.

54 § 73-74.

i HriVa srrTff (he is surpassing all his citizens by his birth, his

wealth and his being the king's confident),Qak. V JtH^dld f% tryf

m<.M<jTiq|ytfr wrffT qf^rTTOT ^\um qfejriH l*j^ (the tree does tolerate the

ardent glow of the sun on its summit to assuage by its shade the heat

of those who come to it for shelter). In the last example, the instr.

A\iHl[ may also be accepted as the instrument. In practice, indeed,

the different shades of the how-case do not show themselves so

sharply, as they are exhibited by the standard-types, cp. 64.

Bern. 1. Concurrent idioms denoting the side by which, are

the ablative and the locative, especially if it be wanted to express

the points of comparison. It is even allowed to use them side by

side. So R. 1, 17, 13 two instrumentals are used together with an

abl. (TrasrT trwr diJi^^-aU fr), Mhbh. 1, 16, 9 they range with a

locative (gfr trarT [Smhi an *a"u=iify^T sr^r i HsreTT eptot ^ter)-

Eem. 2. The instrumental is of necessity, when naming the p *•

part of the body, by which one suffers, as a^U l l giror; (blind of«y

one eye) , mfijMi cFifirr: , Tlt^T wx\- Ch. Up, 2, 19, 2 jt ^3 a^; tujtj

fdriafrl (he who knows so, is not crippled in any limb).

Eem. 3. With comparatives and the like the instrumental is

equivalent to the Latin ablativus mensurae. Dag. 73 cMiaH l Jch im -

fcaiiJI yif: (by how much is duty superior to interest and pleasure ?),

Utp. on Varah. Brhats (translation of Kern p. 7) aWl z^ C7TT-

af^f ldH Uin^ l iiMfT JwfH (such a planet moves so many yojanas

74. above the terrestrial globe).

con-

aThe instrumental is used in many idiomatic turns,

8

tion! most of which belong to the general heads described

in the preceding paragraphs. Of them the most impor-

tant are:

1. to honour-, to favour-, to attend on with. Q&k. I grf^r-

^l^jfarfol^l ^T ^itArfliwilrlotwwifiT: (we want to wait upon you

with a new drama etc.), Pane. Ill, 139 ^ihT^ PT'M Pj)H :[sc. chMlrH 5t?:].

2. to swear-, to conjure by. R. 2 , 48, 23 q^[g am iH< (we swear

;

even by our children); Mrcch. Ill (p. 126) ii^T^fli wfi&ohm Hl lf^dl si%;

§ 74 55

Mhbh. 1, 131, 46 g^R rT 5PT- — Likewise ^T ?RRj an elliptical

phrase = znn mJW W3 rR STRR (as I have said the truth , by that

truth), cp. Ch, Up. 3, 11, 2; Nala 5, 17—20.

3. to boast on. Mhbh. 2, 64, 1 q^crwor mjm ^my fbpt;

4. to live by. M. 3, 162 rralrsr d lbi fn (v- a- an astrologer), Cak.

5. to rejoice, to laugh, to wonder etc. at. Mhbh. 1, 138, 71

sfft roidl^ (you make me glad), Mudr. VII p. 221 nrrPT t| f|H i«iml

srar (with whose virtues I am not content), Kathas. 20, 43 a^rsr PR

sr ^g; (the king laughed at it). Op. my (bravo, well done) with

instr. Malat. I (p. 8) m 5W sma^Fr *rfcm i fazftrR.

Bern. In the case of 4. and 5. the ablative may occasionally

be made use of. That mftH, tjqflH, ftf, ?RC, ST3 may be trans-

itives , has been stated 42, 4 ; the last (vjl-dfd ) is commonly construed

so , and does but rarely comply with the instr.

Rem. 2. With ttj , sirte and the like the instrum. may be either

the sociative proper (then ^-, gxpr etc. may be added) or the

karana. Ch. Up. 8, 12,3 gives a fair instance of its standing on

the bordering line of both acceptations slTrt-^hii-i^MlHl '. drtferf tTRsrf

Tl l'lHpterf (laughing [or eating], playing and rejoicing with women,

carriages or relatives).

6. to fill with. Pane. 317 n^ ffrguTs^ ; e^ftiprara-: EjPSTsr:

^ifTrT'. (what was left of his store of barley, he had earned by

begging, therewith he filled his bowl), Mudr. V p. 184 ^ ctrtRt: <nf-

rfTPT- — The genitive with words of filling is also met with, yet

the general use prefers the instrumental, at least with "TprfH-

7. to vanquish in (a battle, etc.). Pane. 291 Frf^gsRTf^ra'-

8. to carry -, to keep -, to bear on {in, with.) Pane.

Ill, 202 ^ch l

^i ssrart UTJfr STsTT^t fSl^ld^ (

the cartwright carried

his wife with her paramour on his head), Dag. 140 rriBCTTrfRT^in^pr

E e m. In the cases of 7 and 8 the locative is the concurrent

idiom. It is said promiscuously hj^ and zrs^r f^rPT , ^£f or ^FtR- arPT-

Cp. Kumaras. 3,22 ir?fp?rRT5T?T iryT q^Ri mm with Kad. I, p. 29

RjrrRr chi-di^m - But always awrr v »to hold on the balance", v. a.

»to weigh, to compare."

56 § 74-77.

9. It is said a^^Tbufd an<* fl-dH (ne P^ys at dice). Cp. also E. (Gorr.)

3, 30, 4 3f&pii iiEia5.Ht tot: with Mhbh. 13, 148, 2 qsrcjr aaw f^rsr

qzr:, Lat. 2>£m# lapides or lapidibus. — Similarly sjqjr amid and mqi?H

(to swear an oath).

Bern. In the old dialect of the Yedic mantras the instrum. attends

on qrOH and tfsr just as the abl. on Latin potiri and fungi, see

Delbr. Abl. Loc. Instr. p. 65. To the instances adduced there I add

the mantra in Acv. Grhy. 1, 23, 19 H-H IdH d^lltdUH ^T nf%mk-

75. 10.) the set phrases TTi U'ilsWH (or^FT) ,^ft^T:

sim., or in a negative form ^T SnitsFT^T etc. are con-

strued with the instr. of that, which „does not matter."

Or even it is said simply I ^tt FFT (what matters this?).

He, whom it does not matter, is put into the genitive.Examples : Pane. 285 fej; h^ih JuichUreH nJ)d-l^ (what profit have

I being cartwright ?), Malav. Ill (p. 81) tt k HMik*u\ shfcl<J : (I

have nothing J o meddle with M.), R. 2, 73, 2 f% tt srw iTT i istH

(what matters me the kingdom?), Dag. 140 ? fr-Mm Rh fa^Hm tncfnT,

Mudr. I (p. 21) wra^T =g *ih(UI ^ mrr: mirtHi-^ i Tim 3r: (what profit

may be derived from an unwise and coward [officer], though he be*

faithful?), Pat. I, p. 7 fgr rr ra^T (what • matters us this?), Qak.

Y fgr fqjTOJtfraT FcraT.

In the same way it is said fg; ch^ffi ir^T 2M*^ faciam eo ? Pane.

276 f^r anfyjjtrH *tot *f|mfy.

Rem. 1. Like gsj-, its derivative ?rp^T complies with instrum.,

when= »wanting-, being eager for -, coveting." R. 3, 18, 4 mjjti l-

qf (he wants to be married), Mudr. V (p. 166) ^jf q^ar Afa^ : gfrsr-

iprimmP^-i: *fy(i,6ium (some of them long after the foe's trea-

sures and elephants, some others are coveting his domains).

Rem. 2. Note TTcFrT with instrum. »dependent on, in the power

of," R. 3, 18, 9 g^ l^MHl , Malat. VI (p. 97) q^Hfo-j *mra=r. Yet

gen. and loc. are also available, cp. tim-a 124-

76. II.) with ^TFFT, *ltr[, ^TrFF the instrum. expresses

a prohibition or an invitation to cease or to stop.

§ 77-78. 57

Vikram. I wnrrarf^r (stop your cries), Qak. I ^oTT =pr H^r(well, no hesitation more) , Mahav. II (p. 25) mn zjtix& rPTOT (cease .

your unparalleled penance).

77. Many instrumentals have more or less the character

of adverbs, as STFTTJT (mostly), H^T (easily), J:^Tand fi^HT (hardly), ^TrSRT (with all my heart),

etc. So E. 1, 13, 34' narmx =t ^insii greuFdcH)yidi(g srr (one should

not bestow a gift in a disdainful manner nor in jest) , Pane. II , 204

pHlfui *(Vu=) =T *if£<rtM EirTH (he makes friends and does not con-

verse with them falsely), Mrcch. VII (p. 237) ^trr air srnsisrw

(auspicious be your way to your kinsmen), Malat. X (p. 165) cjfFT-~

^.cWltti ^TTrT: Qf oiryt(5*flJM sft&rTSW (nor can K. live longer either

without her daughter).

78. III. The instrumental of time serves to denote in ^ \'

strum. W iat time something is accomplished. Not rarely this con-oftime.

cep^jon coincides with that of the time, after which some-

thing is happening. ;TrCHMcilch) .siffa; (the chapter was learned in

(after) a month).

The same applies to space. efTtipTFrawtesJiTT: ').

Examples : Pane. 2 ai^u i ffiJtMfchi tfr ^j-jr^ (v. a; grammar requires

twelve years to be mastered), ibid. 237 chfdqtUoi l ^lfatrgT ^sr H 5fsT-

oII^oItI: (in a few days he [the crow] grew strong like a peacock),

Da§. 159 HrTf-scrifliuHl cft^r- jm- faa^&Uch qNHMK (after some time

the king's chief queen was delivered of a son) , E. 1, 13, 35rrfr; j,fej^-

^M^UIrtl: TfrftfiT:, Pane. 282 riJ^WiTuiiWAiWMUiUJri: chlRMHcO

yuqR^HI (as they went on, after no more than two yojanas the

couple came in sight of some river). So -fjr-jq-: , Q^m : etc. — »in pro-

cess of time."

1) The difference between this instrum. of time and the above mentioned

ace. of time (54) is illustrated by these examples of the Kaifika: It is

said ^lyHKsR^nrrtgorrart'SsJfrT: , but ijuH^tnrtl-s^ai*! :r ^t5r JTfftr:,

for »if the subject ceases the action before having reached its aim , the in-

strumental may not be employed."

58 § 78—79.

Bern. 1. The fundamental conception seems here to be that of

concomitancy. Hence it may be explained , how the third case occasi-

onally denotes even at what time, as R. 1, 72, 12 frchl^r (at one

and the same day) ^ratr=rftnt -eirHHUli muTU^ri -droll ("i ^isW=ir., and

such standing phrases as ^t chM-l , cFT W<H , which are especially

frequent in Buddhistic and Jain books.

Bern. 2. The naxatra or constellation , under which something p-2>

3>45

'cp.4, 2,4.

occurs, may be put indifferently in the third or the seventh case:

qTsznir or cnsr tlMMMiHimH - Examples of the instrum. Acv. Grrhy.

3, 5, 1 iHMidl •sfatii*?l<ji*(mM)yytqt qT^rfir JtioiiTw-— ^R sit, Pa*-

I, 231 *h^ui fmrm nrT:

Chapter V. Dative. *)

79. The dative or fourth case serves to point out the

empkiy- destination , and therefore it generally does answer to En-

the

D

da-glish to and for , Latin ad or in with ace. Yet , if it be

tlve- wanted to express the destination of a real going or mov-

ing, the accusative (39) or locative (134) are commonly-

preferred, although the dative may be used even then,

SIFTFT JT^frT being as correct as m^t TT^frT- So Bagh. p. 2, 3,] 2.

with 12, 7 opttct irEf , Dae. 76 Hii|ia\-d<yi4^ Mudr. II ;M)M^m grprer umaifaw°r

f

s(I will send Karabhaka to Pataliputra), Kathas. 47, 92 tj rifa' ?rg- jjhjh:

moving.jgrpdUllJl ir ST^r (after ceasing the battle both armies retired to their

encampments). — With causative verbs of moving; as those of

bringing , throwing , casting , this kind of dative is frequent. B. 3,

25, 27 yiMk^MiJ4|yoitrnr i f%f%j: <4|Msh^l (W\U |sPT^T:, Malav. in

(p- 76) tmflchm (T5; nf^uflfrl (she lifts up her foot to the acoka-tree),

Mhbh. 1, 114, 2 (d^iu Iter <mr?: uuuwiy iTS^T-

Rem. The aim, reached, attained is never put in

the dative (39)2).

1) Compare Delbeuck's monography on the employment of the dative in

the Rgvedasanhita in Kuhn'a Zeitschr. XVIII, p. 81— 106. Monographies on

the syntax of the dative in classic Sanskrit are not known to me,

2) Cp. Pat. I, 448, vartt. 4 on P. 2, 3,12.

§ 80—81. 59

80. In the great majority of cases the destination purported

thfdes- by the dative , has an acceptation more or less figura-

tion,tive. The different kinds of datives, which display this

character, may be arranged in two distinct groups, viz#

I , the so-called dative of concern or interest , II , the

dative of the purpose. The former has almost the same

functions as the dative of modern european languages

,

the sphere of the latter is that of the dativus finalis

in Latin.

Both are but varieties of the fundamental notion , as will be made

plain by these examples, which contain some datives of the kind

I and II, construed with the verb to go, I, Hitop. p. 42 q 'Z^m

^ farmtr =T srarwrr =r -diriH i *MUI«4 m ETTfn 5r^ri^h{Mir5a,

i(the riches

of the miser go neither to a god nor to a brahman, nor to his

family nor to himself, because of fire, thieves, the king). II. E.

1 46, 7 TfjiaiT rTC^r Jnrr (after these words he set out to penance,

viz. m order to do penance), Ven. II (p. 39) jixf roWlrMcdim^w (go to

your business).

81. I. The dative of concern denotes the person or

D**

n_

cfthing concerned by the action , in whose behalf or against

cern- whom it is done , or who is anyhow interested by it

J).

It is put 1.) to transitive verbs, as a.) those ofgiving and

offering, b.) of showing , c.) of telling , speaking, announc-

ing, promising, etc., d.) of doing or wishing good or evil,

and the like , for expressing the so-called „remote object."

„ Examples: a.) R. 2, 40, 14 snyiuiw^miR ^r gfara' Sorer^t zij;

object. Pane. 173 jTsWftVt f§rag<W3*RW SPWrnrmr (the king's officer gave

the money to Upabhuktadhana), Qak. Ill ^rfrffsrmr 3*T^;rfa, Mrcch.

I (p. 21) <£rfr mj JTi^srfrmrt sif^n; — &) KatMs. 29, 32 ^uuifcbi

^it (she 'presented her friend to her father); — c.) Ch. Up. 3,

1) Cp. P. 1, 4, 32 ctTntnT q-JTfiwfFT H WRTTO and Patanjali on that

sutra I, 330.

60 § 81—83.

11, 4 rT5rr<![5r^rT UdlMHil 3STT^ UsimldHHd qjr: nuTHT;; Kathas. 53, 139

STTSTTii. • • • rTgai (the matter was told to the boy) , C,ak. VII ftsw

chf-Ulfa (he tells her so) ; lev. Grhy. 1, 22, 10 H^MiJ i ti d^Jlri (he

should deliver to his teacher [the alms he has received]) ; Nala 3, 1

iron nfri-a ia' Rc?t: chfTm sffi' (he promised them, he would do so);

_ d.) Mudr. I (p. 44) rrrmwr: rrejfrTWT: EiaPb5?Ert ^Tsn^r:; Mhbh.

1, 3, 178 ?{& nfHchfrti (requite him this).

2.) to intransitives as those of pleasing , bowing and

submitting , appearing etc. So Pane. 282 A-^h jr^pr^it pleases

me), Qak. V jtstt ij^vEft- ffarr; Nala 5, 16 %aw. mafe4oi i; R. 2,

25, 4 gig-: mjwy tp h g- roiwR^-ri (and may those , to whom

you bow, my son, preserve you); Nir. 2, 8 aw SofrTT.--- m^ysr(a deity appeared to him).

82. In these and similar instances it is not the use of the

cur^ dative , which should be noticed , but the faculty of em-

idioms. ploying in a large amount of cases instead of it some other

case , mostly a genitive or a locative (cp. 129 and 145). Some

words even seem wholly to avoid the dative of concern

;

so|c(9hi (to sell) is generally construed with the loca-

tive of the purchaser, ^FT (to pardon) with a geni-

tive, adjectives as TCTCT, *M3L4 , iNFT, ^Trfi are as

a rule construed with a genitive, etc.

83. In some special cases the use of the dative is enjoined

caTes of Dy vernacular grammarians; of the kind are:

l.Thedat,withf^rT (good for). Cp. Pat. I, 450; Pan. 5, 1, 5

FTC$ %TJT. Even here the gen. may be used , see f. i. R. 3, 36, 24.

2. The dative of the creditor with 3J(Mfrl (to owe). **;*•

3. Some utterances of ritual , almost = „hail" to —as to, ssrr^r, isrvT, sra^— likewise most phrases of blessing

and salutation. They are construed with a dative, but

the Jat.

of con-

cern.

§ 83. 61

some of them 1

) either Wjth dat. or with genitive, p- 2'^

•^ $3T*T> STTIT JcaTHT: , 5F5TVT ftm?T: , SoTfer CTjTTWT: , «i^q" g1-^ or Ti.

'

<T=T JJOTJT^, cfisr^r 5oT5j3W and ^oi^-Hiy. Vikram. p. 62 i^rmH 5^- In

the ninth act of the Mrcch. Carudatta greets the judges with an

5&firei^J': ^oiRrl

1

, wherea- the chief judge answers him teiMHM l&a ^

But R. 3, 24, 21 ssrfer is construed with a gen. jsrfer iflsTT^nrrrat

i. Verbs of anger,jealousy, injuring, discontent agree '37.'

with the dative of the object of the animosity. Mhbh.

1, 3, 186 -^nWhHch lEr ^ch")g ^ (the king felt angry towards Taxaka),

Kathas. 17, 44 rrrer ^siW, Apast. 1, 1, 14 jh?T =T ffiJrchtfj-eH (him

he should never offend), A.it. Br. 8, 23, 11 f^rn^a- fazh ^T^rnrroa- *rm=T?T%ft 5^?T, KM. I, 217 tiMulvri ^faalq^aua (they find fault with

•J

the advice of their ministers), Mahav. 1 (p. 18) ^q^zrrfa TtrT S^nrrra'

(I am jealous of king Dagaratha).

Rem. Yet with strain (to find fault with) and 3"^rfn (to hurt)

the ace, with those of anger and jealousy the gen. and loc. or

gin are also available. "When compounded, jrg- and gpj must agree '

3g

with ace. ^oi^ \u ^Hrf?r but ^d^qf^ariH.

5. Some other verbs , enumerated by Panini , viz. g^rra (to praise), P. 1, 4,

f (to conceal), grq- (to swear, to conjure) and &n- Here the da-

tive is required of him, whom it is wanted to inform of some-

thing, f. i. ^oi^-ai'J S^rracT »he praises, to N.N." [here N.N. is the

person addressed], Prabodh. Ill, p. 66 stst-ht. siftst. ST<T (I swear

a hundred times to the Buddhas), Naish. 1, 49 grorscTRW sPTRT f%-

frreiTbri i^ (concealing from the people his unsteadiness). — As to

Sqr, it is not plain, what meaning it has here. By comparing

P. 1, 3, 23 with the examples adduced there by Kacika, fosrt with

a dat. may be= she presents or he discovers himself to2)," but

1) Viz. mjrar, q<£, H<£, ^SRiT, mt, W, %r and their synonyms

(vartt. on P. 2, 3, 73).

2) The examples of Kac. on 1, 3, 23 are [rt'Xd 3v3rr ^TsW: i (HBrf ^ETctTt

jntj^HT:; here frpyrf is said to be = M<*IUWriJlrH,M4;

62 § 83—85.

??rr with a dat. may also have had the meaning Ao have faith in —

,

affection to," Qvetacv. Up. 3, 2 ^ft ff ft^T ? f% Rri la m frer:, Naish.7, 57-

6. P. 1, 4, 41 enjoins a dat. with the compound verbs a-nmiifd

and nfHUU I .lir) ; being technical terms of the ritual »to utter [a

certain formula] after — , in reply to another." ').

7. P. 1, 4, 33 mentions a dat. with verbs of casting one's na

tivity etc., like xry, Tff, to denote him, on whose behalf this is

done. "We have here an instance of the dative of profit , treated

in the following paragraph.

84. Sometimes the dative involves the notion of some

comma- profit or damage caused by the action (dativus commodi

inam- e^ incommodi). Ch. Up. 6, 16, 1 ^m^roWH^ch i tjfc<j ^ wj<^ ftot (he

nod*- has taken something, he has committed a theft, heat the hatchet

for him), Kam. 3, 9 aifaoUlfuMflHiii ^r saY 5TT (3-iifiiM i 3?) ff ^rm

mfh \a yirfTjH <HMM|d^ (for who, indeed, would do wrong for the

sake of his body, a thing beset by sorrow and disease and de-

stined to die some day or other?), Dag. Uttar. page 19 of the ed. of

Damaruvallabhacarman ^ht jTWTCIWiWTOT TOT (from this day I

have come in bondage of her), Cak. Ill aa^iq rl ldld l Plch str ,'r-

3iJm JTTFWt^" Outfit}WJTR.

Here , as in 82 , it is not the dative , that is remar-

kable, but the faculty of substituting for it the geni-

tive ,as Qak. Ill ch^^^iM ^UiMdPd =er ^rfirPTterrfirr ^\u£ (whom

this ointment and these lotus-leaves are sent for?). The dat.

commodi is often periphrased by ^T^FT , M yA , ^JrT sim.

85. Verbs and nouns of befitting , suiting , counterpoising are

Dat. construed with the dative. So the verbs ch^ri , mw [vartt.

™rd9 2 on P. 2, 3, 13], ^TurfrT, HUsrlrf, the nouns jpj, ^^^and the' like

of

coun-

terpens- ^ ipjjgj,j language seems to have allowed more of such datives with

compound verbs, so as to be the counterpart of Latin instat hosti , occurril

mihi and the like. So Apast. I, 14, 15 foUWllHIUIll^ol WlPJdKJWUibid.

II, 11, 3 TTsTT ZTX3VI wlfiM^rl [instead of STfTff ]. A curious dative of the

same kind, it seems , is Dae. 149(U|ol<l^=(rUlil <olril3 ErfmrfilOTTfo

§85—86. 63

[P. 2, 3, 16 and Pat. on this sutra I, p. 450, vartt. 2]. So Dag. 73 ^q^s-l<yHIU ch<y<4H (he is fit for a considerable share of heavenly bless-

ing); Qak. VI grf^q-sijinTiTT it^h qr^TW a^qr; R- (Giorr.) 5, 25, 7

rTCT *r=Kd|Myj irraf^ f% =r chgMH (why should you not suit to be the

wife of the king of the infernal regions ?) ; Apast. 1, 12, 13 rrraTO TTwrfK

(he becomes fit for hell) ; Kumaras. 6, 59 irar^rinoRtrSTra' qlTdlMm - • •

.

^rrjrfr Wd Prf »T (my body is not strong enough to bear the joy,

you have caused me by your homage); Vas. Dh. adhy. 8 wiTrran'-

WTOT -ii-nf^Hltii : 5Tra^(if ne na^ e the wealth to perform the agnyd-

dheya sacrifice, he must keep the fires); Pat. =g^ff or qijifcTr Hrf \ i\

(one athlete is a match for another).

E em. With some adjectives of competency the genitive may also be

used, especially with qtrfq- and s^-, as Yar. Brh. 32, 4 STan^ qror

^5^T, R- 3, 38, 9 •^mTTRT^ 5Tc?T tfTtsR qnfcf iTCT J^\86 It is likely , that the genitive had not encroached

tives* so much on the dative's sphere. of employment in the

dialect of the brahmanas and of ancient epic poetry,

as afterwards. In some instances the dative is no more

used in the classical language, after having been em-

ployed so in the archaic dialect.

Of the kind are a.) the dative of the agent of krtyas. It seems

to be restricted to the oldest dialect, that of the vedic mantras.

Bgv.L 31, 5 i^H^l% HorfiFT JMoi T&i; (you are worshipful to him who

holds the spoon uplifted). Cp. Delbr.'s monography, p. 90.

b.) the dative with the adjectives of friendship and the contrary.

Bgv. 7, 36, 5 t^t qjjf -xAVi stst- The classic construction is here gen.

or locative. See Delbr. 1.1. p. 90.

c.) the dative with <&gx (to have faith , to trust) , ssf (to listen)

,

see Delbr. 1. 1. p. 84.

In classic Sanskrit the person trusted is put in the gen. or loc,

the thing believed in the ace, and when = »to approve" or »to

welcome," sngr is of course a transitive, as KatMs. 5, 114; 46, 136.O

On the classic construction of 3j see 95, 4 , 126 b). Its deside-

rative aWM?V (to listen) is construed with a dat. in the Chando-o c-

64 § 86—87.

gya Upanishad (7, 5, 2) fr^ a i^N^H', but in classic Sanskrit it is

mostly a transitive, even when meaning to obey, Qak. IV tumtivdl

d.) a dative -with substantives , to denote the possessor, cp. En-

glish »a son to me." Egv. 1, 31, 2 fcftrroifoi^ Hsptrt (ruler of the

whole universe); Ch. Up. 4, 3, 6 g^r oTT l^\^A frcqT Tjjtt 7^0^ (you

have not given the food to him , to whom it belongs). — This con-

struction has long subsisted in the case of the possessor being a

personal pronoun, especially in epic poetry. Mhbh. 1, 51, 5 ftjrTT

H^jH , R. 1, 54, 11 5TciT T^J^ instead of rpj; Mhbh. 1, 151, 39 iTPTsrf

JT gfvf^T: Utl-c^fn civ fiWT (Yudh. refuses me the permission of

killing you), ibid. 1, 111, 14 ^gfa rppT, R. 1, 13, 4; 2, 32, 8, etc.

NB. In the brahmana-works it is sometimes impossible to de-

cide whether a dative or a genitive has been employed. Both

cases may formally coincide in the singular of the feminines in °^j,

"§, °3J (°t, °s). In the dialect of these books the gen. and abl. of

the singular may end in °n, just as the dative does; -f^g- in the

brahmana-works = classic ferq- or fem i;. See Kuhn, Zeitschr. XV,

p. 420 Eqq., Auprecht p. 428 of his edition of the Aitareyabrah-

mana.

87. II. The dative of the purpose or aim is of very fre-Datof the quent occurrence. It may be made use of always , if

pore, one wants to denote either the thing wished for or the

action intended. Of the former kind are such datives as

<fi^ft ^TH (he goes out for fruits) , "^TPT ^7(wood for a sacrificial stake), ^TUFTT'^" I^^UM^T (gold

for a ring), Hitop. 95 3^pft sfloMIM.

In the latter case the nomen actionis itself is put in

the dative and has the power of an infinitive. Qak. I

SflrMIUIIU op W% *T M^rJHHIilRf (your weapon

serves to protect the afflicted, not to hurt the innocent).

Here of two actions equally aimed at , one is expressed

§ 87-88. 65

by the dative of a nomen actionis , the other by an

infinitive. The third concurrent idiom is using peri-

phrase by means of such words as ^Fl , MFTtT1? =„for the sake of." Prabodh. V,p. lOOg^^img .-i l RrichqTdMfH^ -

.tjTzf =g- ^iihium <Hi^rWRd (the systems [of philosophy] keep together

for the sake of guarding the Veda and combating the party of

the atheists).

Other examples of the injinitive-like dative. — Pane. 58 ti&w gferrT;,

Prabodh. V,p. 113 ^rff xi idlH l ^chfchm'tl m^^pH^N :(now, let us

plunge into the Ganges for the bathing-ceremony for our kinsmen),

Hitop. 7 ^nwiPprraTf HlRmiMlq^smr itsrt: otttitj^ (you have full

power to instruct these my sons in the doctrine of politics so as

you like best), Ven. I, p. 24 TSjrt n T^Ti Mi i imdril^U iTCr, Kathas. 26, 33

f^OTT Ml^tld ^Itfl' rTftTTCT ^TOTsr & i&^jfr oIlt^DchrH : (thank God,

that is the town, for attaining which I have placed myself on

the back of this bird), Malat. VI, p. 87 sTrnfrr £smr ^TrT^,

Kam. I, 66 jt^jt (Swifyiwiu %5JrT, Mrcch. VII (p. 238) ^sr ih^hmiu

(—till .we meet again).

88. Some idioms , though implied by the general descrip-

tion,given in the preceding paragraph , are worth special

notice.

1. The datives of abstract nouns , when expressing „to

serve to, to conduce to." They often make up the whole

predicate.- — Examples: Pat. I, 11 ^sr ^ ^mm HorfK ifTWlji \u

. "(v. a. it is neither good nor evil), Pane. Ill , 103 qi")qch i i i uiiiiiu

PTTHI M(qiiH^ ibid, p, 192 tfa^wfij smnt ^%rJT Hcrifr (even if weak

people keep together, it may afford protection). Op. the marriage-

mantra in Agv. Grhy. 1, 7, 3 ip-cmf^ & grrm i reim ^WT^I take your

hand for happiness'sake). .— Compare Latin haec res tibi est laudi.

Similarly hm-hh with dat. — »to turn, to change into", chgMd

(to suit) see 85*

Eem. 1. A vartt. on Pan. 2, 3, 13 gives a special rule on the

B

66 § 88—90.

dative , when serving to explain a prognostic as oiiHW *fij<yil fa^r-

swrrcrriniSTlftTTt i "5trTT opsrfer ferar d/V-niiti fwrr noTTr-

Bern. 2. The person, to whom something will conduce to good,

evil etc., is put in the genitive: ddrWIM (t^8 w^ be to 70VLT

glory), cp. 130. — In the archaic dialect, however, we have

two datives, one of the concern and one of the aim, just as in-

"Latin. A. V. 1, 29, 4 jvgju ij^r sramt sm?^ur: T^Tirar Get I Put **

on [viz. the mani], for acquiring my kingdom for myself and

defeat for my rivals) ; Egv. 2, 5, 1 ; Ait. Br. 2, 3, 3 ^gvHrf sr qgtoft

s ~U'i|i<LiMurro' >4i[ri«T< (the sacrificial victims did not stand still

to the gods for the sake of being used as food and immolated).

Eem. 3. With iRjir (to hold for) the predicative dative may

be used instead of the ace. (32, c), if contempt is to be expressed;

names of animated beings are excepted and should therefore be

put exclusively in the ace. So Panini (2, 3, 17). Kag. ^ fETT FJtrr

or Hmm rRTi°sra^ or sima; yet it allows the dat. of sept;. =T

fcTT M6II H* or sfq- ip-q-. Instances of" this dative in literature I

have but found for Hmm , see Petr. Diet. s. v. and Dag. 88 g^,

KTHHmm ^foii^gfri^ »Kub. does not care a straw for Arth."

89. 2'y. The dative of the aim aspired after with verbs PL*.36.

of wishing , striving , endeavouring , sim.

Examples: R. 2, 95, 17 ^iJimuj q- ttww ST^jt (I do not long

for Ay. nor for the kingdom), Spr. 128 h^ i R TTTt spfiT JJITRT

(nevertheless E. aspired after the deer), Qak. V n-mm er -uaivl

(I do not hope for [the fulfilling of] my wish), E. 1, 18, 57 s^T-

Rfgijffcft-sf fas^f Mf(o[-Ati (it is in your behalf I wish to grow

mighty), Malav. I, p. 15 ri^nmm ^ fd^a (I will try to find her out).

Rem. All these, verbs of course admit also of accu-

sative , if some thing , and of infinitive it some action be

aimed at; ^j?T fejSR I^IrT H%rT#

90. 3!y. The infinitive-like dative with verbs of beginning

,

resolving, being able (f. i. 5T37) and with those of ordering

to and appointing to.

Examples: Dag. 157 nd^P^ii i] RH l faA^ui lJliKftfa^*?! (you shall

§ 90- 93. 67

begin to ascend the funeral pile at the gate of the king's palace),

ibid. 126 yicWH uiuqm (he commenced to take an oath), Prab. Vp. 102 ^ ^atemfe stori^r^ (he has resolved to die), Dag. 192

SIT ^ ER?rr g'

Q^Ul Ic^NU I I tl IUI<*<rl (and this tale was fit to win the

warrior), Kumar. 4, 39 ^Rffititi iwrr ^f?T: (Rati, being ready to

give up life) ; — Qak. I ^h^[hR<Hr*l(m i R.W (having charged

his daughter with the reception of guests), Kathas, 15, 82 i loiuh -

P^-Hti $oi P4a) IdH : (he was appointed by the gods to destroy Ra-

vana).

Even with verbs of promising. Prabodh. II, p, 24 »[h^ ih M iM i ttM

(Sld^iH Ejsfhra^tSTTra' (Viveka and his minister have engaged them-

selves to rouse the moon of enlightening).

91. In short, in Sanskrit datives of noriiina actionis

{bhdvavacandni) do often duty of infinitives. As they

,

however, are always felt as noun-cases , they agree with

the genitive of their object. But in the ancient dialect

many of them had verbal construction. More ample

information about them will be given in the chapter

on the infinitive.

92. Time-denoting 'datives may serve for expressing a

^"^ time to come, when a limit of something to be done.

A^s Malav. V, p. 139 jtot....

.

. si^qvx PtoH-TlJl fi^W^-41 f&^f&r:

(I have set at entire liberty the horse, that it might be brought

back after a year).

Of a similar nature is' this dative in R. 2, 62, 17 (KausalyS,

speaks) oMoiwiu (wui n^iyl ssr nwm n: nilch^ri^&ifiU! qwiomT'Tt

qiT j>we count now on R.'s exile but five nights, which seem to

me as many years."

Chapter VI. Ablative *).

93. The fifth case or ablative serves to denote the whence,

1) Comp. Dblbkuck Ablativ, Localis, Inslrumentalis, p. 1—27.

68 § 93—94.

Gene- an(j is therefore the very opposite of the dative,

view of Nevertheless both cases are formally identical in the

.

theJ

atia- dual and the plural. 7) In the singular the form of the

tive,

ablative often coincides with that of the genitive.

It is but the ablatives in "^TTrT, that are exclusively

expressive of the fifth case. Moreover those made by

mean's of the adverbial suffix °r\> are not seldom preferred

to the regular ablatives of the singular, ambiguousness

being wholly excluded from them.

For easiness' sake we will treat of this case under

four general heads, I abl. of separation, II abl. of di-!

stance , III abl. of origin and cause , IV abl. expressing

„on what side." In all of them, however, the unity

of the fundamental conception is evident, and some-

times one may account for the same ablative in more

than one way.

94. I. The ablative , then , is wanted to express,from or P

-J.4>

A Kl a*A.

tive ei-oui °f what place there is a starting and moving 2

;:

siTOota-) in its Proper sense, as Pane. 21 t^wii^i^fa^ifi (I

the wish to get out of this forest), Kadamb. I, 21 Ritngfrijl^l -

whenoe, .'

from, "WU-iMkrlJ^Ji (the king got up from his 'hall of audience), Pane.'

' p. 42 ^sptraT J-lN lt^JMHH (— returning from the village), Kathas.

29, 179 or^prhr: M^IIIHI, Qak. I ^ i-Htt^eM-^ (without moving from

1) In the dual the same form discharges even the functions of three:

abl., instr. and dative. As we cannot doubt, that - bhyam and - bhyas

contain the same element - bhi, which is in the suffix - bhis and Greek -<J»,

it is upon the neuter territory of the instrumental, that the two con-

trarious conceptions of abl. and dat. must have met together.

2) Panini, in his lively way, gives this definition of the -sphere of the

ablative: IjoWHU) WRJ^PT »if there be a withdrawal, that which stays is

apadana"

§ 94—95. 69

the place), ibid. Ill q ^ ftrrrf^af q#rer fqst^H q- FTrft'fS7P^(and myheart does not Come back from thence as little as water from

' below), Kathas. 72, 175 fi^i i~uiqf;, Dae. 29 a i'^RlchHH g5TcTl£

(descending from the swing).

95. b.) in its manifold applications to kindred conceptions..

Of the kind are:

1. to see , hear, speak etc. from a spot. R. 2, 7, 2 snrterr

ipeqT rlw'l cHlH li^dd-dH (Manthara let go her looks over Ay. from

the platform) ').

2. to fall from , to waver from , to swerve from etc.

zmrsyrg: » a beast that has swerved from its flock". Var. Brh. 9, 44

crfffH =T srf?T5f 'pfTFT (no water falls down from heaven). So often with

metaphor. Ch. Up. 4, 4, 5 q •MrtJl^i ii: (70u have not swerved from

the truth), Kathas. 25, 179 faw i^ ^raRfT sr: (j- »• he did not give

up his purpose), Mudr. Ill, p. 126 ^srrtrrsRfiT: H°lRirini^4 spFT tf&UlR •

jfraTT (I will easily vanquish the Maurya, for he has withdrawn

his affection from C). Compare the Latin causa cadere.

3. to take, to receive from. M. 4, 252 jjijftawryrT: srt, (he

never must accept but from an honest man), Pane. 48 'grprrcm'-

rrfi^ch gifTcFTKr (he took a razor from his box), ibid. 286 cfirfrsfq'

*lfich i fchfe% $oUHi<{j*i (— raised some money from a money-lender),

Kathas. 29, 47 rm ^rTrera i q i fi rTTrffiT; Likewise to marry from:

Kathas. 24, 152 q- ^ qf^nrorrfit *^i'Ji^UH.l^uiirr.

4. to get information -, to hear -, to learn from. v. 1,4,

Pane. 216 ssrafrj-iT: 5rdid-m'i 5rf5iT! Dag. 68 chrif^irycrHJdl jR^mrrr-

q^r«T (— learnt from a group of conversing people), Ch. Up. 1, 8, 7

^ I^WuoHft ^rfc (well, let me know this from the Reve-

rend) 2).

5. to ask, to wish from. Kathas. 25, 137 EfRrnrT uifen wt^(who has asked the king for some water ?), Kam. 1 , 41 efisychl^lrf-

sftifcr titT tjnqn avr (by its eagerness for music the deer seeks

1) See vartt. 1 and 2 on P. 2, 3, 28 in Pat. I, p. 455.

2) The commentaries explain the rule of Pan. 1, 4, 29, so as to make

an artificial distinction between the constructions with gen. and with

abl., not thought of by Panini himself.

70 § 95—96.

death from the hunter), Mhbh. 1, 159, 17 m-cHHi ; <jy i^A TfryTazrf^

6. the so called partitive ablative, see 116 E. 1.

NB. In the cases 3—6 the genitive is the concurrent

idiom, with those of asking also the accus. (46).

96- The ablative also attends words of separation and disjoin-

ts of ing to . denote from whence there is a withdrawal

,

S

tio™" as Kathas. 72, 13 H^T^rf [omifslrl! (separated from you).

As we have shown above (62), the instrumental is here

the concurrent idiom.

The following examples may illustrate the various

applications of this employment.

a.) to draw of, to sever ; to disagree with. Pane. 50 n'djoieh

swlfaa^uiilfa, Mudr. IV p. 136 ^Wj l^diU S^T: (being disinclined

to C.) — b.) to release of. Pane. 45 m. si-^Hlli.'

H-'fl ) Mahav. I, p. 9

k\tm>A HWl^yl Pitj-rijH (she has now been released from that sin), —c.) to deprive of. E. 2, 8, 25 «aidrti~dCwi*Hd g=ft nfcmld snawrsr

^I slamic (he will be wholly spoliated [lit. disinherited], your son,

of enjoyments, yea, of all connection with" the royal family), M.

5, 161 ^t.... g[rigTlchl^ fhm, Pane. II, 117 teiilfc^H 16 forfeits

heaven), cp. 95, 2-> —- d.) those of desisting from , stopping, cea-

sing. Kumar. 3, 58 tftiu^iu i IM (he desisted from his exertions),

Dag. 132 fir^r chHui) -syj Wc-Tlny IK,' Kumar. 5, 73 (HdHai^ l<M<Ofi*l-

HI~h-i :(turn away your mind from this bad design).

Eem, 1. Note ai-antd (to cheat of) ') with abl. KatMs. 42, 75

9^ grTOTO MMr-^l afiiHHUi (she, my fellow-consort, has by trickery

taken away my ohtaining a son), Pane. Ill ,117 oi^Qrf a i^ crr ^m-

vnH (to cheat a brahman of his he-goat).

Eem. 2. With ui-iNfa and the like, the thing neglected is put in

the ablat. (vartt. on P. 1,4,24). Taitt. Up. 1,. II, 2 feiM im^lJP73;:, Pat. I, p. 326 yrrWrrafFT; HH f^

ffi! [h (he neglects his duty).

1) Literally »to cauBe to tumble out of," for sr^r 3[rr (cp. 5T5JT) is akin

to lat. vacillate, germ, wanken, dutch waggelen.

§ 97—98. 71

97. Likewise the ablative joins verbs or verbal nouns

v"!L °f keeping of, and kindred notions. Of the kind are: '

ping If !• those of restraining, preventing, excluding from, slbV'^

%'

Wftxft fTT ^T^TfrT (he keeps the cows from the beans)

;

2. those of protecting,

guarding , securing from , asp "

2g'

4>

^Ijwff ^ftrT (he protects from thieves); 3. those of */•*.

being being afraid of and suspecting , especially Hi and 3TSsT , f. i.

"/raid ^-^ -. ^n q,^

of TTTp^ WltT Examples: 1. - Kam. 16, 15 swt =^<5TT10STT-

•aiwii^ gmFTFrra- oiii^d:, MaMv. I, p. 10 hihih^h srf^ffenrw: ssra--

jj^TfT (as his mother's father prevented him from taking her [viz-

Sita] by violence). 2. — Pane. 298 fspTT <prt «£ iqcpn^wk;,

Mhbh. 1, 82, 21 ^.wTrgTff m Jls^, Malav. V, p. 13'5 ^rt qfkjjdfd :

(eager for defending her from the wicked [aggressor]). 3. — Pane.

179 crtsygrnr israfsr (you are afraid of the huntsman), Mudr. Ill, p.

102 ijffcJr ^MH^d: MRi'oirTl | ftttrtdl ciwjUI^HTH' ([a king's servant]

must not stand in awe of his master only , but of the king's minister»

of the king's favourite and of others), M. 2, 162 <h*iihu g>l l *gb-mu

Pntinfearl [SiMif^d (a brahman should always shun marks of honour,

as if they were poison), Mhbh. 1, 140, 61 jnnfijFcfwr: ST^TT 'srf|Hwrar

^ra^Ti (he should mistrust those, who are worth mistrusting and

those, who are not so), -Kac. on 1, 4, 28 strrmm i^dj^- (he con.

ceals himself from his teacher).

NB. 'The verbs, mentioned sub 3., admit also of the genitive, see

126 c).

Kem. Note anudri' (to shrink from, to shun, to despise) with abl.

according to a vartt. on P. 1, 4, 24. Instances are met with in the ar-

chaic literature. In modern Sanskrit it seems to be exclusively con-

strued with accus. — The verb PifsKlH ' (to be disgusted with) is

construed wit! abl. or instr., sometimes even with ace. and gen.

98. IT. The point from whence a distance is counted (termi-

nus a quo), is expressed by the ablative. Pat. I, p. 455

72 § 98.

tfin^WT Hf+UW ^pTlf7 ?ftsHTf^r (from Gavldhumaj. - c^~ ^termi

mis a to Sankacya four yojanas) . Hence the ablativejoins a.) such

prepp. as ^TT, SPTTrT, etc., b.) the names of the cardinal

points and those in 5RT, as CJ1U c.) , all words mea-

ning far, as ^" and the like.

Examples: — of a.) see in chapter IX.

b.) Dae. 156 Hli&WH lrilhai frfe (east from the tirth), Pat. I, P. 2, 3,29

p. 475 see Eem. 1. on this paragraph.

c.) Mrcch. VII, p. 234 ^ -m^rM^H^M"! "S^T 'Mhbh - *> 152

>

1 ii(5^ oHl-awn , ibid- 1, 151, 44 qrfFtgjur oRT^tft, Apast. 1,

31, 2 i) \i \^pih\y\ \'M^Pi^ aBHI%^ (he shall void excrements far

- from

his house).

Eem- 1. With derived adverbs of the species ^Rhuih :, d-a^H :

1)

the 'genitive should- be employed, not the ablative [P. 2, 3, 30],

with those in °nrr the accusative [ibid. 31]. Hence it is said for

ex. R 3, 4, 27 fci»im°Hri| lteHfrHm (he $ug a hole by his side), Pat.

I, p. 475 apf: mJTtloIrl: I HIJIl4,Hlfr'JrilctehMctioMid, <iJ-triUM f^lali-CJ-H J Ul *If~

n^H^m (what is Aryavarta? The country east of Adarga, west of

Kalakavana, south of the Himavat and north of Pariyatra), Cak. I

<fai?H ^-ddlfl^MMN ^5T ?gm- — But the genitive with those in

err is also allowed [see Kag. on P. 2, 3, 31], as R. 3, 13, 21 swrrnror

(north of this place).

Rem. 2. Panini [2, 3, 34] allows optional construing with abl. or

gen. all words , meaning far and near, tt um iK or jjttot i tiPdch

ajm iH or u \mu . As far as I have observed, an ablative with those of

1) P. UWtlrWJMrtW'-l- — Kac. gives as instances also CT^fTTfT, 3*rfj,

-infT^IH- That on the other hand the abl. is available, even if the ad-

verb itself have the ending of that case, is exemplified by this cloka

quoted by Pat. I, 457.

§ 99-100. 73

nearness — except compounds of jr — will be scarcely met with

in literature.

"• When denotingtime,the ablative carries the mean-

ing of from, since, after. Commonly it is attended by pre-

positions, as ^T, WffT, ^% SFRTPT, but there

are instances enough of the single ablative. So ggrrfa,

iinmH (after . a while") = jtj^t, ^tift. Likewise f%pr, ^tth,<Clychl5FTTrjj etc. and cp. 128- — Kag. on P. 2, 3, 54 quotes the verse

i^fff rTid-rWM-tO ^ y«ttirlli,fi4. (even after hundred years a man mayenjoy happiness); Mhbh. 1, 170, 3 h rom^H^Mialefe, M. 8, 108

srer |wr 0y is^jtioi Idiisr yiRhm: i ^Tn: (if a witness , who has borne

evidence, fall ill after a week). . <

Kem. 1. This kind of abl. is meant by P. 2, 3, 7, when he

enjoins the use of a fifth or seventh case to denote an interval

of time or space, f. ex. jrq- JJ3TT %m^\ w| m^ i& i H>3?T (D. has

eaten now and will not eat but after two days), a$i£\ s^Pi&im ;

Wt$t (or shlsulw) 5W firarfTT- Op. 144.

Bern. 2. Apast. 1, 9, 6 and 1, 15, 19 are instances of the single

ablative =57-)- abl., when signifying still."

100. HI. The ablative serves to express from what origin

tiveof there *is a rising or issuing. In the first place it joins

gin a"d words of being borne,proceeding etc.

;

2 1? it denotes the former state or shape , out of whichmerstate. some other state or shape proceeds or is produced

;

3'y it signifies the model or pattern , something is imi-

tated, borrowed, measured from.p 1 4

Examples : of 1.. — Ch. Up. 1, 9, 1 gafftir ^ srr ^fc UHMichiuHdoi 36; si!

MH^^ (a^ these things proceed from ether alone), M. 1, 8 srfftT-

rtol l fr^<H^i"d(olWTi nsTT: (desiring to create the manifold beings out

of his body) , Kathas. 25, 43 d idl^H l^ s^TfcT^friw^^lHd ;(big waves

rose from the ocean, as it was. swept by the wind); Mhbh. 1, 115, 5

iim£l: 51TOT y^r^iHI tpTHWT: ^^Ti'qw — here the name Pdn^u is

74 § 100—102

put in the genit., for the five sons did belong to him, but

the deities, who had procreated them, are put in the abla-

tive.

So often with verbs of being borne the name of the father is

put in the abl., that of the mother in the locative, E. 2, 107, 2

rTtrT'. jpft ^l^lr^A^I^ M- 10>64 ^J^ dl^UllssUri:- Yet

ithe fatner

may also be a gen. commodi (132) or an instrumental.

Note such phrases as (Pat. I, 455) ^ft usrpn MlrlfcHMslIri^ and

(Kathas. 25, 55) ai^m : uif?h<ci l <°Jt Enfr-lH^ Iti,^ (I am the brah-

man Qaktideva from the town of Vardhamana).

2. — Mhbh. I, (Paushyap.) g- H^ld?Hf|^l l^=hcHoiHH l^ | ii>iA gHPTOT,

Dag. 141 ^l^dliM ^ H^*lRoi 55tff FTTpn^ yJMHWyi^^fy<um^.fo: (and

toy father, who had come from such a distress to as great a hap.

piness, as if he had risen from hell to heaven), Batn. I, p. 16 -jf^r-

a i <r*Hoi i>djHm[drW (v- a- we have festival after festival). — So to

heal or recover from illness: Pane. V, 91 azftem-^mri : 'feST: (all three

of them were healed from their infirmity).

3. — Mrcch. IV, p. 135 m risr aifl^m nmunRd f^PffT *m^:(this ornament has been made , as if it were , according to the mea-

sure of your body), Malav. IV, p. 91 fHHoTrT'. qfidU ;(attendance

according to her rank). Cp. 69.

101 In short, the ablative is available in any case, it is

wanted to express the side, something has come from,

whether contained in the foresaid categories or not.

So R. 2, 26, 31 gj] FoTfT: MMl-H^rl (she deserves respect from your

sid#), Mhbh. 1, 145, 9 fn^Tstr ftrjrr: m^F^H^IWl =T iJEJrT (Dhr. cannot

bear them having obtained the royalty because of their father),

Pane. 262 ^q- ^t^ i *«M TfpToTi i H m^ \ u.iuid«r: (from the side of

my kinsmen),

Bern. The last example is at the same time an instance of

• the abl. which denotes him, by whom one is defeated or over-

thrown [P. 1, 4, 26] ; cp. Kathas. 28, 49.

102- Hence, the cause, reason, motive by which, is likewise

expressed by the ablative namely as far as it is con-

§ 102. 75

tive^fce^ve<^ as ^e origin or starting-point , from whence

causa- some consequence has resulted 1).

The instrumental , as we have seen formerly (72 ), maylikewise serve that purpose, and in the case of feminine

nouns of quality it is even obligatory. For the rest,

ablative and in.tr. of causality are generally inter-

changeable, and not seldom they are used side by side.

So Kathas. 29,25^fw H2IHH! ^ fp\?{>, (it is from

joy she does not eat , not from illness) , Mrcch. I, p. 44

3RTsRSTf?IT ^f^Fjfsfr ^ ^JTFT (surely, it has

been done by taking her for somebody else, not by in-

solence). But, if the efficient cause be some obligation

or other binding motive by virtue of which some effect

is produced, the ablative alone is to be used 2). Nothing

impedes concrete nouns to be put in the all. of cause 8

)

1) How easily this transition is made, will be plain by this example:

Malav. V, p. 140 dftj^f^fn' STS^t 'S^rRJTraTTTfeTfT!- Literally these words

signify »the name of mother of a hero" touches you from the "part of

your son ," but as to their meaning they should' be rather translated

thus »now you deserve the name »m. of a h." because of your son.'' In

other terms the abl. of origin is at the same time an abl. of cause.

2) Panini's rule , which^ contains this statement , is too narrowly inter-

preted by the commentaries. His words tfcbrldUl q^nTi [P- 2, 3, 24] are

explained thus: the abl. [alone] is to be used, if the cause be a debt,

provided it be not at the same time the agent ; examples of which are

adduced as UlrlUol-d: (he is confined for a debt of 100), whereas oneunust say

WPT sri^ftT: - But why should we restrict rn,a to its special sense of a

» debt. of money" and not take the more general meaning of » obligation"

and »duty"? If it could be proved that jimr implies also the notion of ne-

cessity, avdyxtt, the rule would be quite correct, for in the case of direct

and unavoidable consequence of an efficient cause the ablative alone is to

be used, even of feminine words.

3) Speaking plain, neither the ablat. of bhavavacanani npr that of

concrete nouns is allowed by Panini's rales. The sutras'2, 3, 23 -25 name

76 § 102—103.

but often they are expressed by periphrase, especially

by means of %rft: (l92).

Examples. — Kathas. 27, 76 f^oJTT: w^dgi a i lMMHtiJlPiti (byconse-

quence of a curse celestial beings are borne among men)-, Pane. 202

*R<=Htri: wircrlMirimi^d)c) <Jloi(d^:> Pane. 49 dftwrarraw: (be is to be put

to death for having insulted a woman), Hit. 96 mjif^i-j l^ (from

fear he spoke thus), Ven. II, p. 39 air sftiTt •sfwFjftcHnrT (be is glad

on account' of Abh.'s death), Mrcch. I, p. 45 ^f^^ijli wmn: Q- will

stand up, on condition —), Kathas. 30, 112 HH ldH zrzj =^rrw!ij ?fT-

Pl«fyQ,ri: i *MWiiwl*T ^ff dfwTTOFmn" rW (as the thief was not

found, the king sent forthwith for H. on account of the repu.

tation of his knowledge), Pane. I, 180 tj^ i^iqfd/iudfr) zrfH: ^T-mwr crlMdln i f&ri^wj(Wireh<ji *rH4IH (by bad counsel" a prince

comes to ruin, a holy man by wordliness, a son by spoiling, a

brahman by not-studying, a family by a bad son), Qak.*I, vs. 22

ofjr dTil'dm-MfcW i^-ii :(to seek after the truth [liter, by seeking —"],

it is I , who have been annoyed by the bee). The examples have

been selected so as to show, that the different shades of the no-

tion of causality — cause, motive, reason — are promiscuously signi-

fied by the ablative.

Many ablatives of causality have assumed the character

of adverbs, see 104.

103. IV- Sanskrit, just as Latin , uses the ablative not only

tWx- f°r the sake of signifying from what side , but also on

FvTof wha t side. Here the ending °r{< is employed, it seems,the

side, onwhich, the instrumental as the regular case to denote cause or motive , but with

these exceptions, 1° that if the cause be a quality (mjT) the ablative

may be used too, but for feminines [or rather — as the term ^=rt is an

ambiguous one — only such as have been made by the fern, endings °f,

°5rr], 2° that the cause being an rna, the abl. must be used, and not the

instrum. Now , these rules do not leave any room for neither bh&vavacananinor concrete nouns , something verj' strange , because really both classes of

words areput in 'the ablative of cause as often and as well as the guna-vacanani. See the examples adduced in the context.

§ 1-03—105. 77

by preference, at least in the case of indicating space

and direction. So it is said ^PauM : (at the right), oiwn (at

the left), qiudH :(at the side), gij-fr: (at the back) etc. — In figu-

rative sense this abl. is likewise used, as Ch, Up. 4, 17, 4 mjartonP. 5,

f^Urf-". Jlf^; JJW:— ^ STRrT. (if [the yajna] would be vicious

on account of an re, a yajus, a sama), Apast. 1, 1, 15 q- f^ fgr_

yirt'xf d-mfr) (v. a. for he is his spiritual father), . Malav. I, p. 25

mx*m unsrift ^T wuitOtld : m17-4^<[h (Your Reverence is even-

handed; be you, then, the umpire to judge us with respect to

our qualities and our shortcomings).

In its metaphorical application this ablativas partis

not rarely touches upon the abl. causae, treated in 102.

So f. i. with the points of comparison , as R. 2, 34, 9 mnMwT-imq'm (in depth like the ocean =r »by its depth" or »as to its depth

1').

104. Ablatives of the cause and of the side often have the

the characterofad verbs (77); especially when ending in °pr;-

So ?sriTT5rTrT; or °snT. 0>y' disposition), ^^TOT: (in due order), q#f_

gflHH :(in inverse order), ^Jltl fT: (through one's own exertion),

70m: (with all one's power), srrsjTr^ (out of respect), mtmm^ (with-

out motive ; on a sudden), and so on. P. 2, 3, 33 gives a special

rule for the ablatives *«j|H , SfftcFiTrT, chiHUUIrl, jJcHJiH being in-

terchangeable with the instr. ch^W etc. ;. both sets have the cha-

racter of adverbs, as aq<H or 5ET5TPgar: (he was released easily).

Rem. Note, jttt^ in comparisons = »by far." Pane. II, 170

g^ li^ ? (by far better).

105. Ablative of comparison. — The ablative expressive

tit!? of °f the notion on what side, with respect to— is frequently

"risraapplied in comparisons to signify the thing compared

with, provided there be superiority or inferiority or

discrepancy ').

It joins 1st comparatives; then the abl.- = our „than."

1) For in the case of identity , likeness , equivalence the instrum. or

gen. is required (62) and the dat. also in the case of counterpoise (85).

78 § 105.

Pane. 56 JTTCFERTt EpTfT^fr FT1% RTTfprrRr (there is no

happier man in the world than you and I), cp. Lat. nemo te

felicior

;

2 l7 positives of any adjective. Dae. 141 *NI°lr1 I

qwft^T ^rr^^TTTFJTHJT^rtJTtnH (he considered

himself fortunate , even in comparison with Lord Indra)

;

31? words , expressing superiority or inferiority , such as

gT^T (lit. „the better thing," = better than), TOT(exceeding), ^T (superior), ^TTrfl^^TrT (to excel), rAl^~

*^fclH (to be inferior), sim. Mudr. I, p. 53 tMI^RWft

^T^TT ^T^FT (my mind is outweighing hundreds of

armies)

;

4'y all words, meaning other or different, as %|"-U

»

^rT^, WTJ^, ftR Pane. 208 ^I^UMI^O 4OTTt^Itrl (there is some other contrivance , besides the well-

known six expedients).

Here are some more examples. Of 1. — Rgv. 8, 24, 20 bt^

s^HlcHl^lifl JTV^pjr (utterance by voice being sweeter, than ghee and

honey);Ch. Up. 3, 14, 3 ^ zj ti irm-Hg^ itnWl^%rf mKJ m-

-<H f^ tr( I s^J I U I P^oTl jtfiyMHTf 5rtefi«r: (he is the Self within my heart,

smaller than a corn of rice , smaller than a corn of barley , smaller

than a mustard seed, smaller than a canary seed or the kernel

of a canary seed. He is the self etc., greater than the earth,greater

than the sky, greater than heaven, greater than these worlds);

Apast. 1, 13, 19 t^ ^ *ftiW wri ^d¥Jlr*M{T#TM'ch^d^ 0>y this

way I have got more learning; than formerly)."5

of 2. — Pane. 285 vrrcrf inj^)chi^[q a^WT HorfFT (. »• one's wife .is

beloved more than anybody else); Hit. 16 arrt -)H*ft< gwi^ (com-

§ 105—106. 79

pared with him nohody is happy here); Utt. II, p. 29 dd l<'

Ei cr#|-

of 3. — K. 2, sarga 95*, 53, ym^-^ft ^J^Ttr $tim tT (i!l l;k^ (to

live, deprived of one member by your weapon, is better than death),

Pane. 142 ronft-sfyaF?. tqrf g|H, Mhbh. 1, 89, 2 trar bttot nsrsT: (your

superior by age), R. 2, 8, 18- qvUH-ytHrfr -sf^* ^ TT 5T?TO?r sr| (he

listens much to me, and more than to the Kausalya), Kathas.

53, 10 triidi^H =T 5TH ?T frmiiH OT fexjllRS^ (indeed , he did not know

how to give less than a laxa to an indigent) , M. 2, 95 ummirH -

cichWMi gl^rtji rrt id (aim

H

(giving up all desires exceeds obtaining

them). Compare this instance from the archaic literature: Ait. Br.

7, 17, 4 rTort €Httt yirllfa FoPT^ITtm' >7rT (you have chosen three hun-

dred of cows instead of me).

of 4. — Rgv. 10, 18, 1 tprr] ^frff %o|tiH l rj^ (the other path,

which is hot the path "of the gods), Ch. Up. 1, 10, 2 l^ffr [— :j -|- Tjft]

s^ET O^^H (nor are there others but these), Pane; II, 12 gi^WforTSTJTr =T m$t, Prabodh. Ill, p. 61 suiP-)*?! ftMMfi~-l4)feH lHjthe crea-

tures so different among- themselves,yet not different from God).

106. Observations on the abl. of comparison.

Rem. 1. Our »than" with the comparative is to be rendered

in . Sanskrit by the ablative. Such restrictions , as for instance limit

the faculty of using the abl. of. comparison in Latin, do not

exist in Sanskrit. It is impossible to say in Latin dat tibi plus

me = »he gives to you more than to me," but it must be said

plus quam mihi. In Sanskrit nothing impedes such sentences as

jtkt <ij(ri • qw *ify*4^ So Malat. X, p. 164 ^ft TTrjJrfir *HNfy*^d-i

d^lT^Hoi i iq (hence,you must bear more affection towards me , than

towards your own mother).

Kem. 2. Note the abl. with such words as : double , treble etc._

sim. M. 8, 289 M<y^HrM.eiiiuri STTT: (a fin© of five times the value).

Rem. 3. If it is to be said no other than, nobody but, any

phrase with the meaning »but for" may be used instead of the

abl. Pane. 176 fsrt JgfFift =T ^wlrl(no other but you will know

it), ibid. 160 ta&sfrWl HHT +HU)fo k ^ ufamfa - — Then, the ablative

may also be used even without %fq, as Kumaras. 6, 44 jrfFFTRT^?;

80 § 106—108.

chMmusjTrT » where there is found no [other] death but the god with

the flowery arrows [no other Mara but Mara= Kama]."

In Patanjali I have met with some instances of a rather pleonastic

idiom, the neuter 5g7jra with abl. =: sbut for" put before the ablat.,

though the adj. -grg- precedes, f. i. Pat. 1, 279 qfr sTzft fen^i ; M^lJl

ir&rTTlfra^l5TT iM^Hilfd (what else ought to accompany it, if not

this preposition), cp. p. 445, line 2; p. 447, line 4; p. 323, line 6.

This adverbial use of -H^Ua (cp. Greek #AA«, and such phrases

as oiiSev «AAo. . . . «AA' vj) is confirmed by its being named among

the nipatas in the gana ^ if^ (Kag. I, p. 17, line 10).

Rem. 4. Qak. VII qsjoiTT: t^dlfdaitJ l^qaqafodlrMH W$m (I

do not hold myself for deserving the extraordinary honour be-

stowed upon me by Indra) is an instance of this abl. with the

negative nA<A>\in (not fit); the abl. would be impossible here, but

for the negation.

107. In the archaic and epic dialect an instrumental of comparison

mental"*s sometimes used instead of the ablative. — So R. 2, 26, 33"nrnTr:

of«om- fgjjr^t qq- instead of cmTMr:, ibid. 2, 48, 36 gTTftf HUHNfacttl -sfq- #.

son. stJ^rT (h© was to these women even more than their own sons), comm.

§h: i fTfffcmrf , it>. 1, 54, 15 tj fbtjit oi<rtoM{: i fdfciiPH:

Geni- Rem. Such passages as R. 6, 24, 28 ttstw sqrRraft 7T*T: TfrHdUtive of *•

°* ^

compa- JIW ^H-gMU l: (and in archery L. even exceeds king K.), Pane. 28 [and

R. 1, 47, 22] qrfer y-iiH^i qr, Pane. IV, 7 *iRm$o|IM|| (any womanelse but I) show that even a genitive of comparison has been used.

rison.

108. In the foregoing the ending FT has been consideredThe

abiati- as if it .possessed the full worth of the regular case-™sm

endings of the ablative. Tet a full and complete iden-

tity between them may alone be stated for the pro-

nouns. Panini gives some rules about °FP affixed to J'"*'

nouns, which show that its sphere of employment, though

mostly coinciding with that of the ablative, is someti-

mes a different one.lly With ^fej^ and re it is forbidden to express the swhence"

§ 108—109. 81

by the forms in°m . Therefore gswflUiH i qjrl ldd^fir, not ssrcfat p - 5

'

ffarT, UddrTl -Sol^fn.

2ty Excelling or being weak in, blaming on account of, wicked-P. 5, !,

ness with respect to is to be denoted by the instrumental, or by 46; 47.

°rTi, not by the ablative proper. — For this reason , in the verse

quoted by Pat. I, p. 2 5^: 5^! ^siTrfY crafff)- srr (a word , wrong

on account of its accent or of its sound), ScTTrT; and oTtrrfT: are in-

terchangeable with S517TJT and oTOT^T, not with SoTTTrT and oHJMH .

Likewise, in Oh. Up. v4, 17, 4 — quoted page 77 of this book — =u?jj',i

;rere: nHli|H iare synonymous with the instrum., and the abl. ^etm

irwsi ^TPTi would not be allowed.

Eem. It should however be remembered, that this rule does

not apply neither to the points of comparison — f. i. rrpaI)il l r*HUl()qi| :

—nor to the ablative of comparison.

$y If the ablative is to express the whence" — except in the r 5>4

>

case recorded sub 1 — fT; is equivalent with the regular case-P 5 4

endings. The same applies to the abl., depending on the prepos. jrffr. 44.

Eem. Panini does not give any rule about using the abl. in

FT; with such adverbs and pronouns as ^, fsFTT, w®. Now, abla-

tives of that kind are certainly not expressing the apdddna, as

they are taught in the third chapter of the 2 cl adhyaya, not in

the fourth of the 1 st. Accordingly it would not be allowed using

°fT: with them. Yet practice is not wholly consistent therewith,

f. i. =ett rp?HT: = m J-MIH-

4ty In two cases °rf: is interchangeable with a genitive, but not p s; 4,

with an abl. a.) when expressing the standing on one's side 50IT

ad-lri) (or aiPTCr)'SiT5R', 6.) if denoting the disease,against which P. 5, 4,

*-* ° *^ 49one applies some remedy or cure: qd lf^ lH : [or °3Trar.] 3W (give

something against diarrhoea).

Chapter VII. Genitive. ')

109. The fundamental notion of the genitive or sixth

I) On the genitive in Sanskrit , especially in the dialect of the Rg-

vedamantras , there exists a monography of Dr. Siecke de genitivo in lin-

gua iSanscritica imprimis Vedica usu , Berlin , 1869.

6

82 § 109—110.

Gene- case is to mark the belonging to, partaking of. In San-

view skrit , it is employed in so manifold and so different ways

geni- as to make it very difficult to give a satisfactory ac-

count of all of them 1). — The absolute genitive

will be treated in the chapter on participles.

110. I. With substantives, the genitive serves to qua-

'pC'lify them, as^ J^p (the king's man), ^MrqHmerit »

•" fwith ^GpJ^T: (the self-choice of Dam.), SH^r^FR (the ene-sub- ^ ^

te""" my's strength), H^HINHH'T (the friend's arrival),

WTWi. SffaHFT (the drying up the ocean), tiywiq^I

(a part of the sacrifice), M^>t^iq=til^|! (the opportunity

of fighting). These examples show 1st that the genitive,

at least in prose, commonly precedes the substantive,

it is depending upon , 2lv that , like in Latin and Greek

,

1) Kac. on P. 1, 1, 49 sr^at f|; mmf: tel^ l^H^H ^4)mH^gjda» l

(I-

5RT5TPSrr:- — Panini seems to have not sharply defined the genitive's sphere

of employment, at least if we explain his sutra (2, 3, 50) q£t SM with

the Kac. as meaning »tn all other instances [namely if none of the other

oases, taught 2,3,1—49, be available], one should use the sixth case."

But then it is strange, P. has not said inversely sm cpyt (cp. his con-

stant use 1, 4, 7; 1, 4, 108; 2, 2, 23; 3, 3, 151; 7, 2, 90). Now, Patanjali

gives a somewhat different explication (I, p. 463) cfiirf^Tnij&BraT ST5T:

»the sixth case is required, if the categories object and the rest are not

to be distinctly expressed" but tacitly implied. I am rather inclined to

suppose , that either in framing that sutra Panini had in view his de-

finition of the employment of the nominative , which immediately pre-

cedes ; then jpsf would be said in opposition to the mfrinii* ...... TjTSf

of s. 46 (note on 38) and mean » something else, apart from the gender

and number of the conception, signified by the pratipadika", or srsr

may mean »accessory'' (see Petr. Diet. s. v. 1, 6); then the sutra enjoins

the use of the genitive if the conception , signified by the pratipadika

,

is accessory of some other conception. But, which of these acceptations

should prove the correct one, the intrusion of the term snsr in the follow-

ing sutras (51 , etc), as is done by Kac. and others, is to be blamed.

§110—111. 83

the most different logical relations will find their ex-

pression by it. When dividing the whole of its dominion

by setting up such categories as the possessive gen., the

subjective , objective,partitive , that of origin , matter, quan-

tity etc., it must not be overlooked, that these divisions

have been made for clearness' sake and do not affect

the unity of the grammatical duty discharged in all these

cases by the genitive. For the rest, not rarely the or-

dinary logical distinctions may fall short of classifying

some given genitive, as in the case of zrssnErerTsr:, or Utt.

II, p. 28 jjinrii i^JMl qarr; (the way to the hermitage of A.) etc.

Concurrent constructions are 1 . compounding the gen.

with the subst., it qualifies ^TsTQ^T: = JT$\' J^T*, see

214 , 2. using instead of the gen. the derived adjective , as

STT^ STFFT ^SRtSFPT or STWf SFFT etc. Of these

substitutions the latter is comparatively rare, when

contrasted with the utmost frequency of the former.

Eem. The so called appositional or epexegetic genitive is not

used in Sanskrit. It is said cpmf ^TTJT, not as in English »the

city of Pushp." E. 2, 115, 15 f^fsr froTT ^^rrcr OTpF? (Lat - pignus

soccorum, the pledge [represented by] the slippers).

111. When pointing out the genitive as the case to put in

such substantives as are wanted to qualify other sub-

stantives, it is by no means said that no other con-

struction may be used for the same purpose. Verbal

nouns often retain the verbal construction. So, if a moving

to or from some place is to be expressed , nouns must be

construed just as verbs; it is said qjTfcraro^T, <£ nn^^ not

(j™. Cp. Eem. on 41.

84 § 111—113.

Thus we meet with instrumentals as [aJuD irar<£sb T'^e sepa-

ration from men as you are," ch.-ti.u i sftcH: ssorrow on account of

a girl;" ablatives as qrHl^tH sfear of falling;" — datives as

qu\U 5T37 »wood for a stake,1' t^ntj] JldJ Mid »the fit time for

being heir-apparent;" — locatives as Qmw 55; » attachment to the

world, worldliness ;" — prepositions as qf qirT g?FT: sanger towards

me," rl*a)qf^ WIIiTi spartiality for his sake," ^q- ^irSrMHI ZfOT »a

contention with a mighty one."

Eem. Pacini has a special rule about the nouns jSoTT Gord),P

.fq

3,

teilR-^ (owner), vfwfo (chief), 57^3; (heir), ^t% (witness), qfiri^

(bail) and jj^rT (born) as agreeing with a locative as well as with

a gen. So nsrf ^sfwf or iiW; cp. Kathas. 18, 144 reuw iA mr^i

with ibid. 6, 166 j^T^ fam. So Mrcch. X, p. 384 trfezrr <Hdid^l^

ch^HM | h j d fsMHW (let he be appointed prior of all the monasteries

of the land).

112. The possessive genitive has nothing remarkable. As

live gt m °ther languages , it may be the predicate of themtive.

gentence . M. 7, 96 sfj- ursiuiH fTST fiTT^ (what one conquers, is

one's own), ibid. 7, 91 the vanquished warrior surrenders himself

with these words Hd l fcH (I am yours) ; Mhbh. I, 154, 3 swr fSPT

(»whose are you?" that is »of what family?"); Mudr. Ill, p. 103

WPT tpMUi ^si# <oim^N i(duly, forsooth, the Qudra-king Can-

dragupta is his = is but an instrument in his [C&nakya's] hand),

E. 2, 42, 7 (Dacar. to Kaik.) £ g- rei lM^d idPH m^ mx * FT JFT (and

those, who are your attendance, do not belong to me, nor I to

them). That it may also denote the party, of which one is an

adherent, is stated above (108, 4).

113. The gen. of the material, something is made of, and

vwml- ^a^ °f ^ne orWn are n°t very frequent. Examples: Pat.

teriae I, 112 srei gSTST snTcR SHI (weave a cloth of this thread), Ch. Up.

ginis. ®i 1 ^, 2 ^ ^)o||-ci JT 5T yi^rWfiJWW =T f^lTlcriiHH ^TOT 3 ^Fn^l^t-S f^Tg"

^sf ^ i -t|)Jlfci RH'<yfH (he said to him: my dear, that subtile es-

sence, which you do not perceive there, of that subtile essence

this so great nyagrodha-troe exists) ; — Mhbh. 1, 100, 47 cTRTT ^ imi-im

(a fisherman's daughter).

§ 113—115. 85

Rem. In sutra-works there is also a gen. of the authority,

according to whom something is stated. So often o<»tn*j » accor-

ding to some," P. 3, 4, 111 m i ch*.mH«Sot »according to Q. alone."

This gen. depends on the word q^ not expressed saccording to the

opinion of."

114. The subjective genitive is interchangeable with the p„3 - 3

tweee-instrumental of the agent (66). According to Panini , the

nitive latter is necessary, if the verbal noun be attended by

its subject and its object at the same time. In this

manner two genitives are avoided , as *\c\\ ^T^t 7T"N»T

[not JTTCjW] (the milking of the cows by the cow-herd).

We may fairly extend this observation, it seems, to all

such instances , as where the subjective genitive would be

used together with some other sixth case. R. 3, 6, 23

fdHchl(i|Ul5h6 1 l-dH^oMlfrl^ (in order to put and end to the harm

caused to you by the raxasas), Mai. VIII, p. 133 ^ch i fch~Pt sr^ftTTffitffrT:');

Mhbh. 1, 145, 17 zr^r-.-. bh'l&Jm i <*i

' naR^r^d (if there will occur

something to do by you for us) [not chld^^lA HoMlH ian accumu-

lation of gen. subj. and commodi]

;

Rem. Some varttikas on this sutra of Panini contest the exact-

ness of it. With some krts the subjective genitive is said to be

obligatory, even when being used together with an objective ge-

nitive , as fachhrf [oIMj i Phui cfiT^T (v.'s desire of making a mat).

According to some, the gen. of the agent is nowhere forbidden.

115. The objective genitive is occasionally interchan-

t?^ m- geable with a locative or with prepp. as HItTj 3TT^", etc.

nitive. Sometimes it may be used in turns too concise to be rendered

without periphrase. Mrcch. I, p. 44 snjpn frerr: (by supposing, it

was she).

1) But Mudr. I, p. 49 ^ qyiywjfH ^l-dMchoriblM-^liH naTT:, for here

nothing impedes using the genitive of the agent , the other being avoided

by compounding.

86 § 116.

116. The partitive genitive denotes either the whole,

tTvege- a part of which is spoken of, as WI RTT^FT (half of

1V6'

the town), uyHl|o|Ma|U:(a part of the sacrifice), Kad.

I, p. 21 iJ^cMHI *WT (the middle of the sky) or

it carries the notion of selecting out of a multitude

as Nir. 1, 12 ^UI=h^UII^f^[% „some of—, among the

grammarians". In the latter case , the genitive is inter-

changeable with the locative: HH^IIUII (or *H^T)

Examples : of genitive Ait. Br. 1, 5, 25 sr?; tolMIM^ (the fore-

most of his kin), Kathas. 29, 69 vim WdH 1^ (the foremost among

the wealthy), Pane. Ill , 222 q- ragft -s? <dd&ii :fftHsn^TefrT|rfaH;—

of locative Kathas. 24, 47 rgT crft aw<H cmRih; M. 5, 18 ndiQir

From the examples given it will be plain, that in

Sanskrit, as elsewhere, the partitive cases may not

only attend substantives, but all kind of nouns and

pronouns.

Rem. 1. If there be meant a „taking out of," the

ablative is to be used , cp. 95 , 2°. — E. 1, 2, 15 shi^P^m !<*<-

rrsnJt: (you have killed one out of the couple of plovers) , cp. Kathas.

13, 144; 24, 176; Prabodh. V, p. 102 ssrn: ai^mi^ snrt: 5W =T

§psnirT (one should not leave a remnant of fire , of a debt , of a foe), i)

Rem. 2. It is very common , especially in simple prose

,

-N

to periphrase the partitive cases by orT^T (= gen. or

loc.) and °^mH (= abl.). See 191.

Eem. 3. The partitive construction is unfit to be employed, if

1) This is the very ablative, enjoined by P. 2, 3, 42. Kac. is wrong in-

terpreting the sutra otherwise; Patanjali's view (I, p. 459) is correct.

§ 116—118. 87

the conception of a part selected out of a whole be wanting.

»A11 of them" = £r ^ both of us" -^ramifr ')•

117. Some turns, relating to the partitive construction, are to be

noticed

:

1. option between two things is variously expressed:

a.) both are put in the gen. M. 7, 53 a*H-na ^ ffd^ET cror

cFTSg^JH (liter. » of both vice and death, vice is called the worse").

b.) both are put in the abl. Mfcch. I, p. 18 ajf^i^u mia, irrprf

TT ri-cid T 4jfTyq- (v. a. I prefer death to poverty).

c.) both are nominatives. Mhbh. 1, 161, 6 sr^iBTWTTiTawT 5TT 5raT-

^rrfJTsrvV *m (v. a. I hold suicide to be preferable to the killing

a brahman).

Note the standing prolixity of such phrases,

2. Of a partitive gen., depending on some word not expressed,

there are some instances. Acv. Grhy. 4, 4, 11 aif^pj^ sn dWIHufdam t

(or they must enter [the village] while there is still visible

ever so a little part of the sun), Kac, on P. 2, 1, 8 u loi^m'

sUfoii lH I '-I IH-^tei (invite of the brahmans according to the number

of vessels). The partitive gen., that attends verbs (119), may be

explained in this way.

3. One , two , three times a day , a week , etc. is expressed p-2

>S

'

by the partitive gen., as M, 3, 281 igxs Q{s*^m f^EPTFT, Par. Grhy.

1, 3, 31 tiyc£rydry(yj. Likewise M. 5, 21 ydry^uicM-lRi ^r^rapjfisiYrW:

(a pious twice-born man should perform at least one » strong penance"

a year).

4. A partitive gen., depending on the neuter of an adjective,

is rare, even in the old language. Ait. Br. 2, 15, 8 rr^fff Ttan:-

In the Rgvedasanhita there are even such gen. as 337 =gj-:, yirU <ij

which remind of Lat. id temporis and the like; cp. Siecke p. 65.

118. II. Several verbs are construed with aG

,'r

ni' genitive.

with 1. A possessive genitive is put to some verbs ot owmng and

1) Tet Mhbh. 1, 37,8 I have found gsf =T: = »all of us," just as in

English.

88 § 118—120.

ruling , viz. tw , ^st_ [P- 2, 3, 52] , the vedic jtz. Comp Greek

«/j^fiv tiv6c. — So Egv. 1, 25, 20 ?ar I5feim nfy^ fSoREi m$r (Nfy

;

Qat. Br. 5, 1, 5, 4 ^j: y^^HI^S- — M. 5, 2 ^- Jj??r. tmsrirT

d^U^fd^lM (how is it, that Death has power over such as have

mastered the veda and the sciences?), Malat. II, p. 38 jwa^ TOT:

gJTTftalt JTCftHT |sr ^, cp. ibid. IV, p. 70, 1. 2, Malav. V, p. 143. -This construction is rare in classic Sanskrit; ^ with a gen. seems

to be wholly obsolete.

119. 2. A partitive genitive is frequently employed in the elder

literature, and had not yet entirely disappeared in the days of Panini.

But in classic Sanskrit such phrases as a^Hm g^rin (he gives of

the ambrosia), HpWt rrran (he desires of the butter) are out of use.

In mantra, brahmana and upanishad it is often attending verbs of

giving, begging, eating , drinking and the like '). JRgv. 10, 85, 3 ^ffrf

it gifrHiU) fHJpr nm imifi cfPoq- (of the soma, the brahmans know,

nobody eats), ibid. 9, 70, 2 g- ffi-dmuft «MdW tji^u i: (he, begging

[a share] of the delightful ambrosia), Ch. Up. 1, 10, 3 ^tt *T ?i%

(give me of these), TBr. 2, 2, 9, 3 jot^st =r fgsiEd (they do not

drink of the ocean), Ait. Br. 1, 22, 6 =nmnt ^ §r <Qwi RdsWi =T SW-

oRTpFr (of three oblations they do not cut off for the Svishtakrt).

Eem. To this belong the rules of P. 2, 3, 61 and 63, which

enjoin the genitive of the oblation a.) in certain formulae, uttered

at the moment of offering it to the deity, b.) with eht- So f. i.

Qat. Br. 3, 8, 2, 26 afTHNUmm $uua orrer [gen. = smmr: 86 NB.]

J^Tt s^Tsri^; (announce to Agni and Soma [their shares] of the

epiploon and the fat of the he-goat), Kgv. 3, 53, 2 <J|i|m reiT ET%

(I have worshipped thee [with your share] of soma), Ait. Br. 2, 9, 5.

120. 3. The genitive serves to denote the objects of some p M.

verbs: a ) FT (to remember), b.) ^ (to have mercy), c.)

?TR3R" (to imitate), d.) some verbs of longing for. With

all of them , however , the accusative is also available.

Examples: a.) Mudr. II, p. 71 ^t 5gT =7^ ^fH FT fraH: TOT37-

rrpr (ah, king Nanda, Raxasa is well aware of your marks of kindness),

I) See Sieckk p. 33—37.

§ 120-121. 89

Dag. 60 ^ire- PTRTT ^raiTRrr:- Compare with those genitives these

accus. Malav. Ill, p. 63 =jfq- Wl^^frgFTT'T (should she perhaps

remember our suit?), Qak. V ^li^fi fsrt =T sr sfffifrT^fq' ^ft- The

verb firer (to forget) is construed with ace. J

)

6.) Dag. 97 im HHrnpTTCToT 3JRTTT (may these dear men show

mercy towards you). It is often construed with ace.

c.) The person whose deeds etc. are imitated is generally put

in the genitive. Mrcch. VI, p. 222 iftqm iwchl^w i ffi srr^;: sn=r ufawjfd,

Malav. V, p. 141 ^pr cFf^nfcr Hrarq^r^r^irW (v. a. the apple falls not

far from the tree).

Kem. 1. Comp. tHoi^d (to speak after), which is construed si-

milarly by Ka§. on P. 1, 3, 49, and a^i ( ft (to take after). Pat. I, 393

EiHM^J fd (he takes after his father).

Eem. 2. According to P. 2, 3, 53 compared to 6, 1, 139 sm^i^h

(to take care of) may admit of a genitive.

d.) Here the ace. is the regular construction , and the gen. but

scarcely met with, as M. 2, 162 tn^ttloi -dl*l^oi^HW SToRT (he

must always long for being insulted as if it were ambrosia), Mhbh.

3, 12630 ^Tut^T: Md*WMI^, Malat. V, p. 72 srfa Hsn-JFcFWr rRTrf^T-

grnrr: (do you long for Madayantika, ?) ; E. 3, 47, 30 gen. with gr^ iw.

121. 4. In the archaic dialect many more verbs may be construed

with the gen. of their object. Panini prescribes its being used

with a) all verbs of remembering 8); b) ^-p? when = »to desire, '

5 g'

to hope," cp. 120,<2; c) five verbs of injuring viz. d i HUfri , ^nt,~~ P 2 3

Pitlri^i , 5fW) fiw> d) the verbs of illness — fever excepted — as5g

'

J) i m bs\{?\ - As he does not add that the gen. with them is restricted

to the holy texts , it is likely , that it was used so in his days , but that

it has antiquated afterwards. Siecke p. 50_52 of his treatise on the

vedic genitive has given some examples of its being used in the

1) Yet Bhatt. 17, 10 it complies witha gen., see Petr. Diet. a. v. p. 1386.

So in a prakrt passage of the Uttararamacaritra p. 19 fcraifr^T a^ST

HH \ i {-bUkti $*M TVWKW »Rama has made us forget king Dacaratha."

2) Panini (2, 3, 52) speaks of iBTiJhTO', that is »all, which mean to think

of." In classic Sanskrit I greatly doubt instances will be found of any

other verb but set-

90 § 121— 122.

Rigvedasanhita with such verbs as wr, ^hIvttt, f%rT, T^etc. With

fsrj- (to know; to be aware of, to experience) it often occurs in

the brahmana-works. Ait. Br. 2, 39, 11 gruft 3 d ldd^l ; 5T ffdlrlMi a^-

As to the foresaid verbs of injuring, in the Ramayana also ^crgr

(to touch) is construed with a gen.. 2, 75, 31 rrsTr whih PtI/T) likewise

3, 66, 6')-

Rem. According to P. 2, 3, 51 the verb frr is construed with

the gen. of the instrument (karana), then frr must not be equi-

valent with fgrj-. Kag. gives this example hP<W| aprftr= ^rfwr ^ttttpt

HolHH . It is not sufficiently plain , what is here the meaning of fu2).

122. 5. The wager with verbs of playing or betting, the purchase-

money with those of buying and selling is to be put in the gen.,

according to P. 2, 3, 57—60, thus exemplified by K&g. mntd gjoiigi (d

or qurir or ^c^fd - Instances of this rule applied in literature if

they occur at all, must be scanty. 3) With the compounds of fg-sr

the gen. is told to be optional — sjiTOT or 5^7 n^otifn — , in the

brahmana the simple f^sr is construed with the ace. of the wager, see

P. 2, 3, 60 with comm,

1) Cp. the Greek Tvyx&ve'v, HryyAveiv and sim. For the rest, objective

genitives with verbs of touching , desiring , remembering are common to the

whole Indo-germanic family and the most probable explication, which

may be given of them is to consider them as having had at the outset

the character of partitive genitives. Their fate has been the same in

Sanskrit as in its sister-tongues. In the ancient literature they are re-

latively common; but gradually they decrease by time both in frequency

and in extent , and modern Sanskrit has but retained a few remnants of

that old and once widely-spread idiom.

2) So the Kacika. It proffers also a different explication, according to

which ?rr with gen. = *to ween, to fancy," for iM^UIW^^MMd- Fatan-

jali has not expounded the sutra. For the rest, as it runs thus ffi"

•staffer *^ui, nothing impedes reading it rather # Q^vjyj ch^ui .

Then it is said just the contrary : ^TT when = farr complies with a gen.

and in fact, in the ancient dialect ?TT was not rarely construed so.

3) A prakrt passage in Mrcch. II, p. 68 ^m ioHlU ll^ grg a^*^[= Skr.

<i>llHolUiyj E"3Tf 'Jrl*^ ;] (this player is detained for 10 suvarnas) may

afford an instance of it.

§ 123—124. 91

123. 6. Verbs of fulness, repletion, satisfaction, as Q^ MlrT>

rT^T, FJ*T are often construed with a genitive , but more

commonly with the instrumental. Cp. Latin vas plenum

vini vel vino^). Examples of the genii Sucr. 1, 116, 14 orFfiTTqim'

•s=£niTT*T (the face is bathed with tears), Pane. I, 148 mfTuximfH

*I«MI =TNHMi q^f&: I ^T^m: ^a^rTFIW (Are gets not satiated of

wood, nor the ocean of rivers , nor death of mortal beings).

NB. But the gen. of the person , towards whom kindness is shown

with fTKrf^, HW, mTie^frl and other similar words is of a different

kind (131). Mhbh. 1, 229, 32 rjrTftsr tF® *&'• (ne became well-dis-

posed to this brahman), Pane. 314 fT^Mdl '

^M (I am satisfied with

you), R. 1, 33, 13 ftwtct^T -stropg^: 2).

Rem. 1. Vedic mantras contain many instances of other similar

verbs — as jft, j^r, g^r etc- — being construed so. Sieckb, p. 44 sq.

Rem. 2. With Km Ih1 the loc. is also available. Dag. 174 gttfq-

^orFWTfyaH (he ate it all).

7. With several verbs the genitive does the duty of

an ablative. See 126.

8. With several verbs the genitive does the duty

of a dative. See 131 , 132.

124. m. A genitive with adjectives is frequently

®f™' used. When attending adjectives akin to transitive verbs

,

a^iec-it ^S an objective gen., as Kathas. 29, 55 s{^T I^HM^I^MHI

^Hl (old age, which will destroy this beauty). Among

them are to be especially noticed:

tives.

1) Both gen. and instrum. seem to be old idioms. Yet it will seem)

that the gen. with words offulness has got out of use nowadays. E. 2, 89, 17

^fuqtrf being construed with a gen. — ^IjlniwfiTOTrrfeT ohli^irl [so. ^TTof:]

ch l rSj-H BI ltsHH — the commentary deems it necessary to explain the idiom :

^rrftpT'. <Tnrf i^iiM^'- Cp. the similar process in Latin (Quintil. 9, 3, 1).

2) So Kathas. 27, 206 K^tef^T 5TTT ; the interpunction in Brockhaus,

edition is here wrong.

92 § 124.

1. Those of knowledge, skill, experience and the con-

trary (as 5rf*T$r, SFrfe", ^rrf^TrT) and 3FTfT {wont to).

Mudr. I, p. 34 ?nv SFSTiaiW'. <.°m(m sffaiHJor^qTint (bravo , my child

,

you are well acquainted with the practice of the world), R. 1, 20, 24

mimiUlHchlfdiij (not skilled in battles); — R. 2, 51, 3 jfarTl 5PT:

^IHUI (people who are accustomed to trouble).

Examples with others: Mudr. IV, p. 146 ?rh] *m%\ UT5T (impa-

tient of the burden), Kam. 3, 22 f?ij IdMdHJ fri^^T esraroTPTRjhe

must speak so as to rejoice all beings).

NB. With the adjectives of knowledge and skill and

with some others the locative is also used (142). ')P 2

n3

'

2. *HM7l (depending on) and ^iffi (clinging to). Pane.

231 Hdltlrl : ?r MdlchU : (that remedy depends on you), ibid. 277

JJ^raror H#r feiPd^jWlRH HrH+wa (give up that, which you have

taken belonging to him),

r3. ^TTJT (full) and its compounds. See 123.

4. Those of likeness and equality. See 61.

1) The Kacika errs interpreting this sutra so as to take iJlil* and

*HM , as if they meant hit these two words , though it is evident , that two

categories of words are meant by Panini , that of » occupation' ' (iJliirb) and

that of »skill" (chUMj. The rule given 1, 1, 68 — SET ^tf 5ISS^rraiS«[WT

— is commonly interpreted in too narrow a sense. It does not purport that

any word occurring in PaNiui's text, but for a sanfnd, does signify but the word

itself, not its synonyms — if this were so , we should have to enregister its

violation every moment — but simply this: with the exception of such

algebraical signs , as sr = ^f! , J> = U% , ET = the suffixes of the grades of

comparison, sim., the sounds and words of which the vyakarana-sutra is

made up, are to be understood such as they are uttered. But it is left

to the common sense of the reader to infer in each separate case , whether

the word contained in the grammatical rule is meant as to its outer

shape or as to its meaning, whether it is to denote but one or a whole

class of words of the same purport, as «IU* andch^M evidently do here.

For the rest, the vernacular grammarians themselves are obliged to

admit of exceptions on their own interpretation of P. 1, 1, 68. See but

the vartt. on that sutra.

§ 124—126. 93

Kem. Note fgvjfa with gen., when subst. — »the match, the

counterpart" Pat. 1 , 445 =ff^T inf^rr^m; (an other ox is wanted like

this), Kathas. 25, 178 a^oi l-unmm f^rftor jrg^T rr (I will fetch you

myself the match of this foot-ornament).

5. A great number of adjectives admit of the dative-

like genitive, see 129.

ABLATIVE-LIKE GENITIVE.

125. IV. Sometimes the genitive is available in such cases

tive-"as ^° Pr0Perly belong to the category of the ablative, if

likf.se " there be at the same time room for the conception of

uitive. x

^belonging to" and that of „proceeding from." Of the

kind we have already mentioned two instances, viz. 1.

the genitive of origin (113), 2. that of the starting-

point (98, R. 1 and 2). The latter is not limited to the

con- cases, mentioned above, but is sometimes used side

withP

by side with the ablative even with such nouns asthe r--

abla- 3fT^\ ^rTfT!T etc., Vishnup. 2, 3, 1 3=^ srg^ST (north of the

ocean).

126. On this account we may understand how the genitive

is sometimes used instead of the ablative with a) verbs

of asking, wishing, taking, receiving etc., b) of hearing

,

learning , c) of being afraid of.

a). The abl. is here the regular idiom; the gen. not frequent,

as Eajat. 1, 131 ^^m 5[?r?TV fems5i|"i5^n% chify^sMT iTffRJj,

E. 1, 28, 10 cnfN^ *PT (accept of me), M, 4, 87 ^r, crfrTJT^TfH ^proff-

e^i^oif&T: (— accepts of a king, who is avaricious and a trans-

gressor of his royal duty), Pane. 225 a^nni sTTfpnTOr rfUuw-i^-

frwrfq'- So already in the archaic dialect. Gaut. 17, 1 y^HM!

teicM% RdldiH i sTT^irjft J^ffa nfHi l^H* (a brahman is allowed to

eat and to accept presents from twice-born men of good behaviour)

;

6) E. 6, 31, 2 -di^m it pgrrr: JjTrclT gro (M (Eavana after having

94 § 126—127.

heard from his spies the arrival of Rama), ibid. 3, 3, 4 femr 'W

(be informed from me). So sometimes with m^tin1 (cp. 86 c), as

R. 2, 100, 7 chRl-c^Wi^ fqg:

c) R. 2, 29, 4 ffof ?ra f^ fSrwjfn' (all are afraid of you), Pane.

Ill, 195 jjt MMlfedH Pinm (she, who has always an aversion to me).

R, 3, 46, 29—31 affords an instance of both constructions together

:

^ sm°MMiii; fg-^r:— tot m*rl" ^ Riujyi— *=si^iuii H(i?cHi 5^f

—

Rem. Compare Pi fdum (disgusted with) with a gen. Pane.

Spread- 171 ^j™™—,. ptfuu ii gu (I am disgusted with the flesh of mice),lng of «- ^ --

its em- cp. 97 , R.

meut Now and then this abl.-like genitive seems to have

modem been extended beyond its limits by abuse , especially of

ten. modern writers 1).

127. Note the genitive being used in some turns of phrase,

which might be put as well in the category of the abla-

tive as in that of the genitive.

1) But not exclusively. The older literature does not lack of instan-

ces, as R. 3, 51,27 STS^fSr ^nWTTSta 5? ITrt^yj [instead of rRqT^]JTT5?ra';

cp. 3, 66, 11. — A very striking example is Bhag. Pur. 8, 6, 21 anH)f<j|<H Hr^T-

i*adWfd<tfl£sH4JJreT <fhTOI 5T sRTiymreTt sq-

^' lraffj here the gen. is

abusively employed instead of the abl. iiyjirilidlH. M. De Saussttre , from

whose valuable treatise de Vemploi du genitif absolu en Sanscrit I borrow

this example (see his note on p. 10), proves the impossibility of account-

ing for that gen. in a satisfactory way , when starting from the absolute

construction. Hereby it is however not said that the presence of the

participle trfrr has not moved the author of the Bhagavata to employ the

genitive instead of the ablative. Likewise I scarcely believe Kalhana would

have used a gen. with ?TR^(Rajat. 1, 131, see 126 a), if the noun were

not attended by a participle. Similarly with w the gen. is preferred, if it be

wanted to express the hearing somebody say or utter something , as Mhbh.

1,141,18 stot olttdl ^ In short, it is likely, that the relative frequency

of genitives of participles in Sanskrit style , especially if compared to the

rareness of similar ablatives, has favorized the spreading of the ablative-

like genitive.

It may also be noticed , that in most of such cases pronouns are concerned.

§ 127—128. 95

1 a gen. with verbs of speaking etc. to denote him , about whomsomething is said, as Pane. 82 ^i^l&i^iujd srsIrT (so he speaks

of me , who am however guiltless ').

2° with ^faiem Q and the like — »to expect of, to suppose of."

Mrcch. IX, p. 297 HJiim rpffer ^NTTSJFT (that blockhead is capable

to everything), Pane. 34 ^ H lgfrU frNimwd fcv %ferT mirsfc (of such

men one must not suppose such conduct). But the locative is here

also available.

3° with 3ir (to forbear of) etc. B. 1, 15, 7 g^ prer -sH IM^, Pat.

I, p. 40 OH^chAJMiJyj. ... JTOrBTST- — When without object, the

gen. with =^ may be considered a dative-like one , as Mhbh. 1, 79, 9

fsrrarerrfwionrerT ^r -d-rlcil smstftt (a man who wishes his wellbeing

should not forbear a scholar, who does not behave as such).

128. The time-denoting genitive is likewise standing on

denot-^e ground of the ablative, for it does always express

™gge- after what time something is happening. It is usually

restricted to some fixed terms , as T^"^W or T^TFT ^5T-

5TST = f^TFT , M^mO" = 5^FTH etc. Qak. vn ^twt-

=5TTcF^T siY UMJdUl lyf£Ml<UI«J eh«jfer*M«l [» after a while"] sr^T-

\\4\r\X wlritti facrtl iRJrill RuMM ( liUfer, Mhbh. 1, 47, 14 cjrfFFraT^T (after

some days), E. 2, 118, 44 g^tror FT cjn^TOT ^TEr5TT-s?f W3 £g wnm:Eem. 1. It is very rare, that a not-time-denoting word is put

in this gen., as Ven. I, p. 14 qrr fsrsft^oT = w f$iw;*Ml<&ll(«T (since

my very infancy).

Eem. 2. A time-denoting word may be attended by the genitive of a

noun -j- participle. By this is denoted the time » since" some action

has come to pass. Mrcch. V, p. 172 fej; jjsraT eh fed ) ilirJTCHT oiH'dH:TT-

ETT: ^raiTJr 3TFTCHT (it is indeed a long time, Maitreya is gone to V.),

Mudr. IV, p. 134 ssrq- zyjrfr mmri iHttPl^rim (it is to day just the

tenth month since father died), Ven. I, p. 25 %r£ arr ^m iraT FTSfiT-

oTrJrr: grow; fem- •• srrarrr * ^rf%FTT (Sir, it is some time Mylady stays

1) See De Saussure 1.1. p. 54 N.

96 § 128—129.

*

.

here , but you have not noticed her), Pane. 303 feim-chiykdoisr fer

7m, Utt. IV, p. 72; E. 3, 50, 20 ).

DATIVE-LIKE GENITIVE.

129. V. The genitive serves also to denote him, who is

Hke'ge-concerned by the action or fact , the so-called remote object.

nitive This kind of genitive, as it stands on the sametivus ground as the dative, I name dative-like genitive.

dietin- Partlv it mav be substituted to the dative, but in acom- J J

modi, great number of cases the dative would even be unavai-

lable, at least in classic Sanskrit, especially, if the

person concerned is to be expressed in such sentences,

as where the predicate is nominal {substantive or adjective).

In such turns as Kathas. 29, 98 ^IH^ ^ HTCjW TTrT-

"Jp^JT 3TTrT! (for virtuous wives the only path to follow

here and hereafter is their husband) , Pane IT , 58

*TM 41 Ml* ^ ^} fUCroHf^HH (what is too heavy for

the vigorous ? what danger does exist for the audacious ?

what is a foreign country for the learned ? who is unat-

tainable for the flatterer?) the genitive is the regular

idiom , and the dative out of use. Likewise the genitive

— not the dative — is to be employed, with adjec-

tives of friendship and enmity . fitness and unfitness ,good

and evil etc, as Pane. 331 5TFT HtHUf^T fftf f^PT(a fish-dinner is always welcome to him), ibid. 213

•T Mrh H<3r1.' (it does not suit you).

1) This idiom extends also to adjectives, used as participles. Utt. Ill,

p. 57 3cOT SJ^rer sUTrft ilOU; Mi^olrM^: (it is now the twelfth year,

that the world is destitute of its queen).

§ 129. 97

Examples : Kumar. 3, 10 $? jjit yf^Rt -s^T (who are other archers

to me?), Mrech. VIII p. 246 j^] STrg^TOT Ucrfir wipfe bit

HcriH (the God of Love is either mild for an honest man or he

does not exist for him), Mhbh. 1, 141, 36 afd^ i ril ulam m't ciUm(we shall be unknown to the people), Pane. 200 q-gnqoi I f^-Ti tFRJT =t

S^gt: cti)uT)ti : (one must not take it ill of a messenger, if he speaks

plain), Qak. IV iTFrfsro^rrrfo ^TTOiHqT TTW ntrtf mr: (do not oppose

your husband by anger, even when offended).

With Among the adjectives , which comply with a gen., note such as

tives, tM-^y, sPToRsrr and qfRoRrr, kto- and j^-for, HrtTtr, urn — and even the

asfer verb ?jtjrH (to suit) — and their synonyms. So Nala 1, 19 cfjfr-

eto' GTTfJT rloT fsTOTT, Pane. Ill, 104 mTR^; ufH^TcdlPi q^Tsrf =T SUTErff^ (one

should not do to others, what is grievous to one's self), Mrcch.

I, p- 58 aJlmdij -timm rr^ (this house is not fit for a deposit),

ibid. X, p. 355 q- u^m fisr Uiuwi^rillii:, Malav. IV, p. 96 afid Gnit I ^TOJT

EsT: CTSPtrTT (and cold is excellent against this ailment), Mhbh. 1, 15, 4

WJ: ^Tofer gilchUJ (the same to all beings), Malav. IV, p. 88 gr ^sf faroV

-S'bMlchM (who is so disinclined to mef), ibid. Ill, p, 75 qgftTqrnoirn'

ch l PlH IH (so much suffices for persons in love).

So ^sf and 3t%ft, when — sbecoming to , suiting." R. 2, 30, 41

I 3p^d^5fHrM^dUm^roiH|^!JcOM^- As to ^ and =grr|; cp. the foot-note

on p. 40 of this book. Note also =^tet, ^HT etc. with a gen. =r

Dguiltless towards", as R. 2, 49, 7 gjn^TFT^ra':, M. 9, 106 frrrTrirTrRtn:

(having paid his debts to the pitaras).

Rem. 1. Panini teaches, that with participles in °fr the genitive I3

. 2,3,A7

must be used, and not the instrum. of the agent , if the participle

is employed as a present one. Such genitives as -rjfij qfn (approved

by the kings), jjfn qf?irT'. (honored by the kings) fall within tho

limits of this rule. See Mhbh. 1, 141, 36 and Qak. IV quoted

above , and cp. Qak. II OQYpI HoiHmWHdjflHw (y°ur staying here

is known to the hermits).

Rem. 2. On the genit. with krtyas see 66 R. According

to P. 2, 3, 69 the genitive is forbidden with the krts &<m , that

is such as g^ir, ^sng^" (cp. P- 3, 3, 126 sq.). Kac. gives as examples

7

98 § 129—131.

I&I4*0 lT°nTr ZKZ! (the mat is scarcely to be made by you), lewM :

gfrft' HoTHT. So E. 3, 5, 23 cot ^j^r ^nfer h^u ; ^tsoIT^T; In fact>

however, story, STsqrr, stcftit, Sow are often construed with the ge-

nitive. Dae. 72 fedUnaH 3SFOT3T g<5W, E. 2 , 97, 7 q£ qir JT^ SoTOT,

KatMs. 24, 65 f^ qpr R<doim it SW^ij;

130. When used with the verb substantive expressed

ute or implied, the dative-like genitive is not seldom

TJhaTe. equivalent to our verb to have. Pat. 1 , 427 one asks

the other SftfcT WT CplT: I ^TFT >T3rft HM: (how

many children have you? how many wives ?). Cp. the Latin

phrase est mihi filius. Ait. Br. 7, 13, 1 f^ar ^ snr siwr smg:, Qak.

I ai^T =Tf s^ <^[q »fe5tin (I have something else to ask you about),

Pane. 166 txt&z ildlH l srnr HsrfH (men make money, if they go

abroad). Likewise in such terms as f§r ridM-l (what have I [to

meddle, to do] with him?), cp. 88 E. 2.

131. The dative-like genitive attends even on verbs. Mrcch.

ukeg'e- X, p. 375 f%*TFT ^WHUHWImHIH (what is to be done

v££ to this wicked man?) and ibid. X, p. 384 RRFT PWi:

|Sft Mrl 1*1 (what is to be done for this monk ?) are striking

examples of the sixth case used so. It is especially verbs

of doing good or evil (as 3"^, Bfl^, W^ , W^W>M^f*^ (to trust), t^T (to forbear) and some others which

partake of this idiom , its concurrent construction being

the locative , rarely , if at all , the dative l).

Examples: E. Gorr. 4, 38, 47 fQ^i im iMMaKBrfarr jmt (far^|fo (you

1) As to atrriVj 3^, *l<4*, folyolMj I do not remember having met

with any instance of their agreeing with a dative; WT governs a dative

Bhatt. 4,39. Upon the whole, the dative of profit and damage within

its narrower limits is very scarce in Sanskrit, cp. 84-

§ 131-132. 99

must guard your kingdom by doing well to your friends), ibid. 3, 1, 16

^PTOT Wcgm (offered hospitality to R.), Pane. 289 flp r^rr ri^KiHd lf?

cl|i4*d^ (in what hare I injured her or you ?), Qak. VII ^ttttsV

sf^T rRTirarP. ERTrsrejr (I have sinned against the reverend Kanva),

Pane. 38 ^ ^ ch^jfafeuafa fTT (he trusts nobody), Mhbh. 1, 23, 26

ti*d1<i^ rr; inrra'rrw (be merciful to us , who beseech thee), Malat, YII

,

p. 126 dUJ*HwEraoicraMpifcl H' HRfa? (the wind declares to the young

men the nearness of young women).

Rem. In Latin, with such turns as adimo vestem servo or

servi, civium or civibus dolor auctus est, the dative and the ge-

nitive are both available. Sanskrit invariably uses thegenitive. Pane. II, 141 swte f| fsHrftr mrffa =r ^rrfeb i =t f|

fa'^m jjjW uldmPd gw iprr: (it is by exertion, that enterprises

are successful, not by wishing, deer do not enter the mouth of

a sleeping lion), ibid. p. 145 f^nzrarrsft t^pp^ msm frsrr (H.

made his reverence to M.), ibid. 137 qif q^rt' !?Hh: ^fTTfTT (I have

got great pleasure).

132. Finally, the genitive is allowed to attend all verbs,

MvTof as are commonly construed with the dative of concern,

^ote Such a genitive may be not without affectation '), it is

object.

1) So at least is the opinion of Anandobam Borooah (§ 212 of his » Higher

Sanskrit Grammar'') —and his opinion may be considered to hold good nowa-

days in India with Sanskrit-writing people — » the gen. is also occasionally

used for the Dat. or Indirect Object , especially by pedantic writers" and sit

will be seen from the above examples that such use besides being pedantic

,

is very ambiguous." The ambiguity, however, cannot be very great, for

as a rule the context will show us how to accept such genitives, and

in such cases , as where the context would not enable us to understand him

plainly, a good writer will avoid all ambiguous constructions. That

the dative-like genitive has been known and employed in India of old

though not to the extent, it has got in the classic dialect — may

be seen from some of the examples quoted above. As with other concur-

rent idioms, there is many an instance of both cases used together, as

R. 2, 34, 6 Sjft frfaJH & grT! I dl^UI«?r VR q=TT S5T IrcTlUriliSMirf, schol.

i'

MrDQ-IT g- friTTST tC^T* ^n tne comment of Kac. on P. 3, 3, \\\ the printed

100 § 132.

of frequent occurrence in literature '). So it is found

with 1. verbs of giving, offering, 2. of telling, speaking,

3. of carrying, sending, 4. of showing, 5. of enjoining , 6. of

promising, 7. of pleasing , 8. of being angry, 9. of bowing,

prostrating one's self , etc.

Examples: 1. Ch. Up. 2, 22, 5 ndlMd(lrilM qi^^lPl (let me sur-

render myself to Pr.), Pane. 85 qjrr fTSJnra' h^tH (I have granted

him safety), Qak. I Md^ iMjUl l Pi U^STtarhirarlw, Mrcch. II, p. 80

tMM Id^ 3^T MoHhT-rIm qiTEf (give but to this very fellow ten

other pieces of gold).

2. Mhbh. 1, 12, 6 ^m firT: (be told his father _), Pane. 292

3israTW5> iUlMM-a i>H fT, (relate us of your adventures in foreign

countries), Mrcch. I, p. 45 sj^q- aijimJ-di^-am ^msiTOJW, Pane.

246 rmm: ^ra^cT JTrorT iX{{

l^m Q^UHjthen they went all and addressed

the king of frogs), ibid. 62 ^ H<i,lcftiuiMqmfii dtf-^IUli Ff3W cTcPT

3. Qak. Ill chyi^HuTl{M<?(<w MUlMdfci =s[ HicH-TlMij l lu i 4to-d (to

whom are carried — ?), ibid. IV frnrq' stow u|7) i ^)rl :(having sent

her now to her husband).

4. Kathas. 29, 18 gj^firawr: n(3* l: (she showed her the puppets).

5. Pane. 289 fft ^ wj <HHlf^te4^ (and he prescribed me), Qak. IV

ufrrciw 4UWI4J4W (show the way to your sister).

text has Wlf ilrMJUl irnjrT. the other reading nm is mentioned in a

foot-note.

1) In the vulgar dialects the dative has got obsolete, and the genitive

has been substituted to it, the few traces of a dative in Prakrit litera-

ture being owed to the artificial language of dramatic poetry. See

Lassen Inst, linguae pracriticae, p. 299 , Vararuct Prdkrtaprakdfa 6 , 64.

Kuhn Beitrage zur Pali Grammatik, p. 70 sq. gives an account of the remnants

of the dative in Pali, which are more considerable, than in the other

prakrts , and contain both infinitives in "tcwe and datives in "dya

,

especially atthdya = skrt arthdya; as a rule, the pali dative serves to

denote the purpose. The same process has been at work in Modern Greek.

Schinas, Grammaire elementaire du grec moderne, Paris, 1829 p. 90: »le g6-

nitif sert de regime indirect aux verbes et remplace le datif: Sure /xou

^upi donne-moi du pain , *4yu toB xpiToS t$v &Atj0siavje dis au juge la venteV'

§ 132, 132*. 101

6. M. 9, 99 -a^yi ufa^m ii-u^jm £fem (she has been promised

to one and given to another).

7. Pane. 235 f^j ^H A-dri otst (does he please you?).

8. E. 2, 100, 33 iTfrr nff: chmPrl (servants are moved with anger

against their master), Qak. VII ^h fishat gf^;

9. Var. Yog. 2, 32 imm mjmPd iwf: (people bow to one), K.

II, sarga 96*, 47 ^int-li-chlchi J lijoim H^ l rH?: (the crow prostrated himself

to the magnanimous Bama).

Eem. Even i^^j (to believe) is met with gen. Ait, Br. 1, 6,

11 r- 5)s|qt cl-iuu sri' 5TT5>rrfn'he does not believe others, however many).

132*. The dative of the purpose is not interchangeable with

the genitive x

)

1) In the prakrts even then. It is singular, that an observer as accu-

rate, as Panini is, should have overlooked the important function of the

dative-like genitive. A rule of his, indeed, mentions the sixth case

ciHwJ^T sr^TT (2, 3, 62), but the word jpgj% added and the examples

proffered by tradition show that according to the vulgar interpretation

we have here a very special enjoinment, closely connected to the pre-

ceding sutra (61), not one of general bearing. Yet I greatly doubt

the exactness of that explication, by which the word =cTrJS5nf is quite

superfluous , as (^olH I MH(jHH needs must be repeated from s. 61, and this

suffices for the vulgar interpretation. Perhaps we may remove the

technical difficulty by an other distribution of the words, that make up

sutra 61— 63. When read uno tenore, we get jrii<ysJc?l^l2|s?T ^olHiyHc^M

TjHmRf ST^ff s^Hd q^sr QFrrTR- It would be convenient both to the in-

ternal probability and to the simplicity of the interpretation , if they are

divided in this but slightly different manner: 61 . BfKTsrg^f&Grr t£6ldiyy<iJH,

62. ^roRf o(^, 63. %^(m JTrRST ^rpjT- According to this partition,Panini,

after having given in 61 a special rule about the gen. being employed

in some formulae of sacrificing, adds in 62 the general enjoinment that

in many cases , where the dative is required— mark mhwj «( , which encompass-

es by far more than FHfJTT — the genitive is likewise available , either by

preference , or optionally , but not in all. For thus is the meaning of sr^fflj-

ajferHorfa: eFf^srafir. aiferfl^TOT grfer^ifor

fsfyfcffcrnr awar ^nri^cr =a^fm su^sr si^ft

(see Boethliugk Panini II, p. 82). — As to sutra 63 ^^fa jrjPCT gr^m")

it offers no difficulty in itself, but disturbs the methodical arrangement

102 § 133.

Chapter VIII. Locative ')•

133. The seventh case or locative serves to signify the

twTof scene of the action. Its power is expressed by English

where, prepositions , as in , on , at , among , with , by , near. It

has not only the duty of pointing out the spot where,

but also the spot whither. In other terms, someti-

mes it answers Lat. in with abl., sometimes in with

accus.

A. Locative of the spot where. — Here we must

make the following distinctions.

a.) the locative conveys the notion of being within, in.

M. 1, 9 hRh^tI BTCT sr^JT (in this [egg] Brahman himself was born),

Dag, 156 rn-fwfe iSi ^iii (sporting in the water of the Ganges),

ibid. 179 *«jf^Ri=i*^«j ^ f%=rot 5£ST-

b.) it denotes a surface , trodden or touched : on , upon

,

over, at. Pane. 307 tj^ij: chi"iu-?i3 WiU lH z?S\ (an ass was seen on

that cemetery), E. 3, 5, 10 sra^r] nffr orTprrftarr umik =et iwft

(courtesans, holding fans, waved them over his head), Pane. 331

& 'sr MrWl snfT <4I-cmi?t frof^rT (and those fishes are being boiled over

of the rules which treat of the employment of the genitive (2, 3, 50— 73).

For this reason I consider it an additional rule , interpolated at an un-

proper place — we had rather expected it between s. 51 and 52 —so as to obscurate by its close following the sutra 62 , the right

understanding of the latter. That there are several rules in our Panini,

which did not belong to the original work, but were at the outset

varttikas, which afterwards have been taken up in the text, is a

fact now universally acknowledged. As concerns the s. 63, I remark,

that many other vaidik gen. partitives with verbs (119) are not mentioned by

Panini, and that the seeming anomaly of HTiT (cp. 45 R.) must have

drawn special attention for all that regarded that verb ; in a time as early

as Patanjali, it was already considered to have something peculiar, see

his comment on P. 1, 4, 32= Pat. I, p. 331 (in the Kajika his words are

wrongly indicated as if they were a varttika).

1) See Delbbuck. Ablatio, Localis, Instrumentalis p. 27— 49.

§ 133—134. 103

the fire), Dae. 140 f^ fc QRrhmi uafr fefTT^fT (my father laid

down on the naked earth), ibid. 141 f^-Rf fjisprt-

c.) it signifies the dominion or territory: in, at, on,Latin apud, in. Pane. 1^ STftranw ^r^^R^'O^^ ^Fkibid. 319 ^"rani' Jr*WTiTf>^T (in the royal palace there was a flock

of rams) , Kumaras. 5, 60 tp^f %$ ^-qisr (fruits are seen on the trees).

So i-i^lMisr (in the country of the Pancalas), ch iwm (at Benares),

Mhbh. 1, 31, 18 tmfri^rt fei^cR 3irr: (he has been made Lord over

the three worlds); cp. Ill E.

d.) it indicates something very near, though not di-

rectly touched': near, on , about '). Mhbh. 1, 170, 3 a iM^- iin

muiH-<H i; (P&ndu's sons pitched tents near the Ganges), Hitop.

29 7jt ^H l^u i lcMH HBr STTfr smtnaiwrft (otherwise I will kill my-

self by starvation at your door). So Kad. I, p. 39 sj^ is used,

while meaning »about which spot."

e.) it is expressive of among , amid. Nala 1, 13 rr ^&w ^

jHmsr HXQM<*rt\ 5>f%fT i JTT^Wsrft' -cikdiM .rgqarfa srr snrr (neither among

devas nor yakshas nor men nor among other beings such a beauty

has been seen nor heard of anywhere), Dag. 124 igiqrjg- cfh d i-i^fSd

gT=rf (this report spread among the townsmen and the countrymen).

Cp. lie.

All these variegations are mixed^ up in the general

notion , carried by the seventh case. Greater precision

,

if wanted , may be obtained by using periphrasing turns

,

— ~^

as the prepos. ?FcP (within), or such words as 7\'&X

,

FT^", CpT, 7^^\, m^ft, etc. See 165, 190, 192.

134. B. Locative of the spot whither. It attends of course

tiveof on verbs and verbal nouns of moving, such as to go,

thespot to start , to lead, to send. Ch. Up. 2, 24, 5 ^r §r jraqrror

ther. wTter tfmiw (I shall go to the world of him, in whose behalf the

sacrifice is performed), Pane. 321 g- srsarf JTrT; (he set out to the

forest), ibid. 41 ^goiPrfci ^mj tffwr:, ibid. 269 srtvR^pr fsraTf ^trT:

1) This is the so called ^rprftzr swift

104 § 134, 134*.

(you have conducted me to a fine spot), E. 1, 11, 24 cfmsr uwtiujiy

27TFT (he Bent messengers to the citizens), K. 2, 7, 26 aqol l fo

mrf rlcT signs' after having removed Bharata to your kinsmen —).

to enter. Pane. 283 rn=wt ^n ulbidm , ibid. 52 fcTOT ^ a^r

ufdHllfi (with you I will go into the fire).

to fall on or in. P- 3, 18, 25 <rom igrr, Qak. I ^tn; cirri^-—aiaj^gSrsr (the dust falls on the trees of the hermitage).

to submerge in. Kumaras. 1, 3 ^t f|; g|Wr luiiy'PmiH PwkIhItO:

(ohiUifSdlj- :(for [that] one defect disappears in the contact with

his virtues, like the moon's- spot submerges in its beams).

to throw in. Dag. 61 ^smsr <&£psm sp*r fsHrdl ,Pane. 124 sr

to place — , to put in , upon. Mudr. Ill, p. 91 ^ref qfij

<TJ rrasr sTTJjT (old age has set its foot on your head), Pane. 146

Frasr f£hdtlM ftvTO' (— put it in that very beggar's bowl), Mhbh.

1, 40, 21 ftst ^Sr ijrf sw 3>sY ^TsTT srtmrafj) Apast. 1, 15, 21 w,wi

=5 ^fl^WtrT (nor shall he put [fire] under his bedstead). Metaphor:

Prabodh. V, p. 112 u^i^i(h wra^ »r&f?r fiaRlH i: ^Torf ^srRrr:

to ascend. Kathas. 29, 129 frfi" aufc l ftst jvm^f (the raxasl

climbed inJ

o the tree). Metaphor: Pane. I, 266 jrfepr. ^rnrnrafa

qifJoi i(he, on whom the king fixes his looks).

to strike , to kit. .Qak. I tjM^imiy &: <sm =T H^+HU i fa ,Kathas.

28, 31 rl fa-M°lj$H 1^^41 (he stroke the holy man with his sword),

M,.cch. II, p. 83 EftTrrrat ^fer^ zjxfn, Pane. 295 pf (ui^hi^H;

And so on.

Kem. Note sr with loc., a very common turn z= »to put in

or on," as ^^r, ^rf, qrnTT 1)) yf^ ^r (to pat at the head), sim.

134*. The spot reached may also be denoted by the accusative.

Compare with the above examples these: Ch. Up. 5, 3, 1 <HfafrH*i lU

(he came at the meeting), Pane. 143 toiq 'amrim rrpr (after having

put me on your back), Qak. I FTtflcFr rUdrUfdm i El etc. etc.

1) Cf. P. 1, 4, 77, where it is taught, that ^chrtj q milchrt) are to be

uBed when=r ohaving married", but^r 3kEIT »having put in the hand, —taken bv the hand."

§ 134*— 136. 105

So with verbs of going, bringing, carrying, sending,

ascending , entering. Those , however, of falling , throwing

,

placing, putting -— as qn, f%tj, *re, ftararaffT, aptmmft — seem

to be construed with the locative exclusively. On the

other hand the accusative is obligatory , if „to come to"

is the metaphorical expression of „to become" (236),

and in some other standing turns, as H^im^fH -

135. According to what has been said HI, it is plain,

quTu- that nothing impedes locatives qualifying a noun. Such

\IZ- phrases as ^T FTTFTcrFT I "TW RT^TT are as good Sans-

krit as „water in the pit," „a boat on the river" are

good English. — Here the genitive is concurrent.

In some turns the locative is standing, as in divisions of lite-

rary works as t-jh ^rta^WIUUl crTfi?*Tci?ta' W^Rmi;? etw: Wl:, we say,

the first sarga of the JLranyakhanda of the Eamayana of Valmtki.

136. II. Both kinds of locative are applied in so many

and in so manifold ways , as to make it hardly practicable

to enumerate them all distinctly and completely. It

Vs™~ may suffice to mention the most important and the most

striking idioms:

i. to i. "VVe will notice in the first place some peculiardrink

from phrases. Of the kind are:etc.

rN

to drink from. Pane. I, 327 dW: fefrt g^t =TpPTltfr>sft (men

drink strong liquor even from a man's skull) i).

to feed on. Dag. 174 ^m ^di^mMioidmd (he feasted on the

rice, without leaving anything). In metaphorical sense Heart and

the like may also bo construed with a locative. Mhbh. 1, 84, 2

;T ^fiT jftoT^". Cp- 123-

Loca-

tive

in idio-

matic

1) See Delbruck 1.1. p. 33.

106 § 136—139.

to be born from; to beget with. The mother is put in

the locative. Cp. 100, 1. Kumaras. l, 22 ^rr rimm^mEL.

to reckon among. Dag. 199 aiiikid l^N (he was reckoned among

the gods).

137. 2. The locative in which is put the person, withwhom one2si

*° dwells, stags. Prabodh. VI, p. 123 tn im^, rcrfr dtriE^ i ffi (I

with, am without protector and wish to stay in your house), Mhbh. 1,

74, 12 a \

\\\x \ \ fa^aiMi f| srraag =t ^ejft, Mudr. VII, p. 229 sra

qgHdchrTl R)f^trct»M l^H^f&l H l: (I have stayed for some time with Mai.).

So especially ittt owfri (^e dwells with his spiritual father), Ch.

Up. 4, 4, 3 srpErJf Hi Id fa arWJlfi (v. a. I will be the pupil of the

Keverend),

138. 3. ^TT or ~^r\ with loc. = ^keeping close to", that is

' q?T observing, obeging one's precept, principle,judgment etc.

ir1 '*' r1 Cak. VI q q- ^ihhh (dsyfa (yon do not obey my order), Dag. 72etc.

r. r

H lrWH oTrRcr (comply with the wish of your mother), Cp. Lat. stat

promissis , stat sententid and Kag„ on P. 1, 3, 23 qi^ fprsr( (it rests

on me = I am to decide.)

139. 4. The locative, which serves to denote the thing

cative touched. It is used with a) verbs of fastening at — espe-

thing cially sI'-feT — as well in their proper as in a figurative

sense; likewise with the others, b) those of clinging,

adhering to, as ^T3T, Tc£PT, F|sT etc., c) of leaning on,

relying on, trusting, d) of seizing by , e) of falling at one's

feet — and in other similar locutions, asf. i. Ragh. 1, 19

'floff ^FTfa ^TcTrTT (and the string , bent on the bow),

gak. VI VT$ W^rmr ^FR?I^ <=MJ4MHMf TJf^T

(an antelope's female, rubbing her left eye against the

horn of her male companion).

vertsrfExamPles: «) Pane. 238 jrt ^ TO srerer, ibid. 286 srop;-

fasten- ^^ q^ mn nfi^ l, Fac. I, p. 40 :?Rff& srsT, Bhag. Pur. 4, 27, 10

§ 139-HO. 107

(oliytlwsrwifT (he was attached to wordliness), Ragh. 3, 4 jjfi^TPsr fmTi§?f

i^Tf sisr^y (she bent her mind to such a desire).

of 6) Pane. V, 8 =sttot j&fcj sHPioi^n (crowds of people cling

'Tng ^ a rich man), ibid. 307 cFffercr ffteTraf 5Tnfir (one [of them] falls

adher-on his neck

)>Da5, 75 Hmnw i urasTff (he fell in love with her), Ch.

ing. Up. 4, 14, 3 ^i fa [^ qiq- cfw =r ferra-ffr (no evil deed clings to him,

who knows so), Pane. II, 131 an^prwr srj^— (a hero, not addicted

to vices).

c) 1. to lean on. R. 2, 46, 27 q- fcmdcj^MyW a'feiriTi (lest they

should sleep, lying down on roots of trees). — With f§j and its

compounds, likewise with jjd^^i , the accus. is the regular con-

struction, not the loc, especially in the metaph. sense »to apply

one's self to somebody , to implore one's aid." — 2. to rely on. Pane.

of rely- II, 194 rr MiriiT =t srhr =t wc£§ =7 =sn?m i femrenrm: TOt mrftr?

and fa(-H( ,Qak. I ^^sr^ft %J%fTr^rrmriRTgHrir irFT: (even these who pos-

tritst- gegg strong learning, mistrust themselves). So with giror (to hope

on), fHTSsra (to trust), sim. yak. II -srTSTH^r g^r: gwftjar u~rft[

fHJtir qpt^SnT "ET air (the gods have confidence in his bent bow and

in Indra's thunderbolt), Pane. II, 48 fdUdfafd sigw. Cp. 131.

of seiz- d) Pane. 161 tntrn sm^T (seized by the hand —), Mrcch. I, p.

"? £• 39 1 j Rehi gfispsr JlJlrcll, Kathas. 29, 3 ^m sTClTf (she laid her handolfall- ^ vs c^- ^

ing at on her neck).

firt.e) znzjft- "TFTfrT is a standing phrase. See f. i. Qak. IV fqn; trrsTTT: qrtffT.

140. 5. The locative, when used in the same way as English

5vf'

_«» him I see much skill." So Mhbh. I ^f qiTioimmfoMq iHrtrfq1

cative

in ab- ^TTfcrarT (I may expect all of him , he can do impossibilities),yak.

sense.n J^tal *J*raT JsrrfqPr (hunting is reckoned to be vicious in a

prince), Prab, V, p. 109 srTrf'R'm'^sr =T ^W: (there is no sin in giving

a good counsel to the afHicted), R. 2, 7, 10 grErairser ^saro T^rTT

\I fel^j fsrarr (and she told Kubja, of the great happiness of Rama).

Rem. 1. When used as the predicate of the sentence, this

locative is occasionally carrying the notion of »suiting , befitting."

Pane. I, 305 ^MHOTloriEmHHsr iTOTiT (friendship suits similar charac-

ters and inclinations), ibid. p. 251 qyrtJUlsnwm' 3^ ^M*i. (*^e

108 § 140—142.

royal dignity befits a man accomplished in political science, libe-

rality and gallantry).

Looat. Eem. 2. Synonyms explaining the meaning of some word, are= yin the

meaning put in the locative, which accordingly— »in this meaning." Amarak.

cF^mt mraT srir mrr^ M^d i oif^ (the word kaldpa may have the

meaning of bhti&hana ornament, barha a peacock's tail, ttinira

quiver and samhati mass or heap), Earn. 2, 17 [Sif^f? Mfr-gJH (i>id

is explained as meaning : to know), Apast. 1, 5, 1 ptiHti rPT: g^:

141. 6. The qualities , arts , science etc. in which one excels

with

L«™rds or is weak, equal or unequal, when put in the locative.

ness etc. qRldUw: I yq^r H^rtJUl wu m i^l\U(:, Mhbh. 1, 88, 13 £TK^"fiT: tJrWH

irfq j loiqn !W:i n*r; h?T; Hchifa i rol - Here the ablative and instru-ct X Ni vi fi>-

mental are concurrent idioms.

142. 7. The seventh case attending nouns of ability , skill,

nouns'of knowledge and the like. Here the genitive is the con-

/mlL current construction (124, i°).

Examples of the locative: Ch. Up. 1, 8, 1 spft ^»^i5| chUM i sw^:

(three men were well-versed in the Word), Kathas. 24, 187 iH l l^.-

cprfvrfiw (of one , not being a judge of jewelry), Malav. V, p. 131 grajf

ch^H I ^ I HfMfci-Tirl narHTT (what art the ladies are acquainted with ?),

Nagan. I, p. 2 hii^i 5tTT 5WT (we are skilled in dramatic representa-

tions). — It attends also verbs of that meaning. Pat. I, p. 280 Q^ihh

fSraniygfcr fitrarr-

Eem. 1. V&rtt. 1 on P. 2, 3, 36 gives a special rule for ad-

jectives in "remade of participles in °fr, complying with locative.

The examples given by Pat. I, p. 458 Writ oU i ch(U i(well read "in

grammar), a in i rH $^fa (knowing the theory of metrics) prove that

kind of locative to belong to the general class of words of ability

and skill. Cp. Dae. 157 %& ^ ^sr q- din i rii mftnt grwmrag nffcrt

Kern. 2. P. 2, 3, 44 teaches the promiscuous use of locative and

instrumental with the adjectives ufan and jHHch (caring for, solici-

tous).

circum

stan

ees.

§ 143. 109

143. 8. The locative , which denotes the circumstances , under

cative which the action comes to pass. So ?TFTK „in time ofoftime _^

' ^

ircfm-^stress", TOT „in due time," qTTCPJ ,,in fortune"

and the like. This kind of locative has a very great

extension and encompasses also the locative of time

as well as the absolute locative. The former denotes the

time at which , the when , as T3^fT^*T (every day), 5p?TfT

(in the rainy season), fcRTT0"FJ (at night), CTc^T (at

daybreak),<£<J ^T^T^'J (in these days), STT^t (at the

beginning) etc. Ch. Up. 3, 16, 2^d fcj-oidfa (in this age).

The latter occurs, if the circumstance under which is

signified by two nouns, one of which is the predicate

of the other. As the said noun-predicate generally is

expressed by a participle, it is to the chapter on par-

ticiples we refer for a full account of the absolute lo-

cative. Here it may suffice to point out by an evident example

its close connexion with the locatives of circumstance and time.

Mudr. IV, p. 147 ^a^^ssm sftuld,^ qti ~R.IH^*h 5^xTTTTTgir TlforlTfVchl'^fol*^ 'TW ^ ^IdR

thus freely translated by Wilson: »But let Tour Highness weighi

these circumstances also your forces are collected,iyourself,

the heir legitimate of kings, iyour adversary but a base usurper;

i

his very capital is hostile him,iin me you have a faithful guide

at least ; iand all appliances and means to boot

i provided ; nought

remains but your command" 1).

1) Compare such locatives, which denote a circumstance by a single

word , as in the proverb fg^nsPTOT snr^Tfaori^T (v. a. misfortune never

comes singly), Pane. V, 103 =W: g^W sUJUJlrf. They cannot be styled

absolute locatives, but serve just the same purpose as those.

110 § 144—146.

144. 9. The locative denoting, at which distance one thing

cat. of or fact is from another. Ait. Br. 2, 17, 8 sr^msFfr err ^ft: isott

dlstan "3TtcFr: (heaven, indeed, is from here at a distance of a thousand

ce.'

journeys on horseback), E. 3, 4, 20 ^ sreriH- .... WrcftsR T^fTsr:,

KatMs. 28, 188 tft)- q- crftEftsRffx) jt^it (my house is at sixty yojanas

from here). Cp. 99 K. 1.

Kem. Pat. I, p. 455 mentions the promiscuousness of the turns

nsrhmrT: yi*l!M 'strsaff JTtsPrrfSr or ^Trcr jffsRW. But if an interval

of time is to be signified , the locative alone is available : chlPdcrai

srm^mufl TTCT (the full moon of Agrahayani is a month after that

of Karttiki).

145. III. Dative-like locative. In 134 it has been shown,

ll"ee" that the locative is used with verbs of putting in or on

,

tive"Pacing etc. Sanskrit extends that idiom to many kindred

conceptions, and often uses the locative with verbs of

giving, promising, buying, selling, telling etc., so as to

make it concur with the dative or the genitive of the

remote object. Cp. English to bestow upon.

Examples of the dative-like locative: B. 1, 68, 16 hct^ft MH l dl^-{

^rarir *hR-ce$Ih > ibid. 1, 51, 5 -^ jm^^i q*r inrrT, ibid. 1, 75, 7

y^HM ufrWiu (promised it to Indra), Mudr. V, p. 159 sr^- fsrarhr

tHdfdl(having sold himself to a rich man), Mhbh. 1, 30, 6 jtjtt

•cidiH^K"!^ (they gave a name to the great bird), Kathas. 28, 34

^Hr<*»H ' rarfir (this is done to you). Cp. E. 2, 96, 28 t^ifii ai^M^

146. In several phrases the locative may even be a concur-

rent idiom of the dativus finalis , especially of the infi-

nitive-like dative. It is namely put to a) words of

striving after, wishing, resolving; b) to verbs of appointing

to , ordaining , enjoining,permitting , as t*<NU|{1, M ll^3T>

1) So ia tho good reading. Bkockhaus' edition has shashtiyojanyam grham.

§ 146-147. Ill

nT^TsT, c) to words meaning able, Jit and the like.

Examples: a) Mhbh. 1, 138, 69 qtrffirf jm *m nsi (I have co-

veted your kingdom), Pane. IV, 26 drea^crf g?Jr srg BTOT^r-

wM'<4.mst (an enemy, who ha sprepared himself to take off the whole,

may be appeased by a small gift), Malat. Ill,p. 50 q^rflwr 3rT.

(endeavours to attain at greatness), Mhbh. 1, 141, 2 g^9r afanchutlri^

(he made up his mind to burn [the Pandavas]), R. 3, 4, 4 gfr trsr-

^irTsry' iTOl (both made speed to kill him).

V) M. 1, 28 ch/ilu i ;ira'3aT (he has appointed to a task), Qak. I

ITT oiych^femTTT tsRrsSr (v. a. he obliges her to wear a dress of bark),

Kathas. 25, 123 13 jt^j jtcTOT CT3 FTOT Hmf^Hiri. FT^ (the king

designated him to fight the athlete), ibid. 29, 29 a^j-frr reTfqTSoTTR^T

(permission to go to you). — In the same way one says -rjfh WTTQrT:

(he is appointed to the kingdom), qffTrir siimum <=tjt (she chose

that man to be her husband), Pane. 162 ff tfidj M sfrfSrhoiM (he

anointed that [young man] heir-apparent) and the like.

c) R. 3, 13, 20 iToTT^sraT; qfyr^nrr (you are able to guard), Pane.

156 g^p^rs aMtN tmrf -s^ich^ (he is not able to supply us with food),

Mhbh. 1, 148, 3 ^rr^i T^T Mgtm^i (it is time, methinks, to run away).

147. IV. Nimittasaptami. As the locative often denotes

VaZp- the spot, towards which there is some movement, sotaml

it may be used at a very large extent to signify the

person or thing, towards which some action is directed,

in other terms, that on account of which something is

done. Speaking exactly , the dative-like locative, we have

dealt with in the last two paragraphs, is but a conse-

quence of this general faculty to denote that , about which

one is engaged. Here are some examples of this idiom:

Kac. on P. 2, 3, 36 ^firr sfffq^ ffrT d^tH^rr gnaji mm wrfi ff^r

snfJT qfoftq-ich) grT: (the panter is killed on account of its skin, the

elephant for its tusks,yaks for their tails and the musk-deer on

account of its musk-gland), Kac. on P. 1, 3, 47 £% fdd<H (they

are at law on account of a field), Pane. 288 ^?hiii<( tejlfMH) Pd^rti^

112 § 147-149.

(this is convenient for a lord with respect to his attendants), M.

3, 107 S^JtOtPT ehdf^H gfa ?PT WUT-

148. This kind of locative is sometimes bordering on that

,

taught in 140.

The nimittasaptami (locative of the motive; locative

of reference) often serves to qualify such substantives as

^r^TT, ^TT, fa^ I ST and the like. The genitive is here

,

of course, the concurrent construction.

Examples : Dag. 89 HuTlaUch ar^WTcifcrarr (he fomented his enmity

towards Ud.), Mhbh. 1, 155, 9 sg-^ftr OTT efiiT irfir (you must have

pity on me), Qak. I «^|i|fagTrfsr it iPT: (my heart longs for her),

E. 2, 103, 22 pq- |CTfftjTPT, Hitop. 9 wfai fsrssm:, R- 1, 50, 24

JT^wrfS" ftr?rmT, Pane. 251 q- g- t^ytifg *dcuu yfaftprra.^: OTtf:

(a wise man must not be careless about business , however small).

It also attends on several adjectives, part of which

likewise comply with a genitive, as TETET, Mfh, *T^T

and the inverse of them, ^FT (fond of), \*\{r\ (delighting

in) etc. Malat. X, p. 172 sjfrft ^fer dH l df( ,Q&k- II tJjch l i^riJ I

traTsrf trni-anft<i, rorfir, Pane. V, 65 rrra: Hhsm m>gk jht.

149. In general , the locative may denote a disposition p-

1

3 -

Bvoei- towards somebody. Then it is synonymous with the prepos.

K. srfr, as ~^rn sTiyTirrfj; or TTFrt" cdrr (n. n. is

tionto- good for his mother).wards

- Examples: Dae. 144 nfnP^J) gistn^ zrsrrf trf^qm (when I shall

be returned, I shall deal wilh you as you deserve), Cak. I gjq- g-err

gtjM^ l ffiilHm^i^iri i!W STTfT (how , can it be , that she feels towards

me, as I towards her?), Pane. IV", 72 iqchil^ti n: snv: mw& 7WX

sfit 5JUT'. i *m*ir{« W. smr H ^m{: Mfefr-^rf (if one is good for those

,

who have done well to him, what is his merit? only he is named

§ 149—152. 113

good by the virtuous, who does well to his enemies), Qak. IV

HBT ^Pdun qfriR (be kind to your household).

150. Many locatives have the character of adverbs, as srrsj

^Tas (in the beginning)> fl^r (secretly), ^j^, (apart), sfjj (at the head),

adverbs etc., especially such as denote time or space ').

Chapter IX. Periphrastic expression of case-

relations.

151. The apparatus for periphrasing case-relations may

be classed into three main categories, viz. 1. prepo-

sitions, 2. noun-cases, 3. verbal forms. The

boundary between the first class and the second is in

some degree unsettled and floating; of the noun-cases

concerned here a great deal, indeed — viz. such words

as grprpir, ^ipr, ;kh, cnrfn, those in °rn etc. — are construed

in the same way as the old and genuine prepositions,

whereas others are always felt as nouns and construed

accordingly — of the kind are pfq^i, sTofnrT, srsffiT, %rft:, £,\\u\,

qwj-, etc.

The third class is made up of gerunds — as ^grpir,

o

mzw, 3^f^r, iivmT, jjgTT, srfycfTrip-, etc. — or participles in FT

— viz. gar, ?i%t, ^FTi ffrr, JTrT and the like.

152. I. PREPOSITIONS S).

Sanskrit prepositions should rather be styled „post-

1) Mhbh. 1, 140, 49 the loc. OchfiS-M , it seems, does duty of an ad-

verb :=r» singly, alone." The chacal has artfully removed his competitors,

and now he eats up all the flesh, alone.

Cp. Dutch: in zijn eentje.

2) Indian grammar, which does not possess, as we do, that hetero-

114 § 152—153.

Prepo- positions ," as they are generally put behind the nouns

,

si ti ons.

they are construed with, ^T being the one, that

is always put before. As a rule , they are also allowed

to be compounded with their nouns; in that case, the

preposition is generally the former member').

153. The archaic dialect used more prepositions and used

them oftener, than the classic language does. The more

we go back in time, the greater the number and the

variety of idioms. So for instance, in the days of Panini

some prepositions — g^y, srfiT, OTj <rff — seem to have been in

common use, but in classic literature they are, if at all, rarely

met with.

Eem. The vaidik mantras contain accordingly a still greater

number of prepp. and are displaying a still greater variety and

manifoldness in employing them. So the old words ^p)n : (without)

preceded by an ace, its synonym g^rT: preceded by an abl., gsr.

(with) construed with instrum., do not occur but in the mantras,

likewise fny; and trr;, see 160. — The upasargas ^et, fq-; , f§r

do not do duty of karmapravacantya , but for a few passages;

Panini does not mention them in his list of karmaprav., nor are

they used so in the liturgical books of the Veda. The once pre-

geneous set of terms styled parts of speech , has no term exactly ans-

wering to our » prepositions," but it calls them by different names

according to their phonetical, etymological or syntactical properties.

When compounded with roots , so as to make up compound verbs and

the like, they are styled upasarga. Bat the same particles will be styled

karmapravacantya, when separate words. For this reason, the karmapra-

vacaniya-class does not comprise such prepp., as 3trfr, en-;, Hs?, but on

the other hand it contains some particles, which cannot at any rate be

called * prepositions ," as srfir, ST. Cp. P. 1, 4, 58; 59; 83—98.

1) It is wrong to say that the noun-case, attending on the prepos.,

is governed by it , for it is not the preposition , that causes the case

,

but it is the general bearing of the case , which is qualified and limited

by the preposition.

§ 153—156. 115

positional employment of f^r; is proved by compounds of the type

ft'm oil flu (fresh from the loom), tWlmifca (from Kaucambi), if

compared with ^rgrr^TT, 9srf?rar (P. 2, 2, 18 with vartt.) etc.

154. The old prepositions are, in alphabetical order:

i. srfcr* 1

) 6. m* n. frT{' ie. crfrr*

2. ^T! 7. STfr* 12.j^ n. sri%5

3. 3Tfr* 8. 5TT* 13. qf^* 18. f5RT

4. SFT* 9. 3q"* 14. q^: 19. ^5. 5RT: io. Sqi^ 15. q{T

Of them, nine (the n°* 1, 3, 6, 7, 9, 11, 12, 13, 15) are

obsolete or at least used extremely seldom in the classic

dialect.

a.) OBSOLETE PREPOSITIONS.

155. 1. srfn is rarely used as a prepos., however frequent, when P. 1,4,

5TH- mere adverb r= » exceedingly, very." When prepos. it agrees with '

accus. Ait. Br. 4, 6, 13 srirr sr «dlcMH*<fi qsisr: (offspring, indeed,

and cattle have the precedence above the husbandman himself);

Mhbh. 1, 110, 1 Bhishma says t^ q-; gfef cn^rrr I ^rtl^KMRjltll^ T-

-<^RieUN[9j irfjtTt^ (our renowned family deserves the sovereignty

over the earth above other princes).

Bern. When being compounded with its noun, the compound p 2, l,

is adverb: afriPirt^ (beyond one's sleep).6*

156. 3. =g-f& is of frequent occurrence in the archaic and old epic!%w- writings. In the classic dialect it is still used to express the re-

lation between the ruler and the ruled, as well the ruling over P 1,497.

1) Those marked by an asterisk are karmapravaconiya , see foot-note

on p. 114. Hence the other (n°. 2, 5, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 17—19) do not share

the appellation upasarga, even when put close to a verb.

2) The Kacika gives no example of 5"iH being employed as a preposition;

it does illustrate but its being = » too much" or = very well." Papini,

however, must have thought also of the preposition g^. — Patanjali

does not comment on this sutra.

116 § 156—158.

as the standing under; then it is construed with a locative. It

is said either =gf& cr^r^sr dft^-a :(Brahmadatta [ruling] over the

Pancalas) or ^fy- dffdjH q^MT; (the P. under Br.). So Dag. 112

srcra- jf^rppfnaiir iy<^i sttttt;]).

When put twice, it agrees with the accusative (171 R.)

When compounded with its noun, the compound is an adverb and p-a

> 1>

is equivalent to the simple locative of the noun, especially to the

nimittasaptaml (147): ^fitf^ (with respect to women), afygpirPT (with

respect to the deity), etc.

Bern. In the older dialect g-fif is joined by loc, abl. and ace.

With loc. it indicates the surface son," as in the old verse quoted

by Pat. I, p. 4 u^j ^mtf&^cnftl snfEr (holy bliss is seated on

their tongues). — With abl. it signifies the coming sfrom". — With

ace. it is — sover, on [a surface];" so it is often met with in

mantras, sometimes in the brahmanas. Qat. Br. 1, 1, 4, 3 ch&uiihrlH^f&

157. 6. aq- with ablat. is mentioned by Panini (1, 4, 88; 2, 1, 12;

wt' 2, 3, 10). The standing example of his commentators is wj H)irfeft

Erst jjH: (it has rained outside Trig.). No other instances are known.

158. 7. gfiT and 13. qfr, both with ace., are almost synonymous , cp.

^fir Greek xpCpi and nepi.

They had of old the meaning »round, about," when in meta-

phorical sense, also »concerning, on." In literature examples of

qfr- are extremely rare, if they occur at all; it seems to have

soon antiquated. Instances of ^fir are met with, especially in the

archaic dialect. Kag. on P. 2, 1, 14 atiinflr — or w^nfh [compound

adverb] — srernT: hhPh (the fire-flies hover round the fire); Ch.

Up. 4, 6, 1 ^fir ^HPT (about the evening); Kath. 1 10 JlriM^id^l

trfirfiT (Q-. feels no anger against me).

and

1) According to P. 1, 4, 98 in the case of gfysfr (to appoint over) it

may be said optionally either 5W UTOfv ^l^mfd or S=r HHrMthfimfrl

(he will put me over it). The Petrop. Diet. — I, p. 142 s. v. srfv

2) a)f3)— wrongly takes xrCT^for the word construed with gfy. It is

not the ace. irrq^ but the locat. 3SiT, which stands in construction withthe preposition, as is plainly shown by the meaning of the sentence.

§ 158—159. 117

Eem. 1. Panini (1, 4, 90) ') teaches a fourfold employment of

qf^-: a.) it denotes a mark, 6.) it expresses a quality, c.) it sig-

nifies that which falls to one's Bhare, d.) it is used in a distri.

butive sense. The same is stated for ^ and qffr; also for gi^,

save that it cannot be karmapravacantya in the case c). The 'gi

Kacika illustrates this rule by these examples: a.) a% trfr - or qf^

or ig^r or =gfij - fgpJlHH fcRjH »the lightning flashes round the tree;"

&) HW^d^rPl TTrrprfiT - or jrg or uft or crf^ - >M. is good for

his mother;" d.) sw^trlM iu - or =g7j or q#r or qf^- - fc*d(d "he waters

one tree after another," 2) whereas c.) g^=f rrf iff - or jrfn or -g^r . sirsT

tQtiri lM ' »give me whatever be my share of it," but jt^t rrpTfMmi H')

here =gf£t is upasarga not karmapravacantya.

In the dialect of the vaidik mantras, indeed, both afq- and qfr

display this large sphere of employment , almost the same as that

of qffr in classic Sanskrit, see 170. "With =g-f£r cp. the like use of Greek

xfiCpl, Germ, urn, Dutch om.

Eem. 2. To the obsolete g-pr and qfr classic Sanskrit has sub-

stituted their derivatives =gf«TT: and qfrn:, which however are only

used of space. See 186.

Rem. 3. An ablative is taught with qff, when — sgr (157)- Then P. 2, 3,

the prepos. should be put twice ; qfr qff QihvjV 5TBt ijoT: In literature, p,g' ^

however, qfr with abl. is as little met with as =gtr , except the vaidik 5 -

mantras, but there it has a larger employment, being= Lat. ex or at.

159. 9. 3tr is frequent in the vaidik mantras, afterwards rare. P. 1, 4, 87

"^' classes it among the karmapravacaniya , 1. to denote a » going

beyond ," then it is construed with a locat. jg f5fdF cfmsrfqrrrJT^ (hy P- a. 3.

a karshap. more than a nishka), 2. to denote inferiority, then it

complies with the ace. sq STTcRTTCR" iWch'rrjTT:

1) P. 1, 4, 90 cr(TdUlr^Hrll*pi| M^llial«HIH ufrHMtHoi:

» » 91 igfirprrn.

2) When used in a distributive sense, a^T, sffir, qfr are rather to be

considered adverbs; spa' d-trW-l (y^lfr) is literally rr:»he waters tree tree

successively," similarly °qfr or °gfiT ftrain »he waters tree tree rounda-

bout." Cp. such passages as R. 3,47, 10 iWMHiy \j^\: » he entreated [her]

by [offering her] grants after grants" lit. grants grants successively.

118 § 159—162.

Eem. 1. According to the commentaries on P. 2, 1, 6 sq, like

=pjfij, expresses nearness, when compounded with its noun: .iucfcuiar

(near the pot). So Daj. 99 3i|ch^ichiin^ (near the zenana).

Bern. 2. In the vaidik mantras -^q is construed with ace, loc,

instr. and is expressive of nearness, Bgv. 1, 23, 17 grraf st srcf mfiraf

srch H^- — With accus., I have met with this instance in epic

poetry. E. 3, 37, 21 Marica dissuades the rapture of Sitk on ac_

count of the irresistible power of great Rama dfe'

-tUH^ fsr TTIT PR

riit/HW diOrlM (if he will meet you [Ravana] in battle , then your

life is on its end).

160. 11. f^rr; — in form and meaning = Lat. trans — does duty of

'^V a prepos. in the archaic dialect of the brahmanas etc. It is found

partly with ace. = » athwart, through, beyond," partly with abl.

»beyond, out of reach of:" Qat. Br. 3, 3, 4, 6 f^r tbt g- gcTT JR-

khtht: Cp. the ablat. with (HJ^AtH and other words of conceal-

ing (97).

12. crn (beyond) with instrum., abl. or ace. is restricted to the

vaidik mantras.

13. crfy see 158.

161. 14. crrr with ablative is a time-denoting prepos. of the archaic

ST1' and epic dialect. It means »before." Acv. Grhy. 1, 15, 1 qi Ml 1

-

^irinrT (before his being touched by others), Oh. Up. 2, 24, 3 trrr

U lriK idlchH?lM i ch) miri (before the beginning of the prataranuvaka).

Cp. 175.

Bern. Sometimes tjjj may have expressed separation. Egv. 8,

44, 30 tr^r .six jiy^wr: <r^r jjvwt: &ik tr tft a i^ofcft fn^ (extend our

life, Agni, keeping it, wise being, far off from misfortune etc.),

Ait. Br. 2, 6, 14 jp- rrTWTT srRsuMl oi<4w(A°l<irtlH^ (he must cut out

the omentum without hurting the navel).

b). PREPOSITIONS STILL EXISTING.

162. The other ten are still in common use, though not

all of them are equally frequent. We will treat of them

in alphabetical order, adding moreover to each such

§ 162—164. 119

younger prepositions as are more or less its synonyms.

163. [2.] 5T&J": (below, under). Its synonym is ^frTIrT'

aJ a derivative of it. Both are construed with preceding ge-

sry. nitive. 9^- I •mIoii^i;... >reF?rsTiTTqv :, Pane. 211 grafer =mfW<sror-

Eem. 1. Sometimes it complies with abl. Pane. 145 a^rrsv;

Compare 171 E.

Rem. 2. To denote a lower place or state the old dialect pos-

sessed also the adverbs gsj: and acWlrl ')• Qa*- Br. 9, 3, 1, 6 ^oitd l Q.

f^oT STTfdVT.

164. [4.] 3J*T with accusative „after." Like its Latin coun-

^3" terpart „secundum" it is used in various senses: a.) of space

and rank , b.) oftime , c.) = „accordingto ," d.) — ^adhering

to one's side," sim. Mostly, at least in prose, it is put

behind the noun-case as H^H (thereafter), rPT^J (after

him).Its manifold employment may be illustrated by these examples

:

1. after _ in space, time, rank . E. 2, 90, 3 jnTT*TFT g^lf^d^

Pane. 203 =g-^[g riToFT trf^TFT: , Kag. on P. 1, 4, 86 ti^A sfrst^:

(warriors inferior to A.) ; — 2. along R. 2, 83, 26 (hoIUU jt^-wh =3Jjg^

(he encamped his army on the banks of the Ganges); — 3. »fol-

lowing" — »adhering to" Mhbh. 3, 12, 45 zRfsrt si% S" sTf^fe q^biCMg

?r qT^r; — 4 »after" = »aecording to" E. 2, 58, 19 ^ fTsiMMldf

=et mmi crt^t; — 5. about Mr. 12, 1 uchdiTl^ ioi«4 1^4 (oiesnng (about

the gradual advancing of dawn); — 6. concerning Ch. Up. 4, 17, 9

^arfiat ^ srr ^isrr a^lUi Ere nwr (concerning the brahman who knows

so , it is said in a verse —).

Eem. 1. =grr may be compounded with its noun. Mhbh. 1, 170, 14

a-u i i. tjttt (rambling along the Ganga), Kathas. 28, 26 iHdirfQ.

1) Comp. the upasarga 93cT and lacus Avernus, the Latin designation

of the regions below.

120 § 164—166.

If -et;t hare a distributive meaning, compounding is obligatory:

a^il (day after day), tHrtJ 'a^ ([all ranged] according to the

eldest).

Bern. 2. In epic poetry ^pj is sometimes found with the abla-

tive. The instances, I know, are Mhbh. 1, 99, 38 sptt HnPT- • • • HH1)

JHoir^H) Ukift UimMl-dMoimam (you are cursed, but after a year you

will be released of the curse) ; ibid. 14, 71, 6 — the Pandavas enter

Hastinapura and make their compliments to Dhrtarashtra — spTTT-

ST5~r ^ rT Hl-fel l(1". • • giW =ET- • • f&|^ "Jjlfdroii etc.; E. Grorr. 6, 10, 23

crTlch l tfasr chiJU II^ (v. a. men's destiny is in proportion to the

cause , whence it has sprung) 2).

Bern. 3. Panini treats of s-rr in four sutras: I, 4. 84—86 and

90. The last, which sums up the meanings of ^tt when — qfr

and crfff, is quoted 158 K. 1.

!"[5.J 5FcP, a very old particle. It is added to a locative

for the sake of specifying its meaning „within" (133, a).

But often also noun -4-*M<' are compounded into an

avyaylbhava. — Examples: a) of 5rt: with locat. M. 7, 223

M iUW l^TleiwlH (ne must give audience within doors), Pane. I, 32

PioHH-j-<H(ifafIil orf%: (the fire, dwelling within the wood), Eathas.

4, 57 Hfafil -TicHa-mm-d : Hri f^rl! (and the purohita was likewise led

into the darkness) ; 6) of ^p^\ compounded. Pane. 144 =g^ ^fchtHM :

criirs-: (I entered the water), ibid. 277 a i^u iMd l <**IM : tnfrirr:,

Kad. 1 , 47 thUi^HfHQdrHm :([birds] which have put their young

ones between their wings).

Rem. ^tft: occasionally complies with a genitive. Tajfi. 2, 104

gshjHMW-rliu^iy , Kumaras. 2, 5 tmw^vi srtsRT.

166. Kindred forms of Mt\'< are the particles ^RTTTand

and ^"M^UI, petrified instrumentals. Both agree with the

***- accusative. They are 1 st = „between," 2lv = „without,"pr.

1) The Petr. Diet, reads tMMdryj Iri^aa a compound.

2) The Petr. Diet, gives also some instances ot 5rg with a genitive

See I, p. 197 s. v.

§ 166. 121

3»y = „save, but for;" &y ^FT^Uf may signify „with

respect to, concerning." — Like W^', they are allowed

to make up a compound with their noun, then the

noun is the former member.Examples: of 1. — Qak. Ill ti idR '^MiU il oiorTlch^llH (meanwhile

I will look between [— through] the foliage). When construed with

two nouns, the prepos. precedes, and g is put twioe. Pat. I, 45

a^T^T fBTT ^ qt =5 chHU-iol :(*he pitcher is between you and me),

Qat. Br. 1,1,1,1 ^FT^tnT^crritr ^ m^qfzr =arl

) ;— 2. Pat. 1 , 8

*M|UI

I

(m q^rrfij: fctiMM l Pi yrim'ufrf (even without the uttering of

mantras fire heats the plates), R. 2, 11, 18 fr? fsrt -cmdd-cfoMd

dlQrH^m (there the enemy threw thee down lifeless); — 3.

Pane. 60 q^f g- criwt -P| iimn-rl{ rjT 5TWT: JSTTTT (I am sure that voracious

beast cannot be killed but by a stratagem), R. 3, 19, 7 srf|; qtm imj^tHr zr: *i)MJM fg-fe^i sgTFrpjr. . . tI^T^ (none but Mahendra) ;

—4. Qak. V. HrtHll t^rf yy^Frto-rt (IT Tf^qToFrrurr nrfr-sfeT (therefore

I have incurred a heavy reproof from her with respect to queen

Vasumatl) 2).

Rem. 1. Occasionally a genitive is found instead of the ace.

with a-^m , as Mhbh. 5, 16, 29. — Cp. Pat. I, 59 ^cftich'

qiHHJl(-ri^l

(between these two [families of brahmans] there dwells a family

of eddras), here g-nTTT complies also with the gen., it seems.

Rem. 2. Difference between is expressed not by a preposition

,

but by means of two genitives. R. 3, 47, 45 uisri{ fq^ l MuYsFT t)<-rU*

^<Pi*iMM^iTl: i y ( iiu*fWi'{ ohylysTrr^ fr^rq" STyqi^Soi =sr (what dif-

ferente there is between lion and chacal in the forest, between

a rivulet and the ocean, between ambrosia and the beverage of

the Sauviras, that is the difference between the son of Dagaratha

1) Comp. a somewhat similar idiom in Latin, f. i. Horat. Epist. I, 2,11

Nestor componere lites l inter Pelidea festinat et inter Atriden.

2) So in this prakrt passage of the Malavikagnimitra IV, p. 89 rT^t

122 § 166—168.

and you), Mhbh. 12, 8, 15 fg^rsr ^Tfarr^TfSr qfddm iMHm =% As to

the dvandva-compounds in the first example see 207.

167. A synonymous prepos. with ace. = »between, through" is tjQjtj.

R. 2, 98, 15 rfMdMiin qwfar di l H - It may be compounded with its

noun. Pane. 151 Miuchlfc4«HchHOTT fHHshMT-

168. [8] ?TT always agrees with the ablative , and is put be-

m~ fore its noun. It serves to denote the boundary or limit

,

either the terminus a quo or the terminus ad quern, mostly

the latter. It is available both in space and in time , and

may be rendered accordingly now by „ since" and „till",

now by wfrom" and „to." M. 2, 22 is an example illustra-

tive of its signifying the two termini 5TT FFT^TTfr 5T M°l (<<T

(the wise know Aryavarta to be the country between

the said mountains from the eastern ocean to the western).

Other examples: 1. term, a quo. Qak. I =gx ^tH lT^infM^lM (I

wish to hear it from the root); KatMs. 24, 186 =gr srr^rnTTWr -silcPT

(since my childhood I was an ascetic)

;

2. term, ad quern. Mhbh. 1, 163, 8 =^t ctiU l ffs-iddi : (having his

mouth split up to the ears),Qak. IV a\chkHlfoutft a^M)l~doU sfFT

sran; — Q&k. V sn UHciiijsH^ f?TWT (let her stay with us till her

delivery), Acv. Grhy. 1, 19, 5 w[ nUui i^[viz. sraf^] dlfoU imHrt l ri :

5TT5FT ot snfsrcnrerf^nrerr ^fofsnfwrar (until the sixteenth year the

time is not passed for the brahman, etc.). — In a figurative sense

f. i. Qak. I ?TT yf(HiuifS,3;<srt ^T my T^T nJ)>lld*)M^ (I do not approve

the skill of performing a representation, unless the connoisseurs be

contented).

5T is often compounded with its noun into an avjayibhava. Dae.

175 ai<*>U<j, gqn (he drunk his fill, liter. »till his throat"), Kathas. 5,

103 tiiy'Ml^ jiilrilR4Hchr ftrirr -^jRriJHI (for, since the world exists,

there is but one thing steady in the Creation , namely unsteadiness);

Pane. I, 39 gjiT^tiT Prar (a lifelong beggary).

§ 168-170. 123

Rem. In the vaidik mantras =^t is of the utmost frequency

,

and is put to different cases, sometimes before, sometimes behind.

In most instances it is rather a mere adverb. ').

169. Other prepositional words = „ till , until; since" are

^rtsFT, mpq and wirr.

^nsttT. *TT^rT is mostly' attended by the accus., sometimes

by the abl. Utt. I, p. 6 fo^HoiEr zrraw (till how long?); KatMs.

54, 47 =^ff rofffT uiujdi SPTf snolr^ (— as far as his house) ; Mhbh.

1, 95, 12 CTFETT f^ST itmTJT illdrtHUIclUlrJ;

Rem. As d ldH is properly no prepos., but the ace. of the neuter

of a pronoun, used as an adverb »as long as, as far as," it is plain

that it may also signify -nduring some time." Pane. 198 chd.lP°M<-

rtMldife; *HsUHI tWdolNffriT msnT. Cp. 54 R. 1.

170. M\{ ^T and ^^TTrT with preceding ablative are very

a„d common. The former is properly a gerund = „beginning-,

v^' starting from," SPTTrT is construed with abl. by so-

called syntactic analogy , see Kem. 2.

Examples of srr^T= since. Pane. 238 zpj fu i a i ch iWgTp-trmHHcT-

crfftr y^Moi-jj Malat. VI, p. 88 in^rr: nvwioKjileMltHld.!^ (since

the day I have seen M. for the first time).

Examples of airfrr = since. Pane. 51 sTTwrrffufH <d^ll7ufi ; Malat.

Ill, p. 50 ^.WNHUHiP<sWlriwf^ (since the day of the procession

in the garden of Kama) ; Mudr. II, p. 70 srTWW 5kT: J^^H 5immfri -

Rem. 1. They may also be used of space. Hit. 132 ^chcriQoi -

^I4J(«t y5(3oi( mmr, Kumaras. 3, 26 ^?r ^t; chMHMniW ^*nrff-

ITrHJoT.

1) In a period as early as Yaska , wt with loc. had antiquated , for

this exegete deems it necessary to interpvete the mantrie expression aw

WT ^T: (water in the cloud) by ^qY stf -sfy (Nir. 5, 5). In a subsequent

time the very gloss of Yaska would have required another, for =&f£f with loc.

in this meaning being obsolete (156)) classic Sanskrit would have employed

gTrf: or "qwj or have said ayTTrTT 5T)

124 § 170-171.

Eem. 2. crvrfH is originally a feminine, meaning » origin, com-

mencement" and like its synonym ntf^, it is often used at the

ends of bahuvrihis (229, 1°). At the outset, therefore, such a term

as rfrSRTQffP'iTfH' was said in the very same acceptation as HrchMl(%. )

viz. meaning g- chM : jtrfrl5ui rtrf. By the time, however, the noun qiffH

ceased to be employed as a separate word, and one commenced to

look upon the adverbial compounds, ending in "trufS', as if they

were ending in some preposition, meaning >. since." By this mistake

it happened that qrrJH assumed even the character of a self-existent

particle construed with ablative , by analogy of ;gTT«T and the like.

Hence f. i. the compound d-^H*rfw » since his birth" (M. 8, 90) re-

presents an older idiom than jr^T: mf?l- In such turns as H$JU*rfff

(since then), ti^juirfH (since when), ^rgirfff , the true nominal nature

of nvrf^ is plain , and it is again a misunderstanding to write them

as two words fj^j jjuIh etc.

171. [10] 3^T|T (above, over, on, upon) is the very op-

posite of WV, see 163. As a rule, it is construed with

preceding genitive ]

), unless it makes up the latter part

of a compound: rT^TrTlT Or rl^4l^- Its employment is

various , as it is used a.) of space , b.) of time »upon = immediately

after," c.) of rank, d.) = »on, upon, about, concerning, with respect

to ," then 3trfr is concurrent with gfn and with the nimittasaptami, e.)=jibefore, under the eyes of."

Examples: a.) Kag. on P. 8, 1, 7 jgfr f^rrat ETC STmrfH (he carries

a jar upon his head), Pane. 125 pjft 5r5T:>3T?ftafY irfwaRTtriHST, Kathas.

25, 228 g- ^n- rTsqT5?r ^mumiM- . • grsrsftaij, Pane. 112 ^nrrawrf^

MH IH (moved by anger he made a bolt at him). — Metaphorically

f, i. Pane. I, 166 jpgrHiyuf^" ^rn^^lrf( l U ir Rlf*rycFT: etc. »the king

lives on his dominions, physicians on the sick," R. 3, 54, 23 sfitut

1) So it is taught by Pacini, as must be inferred by comparing P. 2, 3, 30

with 5, 3, 27—34.

§ 171-172. 125

tfmiloii yyyTlqfr gyrf (the fresh anger grows over my forbearance, that

is: goes beyond my forb.);

6,) Kag. on P. 3, 3, 9 sqf^ qgrfertermi RT^grn^tT^(if the teacher

arrives after a moment) *);

c.) Kathas. 6, 167 ftt ^eTiHl^Mfr chdotH (he honoured her above

his queens);

d.) Pane. 142 fa^fS?; ?r?rrm ^ storr ^srerreftaf^ (I have now taken

a dislike to this country), Mudr. Ill, p. 105 -g^r iidqfiiHm ef l UlchJ -

srttrfr Q&w-idmrH (well, the king's attendance are not friendly

disposed towards Canakya), Pane. 116 fiH ftst j-ij-Ti '-

i fT fa-rim (what

have you to care for me?), ibid. 26 q ^-flurr HsfRT: cFrari^r;

e.) Pane. 266 mil ium ;rafrrf7 grfim i fa (I will kill myself before

your eyes). Comp. 177.

Bern. Occasionally ;jcrfT is construed with a locative. Kathas.

3, 58 3tnJrrf:tn- gr =sr 7Trftf?T&raitT. — "With ablative it is also some,

times met with , as in the passage of TItpala,quoted by Keen in

bis translation of Yaraham. Brh. I, p. 7, which has been adduced 73

E. 3 2). Even the aceus. with 3trfr is not forbidden. Pan. 8, 1, 7

teaches jqfr, nfy and g-y; being put twice , when denoting a close

nearness , as jwrfr jjiqi-i i sjwrfy m *W ; here the accus. is standing

(see the karika quoted by Kag. on P. 2, 3, 2). Qigup. 1, 4 ^cTPTylr

~svt fi?r: qiforpr, Mhbh. 1, 120, 9 swrij irs^tf: SM{Vd*^ 3)-

172. aq fT feiH) a derivate of sqfr, is construed, when prepos., with

1) In full, the example given by the Kaijika, is 3& AJ^rffd^M (^ JJgHW

etc. In the bad excerpt of the Calcutta edition of Panini these words

have been mutilated into M^HI<t|l7i which has deceived Boethljngk in his

edition of Paoini and in his Petr. Diet. (I, p. 968).

2) The example of the Petrop. Diet. (s. v. V, p. 1191), Kathas. 53, 125

mb|cte)llfti,tWlld is not convincing. It is rather probable , that the abl.

should be construed with ti'

iolH [169], 3qf5- being a mere adverb = imp-

ward." — For the rest , it is not strange that the wavering between abl.

and gen. in construing adjectives and adverbs of space and time (125}

appears also in the syntax of prepositions. Cp. 173 R. 1.

3) It is no exception, that Nala 1,2 the gen. is used 314 uq(| sraTsrriT,

since the repetition does not imply here the notion of proximity , the

meaning being » [standing] high above all men."

126 § 172-173.

preceding genitive, and generally signifies sabove, upon" in space.

The archaic dialect did use it also as a time-denoting word =»after" [cp. sqfr, 171 &)]. — In the Qat. Br. it sometimes com-

plies with the accusative.

Eem. 3$j^= sabove" is not frequent. M. 1, 92 3$ jrofifefrn":

TJTisr! ql7chiPHri :« But it is frequent, when of time — nafter," see 174.

173. [12]. Akin to the old and obsolete ^ [160] classic

-J-7Sanskrit possesses q^"~, ^^Wrl, q^cP and q^TIT, all

ihth, °f them expressive of the notion beyond. When denoting

^'f space, they serve also to signify the passing by — especi-

q^tIT' ally fT^lTT with accus. — and the surpassing — espec.

4|trUr1 with genit. When denoting time , they are =-after" and comply with ablative.

Examples : a.) of space and rank. Ait. Br. 8, 14, 3 g- jfr ^ qTTTT

[^i|oi»ri sHM<^l i(all countries beyond the Himalaya); Mhbh. 1, 232, 11

HjU l HrHkuf^ (»p«ss by us", v. a. »do not harm us"); Kim. 5, 61 ^-g^ -

7 ei l *ciJl ' qjtt^ =T crt-g^i l

1

, qTrrVs^sra': (— nor does noble extraction go

beyond wealth); Malav. I, p. 1 tx: in^Nrfl-mtT (who surpasses all

ascetics).

b.) of time: jafter." M. 2, 122 ^fiten<[TrqTiT (after the salutation),

Pane. V, 58 ijriHfrg^ri :(after a moment), Utt. Ill, p. 38 JxMrtJUll -

F^TTir (after leaving the breast). So the frequent phrases g?r; enrrj

rTrT: tnrr and the like.

Bern. 1. Occasionally they occur, when being attended by a

genit., even while time-denoting. M. 8, 223 cn-trr ^UsUl [Kull. __:

5^rr^T^ar'j], Ait. Br. 2, 33, 5 yoirM^ qTSfTTtT;

Bern. 2. As crro etc. answer to Latin ultra , so jjdbi is the

equivalent of Lat. citra, denoting the side next to us. Whentime-denoting, ^oifav contrasted with trsrr and the like is accor-

dingly = sbefore;" then it may be construed with the ablative.

M. 8, 30 JFTfeJrol I Rcfi TJWV TraT STSJ; fninq&n^l ^£7% aMs^l-eS^rtellfl

qTW ^Mlri^H (property the owner of which has disappeared , must

§ 173-177. 127

be guarded by the king for three years. Before that term, the

owner may reclaim it, afterwards it falls to the king).

r _____174. „After" in time is often expressed by S&FT or ^FFfTPT

and"" with, ablative. Of them , ^FTrlT*! commonly makes up the^7J^" latter part of a compound adverb. Kumaras. 6,93 aj^Tjyir (after

\ ~ three days), Ragh. 3, 7 g| i um TTTO Hl (iH-rU 5TfTT (a creeper at the

time it has lost its old foliage), Pane. 52 f^rT ^UHH^iH (after

having seen her). So rrgvi-H^ (after this) and the like.

That the single ablative may occasionally express rafter what

time" has been stated above (99).

175. Another word for „after" is T^TTFT. When prepos.,cr^nrT;

y. complies with a genitive generally preceding , and is

mostly used of space and rank. Kathas. 6, 134 ^ trrfsrer

iW tram 5r3cPrf; Fane. 181 t&3 ^^m^V®'- ^f^T (n° friend I put

after him).

Rem. »After" in space may also be denoted by words meaning

»west of" a* Hrtich'; by q-§- (at the rear) and jrajriFr (back). The

last seems to be restricted to the old liturgical dialect.

176. [14\]' The very opposite of f-J^IrT is the old adverb

3v' Cf^"! = before and its synonyms: a) the kindred ^f/r|!

'

3X" Qr^TrTTrT, b) *|i| and WArt' (literally „at the top , at the

• ?FfTFl head"). When prepositions, they comply with genitive

=_£• or are compounded. They are employed both of space and

mm-, of time.etc. Examples of err; etc. applied to space. §ak. V ffiT: yfdU i Prl

jprcT: 3X^t *^*t 3ft%ra; Acv. Grhy. 1, 11, 6 sror [tstT:] y{^IJ>iJ*

KjfSfT (before the victim they bear a blazing stick) ; Pane. 286

frorr 5JT PRm^ [sc ggHcilPi ](he cast the young shoots down be-

fore her). — As to their application to time see 178.

177. They are also often used to denote „in the presence

of, under the eyes of = Lat. coram. In the same way

128 § 177.

FFHsFT and 3Hlr<1*1. Moreover words , meaning „in the

vicinity of as F1M4T etc.

Note the frequent employment of this turn with verbs

of saying , telling,promising , even with those of going

,

bringing , appearing und the like. It is virtually the same

tosayrlWra"— rTFT^TT:, ST^fft etc. <Wfrl (fffrT-

^]Ull[H etc.) or rTR — , tT3T —, tT PftT ^TOTtF (&fcT-

SJHTtftT etc.)

Examples : 1. — err: etc. =z Lat. coram. Dag. 96 srr ril^um^.W-id HT

M^Hi^Mri ; Ratn. Ill, p. 67 fpzrr y<5^W RiriH1) oi<^4_ (for shame

she lowers her face before everybody); Kathas. 4, 79 g?Jr HiRFT-

WlchiHHlJlchH tRT (forsooth, in our presence he has avowed [as

to] the money); Dag. 176 from ift TiTls; (— wept before her eyeB).

2. — q-r: etc. with verbs of saying , telling , bringing etc. Kathas.

27, 27 h p*r. trpr: tfcfosreftr^ (he told the king all) ; Pane. 274

fff Rial {ii Hi fa^Hi 5^MTf|%feTRjtg; ; ibid. 25 the chacal says to

the lion f^ <£uftqi«>iwJj s^Trrf Q^IUJH; Nala 1, 15 ;rerr: SP?fo ?T

^5f JTWi: iWrer "Epftir g ^-dTgrntp: ",Kathas. 25, 211 ^riiR-diii

Sotzi h i Mrl ': TT".- • • • *&n (I myself have promised so to the king).

Pane. 277 q^r 7T5TT3T ^trTT (the basket was brought to the king),

Mahav. I, p. 18 ^tjtu^t <Tf7{: ui^iWj <T5g: — THW^TO [or °^r]

Eem. The inverse of Lat. coram, viz. clam »at the back of,

without the knowledge of" is expressed by mAthm or *%, tr#, wsn:

sim. Kathas. 29, 73 ot srot error TA-gWch^j&JH (she illtreated

her daughter-in-law without the knowledge of her son). 8).

1) So I have mended the bad reading of mss. and edd. -){j(rif.

2) In the brahmanas gf|tH4, °?T[rT when = clam ,is also construed with

instrum. Qat. Br. 1,5,2,7 iJsmT^T qrt^FT, Ait. Br. 3, 36,5 sfipTT ^W^FT

§ 178—179. 129

178. When of time , 0^ etc. agree likewise with a genitive'

)

.

Yet „before" in time is commonly not expressed byr

them, but rather by STRT or QgFT , both complying with

the ablative.

Examples a.) of time-denoting cm etc. Qak. VII happiness is

said to be the consequence of the favour of mighty persons ftst

uma^u *TTW1 ?r<Jc^'. (hit your favour is anticipated by happiness),

Mhbh. 1, 232, 1 tr^rr: *^*Mtei yUii^mlrf trgw. ;— &>) of cncF and

tJEPJ. Qak. V y|J|^rlf|TdiNHIrtemiJnUdlHM-'tlQvil'. TpTfTT >3tfT MlNU Prf *)Ragh.

12, 35 gfiti i^HlfMoH (before approaching).

179. [16] £7lcT with accusative is, relatively speaking, the

most common among the so called prepositions. It

generally denotes the direction towards, and for

this reason it often is a concurrent idiom of the sole

accusative , dative and locative. It is used d) with words

of movement to signify the „whither,'1

b) in such turns

,

as speaking to , bowing to , striving to , love— , hatred— , anger

to and the like, c) like the nimittasaptaml (147) to

express „with respect to, on account of, concerning,

about, on", «?)=„about," to denote nearness in space

or time, e) it has a distributive sense, in what case

one is wont to compound MIrl with its noun , as STtET^T

(every day).

As a rule, CTTrT is put behind its noun, at least in

prose.

Examples: a) Pane. 42 jt^ rfn uftw (he set out homeward),

Dag. 30 jpE^fcra^sr crf^; — methaphor. R. 2, 107, 11 iniFr htsHTT^r

1) Note the ablative with ^?h M. 3, 114 =ffiHf&WTt W {toMMlsiUrT^he

must entertain them even before his guests" [Kulluka g,

fHf£jwfl'>s£r qsPT-

9

130 § 179—180.

[gri,g(H (by Gaya, as he directed his worship to the pitaras).

b). Pane. 159 irfqm jett tjfn mr; — B- 2, 52, 79 =^f rrf ?Tf jftrRrr

sjumrfjld WcTS:', — Mudr. I, p. 22 rnptrf gin an: ; — £ak. HI ^oi^gi-

wistrar ft =r jtt uriiHs*Tlur. ;— Q&k- "VII g^wgTffxrf ofh =r rorcrr *rt:

^ttzt: ;— B- 3) 54, 23 sr^^r Erfrr; — yakl^^jryctiPf^fer^Di^iij^qi^.

c.) M. 8, 245 ^faf trfrr Wt<H Qd l'^ (if a contest have arisen about

some boundary); Nala 2, 6 £muwi« rirthltf^Uj^rteii wn mn (— cow-

cerning his daughter); Malat. IX, p. 154 fort ft HMriT triflr Ru mi)

•sfer; Pane. 3 Vishnucarman engages himself to make the king's

sons ^yuiiM MrilH^ypil-IJ Qak. I f% :j W3T Tim EnjqwmcrfWTCIWFEriH

srrrr (should she perhaps be disposed towards me, as I am to

her?).

Eem. Note the phrase qt ufrT »in my opinion, for my part,"

fr. selon moi. In full qf srf?T H fail l id (it looks-, seems to me). Hitop.

100 FfH" T5FTT ychdsH^UII'SiqW JTpfr TT Hr<^ UddrUMUlfri -

d.) Mhbh. 1, 8, 7 gi^qr ^rsfiT— ft mrsr. • • • jot timi*M* ^jt-

eRSTPaq'irfH (— about the hermitage of Sth.); M. 7, 182 ^uinTttf srir inf%

tlltlNMi *T^inR: I tRT^Tuf oTFT ^T STT RTOT iHrT.

e). Pane. 286 rrw atf qf?r ch^n^A Hii-^R (he gives him one

camel a year); Tajn. 1, 110 q% jrfrT (at every sacrifice). — Com-

pounded f. i. Qak. I nfdMNMiJ^di JTFT: (let each actor do his duty),

Bhojapr. 14 f^r JWI 53J Rsiu^Hr: qr^fq^i^i ott StTT- A concurrent

idiom is mentioned 158 K. 1.

180 Panini enjoins also the ablative with q-f^r, in two cases viz. P-1,4,92; C]l.

when pointing out a) ones match or substitute, 6) something 2,3,11.

given in exchange. The Eacika. illustrates our rule by these exam-

ples: a), etoit: chMWrf or chim in : JrfrT (Pr. the match or substitute

of K.), 6). f^wr: afrT y-^fn rrrsrpj; (in exchange of sesam he gives

beans). I have nowhere met with instances of that construction

in literature , but for one , I borrow textually from the Petr. Diet.,

viz. Mhbh. 3, 13287 s^rraf <im srf sfrcTRR tWMiMlri i rtifri ft ^Trar.

Yet there are several instances in the ancient Vedic dialect as

well as in classic Sanskrit of an accus. with trfrT, when signifying

the »match." Kgv. 2, 1, 8 far m^iIui STFTT a.sr trfH (you are equal to

§ 180—182. 131

thousands etc.), Kathas. 45, 400 rr =et md^rdpH trin (nor are you a

match for him).

181. [17] s||f^: (outside, out) is the very opposite of^RT!5ft^ :

(165). It is more used as a mere adverb than as a preposi-

tion. In the latter case it complies with preceding ablative.

Pane. 176 psf sRnT^ sri^Tsr (get out of the water), ibid. 291 rK<Usrf^f^SfTRT:- Or it may be the latter part of a compound: Utt.

IV, p. 73 aiJiWsif^:.

Eem. Dag. 77 sr% is construed with a genitive: a^f =et stptt-

182. [18] I^TT {without) is construed with instrumental, p. 2,3,-. go'^ Hl * accusative or ablative. In prose it is commonly put behind

its case 1), in poetry it often precedes

Examples: with ins t rum. Pane. 266 g^ fsraT foRT msr creff

U l chlfii (I cannot live here without you); — with accus. Pane.

269 gj JTR' srarr Fat iH^TT ^nHT (but she cannot stay without you),

E. 3, 9, 20 q- farqr mfff H 'erjiT (he does not go abroad without

that sword); — with ablat. Dag. 141 rTT^STTeT HUUi l a i PdHI (without

such a store of happiness), Var. Brh. 44, 17 g- j^rf^ rRT ^TpS":

Rem. 1. Occasionally fsFTT may have the meaning of ssave

,

if not". Pane. I, 42 fgr^rr ^.mh^h ^^T ^ «(l^fd ,ihid. p. 244 q- ^

i?hiy fg^rr slbTPT (there is nobody wise but Eaktaxa).

Rem. 2. Just as fen iare construed ger^; and :trt "apart from." p

- 2. 3,

Of ^fprr, when a prepos., I can quote no instance from literature

,

of qT?T3T only with an ablat. Bhojapr. 27 pavrr: qqfTd&-<^rH^(the

king's duty lies outside the duty of the scholar), Prabodh. II,

p. 34, Mudr. I, p. 48.

1) But not always. Mudr. VII, p. 223 f. i. ibHd iMIsJiluT Hi I farm

it precedes, stress being laid upon it »even without striking a blow "Your

Excellence has vanquished."

132 § 183—184.

183. Separation is expressed by some more prepositions , as™ 3EFrT^IJT, SFFT(T, 5R5T, Wt, moreover by verbal

!"* periphrase (202 , 2°). About Wr\JJ and SEFTpiT see 166.

5F^T5T with ablative is „except, save," in interroga-

tive and negative sentences — „ but;'1

Hr[ is likewise p - 2. 3,

construed with ablative and generally it is also = „except,

save," sometimes = „by default of," rarely = „without."Examples: of =ET3T=r. Mhbh. 1, 147, 20 tj ^^ i H^ddfaj^rl ^|T -ti i ^ai -

f^FT: i srenr [3<N mMI-r^lr<fHfr<HrHIH (and nobody among the citizens

did know them, but —); Oh. Up. 6, 8, 4 ftst m qo% ^I^^hh inlandwhere could be its root except in food?). The proper meaning of

a-tH being of course selsewhere," the ablat., which attends on it,

is that of comparison (105).

of =eh. 1. = save, except. Bhojapr. 27 chifa<mi^H stq cFffg- ^

j&l, Qak. Ill f^f j ^ >T fmn^SRT^H sr^TTPRJH^ (what other relief

is there for me, except beholding my sweetheart?); — 2. — by

default of. E. 2, 66, 27 jrh ft qsrr^ 5^f ^^<JHHl()^^^ (they did

not approve burning the king's body , no son of his being present)

;

Tajn. 2, 117 it is said that after the death of the mother her

daughters must have the succession skh ?TTwft -s^cra1

: (hy default

of them , the descendants) ; — 3. Ch. Up. 5, 1, 8 chqiimchHH ' ^ysTiOtH^

(how did it forbear to live without me?).

Rem, Sometimes ^ is construed with the accusative, especially

in epic poetry. Nala 4, 26 yQui-H' =ET JTT m =T chl^l^ ^fcolH^ ; 1 =Kr>

rrr qiRioiynm-

r

184. [19J Of^ »with" and its synonyms fT^R, W$%its^syno- ^T^T a full account bas been given in the chapter onnyms. ^e instrumental (58). Mostly they precede the instru-

mental , they are complying with , but they may also

be put behind or be separated from it by one or more

§ 184—185. 133

interjacent words ')• As they are , when without noun-

case, adverbs meaning „together ," it is , exactly speaking,

a pleonasm to put them to the instrumental, as the notion

of concomitancy is already carried by that case.Eem. Occasionally ^- with instr. may even be expressive of

the instrument. Kathas. 37, 62 EHoTRFqrfrf i^ct (after having in-

flamed the fire by combustibles). This idiom , though not of frequent

occurrence in literature, must be very old, as it is met already

in the Ath. Veda, see f. i. 8, 1, 11 f^^di m yrfrsrarTT ^ (lest

the Celestial burn thee with his lightning).

185. Compounding ti«£ with its noun is allowed. Yet in p - 6.3,

STfQ and ^__^

82'

g.oin com. most cases to W<q° one substitutes W, either of them

pounds, being the former member of the compound. It is exactly

the same to say {FP FFftrP or {"FT ^ FffcnTT. Aninstance of interchanging ^° and ?r° may be Ven II, p. 43 ^Tf.

yvinm'i ^roTT^jBr sr^f^r ^mj *h^i^ i teis^? P^Ph miu^mh: yJ|y-w_.

Eem. 1. Some cases are taught by P&nini, where q^ is re-

quired to be the compound's former member, not e, some others

in which on the contrary q- must be used. Thus ^° is wanted

a) in time-denoting adverbs as g^trsrfgjJT (the forenoon included),

b) in blessings as ^q- estrirra' Sorftr wnH (hail to him with his'

8l'

'

son). Yet the phrases ?mswx -, ^ng- -, ^tboTtet srfer nw are ad- p- «• s

>

mitted as equally good as q^ok'Hm and the rest.

But ?r° — not ^° — is required a) in all compound adverbs,

not expressive of time , therefore exclusively in such terms as mltm(with anger) , srsr^TFPT (respectfully), Dae. 84 qgks^ gsfe swtw— P 6 3sTPTWTrT (

ne addressed me in a manner adapted to his shame, to his 7*8.81'

joy and to his excitement) and so often; — b) in some special phrases,

as sre^ff ?d)fH&|JT5?iH — not H<*sH — , ars;: UddJ^-:> and the like.

Eem. 2. etyiT and grpcr are seldom compounded with their noun.

1) So f. i. Dae. 156 ^ (iigrtJ ^IsidWJUl, Ait. Br. 1, 13, 18 "h"^3h

m^ih-m^Fh , B. 2, 95*, 29 fiTfr-trarr Rwi*ter ^, etc.

on P.

134 § 185—188.

If this be the case, they make up the latter member. Pane. 276

sncRmsr =et sfTfltnV itf&m m (with these very words the wife of

the brahman was restored to life).

186. Finally we must mention some prepositions , not spoken

i-sptot, of in the foregoing, viz. 1st flW and FRPTT, both =

a^^. „near, about," 2fr STRrTs ^FT:, ^oFr:, flFFrHT:

(round, about, on all sides), 3H^rT! (on both sides). Ally'"

of them agree with the accusative.

Examples: 1. Dae. 146 ^ttot snvftf^r- • • . EratpTpnsRWreraJTj

2. KatMs. 33, 113 ^fiirr: $rz mmRrji ; R. 2, 103, 21 g^rr g^i -

rafT roW^wRrTl asr; Kathas. 18, 5 ft <HW~HI: crfpft &gj?5r U^ilUll ^=r

(on his sides his vassals marched, like the hosts of stars round

the polar- star).

Eem. 1. A genitive with ^ftffj, ^FflFT: is rare, but it seems

it is regular with m^HIH;Pane. 185 prer ^rotver W-d l t<4[7jHMfri .

Eem. 2. In modern writings faucF? with gen. = son all Bides."

II. PERIPHRASE BT MEANS OP NOUN-CASES.

187. In the preceding paragraphs we have already dealt with

b^mean? suca noun-cases as have got more or less the characterof noun-

f prepositions. Those, we will look upon now, have

still retained as much of their original and proper sig-

nificance as to consider them as nouns even from a

syntactical point of view. Of course all of them comply

with the genitive or may be the latter part of com-

pounds.

188. In the first place: the loc, ace. and abl. of nouns,

^i^1*' meaning proximity , vicinity , neighbourhood (as ^MtI^,SPrta and r\ . r^ r- f

other WUQ, STTOT, FTFn^T) or the side (^} and similar,words r

oipmxi- are a means tor expressing „near; to, towards; from."

and the

like

§ 188. 135

T$£i" This Penphrase is especially employed to signify a moving

ward*!"towards or from a person. „He has come to me" H^Prl^[or <%] STTJTFT: or HrH+ISFT, RrfPfrpT, ^^\W\etc., „he is gone from me" HrMUM1^ lr|! etc.

Examples: 1. moving to a person. Accus. and locat. of the

periphrasing noun. — antika: Dag. 19 sn^r ^d^PdcM-ll-'nddHfo),

Pane. 269 HdlPH* rWHMJlfq1

;— sakdga: Mrcch. Ill, p. 125 q^j- jt^

SRTrmqTOT; STcfTTSW (M., go to V.), Pane. 262 =Erf rolrMch l UT »^U>ftnMH i

(I have come to you for friendship) ; — samipa : Hit. 22 g^- gqfa-

gtm^rft', Pane. 178 ijErCsfq- grsr^ Ri^ I^m41m rr?r:; — p&rgva: Pane.

257 oiw^uiaswiWHj ibid. 55 iTnoii^i^iyui: ^RrsrrPTT»si*HH; — samnidhi:

Dag. 133 mzvi vfi i^T fori": tfq-WWr; — nikata: Kathas. 24, 66

STT^Tttf rf foi^Ksii^ • • . g^rir4ch£ rT3T (then he allowed that brahman

to go to his daughter), Bhojapr. 60^Mpch^ :ffrri; — abhyarna:

Dag. 36 oiRdi...- J-lfo-lrUumfHfiU l il&i (conducted the woman to myfather and —); — upakantha: Dag. 39 Hd.MchU6TTOT- This list mayeasily be enlarged. Prom the archaic dialect I add an instance

of >m being equivalent with tnw- Ch. Up. 5, 3, 4 ^ fTWT: -fiH^-

Wdjlii (he went sorrowful to his father).

2. moving from a person. Ablat. of the periphrasing noun. —Kathas. 10, 26 tsfcyc. ^ ^fjrt^ryHiMl^qiy^ (Qrid. with his friends

withdrew from him), Eagh. 5, 24 pft : Hch im i^am cjrm

i

tttTi (gone

from Eaghu , without having obtained his desire), Mrcch. X, p. 375

^prtarrnw -di^-riMiyoifri.

3. Staying near. Locat. of the periphrasing noun. — Agv. G-rhy.

1, 18, 7 feirdi^.srwMitiMcfcnsr ett^ OM.yH , Pane. 277 <*M)<jchU6 fa^rprft

sTT^nn'.; ibid. 160 yBr^riT^rr^ = »near the white house." "When at-

tending on persons, the periphrasing nouns may of course be =sin the presence of," thus being synonymous with q-r;, %% and

the like (177). Hence they may occasionally denote the person,

addressed to. K. 3, 10, 9 rfo rjzn snwff fewf^fr (so I have spoken

to the brahmans).

Bern. 1. By so called syntactic analogy q ch im in is occasionally

construed with the abl. instead of the gen. of the noun, it qualifies.

136 § 188—190.

Varah. Brh. 104, 12 rfucwii Ai^ft qVr: Mch iailrth^Ml^fel llH (Mars takes

away the fruit of thieves and princes).

Bern. 2. Kathas. 25, 129 we have flPdcM := »near," yum hui I PrlcM

H--.- asrnftfe^J.

Rem. 3. qiudd :, srqWr:, Mch l 'J iH : sometimes have the worth of abla-

tives, but sometimes also that of locatives, f. i. Kathas. 32, 99 tn^Ti^ -

q?ft =tr 3ft riHilisr qnjdd : i =r£t (— and at its side a river), cp. Nala 6, 4.

189. Moreover M^l^lld — and also, but not so often, aPdchiH^

and qmoifr^— serves also to periphrase many other kinds

of ablative, especially if=„from the side of a person".

So Pane. 28 tej i ft-i : ^chiail^d^Fdun ^.ImRjHoU T [sc. fsraT] (you must

procure me safety from the side of your master), ibid. 137 irtfe-

jn?tere?T qzrr ftst ^m i iH-i i uiift-riu i ^ i hr qr q^ift iftfrr: mrm i FTr5i5Tf%-

,HHl[q srryq 5TIH FT3 q i teH-^laiJoiifi (well, I have seen how you have

loosened Citragriva of his fetters , and I was much pleased at this

,

for I too , if perchance I should get into captivity , may be released

from your side); — to receive from:.Mrcch. X, p. 341 A-^im^ uaH:

HchlU i lrtifia^ ^tHit; — to ask from: Pane. 75 qjrr roirMchlUl(^s)-wJ-

:?feiqj — to learn from : M. 2, 20 ^rT^SBraFiW Mehiyil^Jd-MH: i ssrear

=3fpf (vihrt^jiijcal gswwdl': 5— to buy from

: M. 9, 174 shiuTid i<y*^oH4ril l«f

Mlri l iqJl wPrichirij H £bm: grrercr (he whom somebody has bought

from his parents that he might be instead of a son, is called his bought

son); — to be borne from: Pane. 318 qq g^?rf <jmfd rlrHchHtiirqjY q

ijfspErfflr (he will give me his daughter, of her I shall have a son). —Abl. of comparison: Pane. 271 ^frer m'^hiREt: Hdmi ^ istM=«lu i i

M<*iim i li.Ultm*dl<-l crsHrf?T (from this time he looked on him with favour

above all rajputs , showing his grace by marks of honour and the

like), Vairacched. p. 16 g^r x$m <J iWfch'Wyj I Ph*k mi mi<W. mimsh^J :* > * ova ^ ^

5THri41^fM 3irrt qTslfo (forsooth , if compared to the foresaid bulk of

good works, this second bulk of good works is not equal to the

hundredth part of it).

190. In the same way the loc, ace. and abl. of %lt1^>

\ RW, sim. may periphrase the being or the getting „within,"

the moving »from within."

§ 190—193. 137

a.) being within. Pane. 259 srfifr M^J-H( s^^ ibid - 67 fTO*r

air+H '. trffir&rsf 5JST ; — b.) getting within. Pane. 246 a i tfJU i Hl^H -

aMMrtil-d : (he disappeared in a crowd of brahmans) ; ibid. 39 r^ff

q&iw ^ u^VaUiv,— c.) coming from within. Pane. 38 Hfhfd^l 3r5iT-

,H(irii Traf =7 Kr^rfpr (never at day nor at night he draws the money

out of his belt), ibid. 70 ftft: h Raiser ^rqyrr^ ftrnuTFrfV ^t^: *h^[?<!IH '.

(then , the echo caused a noise twice as heavy to go up from the

interior of the pit).

Eem. 5RTT may occasionally be = swith respect to, concerning."

So K. 2, 90, 16; cp. the same meaning of g^m 166, 4°. As to

qyjTT see 167.

191. ^TW and "R^M H are often used in a partitive sense;

then they are concurrent idioms of the partitive cases,

see 116, Rem. 2. Pane. 120 aTSRiT&ji ar^BfT^^jir; ibid. 86 hot

iqm i rchich : JiolM' (among them, the crow spoke).

JTKT and

morn-

192. The locative denoting „on or in what spot", is often

°^f. specified by means of such words as ° ^5T, °3s^3T,etc. serving _^ _^ _^f

hraPse

r

of°<^> °^> "^ sim - Wnen translating such tatpurushas,

the loca- these latter members must generally be rendered bytive.

u "

prepositions: in, upon, over etc. Pat. 1, 123 w: ?r *iichini4Jti

ftsrtrT ^5f friWh^tri ^Tonnorf^iH (that smoke being in the atmo-

sphere , it does not go athwart , if the air be calm , nor falls down),

Dae. 169 (waafiw (shSHWM tr^n^Tifffa (he saw somebody moving

on the earth).

Eem. Likewise fom may periphrase the metaphorical sense of

the locative, as Bhag. Pur. 1, 4, 13 irt pat fmh orrai 5jTrTC (I

think you are accomplished in grammar), Pane. 173 inidNir ^rm<rr

:t cRTO: (one must not be grieved for the sake of earthly goods).

So often wx fmh »in this respect."

193. Several periphrasing words may signify for the sake

of, because of, for, viz. 1. fTrT, used almost as a real

138 § 193.

f^'^ 1

' preposition, 2. ^jrTt' the ablative 1) of ^H „motive," 3.

3, OT^tfT ^T% Wfa and ?RT, the ace., dat. and loc. of^press'iveof (matter, sake), ±. the instrum., accus. and abl. of IHIHfTcause, mo-tive, aim. and =h|^UI „cause, motive." They are construed with

preceding genitive, if they do not make up the latter

part of a compound.Examples: 1. <j£f. — Pane. IV, 29 tj sa^mi TOT Jjf^ ^TSraH (one

must not spend much for the sake of little); Mrcch. IV, p. 131

IWT IpTtfT M<R*Wl: TOT <d l^^jlwHM j Fane. IV, 51 5H**H ^RWT ^fT:

(the ass was killed for his voice).

2. |nt:- — Bhagavadgita 1, 35 ^TFT f^rfa^rfir---- frffr a^TlsM^ Isdm

^rTf: ftj ^r ^^IctiH (them I would not kill.... not even for the sake

of the realm of the three worlds, how much less for the posses-

sion of land); Qak. V ^awf^fi^m: #TTO cHU^dl :(while not

caring for your own pleasure, you tire yourself for the sake of

your people); Ragh. 2, 47 inpm |^j ^iHfc^EoHmjfc", srfrWTfe

>T roTT (you seem to me a thoughtless fool, that you desire to

give up much for a trifle) ; Malat. IV, p. 65 diQrH IUM l: = ^fir-

rT3TTiUT*T- — Note graT ^rff: (why?), chmipj %rfl": (for some motive)

and the like.

1) It is not quite plain, how Panini did account for ^fTh. Yet, his

commentators and followers consider it a genitive , and it is very likely

,

he has thought so himself. At least, we may draw the inference. After

having taught in his sutra 2, 3, 26 etOT ^HHuW, that is »the genitive is

required [instead of the instrum. of causality] when employing ^fT", he

adds this clause (s. 27) gsprfa'xfiTtaT ^ »but in the case of a pronoun

of the class sarva etc., either the gen. or the instrum." With the said

pronouns it is therefore allowed to use two idioms promiscuously — f. i.

57HT ^TTt: and $FT ^FRT —. but for the rest the only idiom available

is that, which is exemplified by q^yyj %rft:. Now, as efpt and ^H^T

are both instrumentals , it is but consistent that of cfrar ^FTfi, the parallel

i:liom , both elements are meant as genitives. Then , of course qrisrer

§rrff: must also be considered as genitives both. The very words of Panini

do not admit of another interpretation.

§ 193. 139

3. a.) =g^ir. — Pane. 169 jre?TTef ritoi g[y)H^ddl nf; (he is gone

to the same bank for water) , ibid. 212 s^ch i fatft oreraavnf crafwr:

(— set out in order to kill the crows), Mrcch. Ill, p. 116 q^fSrerrcrr

ftwriumief oiy-dMHTJT^; JT^rft, E. 3, 35, 34 ^Trm-m-miT ^ctii^ ifS^(he made up his mind to fetch the amrta). It is plain, that g^ir

is in all such phrases the equivalent of a final dative. Cp. 87.

&•) mm. — Mhbh. 1, 144, 17 q- i i^^i-d <TTO3oiTTftr chr<ftH;

(they will not reprove us for the sake of the Pandavas) ; Pane.

Ill, 178 ^ ^5T HJriieilU nradR' tnf^sff U5T: (no ruler but a monarch

promotes the welfare of his country), here fjrfJTTftr is = f%rRT , cp.

Nala 13, 19.

c.) mf. — Mrcch. Ill, p. 116 jiRji*^ sTTfrnTaF^T Prefer mfdHM 1

,

Pane. 325 ^rg^ yrrfq^qj^; fern (it is for evil days, that wealth

and friends are sought after), R. 2, 118, 53 A'

P&rt I irraf^ <rl-gMU l VJlfq

3jTT (tT. has been given to L. to be his wife) [ittotst accordingly —Wtt or irrqf, cp. ibid. 3, 34, 21 ; Mhbh. 1, 14, 7].

4. fqfq=ra^ etc. — Dae. 25 rrftsjji5rfw J iHsTtf^it-i i siggr^ (he has died

for a brahman) , Pane. 228 ^rld^tfoiuiHUicHlf<S->iifaft7l yM^ai^l rTHT

,

Mhbh. 12, 342, 23 sr^rrirsrerrf^fw f| nwTT^SJTOiTTfo^: m<7T: (it is

because of his adultery with Ahalya, that Indra got a reddish

But however great the authority of Panini may be, as it is, when

he states facts and describes phenomena , there is no plausible reason

to follow it, where his explication of them is wrong. To him,

who did not know but one language, ^fTT: could appear as a genitive,

but for us, who have the opportunity of comparing similar idioms in

different languages , f. ex. Latin causa and gratia , English because of,

it is impossible not to take ^fff: for an ablative of causality. By doing

so we account for the idiom in question in a quite satisfactory manner.

Therefore 3TSJT E[rff : is to be compared with Latin cujus rei causa ,not with

qua de causa, the Sanskrit equivalent of which is ^WTSrTT:.

chM-HArft : reminds me of the vartt. on P. 2, 3, 27 f^fM-a*il UlSrltsr

^d faf u i^l^UH^ - This precept is strictly true by itself — the word irrjr

shows sufficiently that it must not be urged too much — but it cannot

be Baid with some reason , Panini has left out this rule , as he did not

want to enjoin it at all.

140 § 193—195.

beard from the side of Gautama) ; — E. 2, 90, 12 f^rpr: ulRiHTM

fq^THT (he , being enjoined by his father because of a woman —);—

Nala 4, 4 [Sim-iPTi jt^ ^nuiitfirer FTcT ch l ^UHH^ (for you I will take

poison etc.)

194. The foresaid apparatus for expressing the purpose, the

aim, the motive, the sake, though the most common,

is not the sole, *&, J^FTfT, <+il(UI, ^FT, %T etc.

serving also for this purpose, when being part of a

bahuvrihi. Dag. 75 f. i.

'

IdWJ^tfrjgi : chWi sfofl ^TTg>W(5#ftrT (from

astonishment and joy people burst out into clamour). A fair sample

of manifoldness of expression we have in these lines from the

Ramayana

A\[ii{ IsUfewmfll ^ ST^T: SWislriol: (2, 23, 31),

in each pdda a different way has been followed to signify the

aim. In the first =gq- is the latter member of a bahuvrihi, in the

fourth ^rT, in the second the dative of the aim has been used,

and the third has periphrase by means of wfer- Cp. R. 3, 43, 17;

Nala 14, 19.

Rem. It is plain that datives as Tsvrfa, fifi-am , ^rfir "will signify

but the purpose or aim, whereas ablatives as chu UI IH , instrumental

as fSrftw^, compounds in VsT are only expressive of the cause.

But in some of the foresaid implements for periphrase, as ^£t,

WTT, PiPmh i %rft": > the contrast, which does logically exist between

the conceptions »aim" and » cause" is not to be found. Strictly speak-

ing, they are standing on the neuter territory of the »motive"

which partakes of both. See the examples given.

195. The cause — either material or efficient — is moreover

^J^ often periphrased by G^ITrT (or cRfa) liter. „by the

^^ rule of" and sMIrj^ (or <s|<rM) liter. „by the power of."

Pane. 43 sjw ^qHdm i A.mHri a^, ibid. 327 ^cHmir^H ^urt OTiTrar-

iw; Var. Brh. 2, 4 aiMi^jj^pMa i loiaH Tr^ (he may perhaps reach

the other side by the strength of the wind) ; Kathas. 12, 59 Jj|rM-i :i

§ 195—197. 141

ST4SH ^fiisrwTTf sqvT^ '

i r>V7TiPlT; (Yaug. made himself invisible by

sorcery).

196. The agent, instrument, means may be periphrased byPeri- —n -Nf*

phrase such words as <a\i IIT (by means of), TT^TtTT (by way of),of -^ -^

St ^{"^ I ^ ' ^ a Continual line of )> ^^"^ and ^^"^

ZZL or WH, ST^FTTfT (by mouth of), ^ff^T or ?ftJn?T

(by exercising, practising), ^FTfTT^IJT (agreeably to), sim.

Prabodh. II, p. 35 pr [sc. ^iaf*mj =cr fwnffqRi&y^ i} m I fi%j)<* sr^ri'-

3ia h-jIM (an(l ^e nas spread his doctrine by his disciples and the

disciples of them); Pane. 239 tuchinmiifin UM IH (he went off through

the sky); Mrcch. VIII, p. 255 trfir q^HM{"4(H T m i fUj^ra-Ti" qiorsrT-

sr: (but if we entered the city of U. by following the line of

groves); Pane. 56 g- ^TsTT ^spta^rc at pta^jsTTET ;Qak. II ^grra^TTs;-

zmft ar: trrai; Mfad l fd (he too [the king] earns tapas day after day

by his giving protection); Pane. 126 oRtfq1

f&irt q^ifa^ T^ri" qoRRr-

J|Tm =anTT ofaa (— but because of deeds , done in a former existence

he was a thief) ; Bhojapr. 3 oi^jfl) to|iiril-Hru) m (I speak according to

my opinion).

III. PERIPHRASE BY MEANS OF PARTICIPLES , GERUNDS

AND THE LIKE.

o

197. Some participles in n may serve the want of peri-

phrase , as

:

iTrr 1. TTfT, often used as an equivalent of the locative,

as it may be rendered by into , to , towards. Pane. 155 -Errajfrf-

sana snar (it has come into our hand), Malav. I, p. 12 nsrrarTaT fa^fa

(she stands at the window), M. 2, 218 n^nat firat sran^~fijn-=$(d

,

here rmTaT faraT = rr^T ferT »the wisdom which dwells in his

teacher." Pane. 272 a lion takes up the helpless young of a chacal

holding it between his teeth ^majxta ^jretT = 5T?FT«I ^foTT- Like-

wise E. 3, 46, 6 sPwiHilHI 5^TT: = sMtmM ?Fa> S^m » tlle trees in J*11-"

142 § 197—199.

Examples of jttT, periphrasing the nimittasaptamf (147). E. 3, 43, 48

^m vfwm Ht^lT irn?5rf% nnt ?i|R (Laxmana , look how fond Sita

is of the skin of the antelope), Qak. I g\jli iH [5>nfq q^i q-; (I will

ask something concerning your friend).

Eem. Occasionally ^ffsffr, ^ifjjrt and the like are used in this

manner. See f. i. E. 3, 11, 65 and 3, 54, 26.

198. 2. Such as are expressive of concomitance or the con-

ticipie8 = trary of it, as STt^rT, Mrti, when = „with," ( I«£f1>-with" and ° ^.without." tf*\r\

}when = „without." It is a matter of course, that

we have the right of speaking of them as periphrasing

case-relations only in such cases, as where the original and

proper meaning of these participles has faded away in so

far as not to admit of their being translated by Englishparticiples. With them may be remembered the adjective wuv,which is often almost equivalent to our »with," as Pane. 62 =gfer. ...

m fd ^ji EWrfdtrRHm H^: (a lake with much water).

Eem. To them we may add scfa, tim id , fan<T and the like,

when being the first members of bahuvrihis as -tmiMmi = » fear-

less," Dag. 25 spiri^ :apityless."

3. Some participles in the neuter gender may be met with

occasionally, used as adverbs with a prepositional function. Mhbh.

1, 115, 11 -g^rtH WTrnpr (without the knowledge of Dhr.); Pane.

272 }pr iw?rr ST girn^rtT: U*rlldM)IH ts: (in the course of the conver-

sation the king asked the potter). Cp. Kathas. 39, 167.

199. To them we may subjoin, as they do duty of parti-

"» ' ciples , the adjectives 5TPF1W, S^RW, FH^, when point-

• ing out the direction of a movement. Then their proper

meaning „ [having] the face [turned] to" has dwindled

down to a mere to or towards = HIH. They are often

used so , either as adjectives , or adverbially. — Examples

of adjective: Pane. 208 ssrtnTfwneT! Vrim which is identical with

*5ftrj" (or sag^

-

irf^) nrror; ibid. 299 rnrj; y^*Nl n?r. = tnrj: y*iar

vm: ; — of adverb : Pane. 64 ht <ml>^ l fi^ip| sm^.

§ 200-202. 143

200. A similar periphrase is exhibited by the gerund S^f^T*"^ as it is expressive of the aim the action is pointing at.

Therefore 3|t^«T may serve almost the same purpose as

£TrrT, and is available as well in figurative as in literal

sense. So Pane. 210 ^rn^^m W<n i flid ;(he fled to his home),

Mudr. I, p. 8 ©Tl^mM^UOW tTT^r: (the cooking for the brahmans). In

the former instance the mere accus. soTCTsjt would suffice, in the

latter the gen. or dat. srHjraTFTTT or °rjTHT!.

Other examples: R. 3, 11, 44 pq-;] JTFT^-siTw^ftsJr (- to Agastya),

Kad. I, p. 19 ^ i si Mij^Rwraff^Tf q^TS" ([the bird] pronounced this

arya with regard to the king), R. 3, 38, 13 Urm^SJT £H%cT:, Pane.

82 R ft-a^f^u JTgforiH, (he is angry for some cause), Qak. V fer.

^Ruu Uiioirti chiwta Hr^*mi4isRr: srfjcTT: m: (for what purpose — ?), etc.

Rem. Like z^wr it is also said ^rqj-f^CT or one makes use of

kindred nouns, as s^ttr-, ^PJ^SFT, SSTjsrm all = swith regard to."

201. Some other gerunds, as q^T^r^T, 'T^T^FT, ^TJ^-

-

Gerunds, _ j[T\~^

expressive ^TF?T, ^TT^TRT, ^5^r^, FT^M I M may be used in a si-of „about c

in regard milar way, viz. to signify in regard of, with respect to,of"sim.,as ...g-fjj^j-j

concerning , about sim.

q j^yffT

Examples: Pane. IV, 70 fq=[rrf =3 M^HI f%fcr5Trfa rT=s^rjT (I

etc. wju gay something about the friendship , hear it);Qak. II g^- fj

HlMd Hlt+iiHcrimfyTOT eld) Pi (but I say so only in regard of the fore-

said Q.) , ibid. I JWwwj fijgiriiT ilkd l*! (sing of the hot season)

;

R. 2, 9, 60 35rrg g^T u^rm mnf %f srsfr^ immm^i -si i fid^ (Kubja.

spoke well as far as her words regarded the mother of Bharata,

but not well with respect to Rama) ; ibid. 2, 40, 14 cHdHH f% 'HWRr

aiwkuw^miPl =et i HHr(^)l^ry yiriui ssraff 53J (in regard of the

life in the forest, her father-in-law gave to Sita —).

202. Among the other gerunds , which may in some degree

or other do duty of prepositions , we notice

:

144 § 202.

"randf** those > expressing concomitancy, as ^TT^FT

and TT^IPtr, when = „with;"

2. such as are expressive of separation, as HcW,

qTsTTMpII, ^Tl^tM?^ sim., as they are = „save, except,

but for;"

3. such as serve to denote the instrument, means,manner, in short, to periphrase the third case, as

*JIHJN, sifter, STAFFS*?, SrfeFT;

4. |g|«^IM and ^TrTTRr when — Lat. prae „in prefe-

rence to;"

5. STTpO" „since."

mZTV, Examples : of 1. — Qak. Ill rtrT; yfemiR *!MMl<tJU UsmM'ISl&ai

> l j)fd l- (enters a sacrificer's disciple with kugagrass) ; Pane. 173 Q-ai-i i^m

MUm iH :(he came with money); E. 3, 24, 12 nftrofT 5t3# JT^T-

m suu (retire with Sita into a cavern). — They are especially of

use to point out the attributes or tools one takes along. Pane. Ill,

143 q- [tj-picJT:] tr%J{*MI<W TOT ^ cFTJJ? rFTTI Prt^d 5FT SnfrT; Kathas.

21, 134.^

IT3TT, sisT-of 2 -

— Pane. 203 yrf jjgrT =Trerr >i Ih(Rh (there is no other path

,

f^roTT, IT- VtWfi duty)i R - *> 67>19 R<JH*U ^: ^ ^T 5f^7T qlf^ri lll dsfarel l

fi-Rjsjj-. jjRol/ TTsTPT fft ^ Tracfr (and all the people fell down, confounded

by that sound , save Yicvamitra , Janaka and the two Baghuides)

;

Pane. 273 rjzn^br ^iim(5i^ <4f(rU*U =7 rchfelHHgWqi(<HHl (I have caught

to day not a single animal except this brat of a chacal).

g^q-. NB. Another implement of the same purport as n^rr etc. is "sett,

always making up the latter part of a compound adverb. Var.

Brh. 47, 28 q-ft^or cfffqH gf^fttxT^fwiJ ST5T ITOT f^ITf^H ^^oldHL(all that has been told at large by the old seers, I have ex-

plained, save the repetitions).

f%^Vlfm;QZZ?\^ (what way, ye gods, may lead to the death of

that prince of Baxasas, by which means I may kill the disturber

§ 202-204. 145

of holy men?); Mudr. IV, p. 136 tt stfm^JqT^raST^JT [cp- 186]

eMl^iyj'UWsJ f^ffj *^l(«J HHlMlTl' 4, 1 (\fyii (we do not approach the

Prince by the interference of Minister Eaxasa but by that of

the Commander of the Prince's Army) ; Malav. II, p. 45 ttjtt i 5T-

RdiwwysH^U =: q^ i Rum*^ »courteously".

Likewise the participle aiRfjH - Pane. I, 243

tTTfWT: = JTrPT ^ehWM^H'.rar^W, of 4. — Qak. II. lj£ gamST HTmRrarT rWKmH l PtcfclCd qT Jff{ VSJft

-

^mrST- r^fg [bi^ i tufii^^H (fool, these holy men strew about a quite dif-

ferent tribute, which has a greater value than even heaps of

precious stones); E. 2, 94, 26 ti^oThi^ l^«l? i ^ad ferfft s>3T srg.

UrtthiyTi^ch ;(Mount Citrakuta has even more roots , fruits and water

than the land of the Hyperboreans),

of 5: have been given already 170.

Bern. This list is not complete. It may happen that some more

gerunds are occasionally to be rendered by English prepositions

M-ll<irt) - or prepositional phrases. So tHI<r*j may admit of the translation

gsr?wT> "in spite of," ixsrgwr may be — Lat. ob, as E. 3, 18, 15 where

etc. Qurpanakha, speaks so to Eama rrri forget araf m^rfesrswr =T

T? Fof 5T¥ H*UH (it is for that old and ugly wife you do not esteem

me), etc.

203. In determining the site of some locality gerunds are often

used, which admit of being rendered by prepositions. E. 2, 80,

21 jTTsjht FT suttctto [^sWli i;] (the highway is along the Ganges).

Kagika on P. 3, 4, 20 l

) gives these instances : ^htgt R^J qsffT. fw-

FT: i afdshitl ft <TcirT ^ 'ferFTT (the mount is before the river, but the

river is beyond the mount).

Chapter X. Compounds.

204. In western languages compounds are not considered

a topic of Syntax. The fact of their being made up

1) The rule of Panini treats only of this idiom when expressive of

the notions »beyond" and »before."

10

146 § 204.

Com- f two or more self-existent words — however impor-pounds a -i.-ij.i-itopic of tant for the etymologist — has little or nothing toSyntax. . . . T

do with their employment m speaking or writing, in

Sanskrit it must be otherwise. Keeping apart such

compounds as have got any special meaning, which

stamps them to unities *) , there exists in that language

an almost illimited freedom of expressing any kind of

relations,grammatical or logical , by the way of com-

pounding. Every moment the speaker and especially

the writer of Sanskrit may have the opportunity of

substituting compounds to the analytical mode of ex-

pression. For this reason, Sanskrit Syntax has to deal

with compounds, as far as regards giving an account

of the part they are acting in the phraseology and of

the modes and ways how to employ them, whereas

it is a topic of Sanskrit Etymology to expound their

structure and their outer shape.

The three great classes of compounds , set up by ver-

nacular grammar, are dvandva, tatpurusha, ba-

huvrihi. They include nearly all varieties as well of

the simple compounds , which are made up of but two non-

compound words, as of those, which are most intricate

and of an immoderate length. Outside of them , there re-

mains only the class of such compounds as are produced by

putting together the preposition -\- the noun-case depend-

ing on it, as %d=hl!6*i etc. (152)2); in most cases

1) Such as f^iioriil when the name of the mountain, i^|r±w »noble,"

iT"qy »brahman," yi|6|il! the well-known constellation, jy«>M| » woman,"

and the like.

2) Whitney Sanskrit Grammar § 1310 calls them » prepositional com-

pounds.''

§ 204-206. 147

this fourth class coincides with the avyaylbhava of

vernacular grammar x).

1. DVANDVA.

205. The dvandva serves to express concatenation andDvandva. action. Two or more nouns linked to another by

„and 11 may be united into a dvandva. So instead of

saying ^FTt ^cT^UT^ we may use the dvandva ^T*Tc<T-

^Ttft, instead of %?ft sn^TW ^U3T it may be said

Eem. In the archaic dialect the freedom of making dvandvas

was Tery little. At least in the vaidik writings dvandvas aro

almost hound to set formulae and do never consist of more than two

members. Most of them are dvandvas of divinities, especially in

the mantras, such as (I^i oifruii , A-i lift See "Whitney, Sanskrit

Grammar § 1255 and 1256.

206. The dvandva has the gender of its last member. Its

andSnum-

r number is determined by the real number of the per-

ber- sons or things , comprised by it. Pane. I, 4 srsnrpjfmifart

irTraTfTT ^TfTT ajT (from the three classes of sons: 1 not born at

all, 2 sons died, 3. blockheads, the first and second classes are

to be preferred), ibid. p. 195 mulled eft qfor otl<UM)gH<*iHi Ir^ (there

always is a deadly hatred between crows and owls), Harshac. p. 28

^)T)rldl^Ns)T^iT: (no strangers to dancing, singing and playing

P-2,29.

1) All compound advervs, the former member of which is an indecli-

nable word , are comprehended by the general appellation avyayifohava

(P. 2, 1, 5— 16). Moreover this category contains some few kinds of com-

pound adverbs, whose former member is a noun-case or an adj.; they

are summed up by Panini (2,1,17—21). — But compound adjectives are

never styled avyaylbhava, even if their former member be an indecli-

nable word. So for example when saying ttjt: srafa:, we havea»prepo-

sitional compound" indeed, srafrr: being =^ yldHI , but not an avyayi-

bhava.

148 § 206.

on instruments). As the number of the members is illimited, we

may have such long dvandvas as f. i. Nala 1, 28 ert f% ^oii irtiofai^ql -

^l{hrWl^.fcoM: etc.

But if the dvandva is to represent a real unity or

if not individuals but categories are linked together,

it generally is a neuter and a singular. So it is said

q^ft^T (children and grandchildren), JT=THF^ (kine

and horses), %(l^|!(||^| (awl and knife).

Kem. 1. A full and exhaustive account on this subject is given

by Panini (2, 4, 2—17) and his commentators. They distinguish

between those cases where the dvandva must be a singular and

a neuter, those where it must not be so, and those in which

it is allowed to use either idiom optionally. So, among others,

the singular of the neater is of necessity with dvandvas signi-

fying parts either of the body or of musical instruments or of p 2 4 2

the army, as miu ig i^q1

, T-fenTrsjrPTj likewise if names of rivers

and countries , when of different gender, are linked together, as p. 2, 4 7.

i l^HtfluW ; chftchfrTd;m . On the other hand, dvandvas made up of

nouns denoting animate beings are not allowed to be put in the

singular number, save a.) very small animals, as ^waichH , &•) such p 2 4 s

as by their nature are living in eternal mutual enmity , as irrafr- p. 2 i 9

rpsrgiJT) jiWrepT; c.) classes of gudras, not considered abject 1), asp. 24,10.

rrsrm^"^, d>) some others as noTTCEmj 3^=P3J UoMiUM^, <^W< I- p. 2,4,11.

•nj. — Dvandvas of contrasting qualities or things are optionally

put in the singular or in the dual, as snsr:<SiT or °&, uHdlmN or „ „ . „^ «J ^ -~ if. 15, 4, liS.

ostit. And so on.

Eem. 2. It is forbidden to compound a genus with its species.

See Pat. I, p. 252.

Rem. 3. Instead of the dvandva mnifidA the simple fqrrfl' may

be used (so f. i. Eagh. 1, 1 jutft: farfft 375; mJrito^Mplft . Likewise P. 1, 2, 70

gsrer^i is synonymous with Somssrsr^, see f. i. Kathas. 58, 89. — and 1l '

1) P. 2,4, 10 ^IUIwR^olfyrlMI»I- Kac. tr^jfr qtif <d'^l"| U l lfq :?3|«rfFr

§ 206—207. H9

Dvandvas — »brother and sister," »son and daughter" are not used, P 2, 1,68.

nere iTTfT^r, <nft are of necessity. — Cp. Latin soceri — socer et

socrus, fratres = frater et soror.

Bern. 4. As to the order, to be followed in putting together

the links of a dvandva, fixed rules cannot be given. Yet it is ^Af'common to put at the head either the themes ending in t or j,or those commencing by a vowel while ending in =^, or the shortest.

207. Besides its most common duty of expressing coordi-

icanoe. nation, the dvandva is also available, if „and" connects

persons or things standing in mutual relation with one

another. Another species is the distributive dvandva.Examples of the dvandva of relationship. — E. 3, 27, 10 rr

^ra<l(*xjWl (wRi^HKaHciJ i^5Woii(HoifMHl: fwf^^Jll^d (then a

wild battle began between Rama and Trigiras, both of extraor-

dinary strength , as if between a lion and an elephant), Malav. I, p. 21

53fira?f: f&i^T JW ^ MM^MyjcrlJl f^'oi l-H ( H^(forsooth, there is as great

a difference between you and me, as there is between a pond

and the ocean), Harshac. 5 pqiiQ^ffefrT)' ^ 'Wm iolchJir^dch^ W-9HH1J1JR :

(and like water and fire, so righteousness and anger,

[when meeting] at the same place , by their proper nature combat

each other).

Examples of distributive dvandva. — Malav. V, p. 137 jff q-er-

joii^i*ch fuiyw-Fi^Rdiji 1^ fzjt fa-ireiWT uTiHlcmi*|miOoi (let them

rule severally the banks of the Varadii, one the northern bank,

but the other the southern, as moon and sun share their sway

over night and day) ; Mudr. I, p. 19 fgm] Pr^ cRWRrfrtfrdH =st

faM3i snfft; =g (I have bestowed the double fruit of my wrath and

my affection on foe and friend); Kathas. 25, 229: Agokadatta by

his utmost bravery has conquered a golden lotus and presents it

to the king his master, who puts the precious flower in a silver

vase; on that account the poet makes this comparison 3vff chgim -

trsff =? stsmth' (yni^uu 1 HrsTWrumOoi iff Jjqmratei^wt': (ana both

the vase and the flower shone, one white, the other red, as if

they were that splendour and that glory combined , which adorned

one the king, the other Agokadatta).

150 § 208-210.

208. Dvandvas of adjectives are relatively seldom , if com-

o^ad^cTi- pared with the frequency of those made up of sub-ves

' stantives.

So KatMs. 25, 6 gtmr ^rf-ser fa^reircaT faarsr ^ ?rf n^mr-

Frm (thick and long), Kumaras. 1, 35 qwi^^ =sr ^rfk^S 3f(legs

round , well-proportioned and not too long), Kathas. 25, 229 fari l frufl

see 207, Malav. V, p. 137 ia^fgiui see 207. — Pane. I, 204 sn^-'

tfichM)°hi IcWH M^ l -d, 1 : (lions with dishevelled mane and frightful

mouth) may be an instance of a dvandva of two adjectives, either

of which is a compound itself.

209. Two kinds of compounds are reckoned by vernacular grammar

among the tatpurushas , which by their meaning should rather be

considered dvandvas

:

1. Such as %-fciHHtuiH (eatable and not eatable), chH I chH (done and

60'

'

Uon^/par-Undone; wrought and ™wrought), ^FTT^fT, HHUrdUlrl - Cp. Kathas. with

ticiples: 27, 1 HpjrTl'liMHH fi&T^n" (by turns lowering and raising his head),

i-^niwiri 2. Those made up of two participles in °fr, the compounding ^-n"1'

like- °f which declares the two actions being done immediately one

2-|^re after another. The former in time is also the former member. Of the

and the fcin(i are ^^g (as soon lost as it is seen), ^iriH^HH (after bathing

and anointing one's self). Qak. IV m\ ti f5uifH mTlfrfelH ; fSnsr: (enters

a disciple, just arising from his couch), Kagh. 4, 37 gr^wr IcT ^. ...

jdd l dufH^lfiHi : (l^6 stalks of rice dug out and forthwith replant,

ed), Pane. I, 5 sHmuh :(died soon after birth), ibid. V, 7 O^ia^l :]

HFlrf sTT<T&TCT: MdlHlRol ^d$j : qirf%. Kathas. 29, 141 an illness (^tt;)

is said to have been ^irini41(T i »as soon driven out as its nature

had been recognised."

2. Tatpurusha.

210. The tatpurusha serves to express in a condensed shape aTatpu-

rusha. noun—substantive or adjective—together with some other

noun qualifying it, as Hr^T! = rJFT <^T!(his nian),

5Tf%^rT: = $rf^TT ^' (bitten by a serpent), R^ft-

§ 210—211. 151

^FT =^ Sffa"^ (the first youth). The noun qua-

lifying is the former member of the tatpurusha; the

noun qualified, which is at the same time the mainelement , its latter member ').

Rem. The efficient elements of a tatpurusha are not

of necessity self-existent words. The former part maybe such a particle as W, Zt°, W, see 218. The latter

may be a krt, not otherwise used but in compounds,as °st, °jt, °w, %, "ipr, "mir, Vr, "sgn, "mf^r, "iftffFT, "frfFtetc. Many of these compounds have got a special meaning so as

to make them indissoluble unities, as sEnjsjr »bird;" cRtrr^nr »potter,"

f=j3iT- ^servant." Yet free compounding is also allowed. So Pane.

I, 103 cjrrerJT iffqsW may be analyzed into =rt° ^sHfPT) ibid. p. 28

tots^t^ ^r: sstftt d^Woisrim [= ora^rsfsr jtfti], Bhojapr. 2 ^fta^ sir

qt ^rsfer afar, Pane, 41 ^qsrfirRr ^n^- [=: gqft snWr q°].

211. The former member may be either = a noun-case

(as in rTF^T!, ^Tl^^rl!), or = an adjective (as in

R^Tt^T3

^). In the latter case, there exists gramma-

tical concord between the two members; such tatpu-

rushas bear the special appellation of karmadharaya.

karma- The faculty of combining adjectives with their sub-dharaya.

stantives into karmadharayas is theoretically almost

unrestricted, but in practice not all possible combina-

tions are used 2). Most karmadharayas are terms often

recurring which either have got some special meaning,

1) Pat. I, p. 392 3^7xr5T^raV'PTC7fq'OT:. In the same way the dvandva

is styled SLiUmjMQvrFT: , the bahuvrlhi t^q^mufefFTi, and the avyayibhaYa

2) Panini's rule 2, 1, 57 ld£i nu*r OuiMJUl <Bl^trl»l_ plainly shows not all

combinations of the kind to be allowed.

152 § 211—213.

or are wont to be much employed though nothing impedes

expressing them by the two elements severed. Of the former

kind are such as inf irm (the highest soul), ohtTsT: (heir apparent),

of the latter such as eh&ulHM i(a black serpent), gchH^l (cooked

rice), and the great class of compounds, a full account of which

is given by Panini in the first adhyaya of his second ashtakam

(see espec. the sutras 49, 58, 61, 67 and 70), containing those , the

former member of which is a pronoun as ^sf, ngj , tjsf, wrr, S5T, and such

adjectives as qsr, 3JTOT, qfr°j qw, Tap?, grr^ (good) etc. To them

we may add such words as fS(?t, rpsr, OUPT, and even such as

begin by ct°, £°: and the negation g-°, as sn^T: (an honest man),

5^tt; (a bad man), achlldd (not skilled).

212. Yet there are instances enough of a freer employment.Pane. 327 f^mrsf Mgi iatH •s^WnR' (why do you run away thus by

a false fear?), Pat. I, p. 2 gns^u; — grisly:, Pane. 30 tMRiH^lH

aMfdfe i) Malav. I, p. 3 dHHHchd : *lfcu,mm (of the living poet K.),

Harshac. 6 grejsr ^g ^jrr st^Rt gi Qm Imhw^ (like an actor you are

displaying in vain a fictitious tranquillity of mind), Bhoj. 28 ut-

rhHct»*?rTl <t,lfTq+Hilo|[ri (in consequence of his deeds in a former

existence he is now poor), Pane. 37 roitOt)d-°HH (your orders), Malav.

I, p. 28 jj^jii iM : chcMd)Idchiu (to whom his learning serves only

for a livelihood), Kathas. 39, 131 ^j stttscPT (— gave a best horse).

Upon the whole , such freer karmadharayas are used in a greater

extent in poetry, also when being themselves but a member of

some large compound, as f. i. Pane. 37 a^g^^l^HrrMd^fS^d -

cmilri^ 0°y selling fine clothes given to him by many pious people),

in analyzing which we get g^cf^rrif?R[karm.]^ hi w^-^m i i

[other karm.] fairer orsrrcj.

Bern. In the case of such words as qnHiltjri :, there seems to

exist a slight difference between the karmadh. and the analytical

construction of the same purport; tim^lRjH : is »a bad barber" who

knows his art badly, but tnq> HlRlH : »a barber of a bad temper."

See P. 2, 1, 54.

213. ^e wiN insist on some species:

a.) such as are made up of a title -|_ the noun of its bearer,

§ 213. 153

as tJUHimsRT: (Sir Canakya), 5mTf^T?W: (Minister Raxasa). So

Utt. II, p. 30 ^ i ^-^u r; (Prince L.) , Malav. I, p. 24 qlTUHchiRlchi

^ HBTift (yon are the learned Kaugiki, are not youP), Mrcch. Ill,

p. 115 ^ f^ iirii ichm^pchi^chi^Hlriail^ , but some lines after

(p. 116) we read in inverse order ii^pchuifu i chiq1

, cp. Pane. 59 sara^T

fHEnprTTIrTCWTonir ^rsr Wl&t R^HI:, here the proper noun [g&m is

followed, not preceded by its epithet. In some cases the latter

idiom seems to be the regular one , as Q^i-cM i(Mount Vindhya).

6.) those ending in °j^, the former part being a subst., as

^rtsPT:, ^l^rjsM:, iUsM:- Here jitt has sometimes the power of a

collective , sometimes it denotes the individual (19 E), Wrt?R: maybe — »womankind," »women" or even one »woman," and so on;

c.) the type ^ffwrcTi' (half a pepper). It is not allowed to sayp 2 2

("}<-q<yijyir, hut fgt,gcry i mmj when compounded it must be mffqmgTi. *) i and2!

So f. i. Ragh. 7, 42 m^m (halfway), Pane. 203 ^rsjcrrj^mrfo (touching

the earth with the half of his foot). The same applies to qsr,

am-, :mtji 3^Y>etc- when denoting: the fore-part, the part behind,

the lower- and upper part. Therefore it is said lochia ; (tne f°re-

part of the body), crafe: (fore-noon), aqiii bf :

(the latter part of

the night), j-am^-q^ (head), qvg^;tal (the fore-night), and the like.

So jts*t in rp^-r^:=TOTm^ We have here the same adjectival conception

as in Latin summus mons , media urbs , Greek fiery vj wohit; etc.

Rem. 1. -g-y-, like our »half," is also compounded with a par-

ticiple or some other adjective, as gyffTTr; srcf: (the sun, half-risen),

Pane. 9 ^WhllirTl dJ^U: 5W..

Rem. 2. As to compounds, commencing by ft^rter, fTtThr, !sirra: p

- 2 >2> 3 -

or ftji, when — »half, the third — , fourth part," one may say as

well fi^Tfaft'Srr as prgTfefferiT (half an alms) and the like. The

same may be stated of =srjr (top, edge, extremity), as it is said

as well mx^m (the edge of a nail) as 7mm (see Petr. Diet. s. v.

and the passages adduced there s. v. =m).

1) But it is allowed to say fqur«SJV: (a portion of a pepper). Pat. I,

407 states gv to be a neuter, when meaning »half," but a masculine,

when = s> portion, part:" 5WtriaWTn' HCuHchf^T^t •SBTtHdol l^i" vfmj:

154 § 214—215.

214. A proper species of tatpurushas is made up by those,

poundT inwhose latter member is a verbal noun , the noun predicate

"Wand of which is signified by the former member. The com-the like,the . .__former monest instances of the kind are adjectives in *in (being,

member of^^

wHch is a making up, behaving as). Pat. I, 39 jpmmjrr a miJ :(the teacher,

pre ica e. ^^ jg rflje pupjl's] authority), Dae. 176 rim i ^WJ^l^JUHjrl l(I am

an example thereof), M. 1, 5 a iMlf^ rPftWTT- Moreover there is a

class of much used compound verbs , whose former part is a noun

,

whereas the latter is the verb ^r or it: they carry the conception

of something transformed from one state into another. They will be

dealt with when treating of the Syntax of the Verb; see 308.

Among other similar tatpurushas we notice a.) those ending in P- 2, 1, 59

^ with Race's

3ST, H4iyirl', *trj, WHptlTrT, ^T 6*C. DaQ. 61 g- =g. fli-sJIMcMsHiT- comm.

sJtrH^HyHlWlHKJmfHmiiifM^icr: (he , being passionately in love with

Ambalika surnamed: the jewel of womankind); 6.) those in "era-

having but the name of) and "rrrf^T and °tr^r (thinking one's p-3> 2 - 83 -

self —), as gi i ^migioi : »one who claims himself a brahman" [on ac-

count of his birth, but who does not behave as such], qiTijHHl41

(wise in one's own opinion), Atharvav. 15, 13, 6 tld l rJl -s dlrtlsl cP)

K. 3, 21, 17 sj^ih) q- srp?TJT, Dae. 99 srht^j: 1).

Kem. Somewhat different is the nature of those, the former

part of which is not the predicate, but the predicate's attribute,

as sxi-ium and gorrrijrjrjr given as examples by the comm. of vartt.

3 on P. 3, 2, 15 and qg^rr (going at the head) see P. 3, 2, 19.

215. Among such tatpurushas as are made up of a noun-

rasha^on- case + the noun qualified by it , by far the most common

noun-case are those , whose former part is to be periphrased by

+ no,in- a genitive, as (TsFJ^T: = {RT? V$W<, STf^ =

1) With them may in some degree be compared such tatpurushas as

Kathas. 9, 48 jr ilHtmu-qT (holding [her] for a piece of raw flesh), Hit. 93

ajlU'sltiWrr (taking [him] for a tiger). Here the former member is the

predicative object of the verbal noun , which is the latter member".

§ 215-216. 155

STTO^: or Sift: or ST^pTT1?. As this type is met withon every page , it is useless to quote instances from litera-

ture. Anotherfrequent type is that,represented bySTf^rT:

- ^I^TT ^fl'. Pane. 118 tt^hiwtUH: = ^JFRTjfTTiT:, ibid. V,

93 F^KU^ (seized by the prince of giants), Bhojapr. 7 ^.sft

For the rest , any noun-case may become the former

part of a tatpurusha, as RTflRi^mir! = TO ^TO"!(happy for a month), TTFHFTOT = *rRT or TO: HT5T.'

(resembling his mother), ^T^T = ^qW ^ (wood for

a sacrificial stake),- gT^ER" = ^"^TTrT or 5T%2ifft H^R(fear of a wolf or of wolves), TOVfit||<=h} = ^TT^lf

QT37! (cooking in a pot).

216. Yet, there are some restrictions. For this reason, Panini when

treating of compounds made up of a noun-case -|_ noun, gives a

detailed account of them. The summary of which runs in this

way:

The former j. As a rule , any genitive may be compounded (shashtMsam- p - 3> 2 > 8 -

a genitive. Asa). Some cases are excepted. Among others it is not allowed

to use compounds, made up of a genitive -|- a participle or a ge. p-z

>2

>11 -

rund or a krtya or an infinitive, nor those consisting of a geni-

tive -|- comparative or superlative or ordinal noun of number, nor

such as where a genitive is compounded with some noun in °jt

or Vgi. Therefore, such phrases as ^nmimi STTrFr: O^6 most heroic F- 2, 2, 15.

of men), ^rarrnt T^T: (the fifth of the disciples), =g-qf 5TCT (the

creator of the waters), sii^uiyj cRobr_ or ^ar or ch(uT)w_

or cRm

(doing etc. for the benefit of a brahman) are unfit for compound,

ing. Partitive genitives are likewise excluded, nor is the dative-

like genitive (129),it seems, as a rule, fit for being compounded. —

156 § 216.

As little, so we learn from Panini's commentators i) an objective

genitive in such cases, as f^-fi^rr ST3W srfff: mRnR'Hi , here it is

not allowed to say ^chfd : M l fu i fi-ll ) since both the subject and

the object of the action conveyed by the noun &$&; are expressed

,

for nothing impedes using the compound tMch'

Iri i = Maui' g?fff: , if

the agent is not expressed. 2).

1) See Kac. on P. 2, 2, 14; Pat. I, p. 415, vartt. 6. Pat. himself rejects

the interpretation given there.

2) The shashthisamasa is treated by Panini in the second adhyaya of

his 2d book (2,2,8—17), some statements are also scattered in the third

book, see f. i. 3,3,116. Additions ad corrections on them are of course

made in the commentaries. But now and then the cavillations of the

commentators have rather obscured the good understanding of some roles.

So the Kacika. is wrong loosening sutra 2, 2, 14 from its adhikara SRand interpreting this rule — chHlui ^ — as if it taught something con-

cerning the objective genitive. Now, as the sutra could in no way be

explained so as to contain a prohibition of compounding any objective

genitive whatever, as such compounds are very common indeed , the Kacika,

was obliged to add a clause of its own JOTTOTCTr *i|liTlfd 6) Will jfn1

il^l!IJ-r> which statement certainly will be correct by itself, but not the

smallest trace of which is to be found in Panini. In fact , Panini has here

not thought of an objective genitive. When reading the sutras 12, 13, 14

at a stretch and without prejudice , one sees plainly that giTrf&T of 14 qua-

lifies 3kT of 12. Sutra 14 prohibits compounding a genitive-\- a participle

in °fT with passive meaning. It is not allowed to say FreafuidM

instead of (TOT ^RntH (shown to him), whereas Panini allows it, when

representing Jr^T S^SHW (shown by him), cp. 2, 1, 32.

The following sutras 15 and 16 — fjsrarrurt *rli^ ichrlfi ^ — afford

a fair sample of absurd hairsplitting. In s. 15 Panini had given a rule

about the words in °rT and °jgeFT when denoting the agent; with them

a genitive cannot be compounded , save the few instances mentioned 2, 2, 9.

Accordingly it is prohibited by Panini to say asTHrrf instead of dsUjU Mrrf

(bearer of the thunderbolt) or Wt^RTra'^f: instead of tTl^yi <IM3f: (one

who cooks rice). But some schoolmaster, who commented on our great

grammarian , discovered Panini to have omitted some kind of words in

°^5i, which though not-denoting the agent are likewise forbidden to

be compounded with a preceding genitive, as ira<T! snfir^iT (your lying

down) cp. P. 3, 3, 111. In order to make our sutra comprise even them,

§ 216. 157

an accusa- u. compounding the accusative is allowed- P.2,1,29.')live;

a) when being one of time as inqchymm ;. So E. 2, 71, 18 mn.^frfcr: qft, Malat. I, p. 14 sr|ftoraWlfaiTFrfe q^WrfmTQch i

^tpgr-

6) with some paiticiples in °ft , with active or intransitive mean- P. 2, 1, 24.

ing, as iiwiir); (gone to the village), .^chgfrfH i (fallen to hell), P. 2, 1, 26.

3ref5lrT: (come to hardship) , h fluid s

2) sim. In practice , there are

more. So f. i. the restriction of toje (P. 2, 1, 26) to a reproachful

term does not imply the prohibition of compounding ^rrsjo other-

wise. See but Pane. 51 ch|U i chU<b T, ibid. 30 it^him :

mental"" ^^' compounding the instrumental is allowed:

a) if denoting the agent or instrument _|_ some verbal noun , P. 2, 1, 32.

as af^H'.' The participles in "ftcR^ are excepted, compounding

*lf^Hl -j- ^rld (^therefore not allowed. — Some proverbial locutions P. 2, l, 33.

are explicitly named by Panini, as ch ich^ i ^£i, gsn^r: mj:, but

the well-known yogavibhdga-exyedient was taken recourse to , and our

sutra was split up in two. One made the discovery that "the word chrifi'

admitted of two acceptations , according to its being construed either with

rfrtcFTTWTTT or with the general adhikara E[^t; in other terms, P. could

mean either any genitive -j- agent in FT or =g^r or the subjective genitive J-

any noun in FT or =ggf. By combining both and assigning to either an

own sutra the Sexofiu. felt by the commentator found its *£««. See but

the artificial interpretation of both in the KaciM. How Patanjali inter-

preted the rule we do not know, a comment of his on s. 15 and 16

being wanting; from vartt. 2 on I, p. 415 it appears he was acquainted

at least with s. 15.

In 2,2,11 it seems strange, that a special prohibition — that con-

cerning the ordinal nouns of number — is enjoined immediately after

the general one (2, 2, 10) which includes also that special case.

1) The preceding sutra 28 is too artfully interpreted by Pat. and

K&9. to have been interpreted well. It is likely, we have here again an

instance of distortion by yogavibhaga. I am sure, Panini himself has

given but one rule ch'M r yrtWduVi =cf. Patanjali's defence (I, p. 384) is

not persuasive.

2) I agree with Boethlingk and Whitney in explaining (iiUdHdch and

the like as bahuvrihis. Panini brings them under the tatpurushas, see

2,2,4. Inversely such compounds as JjrjpfTrT, HNdlH which P. 6, 2, 170

understands as bahuvrihis, are to be recognised as tatpurushas.

158 § 216.

from this it should not be inferred that it is wholly forbidden to make

up any other compound of instrumental -)- krtya. Pane. 327 corw&ft

-sir JTPW. = roRTT it°- Yet such compounds are not frequent.

V) if the latter member is a word expressive of likeness, equa- P. 2, 1,31.

lity, superiority, want 1), see 61 and 73. Of the kind are such

compounds as fgnMH :(equal to his father), imTOiSr: (resembling

his mother), *myk\ and qroTsq-: (earlier _, later by a month), M.

8, 217 n*s(\ \A cjw = fls^-fln efi*T (v. a. work, almost finished), Pane. 23

teiiRy^n ^or wsrfcr wfztt:;

c) the instrum. -|- the words ^r^ (quarrel), ftw (clever), fer P. 2, 1, 31

(mixed), S5T50T Gax)- Kac. gives these examples: srlychtf^;, d l i^UU i:,

tupjjjj i, aHBtterlTtUl t- "When extending the rule to all words of the

same purport , as we may do (see above p. 92 N.), the frequent com-

pounds in "fSrftfTrr, °5rfenr, °nn, "gar, °3^FT etc. are included, also

many of those, the former part of which is an instrumentalis

partis (73).

d) in the case of compound adjectives, the former part of which p. 2, 1,30.

is an instrumental of causality, illustrative of the adjective it is

joined to 2). So E. 3, 16, 13 fefciUHi^f a i ^ui : (

a mirror tarnished

by exhalation), ibid. 3, 55, 20 Jtfw ; (equal by strength), ibid. 2, 118, 4

HUKMlfea ;(praiseworthy by his qualities), Pane. I, 39 dlrtilfg>k(lrMlg( l

^rp^T: = dlrtllRni H^Vyi^i H^l:. Kumaras. 3, 12 HMlcJlyM^f^ (men,

great by their heroic penance). — Of the same kind are the com-

pounds, made up of inslram. _[_ a{H^ (75 B. 1), as Pane. 10 fg?

1) In Panini's text UdMriHI'HHl'-ll^ ^T *a °f course to be construed

with each of the members: qsrfer> HJpWj Wl<y , 3?TFr, cp. p. 92 N.

2) Sutra 2, 1, 30 is ill-handled by the commentaries. They expound

rlrfliU HrtJidim-4 ITUIoH-M, as if rtr^rTFFr were a dvandva= HrchrM -|-

i|t!H. How they have come to this contorted interpretation I did not

understand before perusing Patanjali; from him I have seen, that his

very cavillations (1, 384 sq.) must have provoked it. Yet the aim of the

author of our sutra is unmistakable. He allows the instrumental to

be compounded with any adjective (llliidMH-4). which has its justifi-

cation by that instrumental : Ftr^rTraW = TOITOm r^iiyi ifCT: ^ill^ .

So in f^iSoTRTFy 44I4JM: the instance, I have quoted from the Ram., it

is the exhalation that causes the mirror to be qualified a tarnished one.

§ 216-217. 159

rsff *oMM5T (are you desirous of nothing but food ?), Kathas.

24, 176 etc.

e) in the case of food dressed with some ingredient or by mixing

two materials, as ^af^:, rprFTP,. Likewise Dag. 139 f§rOT^(em-Pan| ^ g

34

poisoned food),

a datire; IV. the dative may be compounded:

a) the dative of the aim in such cases as w^ l

fr

=WW 3T£, cfrcSsT- P. 2, 1, 36.

6) the dative of the remote object with the words srf^T (offer- P. 2, 1, 36.

*ng to)i %T (good for), jjpr (pleasant for), ^-f%rT (kept, guarded

for) and the like, as Quausifci:, ifrf|rW, Pane. I, 47 j^t iterr HIT JTJT%TT,

etc. — With them is named gq- »purpose, aim, scope." On the

compounds in °j&f we have treated 194.

an ablative; V. the ablative:

a) with words expressive of fear , as a chHW (fear of wolves), P. 2, 1, 37.

E. 3, 27, 20 snWxTT IFm (deer, afraid of the hunter)

;

b) with some participles , which signify a withdrawal i). Dag. 89

-iriDfrfHI ?TT Mlfd'^H (she rose from the dance and went away), M. 2, 89

MlQjlufdH i(one who has forfeited the sdvitri), E. 3, 25, 24 f%fi^-

sforfirsTkicr fnTsmrrr mrranrr:.

a locative. VI. the locative:

a) with such nouns as are construed with a locative of refe- P. 2, 1, 40.

rence, as those of attachment, skill and the like (148). E. 3, 19, 22

strtstt y^MM-ft (two men, accomplished at arms), Pane. I, 18 imrj-

sftilid^U li: (skilled in the commerce of merchandises);

b) in some cases, when denoting a time or a place. Of the

kind Panini names compounds in °f?rs (prepared, dressed), "gpsgf P. 2, 1, 41.

(dried), ere; (cooked), "spy, also parts of the day or night _|_ g>FT, p. 2, 1, 45.

as Hich i aufcl-& (prepared in Sankacya), a i HUmfch (dried in the sun),

ilctfgrchH ' (done in the forenoon);

c) in some standing phrases and proverbial locutions, see P.

2, 1,42—44;46_48.

217. This list of possible kinds of tatpurushas, made up of noun-

1) These compounds are not frequent -y^rny: (P. 2, 1, 38).

160 §. 217.

additions case -|- noun, is however not complete, as will soon appear, if

of P&nini 01le undertakes to systematize the tatpurushas occurring in fact

there-jn gome literary work. 1

) So, among others, Panini does not men-

tion the abl. of comparison, compounded with sr^r and SfTT? the

instrumental _j_ words expressive of plenty ; the accus. with the par-

ticipial adjectives in °3. Then , many more participles , whose former

part is some noun-case, are in common use, though not neces-

sarily , if at all , implied by the foresaid rules.

1. abl. of comparison_J_

j^th, especially, if the former part be

a pronoun , as Hit. 30 n sr^JV WIT ar: STbtsttoht: , Pane. I, 12 trade

is said to be the best means for making money, FT57JT: [se. scrrg".]

sfsraTjqoR': (any other but this is dangerous).

2. abl. of compar._J_

rprr. Such compounds are an elegant

paraphrase , while calling something : the contrary of its opposite.

So ^RhuirT^= flog »left," ^g<^ri( OTTO: (a difficult expedient), Dag.

175 ftot ^loioiMT ^.tWc^irU yy'fcf (he bore his newly married wife a

heavy grudge).

3. instrum. _|_ word expressive of plenty. Of the kind are those

in "wkzi, "JTrTf, "OTTSFtfT etc, Pane. 319 srorfcra^sir Jro, ibid. 7

Rnp£rr^PTToR5T5,

feiTci^r-

4. accus. _j- adjective in "3 derived of a desiderative. Pane. 3

nr^wfe^:, M. 7, 197 zpjrT smHiy^nirh.

5. Instances of noun-cases _|_ participles are manifold and often

met with. First, such as where the former part represents a socia-

tive instrumental, as Pane. I, 164 q'm-ujudii ; HcUM :, ibid. I, 229

nwf q^wirl T (a wife, who hold 3 illicit intercourse with another). —Then, such as are expressive of separation (62). Pane. 1, 35

yonQoiPsfdi (abstaining from attendance), ibid. p. 1 q=rr fadchif^Hl :

(sons, deprived of discernment), ibid. I, 189 «J*<HQ^M iCP- 198, —

Further locatives _|_ ferrr, jtft (cp. 197), sm=r, 3T^r etc., as R. 3, 31, 2

?R^TlHRm rTT ^IttIMI : (the raxasas , staying at Janasthana), Pane. I, 128

H4.o(l<KrT)" jm irfrcft Ucrin >Mp=mM4|^ (when being in distress, a king

1) It would be indeed an interesting subject-matter for investigation

to compare on a large scale these statements of Panini with the facts

offered us by the extant Sanskrit literature.

§ 217. 161

is always the prey of his ministers), ibid. I, 104 qfiggn' rrfoUdlfi

firrsTT, Kathas. 42, 149 srg&rfrftT: (fallen at their feet). — Or the

former member is a dative or loc. of purpose: Pane. I, 125 Tm-SrrwtarTT ^r: (Vrtra, striving for obtaining the royalty); an accu-

sative: ibid. p. 37 ^dioichi-ijrh :(attached to S.); an abl. of origin:

ibid. p. 2 cftgrmMHHI (of one born from a respectable family) ; a loc. of

reference: ibid. I, 15 iftf§g^teraw;. And so on.

6. As to the compound adjectives , they may generally be said

to be comprised by the rules of Panini , as their former part is a

genitive or may be accepted as such. Among them are to be noticed

jrtrcr, UPVSS, sfitrT, SCW, those of skill and ability as ferariT, srfi^r,

chlfelH j then such as ^pr, rjif (cp. 216, III V). Pane. 17 pirr ifjrpriWT-

sifternT ffcrT&mWr Ruljwtri, ibid. 21 f^t =et sisst^^ut h^isw iit

MIBJM^ (his strength will be in proportion to his voice), ibid. 27

i-ldl-cM-m^saa') ibid. 13 ^tjt| ^oTFrPra':. Even indubitable dative-

like genitives are compounded with the adjectives, which they

qualify. Pane. p. 1 jy^ m^grr^lbt^HlorTlbfri (as the king understood

they were averse to the gastras — ). Pane. p. 1 affords even this

instance of a tatpur., made up of a dat. of interest -)- subst., when

calling some king «H*cdir5*Qrqd^: (v. a. a blessing for all the in-

digent).

7. Compounds made up of a genitive -|- agent in °n, though

explicitly interdicted by Panini, are in fact met with. Fane. I, 2

^•sih HU!tiiifeich(W:i ibid. p. 7 jtw raijra-w) iidifcul fwrl" (two splen-

did bulls drew his chariot).

8. Finally we may set up a category apart for such tatpu-

rushas , the former part of which is a noun-case , doing more or

less duty of an adverb. Pane. 21 tj sr#r teiifiH i qa imPa rt arc

RfiJi'T, here ugmi PdH = qgyfTfrTiT »acquired before," Kathas. 29, 82

ann^qrirerorfg^a^ in (— is deceived by words falsely kind), Pane. 63

|r^wnsr: (a friendly discourse), Mhbh. 1, 152, 34 otott:=R ^TH^..-.

q siHrf&5Hrrfir (I will not awake my brothers who are sleeping quietly

in the forest), Kathas. 42, 149 qzrraTf^rflTr: (embraced by turns). In

all but the first of these examples the former part is an ittstrumentalis

modi, used almost as an adverb (77). Cp. the following paragraph.

11

162 § 218—219.

218. The former part of a tatpurusha may also be anad-

mtmbeTh verb or a particle. Pane. 59 qn^M ; (the matter of late), Kathas.

an adverb g 165 MfriblMfdMHl^i : (flags, waving from every house), ibid. 25, 29or a par- N

tide. m [viz. tr^t] ^ it -sawnPrraTT (and I have to go from necessity to

that town) , Kumaras. 3, 4 f^rTT^rT^TTOT'ftPT: (by very long penance).

Among the particles several are noticed by Panini, viz. sg^ir

[2, 1, 25], mfh [ibid. 27], the negation *" [2, 2, 6], ^T [2, 2, 7]^

fqirr [2, 1, 64], gi, the particles styled »gati" and such particles

as q-, naijWt when meaning »a little," h, £: , srfn [2, 2, 18] ') cp. 210

at the end. — So rnmrv (died of himself), mfachd (half done),

flgllfoU i: »no brahman" or nnone but a brahman," r&i^HrT (a little

elevated), nftJHH^ : (a great-grandfather), esPT: (a good man), 55^(a wicked man), etc.

219- Some relative pronouns and adverbs are likewise fit for f^ds!The former ,

member ia being compounded with some noun , especially EJEJT andIPTT or or- ^^_^_^.^ Ml°lrl. Those beginning with tTETT are the most common

,

they are either adverbs of the type EfSJTTOT'T, M*HiqM!

(according to time, — to age), or their second member

is a participle in FT as M &ltWT(as said) 2) . Examples : Mhbh.

1, 145, 16 ftcTrHar JraTJT^ (go back, each to his own house), ibid.

1, 149,1 imwwih qwrrtmr 2^sriT^(he sent a man , as was agreed

before); — E. 3, 13, 25 mJigPjv-i craT (on the way, as has been pointed

out), Dag. 151 iMH§ ^tsiranrr d«?lw^my; myfoTsrfn (when having

got the opportunity he will discharge this affair by such means,

as are fit), Pane. 295 u«jiPir««: -trtMUi*: M^yi m^siijBr.

Examples of zrrsrJT; — Pane. 276 ^fT: mpf JTTdkdl5r HU\rM\ nan

j-=j; (from this day , I have given my own self to you for my whole

lifetime), Kac. on P. 2, 1, 8 a [sa^i 5HfoUIH IHH^'£i (invite of the

brahmans according to the number of the vessels), Pane. 54 tiid^i -

rmm~i)rti(oi ffeH I(conformably to the rules, taught by Vatsy&yana).

1) As to 5, 3;!, -^TSTfT, in *p^ (easy to be done), JTScRJ (hard to be

done) and the Tike, see P. 3, 3, 126-130.

2) Pflnini (2, 1, 7) mentions only the former type.

§ 220. 163

220. The tatpurusha serves also to express comparison. Such

sonPe" compounds are partly adjectives, partly substantives.

pressed by __. ____tatpurts- The former are of the type WTT (cloud-black), 3F2T-

R7FT (sky-blue). The latter are made up of the thing's

real name + the image , under which it is represented , as

Examples of the former type. Kam. 3, 12 rMi-d^tK-sm^ ^5FPT

(life, as fickle as the moon, that shines in the water), Dag. 174

f^rrftrf^" (as cold as ice), E. 3, 23, 1 n^rmn': (red-grey as the

colour of an ass) , Mhbh. 1, 152, 2 md,A?MfeUaiim : (as dark as a

cloud in the rainy season), Malav. V, p. 122 crfrarrKi^Tfif:, etc.

The latter type is adapted to signify either praise or blame.

Generally the metaphors used are conventional ones. In this way a re-

solute, energetic character is called qT&iPM^ :, a beautiful face qijrq^PT

,

*U-Mli fSt^t, s im«j eloquent speech oTPCTV, heavy sorrow is by a

standing comparison iJlchMUU : which ocean it is difficult or im-

possible to pass, and so on. In ancient literature this rather alle-

gorical style is still employed with moderation and within certain

limits. But the flowery compositions of medieval India are full of

them so as not rarely to make the image appear an appendix

wholly meaningless , if not to please the ear of the reader and to

display the vaidagdhya of the author. The accumulation of such

allegorical designations becomes tedious indeed, unless good taste

direct their employment.

Sometimes the metaphor is worked out. Then we may have a

set of homogeneous images, expressed by compounds. So Pane.

I, 241 ifttn^T Pirr^RtfwSTy sr: sr:i?tF5JJT, here jftqTofT is »king"

but at the same time it conveys the meaning of » cow-herd," as

ift is — scow" and = searth," »he must draw the f§rwsrV3j_(money-

milk) of his ctsTOR)': (subject-cow) by degrees" v. a. »a king must

draw the money of his subjects by degrees, just as the cowherd

draws the milk from his cow." Mrcch. IV, p. 138 ^ goiwfifi?R!

T?itt: i ffiWykcjMcfi ZTTRT awf&fTOTfirTrTT: (young gentlemen

164 § 220—221.

often come to poverty, being spoiled by courtesans, like great

trees , the fruits of which are eaten out by birds). Kathas. 29, 188

a faithful wife is thus compared to a warrior — her conjugal faith

is her chariot, duty her charioteer, good behaviour her armour,

wit her weapon n^n(*^Ufci: nD<rtyni^Rdrtl: i fcWHl^w. mimt jutrt

Eem. 1. According to vernacular grammar, this class of com-

pounds is to be considered a subdivision of the karmadharayas,

there being samanadhikaranya between both members. This ex-

plication cannot be right, for it does not account for the inverse

order of the two members; one should f. i. expect TrTtdft instead

of^fbrW , as in the karmadharaya the qualifying noun is of course

put first. In fact, we have here no karmadharayas, but shash-

thisamasas. The former member is a genitive, but it does not

bear everywhere the same character. Sometimes it is a partitive

one, asg^mpH^ i

— q^tiiuii (or 5^5) fe^r:, {Ml(jy<: »an outcast

among the kings," cp. the compounds in 3=jq- (best) and mm (worst

,

lowest). Sometimes, too, it is a genitive of the kind represented

by our »a jewel of a woman," »a hell of a fellow," Lat. scelus

hominis; so ir^irfn: (Mudr. Ill, p. 102) »a beauty of a house,"

iTfTOOTt^ (Mudr. Ill, p. 121) v. a. ^excellent helpers," mdH^n (P.

6, 2, 126) »a slut of a wife." Not rarely both acceptations are

alike probable; ^FhrPT £ i- may be as well zz ^hsr ttpt »ajewel among

women" as zz »a jewel of a woman."

Eem. 2. Panini treats the said compounds severally, see 2, 1,

53; 56; 62; 66; 6, 2, 126 sq. — Note q?fr and °wm^ expressing

blame, and "tjt, "tnsri °m signifying admiration.

221. Tatpurushas, made up of three or more stems, are

shLmld'e always dissolvable into two members, either of which

TmorT may be a compound itself. Mrcch. Ill, p. I25^w:<jmi??n=n^,tnemes. jiere the former part is a dvandva sppiajfr: gfsarc= sra xr £:w ^

Pane. 323 rrr*i!Afern [viz. ^FjiTT^rr], here the former part is a tat.

purusha itself, i|rchU6fc<rH being zz rmw, that is jpr cfm£, ferTT. —Pane. II, 153 ^gfiaicWTTHlfa^UUi: (stirred by the sting-like words

§ 221-222. 165

of a woman), here f^rrcrr is the latter member, the former beinga tatpurusha of comparison, the former member of which sftenoRiis itself an ordinary shashthtsamasa. — Mhbh. 1, 155, 24 trfstjna-.

JWRET — .JjforT^TW m-W, here the former part of the tatpurusha

is a bahuvrihi.^- Kam. 2, 43 RuhRmUsIhT (one firmly attached to

wordliness) is illustrative of the species of those, whose latter

member is a compound, the analysis being fttirf f&ewcr oirTiTPr:.

3. BahuvrIhi.

222. The difference between the tatpurusha and the ba-Natureand . .. . . ,

characte- nuvnni 1SJan essential one. The former implies no more

the ba'ha- than is purported by its constituent elements , but the

bahuvrihi always adds something tacitly understood

,

generally the conception of ^having,possessing." ^^T^'

when tatpurusha = i^iyW ^: Jndra's foe," when ba-

huvrihi it means „having Indra for foe, one whose

foe is Indra;" HT^TIP, when tatp. =HUfM ^T(\\ „the

colour of the sun ," when bahuvr. it denotes „one having

the colour of the sun." The bahuvrihi, therefore, is

invariably an adjective , referring to some substantive J).

Panini then is quite right, when he defines the bahu-

vrihi as „a complex of elements serving to qualify some

other word 2).

1) By this it ia however not asserted, that a bahuvrihi cannot be

used as a substantive, but only this: when used so, they are to be

considered just as any other adjective, that does duty of a subst.

J^TrTT when = »a noble-man" is to be compare! with such a word as

Srf%: when meaning »an honest man" or STRFr: when = »boy."

2) P. 2, 2, 23 sq. sl^oDf^MchH'iJ'Ji.l^. According to that definition, Indian

grammar does by no means make restriction as to the number of the ele-

ments out of which a bahuvrihi is made up. This is distinctly expressed

in a metrical rule of the {Catantra (2, 5, 9)

166 § 222—223.

Like other adjectives, the bahuvrihis may be used

as adverbs, when put in the accus. of the neuter sin-

gular, see 240.

223. From a syntactic point of view, the bahuvrihi, it

be*™ "r^to may be made up of three , four or more elements , does

lledtcatecontain but two members, virtually identical with the

an

^r'' SUD Ject and the predicate of a full sentence, just

as the tatpurusha represents a main noun with its at-

tribute. And, as within the tatpurusha the attribute

is put at the head and the main noun behind (210),

The predi- so within the bahuvrihi the predicate precedes , the

"dcs.ThT subject is the latter member. When analyzing f. i.

•hViatter the bahuvrihi ^^H^FT: we get the clause 3FT <=flMmember. f £

JT^FT „he whose strength is great ," similarly ti*4°(U|! =

?TFT ^W< fgf&fa „he whose colour is like the sun's,"

HrlVl •"M tri rrl t^T! is an epithet of somebody, whose

eyes are fixed on the earth UW *JflFr ^H FTt^R.

In these examples, the words ^W, ^HTT, FTT^R are

the subjects within the bahuvrihis, that which precedes

them being the predicates.

In treating of the tatpurushas we have distinguished

between 1. the karmadharayas , 2. those the former mem-

Hi^-yui T3^rm sr^t% etc.

Nevertheless , in analyzing even intricate bahuvrihis it will appear that , lo-

gically , there are but two members — predicate and subject — either or

both of which may be compounds themselves , even if it would not always be

allowed to use such compounds by themselves as separate words. Pauini

himself knows »a class of compounds only allowed for the sake of being

used as the former part of other compounds" [P. 2, 1, 51].

§ 223. 167

blhavritober of wnich represents some noun-case, 3. where it

is a particle. In an analogous way we may speak of three

types of bahuvrihis: a.) those, where there is gram-

matical concord between subject and predicate, b.)

such, whose predicate is a noun-case, c.) such, where

it is a particle.

Type a. — Here the predicate is mostly an adjec-

tive or a participle, as JT'^Mi „having Tndra for foe."

When adjective, the bahuvrlhi has generally the worth

of Latin gen. or abl. qualitatis , or abl. modi. So oTITt

S^tf^f: = keros latopectore,Fa,nc.S2^'. F^OrftER— lacus exiguae aquae. When participle , the bahuvrihi

not rarely concurs with the gerund , the absolute loca-

tive and the like. It may as well be said rMfn»H<»l^l

^^TETRT^ arfrTi" as RTT^ FT^T or RTm ^jf^ (I

left the town and set out for the forest).

Those belonging to type b.) are such as ^H^FT^-

! (having

a horse's face), Pane. 71 flsftoRrt SfRf^TI^RPjqT^

57t«^®||^'' (Sanj.meditates of doingharm to YourMajesty),

here 57^5^ = 3T?T r^FT (or ?fl%) S[f%: „whose

mind is to do harm."

Those belonging to type c.) are such as ^TUT'-T^"

(having one's face cast down), ^xTFTrr (pregnant), 7^-

CPTT^T {TsrTT (a king of such a power). Very common are

those, commencing by^°, fT°, ^ : °, as Wtt' (having no

sons), WX^> (having a good son or good sons).

Type a.) and c.) are much more common than type b).

168 § 224.

224. Examples of bahuvrihis. Type a.) Nala 1, 5

(now the days are appearing with a mild sun, much fog and a

sharp cold). Hit. 90 sreft umium : (he is of a wicked disposition).

Pane. 150 fa [sc. art^rr].... 5yrauT mHrT)A.( : M(cri<> nrmrari^ •sdfm

(the Pulinda fell down lifeless on the earth, having his belly split

up by the edge of the teeth of the boar). Malav. I, p. 14 -^TrTTi

tHdlfadcrltfHii l rci facrTlcki (as the minister has finished his lecture

of the letter, the king looks on him). Pane. 71 M'^^mm^m ScUPT-

oTTwrrnrrr sum (as it stung my mind, I myself am come to tell

you of it).

Nothing impedes, of course, both the subject and the predi-

cate being concordant substantives. Bhoj. 17 ttsTFP. ^tsisrcfTT csr

fasrfipfr :TRf (no other kings are successful in their wars but those

,

whose power is a treasury), Pane. 185 pra1

oimMt ld l>Mchchichiii7om •

nfdowfc ST [the bahuvr. — jrerpr^r ZFfim: q^oil^; »whose attendance

are many crows"], Dag. 82 ^tidd : cfiirT^irTFTT (a great merchant,

whose name is Kub.), K. 3, 19, 22 qprisft TD^millsHHsifl -

Rem. 1. In such bahuvrlhis, as have an adjective behind, that

adjective does duty of a subst. So f. i. Qak. I ai^wfwr g 17 tin (the

assembly is for the greater part made up of distinguished people)

here the bahuvr. — g^jjr ^pTgnT irfwr: »most of which are =gfii=jTrr:,"

Malat. I, p. 2 3i^rwfw im mioiMHH : "the sun has almost risen,"

R. 2, 40, 17 *TirUrHHl<UH l clfcK« l(— saw them mounted, having

Sita as the third), R. 3, 55, 15 H^?WcFr wj chi£u> ;5TTT (thousand

men whose main object [qTs^rpr] it is to carry out my orders).

Rem. 2. A proper kind of bahuvrlhis are such as a Rich; (having

a sword in one's hand), a^chua (sobbing, liter. <ione having tears

in his throat"). In analyzing them, the latter part turns out

a locative, for iiRjch^: =r itHilfy: ^ ST and ajjjchU cs; =r mai4jfqr

cFTO sr- For the rest, we have here no exception to the general

rule on the arrangement of the two members of a bahuvrihi. It is ^f^and g^ which are predicated, not qij nor sfto^", for the intention is

to say not that Mr. so and so has a hand or a throat, but what

§ 224—225. 169

it is, he keeps within. T) R. 3, 51, 9 Sita has the epithet snwreftsFlT

shaving tears in her eyes." Comp. "Whitney § 1303.

Eem. 3. In some bahuvrlhis the order of the members is op-p-^,£

'

tional. One may say promiscuously tiif^Hlfn: and =gM l i^fT; (one

who keeps the holy fires), sTP=mw: or tnr?rrrT: (one having children).

Of the kind are ^Hd ld or jtTrRTrT, see M. 5, 58 with Kull., rrrfJTa

and fiiuiui (fond of sweetmeats) 2), R. 2, 119, 5 tr^nr: chgtaikri li (her-

mits with uplifted pitchers). Participles in °ft must be put behind,

if the predicate be a weapon, therefore ^sKirT: (with uplifted sword)

,

see vartt. on P. 2, 2, 36.

Rem. 4. The type a.) of the bahuvrihi in its outer form

is often identical with a karmadharaya , for the discrepancies in the

accentuation are not heeded. In practice, one avoids to use as

bahuvrlhis such compounds as are wont to be karmadharayas , as

ydsM, qfffr, qrsiT^or, and inversely such as JT^TSHf , sf^^rrT, 3pT-

qrrq- will not have to be otherwise accepted than as bahuvrihis. 3)

Yet, it often is only the context which will enable the reader

how to accept a given compound.

225. T yP e &•)• Pane. 24 chdjfa^ tpE^azPTtroaTRlr tg5TT m \*iC\ g^srfe

1) Cp. vartt. 4 of Pat. on P. 2, 2, 36.

2) As to ftrir, Pat. vartt. 2 on P. 2,2, 35 teaches the option. But it

seems better to explain rnrftTO' as being a tatpurusha, because 1st fer

may be not only = » beloved," but also = »loving," see Petr. Diet. IV,

p. 1161 s.v. 1 c), 2ly as P&nini somewhere else [P. 6, 2, 15 sq.J mentions

some talpurushas in "fira". The same may apply to some of the partici-

ples in "rT. if not to all. Since cfirT may sometimes have an active signification

and sometimes a passive one, it is plain we are allowed to compound as

well the tatpurusha -j) j gld • = lac potus , as the bahuvr. qlrl-cTb : = lacte poto.

Comp. what has been said p. 157 N. 2.

Pane. 283 affords a specimen of a Mud ofcompounds, in which two types are

confounded: cblR-^l||fSic*il *wyRu.ii^)rlol<^-ll, here the author seems

to have blended promiscuously two bahuvrihis i-liylMUioldJTT and 11^1riqf-

Mfqujl , either of which would have sufficed. Comp. Hariv. 5814

3) See Cappellek Vamana's Stilregeln: Kavyasamaya 7 and 8.

170 § 225, 225*.

gjTTT, here jirairrn' is the epithet of one ywho accepts wages from

both parties," KatMs. 72, 186 ^r&vg^tj fTJff%fra3OTl(two siddhas,

who bore the shape of flamingos), Malav. I, p. 24 ctTi fSicht HrfairaT

(K. wearing the dress of an ascetic).

Eem. Comparison is sometimes expressed by them, as E. 3, 69, 43

3iT HiSff onsrvrccFK&fT (who are you , whose shoulders are like those of a

bull?). E. 5, 17, 10 Eaxasawomen bear the epithet HsTlft^u<4l<i :(with

the feet of elephants, camels and horses). — But also by type

*) as TWterSTNFT: (having lotus-eyes), tWH-i ;(moon-faced).

225*. Type c.) Prabodh. V, p. 103 ^srt nmoHdmi * mmkHifrt (the

queen does not comfort me, who am in such a state), Pane. I, 137

SRT'.snf: JTpJrfayraFr ps!Ti^(a kingdom is upheld by pithy mi-

nisters), Eumaras. 3, 14 the gods bear the epithet ji=iP^6l :(whose

adversaries are mighty). — Apart from the very common employ-

ment of g-, e, 5;: as the predicate in bahuvrihis, several particles and

prepositions may be used so, as 3H, f^;, fir, sgfn, ^sf etc -> as -Tl)M

(sapless), i^fSn : »one with folded hands," Eagh. 2, 74 ii{qr<4rllchM_

(a flagged town), Dag. 137 3373^: (with uplifted weapon), Harsha 9

rT^fBfqcFjsr: (a leafless tree), Bhoj. 8 laiimqchh'i ^tott frmT.

Eem. Compounding with g-,^° and the like has the same

power, as English - ful , similarly English - less is expressed by

compounds, beginning with =*", fq- :°, fir , f!nTfT°, drV etc.

1).

1) Patanjali enumerates alao different species of bahuvrihis : a) those,

the members of which are samanadhikarana as m^ji, b) the former part

of which is an avyaya, as qrgirw, c) whose former part is a locative

or something compared as *IJ6*M, 3ET<pr, d) where it is a gen. generis or a

gen. materiae as chUixU (with one's hair tied up, liter. » [bearing] a knot

of hair"), WollllWj-l) (wearing golden ornaments), e) whose former part

is one of the gana ETTSTT: [P. 1,4, 58] as crqrrr (unleaved), f) negation -|-

noun, as gtrg\ In the case of c) an ellipsis is stated of a middle ele-

ment, cfilibchM representing ^TtTS'OT: chl^rtUsr and i<am^ being = s&rt-

A *J A >i

Wfsfer ^PTOT. As to e) and /) Patanjali states the option between saying

in full yufdrlMUU ^5T: and the abridgment gcrcrrr apfi:, likewise between

tlfoWHMJ-Wr: and Wtt;. Cp. f. i. Dag. 35 atrial I mtril'eH riim-c^n with ibid.

176 STT 3£<sll&WlolM; here the full 3"£rT°sfNrc and the short iAol l WT

are synonymous.

§ 226—227. 171

226. As bahuvrlhis of three and more members are excessively fre-

huwftus*" <luent> we WM adduce some instances of them.

1. the subject is a compound. Pane. 322 ra?h l'^li ich<U t(abstaining

from taking food) here the subject of the bahuvr. is OTfirfeTT

,

a tatpurusha; Var. Yog. 1, 8 -gifgrifelH^ l ^Tt HBrffT (he loses his wealth

and his kingdom) here the subj. is a dvandva y^rn%- »wealth and

kingdom;" Dag. 78 a Jaina monk is thus qualified gqFtafiTQ?T<T3f:

UsMchUMssHca gT: HchfeyHTdlf^timTfTcr-w: (v. a. covered with dust and

mud, enduring a heavy pain by pulling out his hair, suffering

very much from hunger, thirst and the like) here the subjects of

the three bahuvr. are respectively the dvandva n<?\ujrf, the tatp.

chUI<rl3d-iatim aad tbe tatp. ^rfciqiMlfdci :wt and of them the two

tatpurushas are themselves made up of more than two themes,

as it is the compound ehUM3dH which qualifies 5rzrr> aQd similarly

the compound gjRmmil^ y which is the cause of gj^jpr.

2. the predicate is a compound. — Instances of this category

are very often met v^ith, especially such bahuvrlhis as exhibit

this type: qualifying noun-case _[_ adjective or participle _)- sub-

stantive. Pane. 42 rTSrrf rriJd^yUj: = H^T fa^cSRTJTf^ zrer ?T ;Kathas.

72, 180 mn i chHrmfilcfrrrr T^tff^T) here the bahuvr. is to be analyzed

5T§rar vTrPTT: fefim mri m [T^pjfo]- But also other types, as: Mudr.

Ill, p. 124 vultures (nyr.) have the epithet gffiSr&chinM-id i:, here the

analysis is nm £terf fikchmm <raT:, the predicate, therefore, is an

adjective-dvandva (208). Qak. VII a curse is said to be ^^Jk-

3. both subject and predicate are compounds. Kad. I, p. 46 ftw

faa,

5a (5)MrichyiT,jq ija ifriT grcftm=hfachsiifH yfnayPd w (crowds of

parrots and [other] birds were dwelling there, building confi-

dently thousand(s) of nests), here fBra»<-4f§qi%H is the predicate

and chcrumH^a the subject of the bahuvrihi , the analysis of which

is of course mr fBr?fw f§r(ftdiR [ iT] *^iyi^rt y^ifili [ sftL

227. In the case ol non-compound words, adjectives car-

rying the notion of having,possessing , as is taught in

Sanskrit etymology, may be made by putting some

172 § 227—228.

suffixes, derivative suffixe as ofFT, "SRT, "TO, "Trf, "IHetc.denoting, *\ *v' ' \ ' \ -s

possessionto ^ subgtantive

jas 5^^ (fi

ery), jj^ (having

"^t- a son) and the like. Ofthese suffixes , °3[*T is verycommon1).

Kathas. 24, 9 foflfl cfrtr^ft frar: <a3Jft -didiHjrU^H (a divine person P. 5, 2,' V o ^••^ \ o -^ -tog

descended wearing a diadem , earrings and a sword) , cp. E. 3, 50, 21.

They may also be put to dvandvas. Mhbh. 1, 126, 21 dj. l Q4) (wea-

ring tresses and a deer-skin), Pat. I, p. 1 qi»jMi^dchchi^l5ti i fiiHi

ytlrtiifi Horfff sr [mlstsg;:.

sometimes Now, sometimes, these suffixes are added even then, if they

to bahu- are 'n no "way8 necessary for the understanding. So E. 3, 15, 11

vrthis. q^, ^ , finpfefffr. ttjjt qf^tjft (a pond charming by its sweet

scented lotuses), likewise Pane. 53 the weaver, who has assumed

the attributes of Vishnu , is said to be QmiRtQrf : — lamri fiui|i-

fenr:, Bhoj. 2 a brahman is said y chertfSNMiHUdM = ychtfiy (Swim

-tjirufm ?raf:- In these cases no suffix was required , for the bahu.

rvrihis y^(I|j|,y, fduu fe^ , ^chcHQt'MM igiT would be quite regular

and plain. Compare Pane. I, 46 yoiuiqfwH I msft — Hoi u'mwi <roft.

This rather pleonastic idiom is especially used in some standing

compounds. Grammarians teach and practice confirms °Tq- being

132.readily added to compounds in "grtHT, "siraT, "nmx, Vt, "sfWr, °5rnf.

P ' 5,2 '

Typical compounds.

228. So I call such compounds whose latter element isTypical

com- almost used in a typical sense, which is more or lesspounds.

remote from their primitive meaning. By them the

great importance of compounding for Sanskrit com-

position appears best. Such among them, as are

fit for periphrasing case-relations, have already been

dealt with in Chapter IX, especially 188—196. Of

the others the most remarkable are: 1. those in 5IT[T>

1) See P. 5, 2, 115; 116; 128 with the varttikas on them.

§ 228—220. 173

°?A\ *t|, °^TT^^T, "STHTrT, which are expressive of „and so

on," 2. those in ^IT and JX^T^' which may serve

to make adverbs ofmanner,3.those in QcT= sformerly—,"

4. those in°rTT^IT, which does duty of a limitative par-

-—- -*"'N

tide, ^Hll^^J being nearly the same as c(T3T^", 5.

those in °5R5*T, /^2£T, °^JH c

5TT?T,to express ^nearly,

almost," 6. those in °i?7T, ifl^Tmay be rendered by „na-

mely," 7. those in ''^FrT^T, when having the worth

of „some" or „other." And soon.

229. To give a fuller account of them, we will treat of them se-

STfij; parately.

etc. ^ Those in 'Wl;), *ilf^*, Vra, Vfffi' are bahuvrihis , meaning

properly »the beginning of which is — ," as is still plain f. i. in

M. 1, 50 ^Ht^ri lW nrTdY dfoNl : (the existences, at the head of which

stands Brahma, end here). Commonly they are expressive of »etc.

;

and the like." Pane. 8 ircfrp-f^chRhiil 5jqlrHnf(<cM ; qj l^ch^ (he per-

formed in his honour all the funeral rites, viz. the vrshotsarga

etc.), Hit. 123 ^di/ioi'^Tf^ «yi^<R fferfTT^(hestow on them presents

of the king's favour, gold, clothes and so on), Pane. 62 gir cn^cr-

gr^TSWrTJrai' qcF^: (all [aquatic animals], fishes, tortoises etc. —).

In these examples the compounds are adjectives , but often they are

used as substantives too [see note 1 on p, 165], as Bhoj. 64 #^i|Ej

srTjjrorar: i Fsnq=r srar^ srter **jui^dln i [d.fasT%rafr wmx hoi^im^i^

^srri: eihcft: » Pane. 27 ^rcravffr trappy 3.i(£* fsrasr wrfe (from to-day it

is you by whom favour, punishment, etc. are to be administered.)

2. "trcf, 2. When adjectives, those in °qn and Vp?TT may have the

Vr:STTV same purport as those in Vrfs; etc. Pane. 20 oLi i fej^l(gdchU| :^T:

g^ (all of them, tigers, panters, wolves and the rest). Whenadverbs , the latter member is almost meaningless : jftfanBr UTOrT =wftffT UTOH- Hit. 7 <tct sr^Ml-lM { ;^f M^i^wrMHdi^ (respectfully he

gave qver his sons to him).

174 § 229.

3-Wrltra 3. Those in qg- may also signify jhaving been formerly so and

and the g0 " but now being so no more: aifedijoi : jone who once has beenlike.

~*» c»

rich," wro?: (of old). N. 1, 13 ^ cfrf%T£ |^°rf (never seen before),

Qak. VI ^oJHfcgdrH^ddi J^fe UI*tMI (indeed, I once have wedded

secretly the Lady Qak.) ').

«)°HW ' 4. «) Compounds in rrrar are bahuvrihis , used as substantives

of the neuter, and properly ha\e the meaning »the exact measure

(trw) of which is —." Tet , as a rule they are used as if their

latter member were some limitative particle and "VraT may be trans-

lated by abut, only." Prabodh. I, p. 13 Pchd4/*?im;HHrl (it is but a vain

rumour), Pane. 192 gfrsft £r d 14) M Mil ft M^lilra ^r chl^B (nobody will

make you his friend only on account of your voice), E. 3, 71, 22 ni^-HM

FT slHlfi ^r f^ iTOT T=5m\- This translation, however, does not suit

all instances. Sometimes"h ijh signifies, that the whole class is

meant, not single individuals belonging to it. Pat. I, p. 242 gri^iull

t\ ^dau: g^r r- trcrfnr srr^nimT? ^ ^tm y{ wisf =5 =r <rtaw (since it

is said: »one may not hurt a brahman, nor drink strong liquor"

,

one does not hurt anybody, that is named brahman, nor drinks

anything, to which the appellation »strong liquor" is applicable).

Comm. on R. 2, 12, 100 i°mitZT3Xl £CT ^TrtT ST^FFT tJUjH H<fd (the

king seeing the foul conduct of K., by his sorrow chides the whole

°srm^ feminine sex). — In this meaning VlrPT is almost synonymous , as

Dae. 22 ^u")q.-itH l f^i<shi|rilH^cr| iifT (he obtained the cauda , the upa-

nayana , in short the whole set of sacraments), Bhoj. 62 tm^tdfcl

chlUllil ufeclsllrWRH HrMd S^T grfETHTt 3?fPT;

/3) Adjectt. ^ °ing.

js aig0 pUt ^ participles; then it is an adjective and

signifies »as soon as —." Pane. Ill, 3 aiHHM sn| JT5FT =raH (one must

abate a foe , as soon as he has arisen), ibid. p. 58 wisnrr HU inUN^HiTT^f apim: mvx:, Kathas. 36, 111, etc.

Rem. The adjectival employment of those in °in=r is however

in "TRf.

1 ) One is wont to analyze iMMd: by orsr ITrT: and so on, see f. i. Kac.on P.

5, 3, 53, but that analysis does not give a satisfactory account of the nature of

the compound. If the adverb era- were compounded with the noun JjfT, one

would expect qsrUFT in the same way , as f. i. M. 9, 267 <JdH*s*>i l:» people whohave formerly been thieves."

§ 229. 175

not restricted to the case that the former member is a participle.

See but Pane. II, 95 ^im^Ni ^ f%5T ff sprf^TTi. • • ^Ti (poor people

do but bear the name of men, as they are of no use whatsoever).

5- °gf5T> 5. »Almost, nearly, like" is signified by "Wcr, °zw, "zyxter, °wm,

\uTiy? which have almost got the nature of pure formal suffixes, and,

°crra'- indeed, the former three are taught as such by Panini (5, 3, 67). Of

them, those in "spr^g and °qnr are the most frequent. E. 3, 16, 39

dic^MMHch^ l Pl (speech like ambrosia), Kumaras. 3, 14 cftrt FsraT

=T: tlfH<-Hcfrg<JH (you have nearly engaged yourself to do our affair),

Kathas. 6, 51 ^frr, cFrfMjrgsrt Q^uuiui 5Rf%H^ (some Samavedin

was thus addressed by somebody like a rake), Malat. IX, p. 149

Cof q tid fa rttiuior ^: U cU I U. I T (in this manner all my hope is almost

gone), Pane. 202 tj chmifSHUlJ £"sr JTrT: (gone to a country, where

a good deal of the paddy was ripe), Dag. 78 feqwwi M fcti^WdrH

(this way of unrighteousness, full of deception). Those in Vrcr

are, indeed, bahuvrihis, to be analyzed thus: »the greater part

of which is — ," just as those in °^^q properly are — »the man-

ner or mode of which is — .'-'

6.a=^. 6. Those in °%q are likewise adjectives. As ^qrr means not only

» shape, form" in general, but also »a beautiful shape, a beauty,"

so the bahuvrihis ending in it admit of either acceptation. Panini

(5, 3, 66) mentions the latter, when teaching such compounds

as sTPsrorgT: i iHirlilW to be praise-denoting. 1) But, in practice,

those in °^q- are not often met with in this meaning, by far

oftener they are employed for the sake of qualifying some general

kind by describing its species. Then we may often translate them

by means of »f. i. ; viz." Instances are chiefly found in commen-

taries and the like. Say. on Ait. Br. 2, 37, 1 [p. 272 ed. Aufrecht]

1) Panini speaks of °=jcr as of a taddhita. Kay. when commenting on

our sutra shows °*%$ to be used to signify the highest pitch of a quality, as

atM^qfcfr n: qcTTO^T a7T ferffT- Blame , inversely , is expressed by

compounds in "qror (P. 5, 3, 47), as in this verse of Bhojapr. (p. 7) ^ruifh jft

:t 3TI7T ^ itrtV UrtPTTSraT! (the attendant, who does not exert himself,

when ordered by his master, is a bad attendant).

176 § 229-230.

7. "g'Srfif-7 - Bahuvrihis in "gsrfv (limit) may be synonymous of ztrsfrJ in

both of its acceptations (169 with. Eem.). See f. i. Kathas. 4, 100

Urdiun idnj (till I shall have come back); 52, 146.

S.^HSTCT- 8- Tatpurushas in °fegta, when meaning » excellent species," are

expressive of something »first-rate, excellent." See f. i. Eagh. 2, 7.

9.°g^". 9. Tatpurushas in "Wrro are often to be rendered by ssome"

or » other." Properly speaking , hkt^, fasrsn and ^ mean variety,

species," and as a » variety of something" is »something different",

the transition of meaning may easily be accounted for. — Malav.

Ill, p. 60 ijofwi^oi^i-H^qi^l rRWSTrTt (v. a. the lady has changed

her former attitude to another), Pane. I, 132 surrsiutii^ wzt ^trT3"

^o| |£o|M> (the fruit of good and evil deeds comes instantly , whenfrom the king, but in some other existence, when from Destiny),

ibid. p. 83 tftuwlii <sMMi qwi 357 =7 sr^jirr i jMidMJ fsnwi h r^t

ErfSfT (one cannot dwell among wicked people, for they will hurt

you by some means or other). The proper meaning of "sg^rnr is

not rarely transparent, as in the example quoted first. Likewise

Pane. 248 irnfowrfe^tmrra, Pane. 205 zioErfafmM^ srere miulR

(I do not hear distinctly, of what kind of things you speak).

10. °farfv- 10. Tatpurushas in "fgrfv: may denote, that the action spoken

of is done »in due form." Pane. I, 335 t^HlSlfeH i jhumh m^\n,

Dag. 80 fT5TTT^ .SrUij^ujoi^lalyijcti^cwJin his house I gave a stylish

dinner).

This list may be easily enlarged.

Final observations.

230. Any Sanskrit compound belongs to one of the great

classes mentioned before. Now , as not only the members

of a compound but even their constituent elements

may be compounds themselves , hence arises an almost

unlimited freedom of enlarging compounds by taking

up into them all sorts of nouns or adverbs serving to

qualify the whole of the compound or part of it. In

this way, very large and very intricate compounds are

§ 230—231. 177

intricate available , and in fact they often occur , albeit that theompounds- •> '

field of combinations and images is in some degree limited

by conventional usage and by the examples of the best

authors. For the rest the frequency and the nature of

those intricate and bulky compounds will much depend

on the style of the literary work. It requires , there-

fore, a good deal of training to catch forthwith the

purport of many an intricate compound.A few instances will suffice. Kadamb. I, p. 15 the king, it is

said, saw a lady ^Rjh^Jjmw^^W MJ-KWW fori4)*h

i

fad ^f?fa^ >'Who

was like Eati, stained by the smoke of Kama burning by the

fire of angry Qiva," for when analyzing the complex, we get

*(mhui ^w ^hiuhh 4.<frU-iHm q<HUi Err yjrteijw^ MRH4)<£di*jj ap-

parently a tatpurusha, the former member of which is also a

tatpurusha the former member of which is also a tatp. and so

on. Now a bahuvrihi. In the same Kad. (p. 39) a forest a|upbears

the epithet ^ciyrifaRlHUH Rch^iMlHR^Hist^^si^sijvT^fv^ [y*McH^

(where the roots [of the trees] had been moistened by the abund-

ant blood of the army of the Baxasas killed by the shots of

the crowd of sharp arrows [discharged] by the son of Dagaratha),

here jtsw is the subj. of the bahuvrihi, the preceding complex

being its predicate, an intricate tatpurusha, as it is thus to be

analyzed ^qm ^ttot fafgld HI UI(IUli R*(HI Pmiridl^^H ^wt^TOTt

snsr 7m sr^T ^fy^UT f%aw. This whole clause is comprehended

within one compound. And so often.

231. Case-nouns standing outside the compound are veryCase

." often to be construed with it or with one of its mem-nouns

standing kerS- This is but consistent with the whole spirit , whichitside the

mpound, pervades- Sanskrit composition. A great liberty is leftit to be r .

mstruea to the speaker to prefer either a rather synthetical

or a rather analytical mode of expression. He has the

opportunity of enlarging compounds by making enter

within them any noun or adverb serving to qualify the

12

178 § 231—232.

whole or any part of it. But on the other hand nothing

compels him to do so. The qualifying noun may as

well he a self-existent word having its own noun-

case. ) So gak. V f^Wfr frl~|^td*l(U?I51TffR:

(dwelling in the forests on the slope of mount

Himavan), here |<^*-)c|rl I M^J stands outside the com-

pound as to its form, but belongs to it by its

meaning , as it qualifies the member -i^rM^I- Pane. 42

a weaver returns home to his wife, mrtcT chufriiqim (TCIT: ^iHIMoii^ i

»having heard evil report on her account;" when using a mere

analytical expression, the author of the Pancatantra would have

said iron aHoil< 3jforr or ^ frerr aqdk. etc., when a mere syn-

Ihetical one ^irlrl^Md l^ :, hut he has here availed himself of a mixed

idiom. — Malav. V, p. 140 smr: Miam Urtl lormd :(S., who had the

horse brought back by his grand-son) ; Kumaras. I, 37 6HHHI ^sr-

^HifH^ [mm] ^Hj here ^H loi ril qualifies a^u the former

member of the compound; Mahav. I, p. 6 ached I quagl-gH i aTl chidri ,

here uchrdi also is intimately connected with the compound. These

few examples will suffice , as the idiom is met with on almost every

page of Sanskrit.

232. By this equivalence, and to a certain extent also,promiscuous -

ness of analytical and synthetical expression it is also explained that

there must be some freedom in using the so called figure of

ellipsis even in compounds. Nala 1, 13 the beauty of Damayanti

is said to surpass that of all other women , even of time past, ^.

.

. .

.

d l d>lMolri) chfarl dfcHolfadl 5TFTT, here srfT is of course = 4Uri<4df.

By a similar abridgment Malav. V, p. 137 moon and sun are named

aTtril&m f^i i UN »the hot- and the cold-rayed 2)."

1) I wonder, what reasons may have induced Whitney (§ 1316) to

speak of this idiom as something irregular. On the contrary, nothing

can be more regular.

2) A striking example is afforded by R. 3, 20, 12, if 1 am right reading

there ^rsremrT t*J<0m i 3^orf? §H5R3T sftF^Ti t^mu id : i M^Hcim fft^T

§ 233. 179

SECTION III.

ON THE DIFFERENT CLASSES OF NOUNS ANDPRONOUNS.

Chapt. I. Substantive. Adjective. Adverb.

233. In ancient languages the difference between adjective

tndtX and substantive is generally not so strongly markedstantive. as m m0(jern oneS- g especially in Sanskrit. Both

classes of nouns have the same declension, and a great

number of them have sometimes an adjectival mean-

ing, sometimes they are substantives. They are

only different as to their gender, substantives being

nouns of one gender, but adjectives of three, as they

must take the gender of the nouns they qualify :

)

:

gj* an*, w w> gj^Adjectives proper, when used as substantives, may

be distinguished thus: a) the substantivizing results from

JT*T y^rhwiVeW I *qm q^THW rZT^mjTHnWl; the Bomb, edition has fCT.

<£WT°- There is antithesis between the qnrti [in full trrtsrrmisn':] Raxasas

and Rama qyTTiTTEr:, and likewise between them £^[qi IshHf:] and Rama

who was arsqyTsRT;- The tamdhir &rs?iah^%\[{\ Oa,

]g^qjraiT|iTJs admitted

in the Ramayana, see f. i. 2, 51, 8; 74, 13; 3, 64, 23.

1) By this way we may account for the fact, that Indian grammar,

full as it is of accurate and minute observations and of acute and sharp distinc-

tions, does not possess proper terms expressive of categories of word's

as common and as indispensable to Western grammar as » adjective" and

» substantive." The gunavacana of the vernacular grammarians encom-

passes more than our »adjective"; neither the dravyani nor the jalayas are

the exact equivalent of our » substantives". The term vifeshana, used by

Panini himself, comprises both the apposition and the attributive adjec-

tive. The only term adopted to point out the adjective as such is ^m Qfc^n»noun of three genders."

180 § 233—234.

the ellipsis of the concordant subst., as STTrTT' [viz. ?TFT!]

„cold water," qfeTFTT: [viz. ^TTH „grey hairs;" £)they

are substantives when having got some special meaning, as

rT*T adj. „thin," subst. fern. „body;"^|^" adj. „brown,"

subst. masc. „lion; monkey; Indra; Vishnu;" c)

they are used as substantives while retaining their

general signification, as IMU! when meaning „a-or

the beloved one," 41^.' „a (the) wicked man." The last

category is the sole regarding us here, for any adjec-

tive may in this way turn substantive. The diver-

sity of the endings for the different genders and

numbers enables to express by one single word such

phrases as „a rich man,'1

„a young woman," „a

business of weight," resp. %H^4!, FT^UM, H«(»ri. The

plural of course, if a plurality of things is meant; hence

FTTkT „that" when = those things, Lat. ea, HSJIUI

Lat. fausta , sJ«^M multa , etc.

Like other substantives, the substantivized adjectives may be

an element in compounds. Hit. 94 ^h^rar ^r chHour *Hot?l ir^T^ra': (one

must not serve a weak [master], but join a mighty one), ibid. 102

*M+HH Iri)rilHM^R (enough of this chiding the past):

Abstract nouns.

234. Abstract nouns are much used in Sanskrit composi-

Abstractfton# They are partly derivates of verbs

,partly of nouns.

The verbal abstracts are not rarely to be paraphrased

in translating , especially if the predicate of the sentence

be made up by them. Then, our language generally

prefers finite verbs. R. 3, 2, 11 the man-eater says to Roma

§ 234-235. 181

TOT rimuuloif ^ srra: Wiu\ ^ (and how is it, that you dwell

with a woman, being ascets?), Dag. 101 =ggqi H-^ l -d ^rrcr win: ^rft *m ^

{^MJ I

P

l"*%Ttr (he took an oath, he would release me, and I, not

to reveal the secret), ibid. 95 ^^ f| ^^ i^Jl^mm i^fari^teiei

Ud£-m > Mrcch. I, p. 32 q- q«4iJ)mi|^rd<UHtri rTT (the garden-creeper does

not deserve to be stripped of its flowers) , Mudr. V, p. 180 (Malaya-

ketu to Eaxasa) T^jr; (TT^T -JHUdimMl^tTTldWtllUli fdttKJriJU^HH^-

*:rlUHHl ErfEnrwr: srttsIwt^ =r muvf ^fTfT (sir, it is inconsistent, that

by purchase from merchants you should have come by precious

jewels , once worn by my father, especially as they have passed

into the hands of Candr.).

235. Of the nominal abstracts the most important are

those in "rTT, "^R" and °>TT^:, as they may be derived

of any noun. Of *TJ (weak) the abstract „weakness"

is not only TT^T or ^f^TT (see P. 5, 1, 122), but also

H^rll HJpFT and TJHTsp. Nothing, too,impedes mak-

ing them of compounds, as 5J^TTFTrTT or "^T or 0>TT3"!

„the being the child of a set" or ^rjg^pPT (°rTT, "^TT^O

„the having four mouths " \). Hence the abstracts in

°FTT and °pFT and their synonyms are a fit means for

expressing clauses and the like in a concise form , espe-

cially when attended by a subjective genitive. So ^^rlW

sSfcLNrMPl 1^ = „the fact of N.N.'s being a merchant's

son," ^^UI^FFPsFTT „the four-facedness of Brahma."

Here are some examples of this widely used idiom : Pane. I, 222

cfFJnRrfJrof <pR?T =TFT EFPCT (it is a calamity to be father to a daughter);

1) The suffixes for making these abstracts are taught by Panini 5, 1,

119—136. Those in °HT5T are evidently tatpurushas, HT5T meaning »the

state, the being." For this reason Panini is right not mentioning them.

182 § 235—237.

ibid. p. 71 ^y nmm (q^<richw <H i

(iM i > rTT (I have scrutinized the good

qualities of P. as well as his vices); Kumaras. I, 48: if animals

felt shame, the female yaks, it is said, when seeing the beau-

tiful hair of fair Um& , would have abated their pride of their tails

gOTcrfcrftrarof (ai(5j<ri ^m: ; Dae. 36 gsr^TFer zmrnr ^raV £w]\% (as

all were drowned because of the ship's foundering); Pane. 73 FsraTOT

srfeoTTrSraT-sfi' Tmm: ql^rttrh: (by having him as your friend you

havfe neglected the whole of your royal duty); Qak. II: king

Dushyanta, as his presence is wanted at different places at the

same time , says eftrtjJlPj,j^|roi i^ iSrtocrf^r ^ *PT: > Utt. II, p. 35 er-.

farjwnsr. "the density and the being scattered," that is »the re-

lative density;" Comment. onE. 3, 42, 10q=TH.-m| Jt( (ldmJ l (Hm~ilrd-<

its;; (*he difference between the words pattana and nagara is this

that the former does not signify the king's residence, the latter

does). The last example shows also the fitness of this idiom for

the sake of explaining and demonstrating. By grasping the dif-

ferent links of a sentence into one single word, scientific or phi-

losophical matters may be treated in the very clearest and plain-

est manner, complex ideas being rendered by complexes of words,

whereas the relation of the abstract noun with the other words of

the sentence is sufficiently pointed out by its case-ending.

236. Some idiomatic employment of the abstracts — chiefly

^m^ioy- those in °FTT and "(5FT — must be insisted upon.

Them.°f

I- Their accusative with verbs of g o i n g and coming

^fandis often used to express the passing from one state to

reaching another , cp. 39. Hitop. 94 i|riHm<HiHi 5rrfFr (even a mightywith the *

accus. of an one may become mean), Prabodh. IT, p. 78 quotes the verse srrast:

"no'™* #f^^ 5°TT iTri^T S^rom* (- become helpers), Var. Brh. 2, 17

^ol^roi nWT (he becomes an astrologer), Pane, 38 h?;-* mOTora^foT-

mwn% fnrm graTft (— I will become his disciple), ibid. 62 gp]

site sM a iHifH (the lake will soon grow dry), Bhoj. 28 a^t srer-

iTrrrirfrr <h6m)*«j-

237. II. Their instrumental, may signify in what quality

somebody or something acts (67). Then it may be

237. 183

i

truinental

^tein- rendered by means of „as." So Hitop. 103 ^%C^ttract'noan n»rt IM<Pl*T 5T*TTrT (let some other heron go with him

oHnwhatas [his] second), Katn. IV, p. 114 ^rftf fcfO" f^^f^T^T^SJrPTT mTT{ (why, my dear, do you behave as

if you were indifferent even now ?).

This idiom is much used with verbs of acting- , behaving-

,

being as; knowing-, considering as , takingfor; calling- , signi-

fying as; treating as and many others. Instead of the phrase

sTT^TTlt pTT sTHTfa FMWTTfaSffCrf^rTfa one may say

sTI<£lUMH pit sTHTfa etc.

Examples : KatMs. 26, 8 gjinyTTrraT ferT: (being steersman) ; Pra-

bodh. IV, p. 81 fror cprrrr: nwt a^Y^Tw yiHdi^Hyi^iiwoiWot (h^Rh:

(Kama is his chief warrior, it is you we have looked for as his match);

Dae. 76 ^ipjg- jm-. qWreHl^h(d^ (and the glow [of passion],

which had been loosened from the holy man, [now] shone as

twilight); Eagh. 14, 40 ^m f| igr; srfgnr ncrtreHlflRdl srfeqfT: PsTTiv:

(on spotless moon people have thrown earth's shade by way of a spot);

Dag. 112 rrt h =r chfaf^rtl ^pnrr iRt dHift (nobody here knows

me as swc&) ; ibid. 93 fcraT Rudnfw ri<m (drain i^m<WT: (you cannot

but denounce me as the person, you have got it from); ibid. 144

SET- • • • riaoT aiUlroH <Hi|ch<yiiL| rT (she has been destined a wife for you)

;

ibid. 94 ^ ^oT FTtRsFf rretf{raH l «iMfd^ aT^JrT (it was the unhappy Arth.

who was seized as the thief) ; Pat. I, p. 399 when treating of the

karmadharaya <Kdu i [d<yH :, says ftvrri qTWW fddRddi usrf^T ronfr

laOTUTroiR; KatMs. 52, 60 ^rammzrfo JT&ppr, Mhbh. 1, 43, 24

1) The germ of this much used idiom is found already in the Rgveda-

niantras, in such phrases as g^Udl (instr.= skrt M^&ldU 0- Kgv. 10, 15, 6

JTT f^fw firT^: #R f%^ft 35" 5W: ^^TfTT cfT^T (do us no injury,fathers

,

on account of any offence, that we, after the manner of men [as heing

men], may have committed against you).

184 § 237—240.

Eem. In the instances quoted the abstracts are ending in °rpjT

and °farr. But although these suffixes are the most employed ones

,

any other abstract has the same effect. Dag. 15 HcO^ l^chJldMdtTlfcrf-

=fjVTaFT q 17 eh fellH I ^-1 (I was appointed nurse of the twins, his

children); Kag. I, p. 16 sorfifH frrfmFreit: *Ht)I*H4I arTfT («»« is used

as a designation of kinsmen and property); Pat. I, p. 230 >m4l -

P^uifsr ch< i R=»rtet iH^u i Qdf^wiPi Uorf^r cKwrnzt ^% w qturfni

qirrf%rfCTTTrn^nT 1 5ER^TT:5iIIT e^ TOTTfa- For this reason, different ab-

stracts made from one noun are as a rule promiscuous; compare

f. i Kathas. 13, 132 ua \ Q\ W ZrHUi with. Hit. 97 tjtrm £\ni*i , both

Tjtrnr and jjirij^ signifying sin the quality of a messenger."

238. Occasionally — but not often — an ablative will do the same

Other,juty as the instrumental of 237. E. 3, 6, 10 rd lM lHN qwTtTPW. •••

similar* ^ --

idioms: aHJirdlHim o| tt^ |J-i: (— we will address you, Lord, as supplicants),

cp. Kathas. 72, 165.

Loca- The locative of the abstracts may also be used so, as K.

3, 36, 17 grcrr Hr^i4 mi^iwi drch l ff o|thi**w (be informed of the matter,

which you must perform as my helper on my order). It is espe-

cially used with verbs of appointing, choosing, designing to some rank

or dignity. Pane: 26 mrnt d^ chmafd rnrr ijHTfg- PtJl sia i Pi (— I

will make [him] your attendant) ; Nala 3, 23 rTOH"Urli| £5T qfrTrir

sTytitei 5 (choose one of those devas for your husband) ; Hit. 91 g-

Note that of abstracts of the feminine gender the ablative and

locative are not used so , only the instrumental (cp. 102).

239. The dative of the abstracts with verbs of appointing etc. will

Dative, occasionally occur. Mhbh. 1, 139, 1 did) kdia ^iHJH l fel rU Ife'JI Jrtyf&T:)

Kathas. 38, 153 dcHdlP-HreilU ^Tf ^m-

Rem. In the ancient liturgical books we met with two datives,

one of the person and one of the abstract noun, both attending

on the same verb, especially i^t and gr^rr. Ait. Br. 4, 25, 8 i,*A\u

lr ^oTT s-uwiilii jy'^iiiy -iifH«^ (the devas did not yield to Indra

as to the eldest and most excellent [of them])i ^t ^did; a^qPrf

ZmU TT STT^STT^TTrTJ rWU MUrTJ rTrTt 5T fT^I 3oTT sUWUlU ^W^lU l frlW^H

etc., cp. T. S. 2, 2, 11, 5. Ait. Br. 7, 17, 7 Vicvamitra thus ad-

§ 239—241. 185

dresses his sons ^ilPlrH HT $r °g- wmp ^PT i ICT ^wm cRFmcTH

(— attend on him [Cunahgepha] as your eldest), cp. 7, 18, 8. Note

the attraction in this idiom. — Op. a similar employment of the loca-

tive: Ait. Br. 4, 25, 9 ^fw^TT £iw iil i sTRH »his kin acknowledge

his authority."

Adverbs.

240. Sanskrit adverbs , as far as they are not old words

Terb

"

sof uncertain and forgotten origin — as ^,, 5^5, ttgtt, jtst,

=Enyw and the like — are noun-cases either distinctly felt

as such or in some degree petrified. The accusative of

the neuter singular is as a rule employed, if adjectives

be wanted to act as adverbs T

) (55).

Bahuvrihis, like other adjectives, may do duty of adverbs,

when put in the accus. of the neuter. Dag. 169 grr =sr STfT-

PlfoiuiN qtjW (and he took no less care for him as for himself);

Pane. 55 ^fn srSTqi *-lldi| I'radri' ira^rer i-iHH-'l srtsrr^ (as her mother

spoke thus , the princess lowered her head for fear and shame and

said);Qak. I nW^-ift^ gjX^rffir scr^t 5^f&: ([the stag] runs on

casting now and then a look on the chariot so as to cause to turn

its neck ever so neatly); Acv. Grhy. 1, 9, 1 crrfqTO^m I fg;n^r qfrgyrj

here the first word is an adverb »from his marriage, beginning

with his marriage."

When derived from substantives , the adverbs are mostly

modal instrumentals and ablatives (77 , 104). Dag.l36^i%

f§WMimi.im iri^H AWlftiMcJj-j, here mrnrm&Ff = » falsely;" R. 3, 61, 20

f^nptcd-t » wholly". Likewise ojrfw » alternately ," ^rterm' "jokingly,"

etc., and ablatives, as ^ ih , ^swraTFT.

241. For the sake of comparison one uses adverbs in ^"FT

verbs. They may be made of any noun , and are to be rendered

1) Adverbs are styled fejl ldUmm i P » attributes of verbs." The ace.

neuter of an adjective , when used adverbially , is named em fdiUlidiuiillNi^

see f. i. Kag. on P. 2, 3, 33.

186 § 241—248.

by „as" or „like." When paraphrased, they are = U*MI

or i°l with any noun-case wanted by the context,

therefore fH^FT may be = fitsc ^ or %^[^q or

TH^FT^ and so on.— E. 3, 45, 5 gftqg- f^raror M iffrowRi srjsih [=

SRjfjcr] (in the shape of a friend , Laxmana,you are like a foe to your

brother); Mhbh. 1 148, 15 a i-Jl^ i u4* \ u |g kg laa imm ^bidH [== grzrr sett]

(the innocent Pandavas he did burn as if they were his enemies)

;

Kam. 3, 31 gp^ IpTrrr: SRT I 3>lrilol^<sWmcMd*l H|?sR^ [= ScfiTT ^ST

and 3ffT7irRfe-]; Mhbh. 1, 159, 4 rrpar Mdd^^l [= jp^ar] (Pass over

by me as if by a vessel) ; Hit. 10 mHorftTTTTTisr i|)f, sum rrTl feoi rt

jj|fMdf<Hd^FTET zr. qwfH ST qiuiH : (he wn0 looks on the wife of another

as on his mother, on the goods of another as on clay, on all cre-

atures as on himself, such one is a wise man).

Eem. 1. Compare with them Latin adverbs as regaliter, when

meaning »kingly, like a king." Mhbh. 1, 145, 1 trnrjon: iftarer

qTsfr snj? j iHoM (suppliciter).

Eem. 2. Like other compounds , the adverbs in 5TFT may have

their former member standing in construction with some other

word outside the compound. Pane. I, 260 ^rfftiTwr ^TTST znfh a^r

<Jrl^olr^= JmT cTgT "Jrl^) arfrf-

242. Adverbs in °sr; involve the dissolution of a whole into many

parts. Malat. "VIII, p. 135 ^asr ^rt EWu s-.m^mf ch{)fci (I will

cut her into pieces and cause her to die a miserable death).

As to those in &rr see 302 E.

243. Sometimes — but not so often as in Latin and Greek—doing"duty adjectives are used , where one might expect adverbs.of adverts. Qf the kind are f. i. ferer = Lat. invitus, fe^r (mere). Kathas. 28,

70 Trm faaw OT fflTTsir (E. disappeared against her will) ; Kathas.

29, 120 jptt gwrcrffcrTiT cFrrprr Adtrfl fsrfv: (that she did not die,

the cause thereof was nothing but Destiny, Germ, nur das Schick-

saT). Likewise others , which in fact serve to qualify the verb, though

they do formally agree with some substantive (31, V). E. 3, 60, 25qtr

tsr?TW: 5fi*T!TCor (tell it me confidentially), M. 3, 101 Fjtrrrfr tjJH^A

para

tive

§ 243—245. 187

5ITO =5rra!f =g SFjrfTT (grass, earth, water, and fourthly, friendly speech).

Compare these more instances, taken from the ancient language : Ait.

Br. 1, 7, 13 STTJTTirfiiffr nirfSr (finally he worships Aditi), Oh. Up.

6, 6 h 3KT; ^g^hsrfH (it rises upwards), Acv. Grhy. 1, 11, 5 33;^

HtiRi (they lead [the victim] to the north.

Degrees of comparison.

244. Of two persons or things,possessing the same quality

,

" the comparative is to point out that which is en- 57.

'

dowed with the higher degree of it: ^TT^FT^TrrO'T ! (the

better of these two), cl^T I^FT ^"fi^FT! (words , sweeter

than honey). Even if the person or thing compared with

,

be implied, not expressed , the comparative may be used.

We then translate it by „tolerably, rather')." Dag. 159

flrfr-s <y<T)uw I chM-l -jy%\ ferrf^ y=WUci (not very long hereafter —),

Prabodh. II, p. 30 jtot gpi^u'D fersrfq' trrflirrrrT (I have abandoned mywife, though I loved her very much), Pane. 35 fT^FSTT faj-cHch ; m^ jdi

rjtjol^ (after hearing this , P. addressed him in a rather respectful

manner). — Occasionally the comparative may even express »too."

Mhbh. I (Paushyaparva) Upamanyu, when asked by his master

why he looks fat though every opportunity of getting food has

been intercepted to him, answers he has drunk the foam, given

back by the calves after having drunk the milk of their mothers.

But even that livelihood displeases his spiritual teacher, for jm

rolc^-lch^-MUl JTTTToRft 5TRTT'. tffjTflf ^3^"^ ' rK.lwft okMMI d-uq(ltf

gn^-fir (these virtuous calves give back too much foam, for pity

on you, for this reason you prevent also their being fed).

245. The superlative expresses not only the „ highest" but

f,

utP^r " also a „very high" degree, just as in Latin and Greek.

crilMTS?" may be sometimes = very bad, sometimes = the

worst. When denoting the highest degree, there is ge-

lative.

1) Cp. Vdmana's Stilregeln by Cappeleeb, ch. Qabdacuddhi, s. 62.

188 § 246—248.

nerally some word added , as FF^FT, cTT^R-

etc. Mhbh.

1, 143, 3 ^ WUsV yH^W^Ttlfl^rPfl" jf^T (this great

assembly is the most pleasing on earth). But for the rest

it signifies excellency among three or more, the com-

parative being destined for denoting it between two.

Of two brothers one is thesUIMM, the other chMIMM'

of more one the s%W>, another the *M&:.246. Tet carelessness in the employment of comparative and super-

Careless-iative is not rare in Sanskrit. a

) Sometimes the comparative is usedness in

x

their em- instead of the superlative. Pat. I, p. 77 trjrr fTpir sj^isi u^yHc^MM™^m

' Udrtiii" >T sW: T^V sjt ^ mam sir q *41diRfn — instead of ct,R«:.

Pane. I, 408 it is said that of the shadgunya the danda is the

worst expedient , here ve find '-nqim-i , not trrfw:, ibid. p. 305 among

four individuals one is said the ^HVHJ :

2).

Sometimes again the superlative is used instead of the com-

.

parative. Kathas. 43, 23 of two brothers one calls himself chP'# ,

and his brother &W- Pane. 113 snwnrircnpRrTirer IdPmiH : (a

mischief of either king or minister). Cp. ibid. V, 36 Qmm srfe-

frTiq i(judgment is better than learning), here the superl. is of

necessity, as the comp. j=n does not purport the meaning of

excellency. For a different reason crejrr a superl. as to its form,

is the equivalent of both sfirst" and »former." So f. i. Malav. II,

P- 35 sERriTbirTl^MiSiri: *ri(«J rpjJT ntftri <^JW: (of whom of these

two honourable professors shall we see the performance the first?).

247. The suffixes °;=rr and °j=[ir may be put even to 'Substantives.

Instances are scarce in the classic language 3). Pane. 326 q- g- ^rsrfer-

1) Further investigation will decide for how much of that seeming

irregularity we are indebted to the faults and the Bloth of copyists , and

how much of it is really good Sanskrit.

2) As to the form cp. R. 2, 12, 26 ijjj^M^ and Whitney Sanskr. Gram-mar^ 473, al. 4.

3) They are somewhat more frequent in the ancient dialect , see Whitney

§ 473, al. 1. Classic Sanskrit possesses some, which have a special

meaning, as «UdH|: (mule), drHd| : (Ragh. 3, 32) »an older calf."

§ 247-250. 189

wHMoitfTlga ?T ^T-iHMMUolriH fernrrfya^: (and he [the horse-thief]

examined all the horses, saw that the raxasa [who had assumedthe figure of a horse] was the best of them [liter. »the most horse"]

and mounted him).

248. The comparative and superlative being wanted to do

c

Domp

e

ari3ondutJ of adverbs

, they are put in the accus. of the neu-in adverbs.

ter) jugt ag ig done ^^ gjj other adjectives (55). So

^T: is adverb of ^TH, ST^FFf of VtVFT<, etc. Pat. i, P . 10

^3 & *dilrj|t;d mwfo: Stls^MJdW^r ("will they, who have studied

[grammar], apply words the better?);Qak. IV itfqf tfar <RiUll qf^&.

249. Degrees of comparison may be made from undecli-

nable words; then they end in rTijTfr and "FFfFT as3W-

FFT^FT (higher). Malav. II, p. 36 nrfmji diM^'exceedingly charm-

ing), cp. P. 1, 2, 35.

{^dfrlH - Such comparison is made also of forms, belonging to the P ' 5> 3'

T-pTand finite verb. Instances of comparatives , made from the 3<1

the like, person of the present not rarely occur in literature. R. 2, 64, 72

|£TT ^drl ^TiT^ (my spirits almost lower). Prabodh. IV, p. 87 Eh mi)

5TSTOT smzTJHiT^f =T F5R3TT: (to lose something gained before grieves

more than having gained nothing at all). Vikram. V, p. 1 78 q-irsr-

fcirwi iH^ fuiuil fdrisra^(even of an infant-snake the poison is rather

strong). Eatn. Ill, p. 74 :MufrH(HT; — Kathas. 102, 35 we meeffrnrr

-put to a 3d person of the perfect : w^JjFrnrr.

Instances of the superlative I do not recollect having met

with, but they must be or have been not less allowed, as both

degrees are equally taught by Panini. !).

250. Than with the comparative is expressed by the abla-

thrcorapLtive, see 105. But the particles R", •T^, 'TFT, »T3*T:rative.

are also used for that purpose, especially with ^JJ\-

1 ) Whitney § 473 , al. 3 says that both compar. and superl. of verbal

forms are » barbarous forms;" for what reason, I do not understand. Is

it perhaps , because KalvdeLsa wrote barbarous Sanskrit , or because PaNiNi

did not know well the idioms of his language?

190 § 250—252.

Kathas. 29, 113 iWtt £(Vtt cnr: srterftroor: (death is better for me

than parting with my virtue); Pane. 213 dJMHUuft, ^^TT"Tfdfel l rr.

(not

beginning at all is better than ceasing after having commenced);

ibid. I, 451 nluiHl -sfq' gj sr^ q^fr f<H*l(*: (a wise foe is even

preferable to a foolish friend ').

251. A high degree may be expressed also by several otherConcurrent . ,

.

. . ,

idioms, ex- idiomatic phrases , as

:

YTii'te- L bv "W), V, °l*fa, TO, see 229, 5th inasmuch as

gree. they are a concurrent idiom of the comparative in one of its meanings

:

2. by putting 5]^° or enrr" before. Pane. I, 191 d-lTTolT^ sUifri

bi^Rt^i (slander being rather manifold in the world); E. 3, 53, 1 sra-

chlrMd i' H^.fwrr M^fgrrr; Malav. I, p. 10 some female is said to be

HAlRilUH ' q^n(oi-Ti *%• Properly sr^; means »tolerably, nearly" see

P. 5, 3, 68, qTTT° »exceedingly."

3. by such phrases as fiftrrfTsrarrpT (liter. »dearer than dear" =the very dearest) , M<°llr^H ; Mahav. I, p. 21 H3<li lf?U<UH^ =7: (we are

exceedingly rejoiced at it) ; Pane. 326 dill^HHJ il-^fri (247).

4. by putting the word twice, see 252.

5. by adding %r, see 229, 6 th.

252. For different reasons a word may be put twice , either

ratwLa

when put two times as a separate word, as J(M > J(M :>

or when making up some kind of compound , as £T?T^>! S).

1) In a well-known passage of the Eitop. (p. I, 3) dlM^is construed

with pt =sr but not followed by a nomin., as one might expect, but by

the instrumental

:

The instrum. must be that , which expresses : equivalent to ; exchangeable

for. » Better is one virtuous son, and [»not to be given up for," that is] out-

weighing even hundreds of stupid ones; one moon dispels the darkness, out-

weighing even crowds of stars." Cp. 70.

2) tj-^frl*tftw and the like are among the examples of the commen-

taries on P. 5, 3, 67. Cp. 249-

3) Panini deals with this idiom at the commencement of his eighth

§ 252. 191

1. Adjectives may be put twice, the two making but

one word, in order to signify our „—like," „rather."Dag. 149 ^rmTrtwiffi- ^5rmyrToiT<~i fa -Ji

u

isrrn-fererrarr ^trf?^ (a woman,who though [of a] rather thin [aspect] had by divine power not

too much lost of the brightness of her colour), E. 3, 67, 14 pr gpr-

^WT srraT sruj-wrfT, Pane. II, 50 ifWffa: S|T mfct n^t fSraqfe

(in the beginning a foe sneaks along very slowly, as one being

rather afraid). So rajcR, when = » alone," and ep. such phrases,

as qspraf ijtojth, yiw'yyif <TKRT (they blossom., they ripen the very

first) i). Instances of adverbs put twice are not rare, as y$; jpq-;

(slowly , by degrees), g^rrf ; (repeatedly) , cr^rw^: (again and again),

etc. Dag. 172 mi^ — Tr *& snfer^.

2. In the same way substantives,gerunds

,participles

when put twice, may indicate the non-interruption of

some time Or action. E. 3, 10, 5 chMchM sr (in uninterrupted

time), Malav. IV, p. 105 qfa m^\: forerr RejrcTT fFrftosrfft ^TnriH

(at the very moment she is standing on the path of my looks ,p

- 8> *>

adhyaya (8, 1, 1— 15). In interpreting sutra 9, the commentaries are

wrong" accepting it as teaching the formation of the word Ochoh- The

sutra raj sl^cTlf^olH cannot have this purport; its literal sense is »if a

unity, [it is] bahuvrihilike." If Panini had meant the word ueffiR, he would

have written OcMfl , not as he does CcRTjj cp. the constant genitives in

siitras 5—8. Our sutra refers to the cases, mentioned by s.

4—8. There the employment is taught of the »two (<£)" spoken of in

8, 1 , 1. Siitra 9 teaches , how these two are to be accepted , for it says : » [but

these two may be] one ; then the whole is as if a bahuvrihi" , likewise

in the case of s. 10. But from s. 11 the unity is as if a karmadharaya.

Panini's words in 9—11 are: ff#r arioftflorHJ rnmk =ET I chMWI^Ud^W^-

From the conclusion of Kac. on P.'s sutra 9 I infer that the right inter-

pretation had been proposed by somebody, but that it has been ob-

jected to by Patanjali. On the other hand, such forms with distributive

sense as qSmof: being by necessity instances of the idiom, taught P. 8, 1,4

afford some evidence for my own acceptation.

1) See vartt. 7 on P. 8, 1, 12 in the commentary of the Kacika. Cp.

also P. 8, 1, 13, which teaches to say ytsHMisH and ferfiw. when = »with

all one's heart."

192 § 252—254.

she suddenly disappears), Dag. 95 ^ ^mq^tif: yw^lil HIUMltll:

cpt: q^r: «muyHR)rHH<pmyim45iMiteii(i.iiiteiV(i. q^JTrcner-

3^ Moreover, putting a word twice is also often a p-£ *•

proper means for signifying a distributive sense (rnpsd).

Instances of this idiom are frequent. Kac. on P. 8. l, 4

tost: TOT. f^wqin (every man is mortal),Panc.42 q"rq^ jp3Fr?rc^(stambl-

ing at every footstep), Dag. 99 «^^jjj -ioM<=i i H-i tmrm^lf^T (offer-

ing [her] always* new presents day after day), ibid. 216 Ertmw (Jiwiy

(M-caMJiJi tlfiVddPH (every sixth month they lose one single feather);

E. 2, 91, 53 goichHch jj^- vmzj- ^q- =?r^ g- rwRTj: (singulos viros

septenae vel octonae mulieres appetierunt) , Apast. Dh. 1, 13, 18

eara^ id'oirM^ sj st trrefr y^if^n *imi5*>?i stctft, M. 2, 20 ^ ^f

^fr=f fsfirTT^ (they must learn every one his own duty). So f^fifr f^%

(in every region), a^i^ ;(day after day) and so on. This idiom

is as old as the Vaidik dialect. It is also used of gerunds. Pat.

1, p. 44 JTOgFiT 3fcpfl7qrff ll-^td.

Here as a rule the case-endings of the former member remain.

253. Sanskrit likes juxtaposition of different grammaticalThe type

forms f f^g same word or of kindred words. Hencemanus ma-

"""ate' ^e ^Pe manus mamm lavat is of course very commonlike. in Sanskrit. Mtcch. I, p. 34 jft j^t <~ui-^ri (pearls string with

pearls), Vikram. II, p. 31 ff^T HirWtiyi yt-nu dWr; Pat- I, P- 233

oTRTt aiM^l^tlfd (one cloth covers the other) , Pane. 322 cHl4,-"l

trorfH (he rambles from forest to forest) , ibid. 267 q^ irq^fg n-dfarf

ar mchlfd , Dag. 61 5rf|ttT: <*i^umoitjrtJ (JumPing from one elephant's

back on another).

254. Of a somewhat different nature is the type represented by E.

2, 12, 8 fjf; 5h=t rlor l IHUI trrq' TFTO^ (what evil has Rama done to

you, evil-minded woman?); cp. the Greek xxxb$ kxxuc xtt&Koito.

Here the inclination towards homophony is still more pronounced

than in the idiom of 253. Compare Mhbh. 1, 145, 14 rli^q i oilf^i :

M^l^ '.faHi< 'A°lchR»H i i idM (tristes tristis est allocutus oives); Kath&s.

38, 153 ^|Fm^: FT.... cjrtollp^rolljj qq\ ^jjt.

It is here not the place to expatiate upon this predilection of

§ 254—256. 193

Sanskrit for bringing together words kindred in sound and playing

with the different meanings inherent to them. Nearly all literary

documents from the Yedas to our days afford the most ample evi-

dence of it. For this reason, one must always be prepared to

have to deal with riddles and the most various kinds of quibbles

and puns. More information on this subject is to be given by works

on Sanskrit rhetoric and Sanskrit literature.

255. It may be of some use to mention here the figure yathdsam-

Puttingthe khyam 1), as it is employed not rarely and as its nature should be

thdsam- called rather grammatical than rhetorical. By it a series of sub-yam

stances named together with a series of attributes or predicates

are so to be Understood that the first substance is to be construed

with the first predicate or attribute, the second with the second

and so on successively. R. 3, 40, 12 ^mf^-gr u"ln<fl *TWT oI^um

^ I ifiMitl fTOT few ^ ^taf 5TI3" HH4HIMJ yi^Prl i^lrMI-Fl ^MI'-II (the

kings possess the qualities of the five devas, Agni etc., viz. the

glow [aushnya] of Agni, the strength [vikrama] of Indra, etc.),

Apast. Dh. 1, 5, 8 arf^r ^ jt=tot orrsn ^srr srr ^r^q^aTTJTftniTfJrf&-

qrnfo srr = crf^r =3 ir^mr ychc^y-aiiiyfd stt^tt err h° bt^; ^jgit stt

$t° gffifomu'jiri (whatsoever he, desirous to accomplish it, thinks

in his mind or pronounces in words or looks upon with his eye).

Chapt. II. Pronouns.

1. Personal pronouns and their possessives.

256. The personal pronouns are less used , than in English

ronounl. and many other modern tongues , as they are often not

expressed, especially when implied by the personal end-

ings of the verb (10). Nor are their oblique cases always

wanted in Sanskrit, when undispensable in English.

So in this sentence Hit. 24 rTfrr T5~PJ ii-=^ry <jnhHll°l*Mlsh^ <*nt{-

irrck HrCTf m^fo, the word qfo^ l iach'K is at the same time ob-

ject of mmm, of srnfa, of msfic, it is of course put once, but

1) I borrow that designation from P. 1, 3., 10, which s. may be compared.

13

194 § 256—257.

the pronouns referring to it are omitted as being easily supplied

by the mind, whereas the English translator is bound to say »she

[the cat] reached the young birds, took them to her hole and

devoured them." Cp. ibid. 96 WT5R7 "ET-rfiW uu i ^j mnm =g [sc. dtjjt]

rr^, Mhbh. 1, 154, 30 [h[wc3h 5M i a4) TOirnTrpnTJlrT , where the pro-

noun nrrq^ though being construed with two verbs is put but once

,

Dae. 152 a| ^ fi=[ qfif^H : fofes^fa1

) uPifaPmuu iM * cjsfarr.

3?tefq- sn^rar: SFrer: I^H^rWU-^ri;, sc. inn, as is plain by the fore-

going ^r^ij and q.

Likewise the possessive pronouns may be omitted,

if there can be no doubt as to the possessor, especially

of course when referring to the subject. Hit. 7' ?m QnjikHu i:

257. 1 st and 2d person. — The short forms of the ace,

enclitic gen -> dat. 3) are enclitic, and used therefore if there is

forms.no sj.ress ^. ^e iai,j on fae pronoun. It is useless to

give examples of them, as they are met with on almost

every page. The ace. qr and fofT are hQwever not so frequent

as the other enclitic forms 4).

1) By a common error the printed text has sg^rfSr.

2) So was already taught by Patanjali (I, p. 62) n i di") dPHrlcti firrff

JTT7TT JT5T JTOT f^TTT.

3) Epic poetry affords sundry instances pointing to the fact, that the

short forms of the gen. and dat. were once, it seems, available for all

oblique cases. At least, R. 3, 43, 49 pr is doubtless = fgzrr, and Mhbh. 1,

230, 15 rr: = aw\Q The former passage runs thus tiun^ ^ H loUm^iWH(you must keep watchful in the hermitage), the latter irr F5T H#aRTiff: STrlJJ ^T: Cp. Vdmand's Stilregeln ch. Qabda?uddhi, s. 11.

4) As rrr and tit, roTT and felt are easily exposed to be confounded in

manuscripts, it is possible that the enclitical forms have sometimesdisappeared in our texts, if the following word commenced by aconsonant. At all events, they seem to occur oftener in the ancient

dialect than afterwards.

§ 257—259. 195

They are of necessity unavailable , if some emphasis of

the pronoun be wanted. For this reason they are forbidden:

a) when heading a sentence, or in poetry even a pada,

b) when immediately after a vocative, which heads the

sentence , c) when followed by some particles , that give

them some emphasis, viz. g-, on, f , sif, ^=r. See P. 8, 1,

18; 20; 24; 72. Mhbh. 1, 229, 24 fsrmr^TT|: cFdmreiini|Pirfef jpt.

[here joTT would not be allowed]; Kac. on 8,1, 18 r^t ioi fcrtou"N

l

'

5pft Hprraf ^h^Addl [sr: instead of jrwrrejiT cannot be, as it heads

the pada]; Hit, 110 ^Tsn^; i iffewfaTfnj nx ^UT: |>W not q, ac-

cording to 6)] ; E. 3, 55, 22 v^st ^xh Trqor ( none but me); Malav.

I, p. 21 SRWarT: fifcoT m =ET [not: q- g] y^H^d vl<?l i^'ol M^J;Rem. According to P. 8, 1, 25 they are also forbidden with verbs

of seeing , when used in a metaphorical sense.

258. The plural of the first person may refer either to a plurality

,

el

j of speakers at the same time or in most cases to toe — I -\- others

with myself. Similarly the plural of the 2d person may be used,

even when addressing one , for the sake of signifying you and

others with you. Pane. 258 the monkey, being invited by the makara

to go with him, declines, for says he sr& oi-HJ I JToq^ar =5 sM i -H

rrgir (wo monkeys are living in the forest, and your abode is in

the water). Mhbh. 1, 152, 26 Hidimba says to the single Bhlma-

sena ^ irRicrr HT3TT fSru-dftiUHl Ttsr spTTcFi^ »I have been sent

hither by my brother, who is eager to devour the flesh of all

of you [viz. of your mother, your brothers and yours]."

259. The pronoun of the 2 d person is used without respect to

^ andsocial relations ; the singular i^T is applied to superiors

"-"as well as to equals and to inferiors. The only case of

jupt denoting a single individual is mentioned before (24).

Tet , when addressing in a polite manner, one avails

one's self of ^J% f. WTJ", plur. *JcpTp, f. m^' -being a popular reduction both in form and meaning of

196 § 259—260.

*T3T°rR „Lord". Like Spanish Usted, Italian Ella,

H^IM, though being exponent of the second person , does

agree with the 3d person of the verb, therefore Y^\ °h^llr1

H^FJCH'Grrft), when addressing one, 1% ^Prl H<3t1!

^GjrU!), when addressing more 1).

Rem. Both modes of expressing the 2<i person, either by the

pronoun rSPT or by the title ijsn^T may be used promiscuously. It

is very common to see them used alternately. Pane. 73 Damanaka

says to the lion ^srer: StWTiTf?)' Hoil^iyi^tHoi HfoHd %r ([the bull]

Sanj. is an herbivorous animal, but you [hcTPt] and your [fieri

subjects feed on flesh) ; Kathas. 30, 17 nt^idQffeFTT] UTof chakdifimMJ

Uoirj. .

.

. wr (T5T- • • • &r^)fri (make her your wife by the Gandhar-

va-rite , in this way she will become yours). In the first book of

the Hitopadega (p. 35 of B. K. Vidyaratna's ed.) the sly cat thus

addresses the blind vulture um i~w^H<

H

l PdUoi lHiraT xfn nQiu i: siif

5(GRJ JTTTJT UtjJdPH I ^rfr H5n£«ft idyiddTld.Awf*'W iTlrJPj^UIH: [s^?T]

,

as to the plural insirpT, mejti-?t; see 24.

260. By pointing out UcfPT as the proper term for addressing in a po-

lite manner, it is by no means said it is the sole, Many other

titles, such as signify sir, lord, reverend, master are used ac-

cording to duty, custom, dignity, age. So holy men are duly

addressed by m idH , f. WTcTfrr, kings by ^sr; , respectable mer-

chants and the like by smf:, matrons by -arraf, the wife duly ad-

dresses her husband by srnro^r;, the charioteer his prince by a iil&HH

etc. As a rule a greater respect is shown by such titles than by using

the general term usTPT (vocat. iff;). Another difference is this : they

may as well denote the 3d person as the 2* , whereas itsjpt is only

fit for denoting the 2d person.

Moreover there are some general terms, made up ofirsnTrpre-

1) Instances of ITSTPT construed with the 2d person of the verb are

extremely rare aud the idiom undoubtedly vicious. So Qankh. Grhy. 2,

2, 8 ST^rarfrHorr^fl;, instead of gisrtjT or ^|rrran» say , you are a brahmacarm: ,

§ 260-262. 197

ceded by some pronominal prefix, viz. ^iran^, fTWUorm, ^msTFr.

As stitoTP^ and rRTMBTFr point at Bomebody absent, but the ^WornT

is always present, so the former two cannot refer but to a 3 cl per-

son, but ig-giTorFT may denote as well the person spoken of as

the person addressed. Utt. I, p. 1 the director thus addresses the

spectators gg- <ptcjt.... smffngrTfe-dititi ifrr

i

^d^Ho^r?) fasr^shg, but

Qak. VII Dushyanta when speaking of Qakuntala says =g?j q-?]Tr=r_

261. For the third person Sanskrit does not possess aThird

r

person, proper personal pronoun , like our he , she , it. Its duties

pressed, are discharged by demonstratives. When wanted to be

emphasized , by ST, ^T^T5?, ^PFfT, otherwise by the obli-

que cases derived from the pronominal roots 5T, Vi*\,

^•7, or what is practically the same, iD the ace. by

^% ^TFT, "$RFT, plur. T£^F{, '^TC, ^"HlPf, in

the other cases by the forms belonging to ifMH. The

nomin. is not expressed but with some emphasis. See 274.

262. The possessive pronouns are relatively less used thanPossess-

'

i™ the genitives of the personal ones. One will oftenerpro- -vr

nouus. meet wjth W^ FT*?! , W*m or ^TFFT *T'' (a shashthisamdsa

216, 1°) than g^JR^feT.

The difference, which exists in English between my

and mine, your and yours etc., is not known in Sanskrit;

^T^^PT or RR QTFRFIi may b.e as well „my book" as „a

book of mine," also „the book is mine;" RFTtrl^hR"

of course cannot have the last meaning , for subject and

predicate are by necessity unfit for being compounded..

Kern. 1. Apart from the regular possessives of the

2 1 person W^Fl and ^GJ^q-

, there exists also ^T^fa

198 § 262—264.

derived from the polite H^M- Pane. 168 uaftam^Hi^ m?:

[= IT5TH: STf" Or H5IrMI3°].

Rem. 2. The possessive of the 3d person is prefer (if wanted

nrf^hr), hut here too the genitive of the demonstrative or a shash-

thisamasa are generally preferred.

263. The reflexive pronouns ^" and *Ht*iH refer to all

Reflex-"""

•

Tes persons.— l.^TTFTT, ace. ^rTrfTT^FT, instr. *Hr*-MI etc.

is the proper equivalent of English myself,yourself , him-

self, herself, itself, one's self; ourselves, yourselves, them-

selves. It is always a masculine and a singular, even

when referring to a plural or a not-masculine. Properly

it is a subst. meaning »soul, spirit, individuality" and in this mean-

ing it has always remained in common use. But even when pro-

noun, its origin is more or less perceptible. Occasionally it may

be rendered as well by a pronoun as by a subst. ').

2. £oT generally — though not always — does duty of

a possessive; it does denote the subject being possessor

and may be rendered , according to sense , by my, your,

his , her, our, their. Often it is compounded with its noun.

264. Examples of aTrT^r, when a refl. pronoun. — a) 3d per-

son: Pane. 263 ^gt^H l rM ^rr MMj qtrr; (he himself brought the

serpent to his dwelling) ; Yar. Tog. 1, 19 mjljurer ^ri%sr swf5rcra>i

tmimil~-iMfH{lr^Pl ^oi4)h (if the king be himself not favoured by

Destiny, he should charge his minister, who is, to destroy his

enemy) ; Malat. II, p. 38 dHHoi^-ai |T*r ydJlU fort U74Hlr4MM<iU-Htl

jtrt^h (Vasav., though betrothed by her father to king Sanj., gave

herself to Udayana); R, 2, 64, 29 FTT trarrriR: wrsi HuRd'Tl(both

of them touched [the body of] their son); Pane. 184 q^^H^id lrMM

M^lUMi : (they feeling themselves as if they were born again); —

1) Compare the similar use though less developed of Latin animus,

W[tM\A foR^irrPT = animum obtecto. Pane. 160 4illr*4l H^tTIsjjtt (I have given

him my heart= myself).

§ 264—265. 199

6) 1 st and 2d person: Hit. 107 airH-l : foiHrchtf rr ^mrarft (why should

I not elevate my own rank?), Qak. I q-umm^nHH d lddJHM m41^^

(in the meanwhile , let us purify ourselves —),Qak. IV Htn

{*-ll rMM;Vsr

?T*rliMI ror^(by your good actions you have got a husband becom-

ing to yourself); — c) referring to a general subject: Pane. Ill,

174 -a; cj^rfFf ^7; q-rq- q- jtcttfitt srar fro: (who does evil, certainly

does not love himself).

As appears from the instances quoted , the gen. 9stt?tr: or 577^°

in compounds are used to denote the reflexive possessive. There

exists even a possessive ^wri , as Kad. I, 19 ^ijm | f41^ ; fshiiHM

(take him [the parrot] as yours).

Eem. 1. It is plain, that ^sr 23TrTT is said in the same meaning

as wmx- R- 2, 6, 21 ^tstt] Wott ^k whwm' ji*! jiih -sftw^rffT.

Eem. 2. The instrum. aii^Hl when added to the reflexive lays

stress on the fact, that the subject is acting by himself. Mhbh.

1, 158, 30 rll^lrMH^ i rM^l (help yourself); Pane. 276 ^ sraWrmFT-

^miril-lT offer (I cannot bear my own self); E. 3, 47, 1 ;JtrTT] <%%

^ IrHHUlriHi (Sita named herself [to her guest]) x).

265. Examples of ssr. — a) 3d person: Nala 3, 13 ti i rg<g^Tl

JWt SlfsR: ?£pt Hsrerr (scorning as if it were at the moon's splendour

by her own brightness) ; Pane. 230 ^tott mm 3r9T!i teuj^ l Pj/irl ;(then

at daybreak he rose and went out of his house);Qak. I CrnwifecFr-

rHrarr. STOTTtirPraiq-: ihwsir: etc. (these girls of the hermitage,

with watering-pots as to suit their size) ; — b) 1st and 2d per-

son: Pane. Ill, 177 5-g; 551 gftm ftim im^ (I will dry UP mVbody); Hit. 137 atmch o^jftwit tsubtuw-wR §wr hBmjIh (when

residing abroad it will be hard for us to go to our own country);

Qak. VI rotrrfg # fSrcrtnrrsra ^ (and you, do your duty without

fault) ; Vikram. I, p. 2 ^ 5BrR5asrf|Mfsiri5Br Hsrfs: (you are re-

quested to listen with attention on your seats).

Yet ?sr is not necessarily a possessive. It may also be equi-

valent to OTfJTT- Hit. 109 ^cjsr ^TsTFT Hmrioll^= *JlrMHl JT ;Pane.

305 to ssiWfwf sronfir (I will not give him, what I have earned

1) air^-I T may even stand alone. Kathas. 25, 133 )N$|uj$mr*MI (I will

go [by] myself); Kumaras. 2, 54.

200 § 265—267.

myself), here tePlm llirre^— ssrW = OT^-Tlgr ;Schol. on R. 2, 40,

39 Tj-Tifi" i7Trt| jwri =et ^cPTgnFTT 33ST (R- saw his mother and the

king following after himself). This idiom is less frequent in classic

literature than in commentaries and the like l). Note ^5n=r: »by

one's self" f. i. KatMs. 34, 56; 37, 49.

As ^5T may be — a i rHi , it has also a possessive ; viz. ssftzr. Pane.

162 tefliifijtjqiri^.

Eem. 1. ^ggf, poss. SoreJWj is a deminutive of 53 and sdptjr as

to its form , but there is scarcely any difference of meaning. Nala

5, 40 3*zr ft? TOTcjmf iWf:... snTTT RTT| tei**^, Pane. 233 teichlmfrd

HTtt^T 5rt[iRra' (it is but your own kin you take regard of).

Rem. 2. Like Latin suus , ^sr also signifies »one's relations,"

» one's property," 3) therefore, toiiw. » one's kindred, one's family,

attendance," saw » one's goods," srawj^ » one's whole property."

266. As a third reflexive we may consider TRsT „owa," as

it may not rarely be rendered by the possessive pronoun.

Pane. 56 the king says to his daughter gsrraff'Ssi mm 'PtsWrrf htot

IT ma--otim i (idid (you must to day exhort your husband, that he

may destroy my enemies). Inversely ssr mav als° be = *»own:"

Kathas. 39, 53 isthw qrfer wwfru frrat hftW mm-267. The reflexives are not bound to refer exclusively to

the grammatical subject. In passive sentences they often

refer to the agent, in clauses and the like to the mainSubject. Instances hereof have already been given in 264 and

266, viz. Pane. 263; Pane. Ill, 174; Kad. I, 19; Hit. 137; Vikram.

I, p. 2. Here are some more: Pane. 24 ^ grfiiq1

3!fT >WT ziwr

fa«6iTM ilroilr^llfacrrcrt PhRh:, here tiirmRyia: is of course nmrH~Pl

sfuETTir: ; R. 2, 11, 22 ai^igtrr ftst jm <**uji ssicrJr ^tt: sc. j,j,«j i orjpj.

Rem. On the other hand, one may meet with instances of

pronouns not-reflexive, in such cases as where one might expect

1) As it is good Sanskrit, it makes doubtful how to explain ^5T in

such compounds as SoTJT^iT, S5TVT:, whether= S5rer JT^or= Sof JT^JT;

2) Qfyvatakofa ed. Zachariae, vs. 187 *cTSTS^r 5R[frT Trrt%TTrRTrqW-

etc.

§ 267-270. 201

reflexives. So E. 3, 62, 3 rdnniWa mmfo: OT3UTTf& srf^ h[not sgj^ or wtfw.) ; Kathas. 36, 102.

268. The indeclinable F^FT does nearly the same duty5SRTIT T ,. .

*" J J

" as .Latin ipse. It may be added to some other pronoun. Mhbh. 1,

161, 8 :t Fsr^ oTV4l*l^ teiiWdlr'-M! (nor am I desirous of my own death).

269. The reciprocal pronouns ^STFZT, ^^T' 4H|H>procai have almost assumed the character of adverbs. As apro- -

nouns ; rule , they are used in the ace. of the masc. *WJ l-MH"^^ etc. while being applied to every gender and every

case-relation. Qak. I ^ [mm\ '^w^cWi chad i(the two friends

look at each other) ; Vikram. I, p. 18 srcftef ^Srf OTH: (they shake

hands); Pane. 216 ^rsr g- q-rarr g-v^r^^W (and in this manner dis-

cord arose between them); Dag. 151 31ft 5TOJT 5m=ra^r STFjfr-

^^PTTPTPT ^T (oldUdld (both, either by shame or by confusion, do

not open their soul to' each other);Qank. on Ch. Up. p. 42 sjqr-

^faHirti STTOrrf^rJfr (the principle of life and the sun are identical

to one another); Pat. I, p. 426 OTfw^WcFwfJrosr jRidHi uiriftrfim

sifri'iWMMi *f*JrM(^ sfsRiT u^#r. Op. also Kam. 2, 42; Malav. I,

p. 24; Kathas. 2, 41 etc.

Yet they admit also of other case-endings , f. i. Pane. Ill, 200 qTwr-

JSK iwfftii & =r ^srf^T d^rid i (they who do not observe the weak

points of each other) ; Harshac, 2 frisri^J'i -tH.u fsraTcTn md iUSFT (dis-

putations arose between them). So Nala 5, 32 ftt q iw ) fT; iftcft Nala

1, 16 the ace. t).-J|,tj^ is depending on the prep, jrfvj. And so on.

See Kac. on P. 8, 1, 12 vartt. 9 and 10; vartt. 10 teaches the

optional employment of forms in Vpt, if feminine and neuter

words are concerned f. i. ^T^m [or "^J ^Sr snfpnra^ — ^ 5*T-

^rtnrr — iflrwd:-

The same meaning is carried by the adverb FT^T!

(mutually), which is not less used.

2. Demonstratives, Eelatives, Interrogatives.

270. In ancient language the demonstratives are often

202 § 270—271.

Demon- indicating the things they are to point at in a moresirsxivcs

;

general re- significant manner than in modern tongues. For thismarks.

reason, when translating from the Sanskrit, it is manytimes indispensable to render demonstrative pronouns

otherwise, f. i. by the pronoun he, she, it, by the, by

adverbs {here , there), sometimes even by putting instead

of them the very noun, they are referring to. In the

same way, indeed, the demonstratives of Latin and Greek

must be translated.

We will dispense here with adducing instances exemplifying

each of the somewhat freer translations, as have been named.

It will suffice giving a few samples of Sanskrit demonstr. pro-

nouns to be rendered by English adverbs. Pane. 204 ift iff ^fq^^.^<sr :7tOHl} HMtefi Wol i£i fffvfn (say, woodcock, here on the river-

side a holy devotee stands); Yikr. I, p. 15 the king says to his

charioteer gTT st (T^l^fw^T, (— here is that mountain-top) ; Cak.

IV Eanva asks » where are Qarngarava and Qaradvata," they answer

W iafiqft m: (Reverend, here we are). From the Vaidik writings I

add Ath. V. 1, 29, 5 33-sfr ott «i ii<R,< TFrer erg: (there the sun

has risen and here has my spell).

271. Of the four demonstratives, used in classic Sanskrit,

of employ6

^MU 1? and 7^ are opposite to H and *Hil. Their diffe-

tween rent nature is well described by a vernacular gramma-them, .

nan, when pronouncing that ^T is expressive of near-

ness but ^J^fT of remoteness , and that ^FT implies pre-

sence but H absence '). Indeed , both T^ and WF{ point

at something near to the speaker or his time, whereas

1) See the karika, quoted in a foot-note on p. 188 of QRiitaMAMAYA-

caeman's edition of Mrcchakatt (Majumdar's series):

«cL*H*cfJ fSTCT^fS" FT^frT trfHrf

§ 271. 203

3ffl\ and $T indicate something remote either by space

or by time. Therefore, the latter couple may be com-

pared to Lat. We and iste , Gr. ixeivog , Engl, that, the

former to Lat. Mc, Greek outos and ote , Engl. this.

The difference between them will appear better when perusing

Sanskrit texts, than from instances detached from the context

they are taken out. Yet, here are several, which may give some

idea of it.

1. jm and =g-ijjj. — Vikram. I, p. 14 Pururavas points with his

hand to Urvaci her attendance: nrrr: says he ^TflTT jt^T FT ?tw:

TOjf^FT (Lat. hae amicae —); Nala 3, 4 Indra declares to Nala the

name of himself and his comrades: a^fi-a) sjprfmr rWoimMni qfH:i. ..

.

grrfazFrfq' MlPSTd (Lat. ego Indrus, hie Agnis etc.).

2. =gT3rj' and g-. — Nala 3, 2 Nala asks the devas, for what pur-

pose they wish him to be their messenger eppgrarr OW^; 37T ifer-

FTiifEfT ^ rl^lr HJJT chld-M , here both =^fr and firT answer to Latin iste; —Mudr. II, p. 77 the minister Baxasa, when hearing from his spy

that the physician, whom he had despatched to empoison king

Candragupta, had been prevented from performing that plot by

the vigilance of Canakya, exclaims srs-

: wrerT stth a'er 5T ofcr: ^Jr,

here both g^ff and g- are = Lat. ille.

3. Examples of this and that in opposition to one another. — Ch.

Up. 2, 9, 1 fliWlRrWHiylrT rlfwPwiR JHoflfui UdM-ollil-rllR Get

him meditate on that sun it is on that all these beings [here

on earth] are depending upon)', ibid. 1, 3, 2 m^IH 3 <m \ h 'srraT

:jUu,n -sw&uP) 'Srn (this breath here and that sun there are indeed

the same, this is hot and that is hot); Utt. II, p. 27 ^q-qgToftzni-

—I f5{fel : hoe Mud studiorum impedimentum sthat well-known hin-

drance now presents itself." — In the first act of the Mudraraxasa

the minister Canakya, after having put the jeweller Candanadasa

into prison, thus expresses his contentment: ^r vfs$ S3J3T Tjw. i^fiT;

FJMrtjfutlolrtimil'iWT fTOTTIRTTf^.

fwotiwimI^ cmjTT =rjf rRmf^ ^r ftm:

rTOr refers to Baxasa, =gtjrr and urs to Candanadasa. In Latin

one would say likewise: ut hie in illius re adversa suae vitae

204 §271—274.

jacturam facit, sic profecto et ille vitam pro nihilo putabit in

hujus calamitate. In the Vikramorvagi king Pururavas designates

his beloved Urvagl by the pronoun mm, as long as he knows

her present and sees her (1st act), but- in the second act, when

thinking her absent, he speaks of piwr 3T5RIT j expresses his disap-

pointment about her female attendant coming smn fenf^ri l FraT>

and says on account of her ud r<Hchi chyilfa frorSRt FTTTiOTpiT ^ TOT-

f% UciJ d *HtrliijS

m

— whereas in the first act, when looking at her

face, he admires t£ =pm, exclaims rfjf FTTfeR': srfw'., is uneasy, as

wrr mjchmi is noticed by him.

272. Though mj may be styled the emphatic mm, both pronouns

are sometimes used almost promiscuously. Mhbh. 1, sarga 154 Kunti

asks Hidimba, who she is: <>are you a deity of this forest?" mzr

oFTOT JHrTT, Hidimba, answers ^Hr^wRl 5PW etc. In the second

act of the Vikramorvagl the king offering a seat to Citralekha.

says CM^m-WIUlHm iin *ne nrs* ac* °f *ne Mudraraxasa Canakya to

Candanadasa 3^TreR*TTWTPT-

273. ^PTn* — not ^T — is the proper word , if the speaker

refor^wisnes t° denote something belonging to himself by a de-

™s to monstrative rather than by the possessive of the 1 st -

person.

person -y\^ rs\\tQ, may signify „this arm of mine ," oS*o

o t^xvc , hoc bracchinm- Vikram. II, p. 46 Pururavas laments

fdufatift: *m«ji-rr: yy*<df*H*J — viz. qq, Mrcch. IV, p. 141 ^ is^r

*m farcrf?;; srnrirsf^RTJr srr (I feel no remorse nor fear on account

of the rash deed , I have committed).

Eem. Hence mi sR: a modest phrase to designate the speaker

himself, cp. Greek ols b xvvtp. Vikram. II, p. 56 the king when

taking his leave from Urvacl says ^qHaft.sJr sPT: ; Mrcch. VII, p.

238 Carudatta tells his friend , he longs for Vasantasena, ^ qircr

stcptt&h i^ai^rir^ch l sir sw.; Dag. 164 srteziJTfti'mwi*^ sPrrsHra'igjTfirr:

(my lord has much gratified his most obedient servant).

2 74. Panini teaches , there is some difference in the flexion of P- 2. *,

32-34.:%^^ according to its being used either when referring

to somebody or something already spoken of before , or

§ 274. 205

when pointing at or showing. In the former case 1 . the cases,

derived from the root^T are treated as enclitics,2.the accus.is

^R, ^TFT, ^TrT in the singular, ^TH, V*f\l, ^TT^T

in the plural, ^'•TT, ^t in the dual, 3. the instr. of the

sing. ^^T, ^PIT, 4. the loc. of the dual is Jf^Rt'-

It is in such instances of anoddega (reference to some-™v&- thing already named before), that the pronoun bears

almost the character of our he , she , it. — l. am etc. enclitic:

Mrcch. I, p. 55 3-37 h UTiil^d^Odi 5^rt q^-

: chHl -Hlitf^ri i dWT 1

h^ihi fruiUu ftT ti l ^fdt*4^d lH (if a, man has by Destiny been reduced

to poverty, then even his friends become enemies to him), Qak. I

^HUaHMfteld-wUcRT: ^rf ^ol I fadd-H I 5Tft q-fcTprret ciUMHL (these girls

of the hermitage approach hither , it is pleasant to look on them)

,

Vikram. I, p. 2 qfpr^crT "TOTi chain i p^yysRTT 1 sr^wr chiRH^iMij-

fqfisrOTTT RHrq ^crrctawra; — 2. instances of ^tj^ etc. Mhbh. I,

Paushyap. futtthtTIPTQHW uloil-d g^rrr (he made his compliment to

his teacher and spoke to him) , Vikram. Ill, p. 72 mi i j<t ust gfcqrft'

|cr: dioi^HdgTi chHMm yfdHMUlR, Nala 13, 24 frt uryi^iidFrsq'-

<^lsWldl sR^rfFriyT^Hoil-ci ii-t^HHMtj^; *wiPd*H^ (her the king's

mother saw from the balcony , as she was followed by the crowd

,

and said to the nurse: »go and bring her to me"), Mhbh. 5, 16,

29 lndra receives a deputation of devas , rshis etc., and after being

addressed by them jsrr^r xr-ii -H fdtmsT, ^i*- Br. 1, 29 treats of the

two Erf§ry£r (carts in which the soma-herb is carried) in § 6

loHT^ft ^ft rrrgtsrr: cm^fT, ibid. 1, 30, 3 ^tt refers to g-JThftiff, men-

tioned before.

NB. The instr. ^R" and ^FTF seem to be extremely-

rare; SEFFT at least and 5WM T are regularly used, when

anvddeca is required. Malav. I, p. 14 the minister of king Agni-

mitra reads a letter from the king of Vidarbha; when asked about

its contents, he answers to Agn. ^Rcj41m^ .[not: ^q^r] uRG-H-

fiarpr. And so often.

206 § 274-275.

275. ^ iikewise points at somebody or something known,The pro-

noun!* and an(i therefore, like *lMH, it is fit for doing duty of theits employ- ~\

ment. pronoun he, she, it. Yet, they are not synonymous.

Like Greek , especially Homeric , & , t , to, it signifies , that

the person or thing referred to is well-known, or has

been named just before, or will be named forthwith.

It is therefore never an enclitic, and is sometimes =Lat. We, sometimes = is „the afore said." Hence its fit-

ness to be rendered by „the." When referring to the

relative 3", it may be equivalent to „he," German derjenige.

It is also used to indicate the changing of the subject , f. i.

ST^n^or HT^ETT^ - „the other said , answered." Yet it

may as well point at the same throughout a succession

of sentences, in which case one is inclined to put it at

the head , as Dae. 12 oiih^omwm rnrtysf stjttt i g mrrer jt? anrr-

JVi(!<>HH3T <*f3Hchrt|tfT5J5lJT. =hfer*MJjf&iroll gftlRTOrT; Nala 1,5

Bhlma king of Vidarbha has been named , it follows § Ejsrisr qr OTT-

JTrnf^T.— rfflm*!-^ d^r^Hl =tft (T [viz. 5?^] *r iffa: [the

aforesaid Bh.] UsiichWtritammM 5W sra^t 5?PTf af 5^T- Cp. also

the examples adduced 271 ,3°.

Examples: 1. of g- =: *M« (the well-known, the famous). Q&k.

VII fTf5TtfCTfgif%mTTM(

U*l qsrPr: (the renowned thunderbolt, Indra's at-

tribute, Lat. fulmen Mud Jovis).

2. sr = "the afore said." Qak. IV Kanva says to Qakuntala

uyidf^d srfrraT ng^qm 17312? ^^ ^F^ ^ %$qc||^R >here

gsr »as she" means of course Qarmishtha, ; Kathas. 27, 109 sriryn'-

ztm 3rerf%rTj srr^rareiTUHPT %5tt: h<t grr^nujgoffTii (llO)^r ftp? Rim i-

H'4imiJl y-j sffra^W: 1 riWr: w*\{ 14*1 uiRtrj m^yi-aH ; 1 (Hl)a' =?

ilrdMd.a iW^,rjT«lTdl^jndij :in mkjl H^STJ rTf^grnrt gnnf%f1(112)^ ft

oiRjchpHchi y^ FT'L-'sr: yHMUH (some teacher of the brahmana class

had seven disciples , brahmanas they too. Once because of famine

§ 275—276. 207

he despatched these disciples to beg one cow from his father-in-

law, who was rich in cows. They set out, suffering much from

hunger, to the foreign country, where dwelled that man, and

begged a cow of the father-in-law of their teacher, in his name. The

father-in-law gave them one, fit to procure [them] a livelihood).

Here we have several instances of g- referring to something men-

tioned before, and even such accumulation as in vs. Ill ?f. .. fj

hR) Ietc., a

1 pointing at the disciples , ^ at the father-in-law, j=nr°

at the teacher. It is, indeed, always allowed to employ g- many

times in the same sentence, though pointing at different persons or

things, f. i. Mhbh. 1, 2, 395 ?fr iftsrfT cfivw-^-Mti S^Tfir i farsro a<fe^>l

^ y^yjHiii i qrnrt ^ UTTTT^r^rt snrraw f^rr i ftstt p^ft i-Torin srcr ^f^U g^r, the last words mean: »of the one as well as of the other."

3. ?r when adj. — »the." E. 3, 35, 27 a tall fig-tree is described,

whose branches are of enormous size: rM lWUH ^nrtOT ^-HNCT

fTT: ui 1<°<

I

:[i>the branches of which]" mdJldHUmd l: ; Utt. II, p. 29

one asks- ^pj ^ j^x RiMMi^

: ^fafff (but what is the king doing

now?) another answers ^ xxfTT SffiT^'Sor'W. nailed : (the king has

commenced an agvamedha).

4. g- in correlation with n — Germ, derjenige. Mhbh. 1, 74, 40

OT UTqf m it% z^t <3T wrf m smsSt- Generally the relative clause

precedes, see 452, 2d and 455.

Rem. Now and then g- refers to persons or things not ex-

pressed, but only implied by the foregoing. Mhbh. 1, adhy. 157

it is told, that Kuntt and her strong son Bhimasena hear cries

of distress in the house of the worthy brahman, whose hospita-

lity they are enjoying of. Though the family of the brahman

has not been named in the foregoing, vs. 10 introduces them by

the pronoun fTT^r- The same idiom exists in Latin.

276. Ff may point at a general subject, see 12. Occasio-

nally it may be rendered by „such a one." Mhbh. 1, 158, 31

femrlHI-d^T^T ^tfFKf =ET Tl^fo (raxasas, it is told, know the dharma,

nor would such a one kill me) ; Kumaras. 5, 83 17 $f5r^T QT T^fTt

smmk 1 sjuftfJT dW\ejM Q: * TFrmcK (not only he, who speaks evil

of the mighty, but likewise he, who listens to a such, commits a sin).

208 § 276—279.

Eem. When put twice, g means »manifold, various, all sorts

Of —." K. 3, 9, 31 illrHH PliWtriSFT: ch^Qrd l MUHrf. I UMrt RuUIOT!)

KatMs. 29, 169 q^i^t ^ H^mg<T?rr'^rra^T (— with all sorts of

civilities —). For the rest g put twice is mostly met with in the

apodosis after a double zc. preceding. Nala 5, 11 mi fj^ jq^sr jWf H^qrr ^FT ^rqT (287). This repeated sr has accordingly a distributive

meaning , see 252 ,3°.

277. With ^5T added to it, ^ = „the very," often „the

^ V? same ," Lat. idem.. For the rest comp. 398.

Tame." Pane. 172 FTTsrsr ST J^TT fSrzrt -f-=|iJd: (^e same two men keep

counsel together) ; ibid. V, 26 Hl-TiP<^aiimf5ch<rufi fi^h ^tpt i stt srfe-

^yfn^Hi stept ritpr n amwrarr &t%t: t^st: ?r ^sr i m^; mrR nd<Tlfri

foiF^I^Hrirl (his senses are the same , without defect ; his name is

the same; his is the same vigour of mind, the same speech; yet —how curious it is — the self-same man, when having lost the

splendour of his wealth, becomes forthwith a stranger). The latter

example shows, that if g- is plainly conveying the meaning »the

same," ra may be omitted, cp. Ch. Up. 5, 4, 2 ritwHfe-Hin -

278. fT may be added to other demonstratives , to personal

pronouns, to relatives. As to the last combination

q"! fl, see 287.—Wt^(T% H ^T and the like, Sffa^T,

FIT <pFT, etc. mostly are to express the worth of a con-

clusive particle* therefore , for this reason , then ," as will

be shown further* on, when describing the connection of

sentences, see 445.

279. Some other observations on the demonstratives. —trati"e~s

* -*-n comPouncls, rTFT and nrTfT^ are considered as the themes, which

when first represent ^ and msr; likewise iTrr, rofrf) 5FTfT, JTSTFT1) are respec-

membersof .v "* ~ ^ ss -^

compounds tively the thematic shapes of ^rr, roPT, 5ra~T, rrai-- — mm and

i ) By this orthography here and elsewhere I follow the rules of Sanskrit

euphony; etymological reaBonB would rather require to write jjz, BTTgSetc-

§ 279—280. 209

^sft are. seldom used in compounds , if they are , the neuter (t^tt,

3^0 is employed. But , as a rule, ^rTpr and fih are substituted for

them. In other terms: in compounds, ctih has the meaning of

Lat. hie and fjh that of Lat. is or ille. Mrcch. I, p. 3 the director

informs the public srf^j- gt ^chfcch ^m Uch)m* snf^ o^fod i: ••

^rlrchQ: etc. , while speaking of the poet of the piece he has named.

Kathas. 64, 25 gsrra'fT main 1 d&mn (he was prevented from injuring

them by a passer-by), here cCTTr^refers to giftfi:. . crfriTSr: [sc. frrqg-:]

in vs. 24.

Idiom: 2. The idiom , represented by Latin is pavor __ ejus rei pavor i) is

=?«/«j

no* unknown in Sanskrit. Mhbh. 1, 6, 11 Agni says f§rirffi' cfrt :T

fff stttt^ tot <zm mfm>*s:, here at arfew: =w [sthtot] srf?T° (who

is not afraid of my curse , who has an escape from it ?). Pane.

158 a boy has been turned out of doors by his father rr^TPi :mf)H i.

The author proceeds g- g fr fq^T <HI1-H {* rTroTT, apparently ^-f^rris here = jtot [f^tH i JUiw ] fSiaS/T »by despair caused by this ex-

pulsion". Cp. Kumaras. 3, 17, Kathas. 1, 39.

WT in 3. In formulae one uses g^ft as significative of the proper nameforma-

£ jjjm; wh m the formula is to be applied to. When employing

them, the proper name is substituted for it. See f. i. Par. Grhy.

1, 18, 3 =srerr £ter sr^i sirPT, Agv. Grhy. 1, 20, 5.

neuters 4. In the archaic dialect, especially in the liturgical books,e" the ace. of the neuter singular of demonstratives is often used

strati- adverbially. Ait. Br. 1, 9, 6 gnlf ^^tfitf^T 5oTT; 'SPT sflcFiTT?r?reT-

nsed as Urts; UsWH : srif <5TTcJi sraiH, here ^m means »in this case."

adverbs. ^-^ 1? 4j 2 . ^ 15> 4) ck Up 4j 2) l ^= »then," etc. etc.

The classic language has retained adverbial functions of fTFT an(i

jrpf, see 444 and 463.

280. The interrogative pronoun is ^T. Its comparative

^TrTT and its superlative ^icFT are likewise used. The po-

^

1) See f. i. Livt 21,46,7 Numidae ab tergo se ostenderunt. Is pavor

perculit Romanos. Cp. Vibg. Aen. 1, 261, Nepos Lys. 3, 1.

14

210 § 280—281.

inter- sitive^T simply asks „who?" „what?" „which?", °hH7,roga-

'

tiTe9' like Lat. uter, arch. 'Ra.g.whether „which ofthe two ?", 3fiT*T

„who etc. of many ?" They are wanted both in direct ques-

tions and in the so-called indirect questions. One says

,

therefore, Wt ^gTFT (who are you?), $o|$Tl %r{UV<

^TrTp (which of these two is Devadatta ?) , Vikram.

I, p. 5 crf^Wrrf 3TFFR f^psPTT^T TO ft 3WV(is it known, in what direction the rascal has de-

parted?). Cp. 411.

If wanted , 3T may be the former part of a bahuvrlhi.

Dag. 30 D'rTrSRrwfwiH: n*Hii|ferer: (what is the name of the chief of

this encampment ?) ; ibid. 74 — an ascetic speaks — sr^TOsrrafrfwT

air m\ ipft f^s^f fwjfj^nft fSnzmi-

Rem. 1. The distinction between eft, ^ht and gnw is not always

strictly observed. Ram. 1, sarga 38 Rama asks Vicvamitra, which of

the two, Kadru or Vinata, will have one illustrious son , and who sixty

thousand sons raj; iacmv. gfTt 5T^P5F>T sr^H fuwj frt' , here br- is used, not

erjt^. — Pane. 284 STOT^Hmmuwi f&h cfrym fmu: (for which of the

six well-known expedients , s&ma etc., it is now the fit time ?) here qror

is used within the proper sphere of ^rPT* R- 2, 85, 4 Bharata asks

Guha gra^nr nffim i fa tr^'ui^M ' T?rr, though the country is wholly un-

known to him, and he, therefore, does not want to be informed » whe-

ther" but » which" of the many ways will conduct him to Bharadvaja !).

Rem. 2. On the faculty of putting in the same sentence two or

more interrogative pronouns referring to different things, see 409, 2°.

281. At the outset 37 was both an interrogative and

an indefinite pronoun , cp. Lat. quis , Gr. rU and t/«.

In classic Sanskrit it has occasionally still the function

of an indefinite; yet, as a rule, 3T is then combined

1) Cp. 246 and the foot-note 1) on page 188 of this book.

§ 281. 211

nit' ^^ some Partide: f%FT or #T or SR. Hence ^flFT,

^^M, ^""NTO" are the proper indefinite pronouns, ex-

pressing some{any)body , some(any)thing; some, any. To

them we must add ^f, for this word,properly mean-

ing „one," does not] rarely duty as an indefinite, and

is to be rendered by „some" and even by the so-calledr

article „ a. "— FJoT is „every; all."

5Tran) Instances of qifsEH, ^rsrq', gr^ftf 1) it is superfluous to give. As

etc - Mdto ^r= »a." E. 2, 63, 32 -^ $$mm ^7: (I am hit by an arrow), Dag. 25

" ^iRii;*'^'*!^)!^ q^ra-^r^mrt^ fiUiivwiA arg^Wioign gii (once in

some forest I saw some brahman being about io be hurt by the

crowd of my companions). Even ^Huh ' etc. may be = »a": Dag.

132 grT 5?farM<-i tHHdrTi (she was delivered of a son). It is eonsist-

ent, that ott may also be combined with some other indefinite.

Kathas. 27, 89 chmn^ sfigr srfrrr?r: WTU: cprqcF^ JJ^ (an honest servant

in the hduse of some merchant), Pane. 9 n-qrer EFrerfirf^ffftCT:.

Kathas. 1, 56 may be an instance of the sole qr, bearing the

character of an indefinite : -ir-J) ai-uid 37: (and nobody else knows

it).—Gp. K. 2, 32, 42 ^rjfter ftf ^jf srsrejf% (choose something else

,

if you have made up your mind).

fSTCoT. Rem. 1. The old dialect possessed a synonym of gsr, viz. fnssr;

in the classic language it is no more used, save in some standing

phrases as fsrsg- |crr:, being the name of some special class of deities

,

f%sar imH or simply fsrsspj "the Universe."

^oT- Rem. 2. gsf is = »every" and »each," goh ^everybody," gspr

» everything." Nala 20,6 i^r, qsr =r ?TFrriH gsraT :rrt%T ersft (not

everybody does know everything, nobody is omniscient).

1) According to the Petrop. Diet, the indefinite pronoun grfafqwas made

in a latter period than the other combinations, as it does not

occur in the older literature , Manu included (see II, p. 6 s. v. 37). Yet

in the Mababharata and the Ramayana grt-sftf and such adverbs as chlRj,

chqn(q are as well met with as those in "fifiT and °^PT. R. 2, 52, 45 g;

and gfcf are separated by % %%_ f§R gif* oraTTft.

212 § 282— 28S.

282. By adding to the foresaid indefinite pronouns the nega-

tion ^T one expresses the negative indefinites „nobody,

nothing, no, none." It is indifferent at what place one

puts the negation. Nala 3, 24 uf5m.H q qt chfiy^qvwH^ (nobody

saw me , as I entered) , Hit. 95 gfommal -sgrrer dloMUl ~)lfw (we

have no livelihood) , M. 9, 26 q Ida i aiYsfer 5nsi^ (there is no dif-

ference), Kathas. 34, 120 ^rf^s^ t^srh -umMsJ (there nobody could

be named poor).

It is not only said rj chf&H and q- gfrsfrt, but also q ch l^fa -

Pane. 71 q fehPstemaidH (he said not a single word).

283. There are several words for „other",viz. 5F*T, ^T^", ^T^?

Other"how STT7. Of these ^f'^T is the most common and has the

expres- ^ ^sea. most general meaning.

1. =gr?r generally denotes ssomebody or something else." In such

phrases as g^rfcH^p , »once on a day" it is almost — ^rfigH- Yet

it may also signify »the other." So Hit. 102 when a messenger

wishes to speak secretly to the king, the king removes his attendance

rirfr fnrr q^rt g- fenft mi i ?ert s;a=r nm: (— tfie others withdrew).

2. wrr properly means »the subsequent, the following;" hence

it has got also the meaning of uother," but commonly it retains

its proper nature of signifying what is named in the second place.

Mrcch. I, p. 55 t£|- *TT J^Plch i i <<JHH 7T m (this is Kadanika., but this

other, who is she?).

3. en-is etymologically related to our far, and accordingly it

serves also to denote the opposite of ^f. Hence it displays all shades

of meaning, as are directly opposite to the notion of »own, pro-

per." It may be sometimes = »strange" and ^stranger," some-

times = » enemy," sometimes also when used in a broader sense

= »other." Nala 3, 8 cfw q sUdH*^: f^y^rM^H "Wl^iy^u'l ajq;

(how should a man bear to speak in this way for the sake of

another to a woman, whom he desires for himself?). Mrcch. I, p.

55 t[ qw qjchQri^^u,H^ (it does not become a man to look on the wife of

his neighbour). Its adjective cttcrW = alienus. Qak. IV g*fr f^

efrtt tTT^tH" UoT (a daughter is a possession one cannot call one's own).

§ 283-285. 213

4. jrT^", the comparative of the pronominal root t, bears a strong

affinity to Latin alter. It is used, indeed, to signify »the one" and

»the other" of two. Brh. ir. Up. 1, 4, 4 ^dr^HTdci.Udoim ^nj:, cp. M.

4, 137, Kathas. 19, 50. When dual or plural, it denotes the other

of two parties. Mrcch. I, p. 33 si^afdm^Prt ^ sraT iron dlidr)} ,

Mudr. V, p. 184 m\ H^T ?T Wt: ffSTRrPTT q^OT Ijfq- ch lH^H ^ iSrffrJ5T <Rr|sJcrl*l4l f^RrHoT ETTr&iTPT; — Cp. 217, 2.

Rem. 1. To the foresaid pronouns we may add f«7r sdifferent,"

as it sometimes may be rendered by » other." Kac. on P. 2, 3, 29

Eem. 2. gqr- and grjj-, when qualifying some noun, may be

used in a somewhat particular manner. Pane. p. 77 contains the

story of the jackal who , being hunted by a band of dogs, fled to

some dyer's and there jumped into a pot filled with dye. As he

got out, he had got a blue colour, rTSTTqf yi^tiUH ^ i mMtHHtTI

ETgTTifrefci.a'r svm:- Here ^jr srrpTOT: means »the other, namely the

dogs," not »the other dogs." Compare ibid. p. 83 chiwfSj^Ju^jr

fijl?! Ufrloiyfrl W I (TOT -cIMxT^T WZ! ^fioTRraifWRT5T: ST^rT- Here =&^r

does not mean » other panters etc.," but » others, namely a panter,

a crow and a jackal." Cp. R. 2, 71, 61 g^rr fsraoiT = »some widow,"

Schol. -tj^cU-m fold{U l fsryirffT- — The same idiom exists in Latin and

Greek, f. i. Od. /3, 411 ^Ttjp S'i^Jj oil ti wcttuu-txi, ouS '&M.xi "SjAaxi.

284. „Either," Lat. alteruter, is expressed by ^Trl"^. Mudr.

WV IV, p. 146 rtJifl^chrij g^ifi*.

0cbr\i\ denotes »one out of many," cp. girTR (280). Pane. 12

^fdJJ^M r^R^??ffcikldl-iHchH^ nfefrer (I will arrange it by means

of one of the six expedients : samdhi , vigraha etc.). Likewise ^^r^T,

»see f. i. Dag. 101.

How sneither" is to be expressed , may appear from these exam-

ples. Ch. Up. 5, 10, 8 ««lrlJ) i Wf^ 5CTprr =^r hihUjiR MrrrfSr .HcTprT

(on neither of these two ways these foresaid beings are moving),

Pane. 50 Hfr STTSTfi' =T flimH: (neither of them will know it).

285. For denoting „one. . . . another" one may repeat

?RT or 3TP9H or T?W\, or use them alternatively;

WTT- may also be used, except in the first link. If

214 § 285—287.

5RT-- there are more links, they may alternate in various

^ manners. As to E^FT WFffl = „first. . . . secondly"and the »s Vnlike, see 439.

Examples: 1. of sgrji. . . . sp?T. E. 2, 108, 15 ufi- iTfbft^MHT 5^1-

3IRT JT^iH (if what is consumed by one, goes into the body

of another —), Mhbh. I Paushyap. 174g»u[^i^i uTltj ft 3TTHT cnf^sranri

sjltrti l t^pii-^d 73[ ej^ (you do other things, my prince, than

what you should have done). — 2. of nsa, cFjfJgrT, etc. Pane. 297

rtefg riljd*4MI ^#T JTFTT 5RT ft^HM*!: ihtchAjM-dstiPj^ (and as he struck

them , some of them died , some others had their heads broken and

began to cry violently) , M. 9, 32 srrf : Afa<^ - • • f§T£:, — 3.

of more links connected. Varah. Brh. 32, 1 fat^chmma} A <si^>r| -

feri?T5rrferawTiT 1 wT^Rf^nTjtisrsmTO^ra' ^trt i sfoyfrspMH f^r:

fiarft TH-MteH chfWdA 1 ARl'ggachl^riPict.M^I UlJ^Mluf; ("some say that

an earthquake is caused by some huge animal living in the midst

of the waters ; others , however, that it arises when the elephants

of the quarters, being tired of the earth's load, are taking breath;

a wind falling down upon earth with noise, as if struck by another

wind , say some ; others , however, maintain that it is ordained by

unseen powers; other masters again narrate the following," p. 140 of

Keen's translation). Cp. Nala 12, 87.

286. The relative pronoun is ^. A full account ofits em-

tiVe ployment will be given in the Section , in which there will

noun, he treated of clauses and relative sentences. Here it suffices

to point out that *T and H are standing complements of

one another.

Kem. The comp. and superl. znrr, vrm are restricted to the

archaic dialect.

287. The relative pronoun may be generalized in various

genl- ways : a) by putting ^ twice , then ^T *T: = „whosoever,"ralized.

and it requires $T tf in the apodosis ; b) by adding to it

one of the indefinite pronouns so as to make up the com-

§ 287—288. 215

bination W< ^fllrT, W, ^TSR or W> ^fa"; c) by

putting together ?T and fT in the same case,gender and

number, m FP = ,,whosoever it may be, any." For the

rest, cp. 453.Examples of a). Ma 5, 11 is quoted 276; Bhojapr. 36 jfq- ^pjt

s^rfim tWMtifH H^itTOJ (TOwr^tTna" sjcRr jimmm: (the king's

favourites always plot to the ruin of whomsoever the king loves

and honours in his court).

, 6.) Mudr. IV, p. 158 q. chf^i^Mi ^g-feffir >ar fsraT tw i Odotr.(whoso-

ever it may be, that wishes to see me, you must admit him), Nala 4,

2

^ ^ar ^^i^j^h^ i Rh fa=eH (myself and whatsoever belongs to me).

This idiom is used so as to be synonymous with the simple indefinite

pronoun, as Hitop. 10 q'omi'chj-ttf jtst ch^fad < iHffi-csiflj (I desire

to give the golden bracelet to whomsoever); Schol. on E. 3, 10, 1

9

jt^ ^w sft xfcm ufrww =r sh^ft- ')•

Rem. The archaic dialect used also eh 9T5I = ar: ^rferT- So f. i.

Ch. Up. 3, 15, 4 qrurt sit ^5; tfiir zrf^t; f?R^ (prdna means all whatever

exists here), Ait. Br. 2, 6, 5 ?^§ sprer ^ SojrTrJr ^{ M«Jof sbt

q^qf^B in . It occurs also sometimes in epic poetry. So Hit. 20 the

verse ?nf5r wrfa =et fmrfm zmdinfo srmfr ^ proves by its very lan-

guage to be borrowed from some ancient epic poet.

c.) Kathas. 27, 208 ^m femr ftsrairffft Jrra rfTCr 1 <T5rt fsur: asTcro-

TTsrfi'iscFfriw (in this way fortune dwells in any action, done by

men, when carried out with vigorous energy).

288. 3. Pronominal Adverbs.

The pronominal adverbs may be divided into four

main classes: 1. those in °5T, doing duty as locatives,

2. those in °rT!, mostly doing duty as ablatives , 3. those

1) JT: ^faffr seems to occur much less than the other combinations.

The Petr. Diet, gives no instance of it, Anundoram bobooah does not

mention it.

216 § 288.

Prono- in °3J expressive of time, 4. those in °2U significative

verbs, of manner. They are derived of the roots 3T(^Ff), ^T?T

— f

rJ, U, SF^T, ^,

=h, H^" etc. and display the same diffe-

rences of meaning and employment as the pronouns,

which they are made from; they are therefore in-

terrogatives or demonstratives or relatives or indefi-

nites.

1. Those in °3"are: Interr. =M (where ?); Dem. ifsf

(here), FR" (there), "*AH^ (yonder); Rel. *T3" (where);

Indef. 5RT3" (elsewhere), ^FT3"(l.atoneplace,2.some-r

where); fm^" (everywhere), etc. To these we must add

two of a similar meaning, but made with different

suffixes, viz. Interr. 37 = ^z{ and Dem. i<^ (here).

—

By putting "I^FT, °^T or °wTto the interrog., one gets

the indefinites 37T^rT, ^T^mrl etc. -somewhere,

anywhere;" ^ 37T^FT (or =MMr1 etc.) = „whereso-

ever" (287 5).

2. Those in °rT< are: Interr. 37FP (whence?); Dem.

5HT: (hence), ^ (hence), cFT (thence), ^FT' (from

yonder); Eel. ^Trft (whence); Indef. ^F^rH (fromr

some other place), yftori'' (from one place, etc.), ti^ri!

(from every place) , and so on. — By putting "Mfi, °^T or

°*IN to the interrog., one gets the indefinites =hrl~

fWT, ^Rrftvffe", 3ttT3R; of course ?TrT: *rlRH etc. =„from whatever place." (287 6).

§ 288. 217

3. Those in°3Jare Interr. ^T (when?); Dem. FTTT

(then); Eel. ^ (when); Indef. ?RT?r (at some otherr

time), ^^T (once), Sm%\ (always). Besides, the dem.

FI^RT^T is the emphatic „then ," £^m1fT and WFH ^„now." — By putting "T^TrT, °^R or °?Tfq" to the in-

terrogative , one gets the indefinites ^T%R" etc. =„at some time ;" UZJ 374JNFT etc. — ,,whenever." (287 b).

An other set of temporal adverbs are ^f (when?), fTp£, mjf§ ,

af^ j aff crF^fenr- Of these , all but prf^ are restricted to the ar.

chaic dialect and even in the epics they are seldom used, except

the phrase q— 5rf^f%fT^ (nowhere).

4. In °5TT there are: Dem. rPTT (so); Eel. *W (as);r

Indef. ^F^TSJT (otherwise), FT^T (in every maimer

at all events). The Interr. is slightly different, being

^FT (how?). Demonstr. are also ^cR, ^F^R and

i Itl.= „thus, so, in this manner." — By putting °T^FT,

0-cM or °wT to the interrog., one gets the indefinites

35EJi%FT etc. = „somehow;" of course ^T ^fltT etc.

= „howsoever." (287 b).

Eem. 1. The archaic idiom g-; grsi (287 E.) is of course also

represented in the adverbs of the ancient dialect. Agv. Grhy. 1, 3, 1

a=r 3i =5T ^im^mid (wheresoever he may intend to make oblations),

Ait. Br. 2, 23, 7 prer oft ^sr mm PTS^klrT-

Eem. 2. The adverbial suffixes are not limited to the adverbs,

enumerated above. So it is said gy^r »in the world to come" (f. i.

Pane. 39) , mjyr (f. i. E. 3, 11, 25), crefsr; srj (always), pi rtigj (f. i.

E. 3, 5, 18), etc.

Eem. 3. A negation added to the indefinites 5rf%i=T, chHfSiH ,

chg^ l fan , ^rerfferj and their synonyms, serves to express »nowhere,"

218 § 288—289.

»from no place," »never," sin no ways," cp. 282. Kathas. 3, 57

fipTTT q tRT OT HTuf tt€t =TTf*T & EFH%rT (I am anxious that nowhere

there is a fit wife for you to be found); Nala 4, 19 ^sff =T irfaHT FToT

j IdK^ai-dH (a* any rate, you will incur no sin, my king); Pane

34 mr EfiSTfa flmf&jrT ^ nffimT (I never have eaten cucumbers);

ibid. 149 rr inrr rtsr i^rMiUiT ghfa^fti ^rsir Spm (since I am depend-

ing on you, I have nowhere enjoyed pleasure).

Eem. 4. The idiom q; h: = "whosoever, any" (287 c) has of

course its counterpart in the adverbs derived from the roots ?i and ?j.

Mrcch. X, p. 360 ^gf?Mcr:ren m JTW fertTT srr (staying at the king

of the gods, or anywhere).

Eem. 5. ch^f^H ' and chmulM have also got the sense of Lat.

vix. Pane. 71 grRT MHHHN 3OTqfg (after having scarcely recovered

his spirits). With emphasis, one says even chi?ichqi|(i| . — Similarly

chejjfq etc. may be used almost synonymous with our »perhaps."

Pane. 200 ^omffil^H m^oi-cH ir^ i iq (hoHH (if °ne speaks thus [to the

king of the elephants] he will perhaps withdraw by the force of so

trustworthy speech).

Eem. 6. g^rerr may signify »wrongly, falsely." Hit. 95 3<jHtdfq

ST^w £rff btsIh A\r*m\- Likewise Qak. I ^TO^TT^mrr ?RTHr (do not

take me for another person, as I am). As to n~nm when— » other-

wise" see 485 E. 2.

289. The adverbs in °5T and oFP are not restricted to the p- 5>3

minai denoting of space. Their province is the same, as that

insrand °f the locative and ablative '). Such words as Mr\'< and

n- rTFT* have the value of the ablatives ^TTTrT, FTFTIrT

doing "^ *^

lST etc.," that is of the ablat. of the stems ?T and FT in all

ves and

ablati-

ves. 1) °jf; is a common suffix expressive of the abl., and accordingly put

also after nouns (108). Locatives in °3T made of nouns are taught by

P. 5, 4, 55 sq. But such forms as sTi^UM!, ttd-tl) *IrJraT are only met

with in the archaic dialect. Yet, though obsolete in the classic period

of Sanskrit literature , they must have been in common use in the time

of P&nini.

§ 289. 219

genders and numbers. Similarly 3^, rT^ are identical

with the locatives STfc^FT, rTTFT^T etc. For this rea-

son, like the real ablatives and locatives, they express

not only space , but also time and circumstances, and refer

equally to persons and things. When pointing to a sin-

gular, they may even be used as attributes of ablati-

ves and locatives of substantives. The adverbs Wi and

£«(>, though not made with the suffix °^, have similarly

the functions of the locative of the stems 37 and 3T in all

genders and numbers.

Examples: 1. of their not referring to space. Kathas. 4, 20

awr fuiwjcuu T^RWfTj FRhFi: OTfinforfir sU^ferfr-siTorr^ (Varsha had

a great crowd of disciples; among them there was —). Mudr.

IV, p. 145 fefTrsT^T -ri^s|cr: sstpssrernw^FRHr ^femai^R' stt mhi«si —(why has Candrag. now put the yoke of government on [the

shoulders of] some other minister or his own ?). Qak. Ill mj g-

rT fwffT HnqWcjn i fsrstjir iftft qTTfccHft^TnT>^(he, from whom you are

apprehending a refusal, that man stands here longing to meet you).

Kumaras. 2, 55 ^t; ^ fjtn myaffrl ^ofT^fpr :5TO^ (it is from this

man [me, cp. 273] that the Daitya has obtained his glory, there-

fore it is not I, who must kill him). Mudr. II, p. 86 aHlrtHm i-

f^&zr 55T 1 FTfsjft srfaTtnTOT vror^Wi'ra*ttl&l(3wifa (this ring is engraved

with the name of the minister; for this reason, he will reward

you with more than [is the worth of] this [ring]). Cp. Nala 13, 44.

2. of their qualifying some substantive. — Pane. 273 rl=f 5^

j^rpr (rambling in that forest), ibid. IV, 71 cr^irrfJT^ cfteFf =sr (in the

other world and in this), ibid. p. 146 firarjTGT =sf f^cT ftyiiiia' Pwra

(— put the rest of the alms in that very begging-bowl) , ibid. 147

j£°f& WiWkri} £T5rft $*$ (they slept both on one couch of kuca.

grass), Kathas. 27, 4 mj Efisrrft (at some emergency), Dag. 80

^r =g EhfertW^A-a grrfpEi g;fafchda (and I laughed somehow at

some player making a rash move) ; — Pane. 308 fTrT: kmM kte^ST

220 § 289—291.

TirfT: (from that place they went to their country) , ibid. 286 g^rtefa

feip eh i [rchRdc! b oU^l^lu (he took some money from a moneylender),

Prabodh. I, p. 6 gifffafcr ch i j uioiui i H (by some cause), Dag. 96 rrr ch^lRj -

tHuifHiH^HU flim fH (perhaps , it will rescue me from this misadventure).P 2 4

Rem. 1. It must be mentioned, that in the case of the anvddega '33'

(274) 3j5r and afr: are enclitics. So neither t^ nor tft; can be used.

Rem. 2. Instances of the adverbs in % and °ft: denoting time,

are not rare. So one uses ^rT: qTJT — »afterwards ,"rTrT: — "then,"

cFjf%FT arf^iT may be — » sometimes. .. . sometimes."

290. There is no proper adverbial suffix for the category

of the „whither." Nor is it necessary. For the locative

being expressive of the aim and scope with the words

of going , arriving, entering and the like (134), it results,

that one says^ JT^TFT, fT% Mrj^ and so on, as well as

^TJTJ Jl^lfa, ^Ulf CTrT^I. On the other hand, since the

adverbs in "FT may have the meaning of „on the

side of," cp. 103, 37FT! may be „on what side?" "^rfl

„on this side" etc. Moreover they may even signify „hi|what

direction," f. i. rTrT* = ,,towards that place."

a) Pane. 154 ^pm =et fg; ch^lfa eft ir^Tfa, ibid. 289 jrf^ <*>Raf<<

3rar: tuiid i trl (if some tiger come hither)', Mhbh. 1, 163, 4 ifrraqj

b) Malav. I, p. 17 Tfr ti i^JHl^ (sit down on this side).

c) M. 2, 200 i i -HnJ 5TT rTrft'S^lrr: (or you must go from that place

to another), Kull. hhii&i STOT^ 1^\\^{ rpnam ; — Qak. I ^MUHqRd-

ehwjch i:-... ^FT ^oTTfitefcT^ (— are moving on in this direction).

i. Pronominal Adjectives.

291. Pronominal adjectives are : I. pRtFFT (how great,quan-

™.™i ttu), Dem. ^FrT, FTT^tT and ^rll^-fT {tantus), with

the relat. ^TT^'FT „[as great] as."

Prono-mina

ttdJQC

tive8

§ 291—293. 221

TI. ^fer {qualis?), Dem. ^VJ, FTT^T, ^TT^{talis, such), Rel. ^^[suc^as^Indef.^RTTSSr „like

another." They are also made of personal pronouns

:

^r^T (somebody like me), pIT^, W^ST etc. — All

of them may end also in °£ST and in °^f.

II. ^TlrT (how many ?), Rel. mf\ „[as many] as ," Indef.

^TtrrT^rr (some , any) . Like the kindred Latin quot

,

aliquot, they are indeclinable.

The Dem. friff is not used.

292. Observations on the pronominal adjectives.

1. The mutual relations and combinations of the different classes:

relatives , demonstratives , etc., are the same as with the pronouns.

In this way it may f. i. be observed, that To^fr and jr$j are

to FTTcFt^ and rrrgsr> what m*^ is to h; that jnBR^and qrpr require

an apodosis with cTTSFrT an<i FTtTsr; that such a combination as aiTST-

smpr: = »of whatever quality" (Pane. I, 420 3^sfr ^T STPTaft ?ITpT

rTT^ST s&); that srfH cfrfFrfSlrT = »however many," etc.

2. Those of Group I may be the former member of compounds in

"gpj, "f^jij, °5IT^T and the like. F. i. fer^jpr "tow far?," fau^f^»how long?,'' fer^rpr^ »how many times?". Bhoj. 28 jxw[ 9hU& \ {

qir q^rq^-tfK, Pane. 63 fifETj^ ^ ST^mtnr:, KatMs. 13, 137 ^rftr|

qzrr wr :t ?T[rT!-"> 5KFT (for so long a time I did not know this

duty), Pane. 56 fon -MHifrdrf FTST %: STJtcT: (out how insignificant

are these enemies of your father).

3. Instances of ^tjh, felTT and its adverb fer?^ used as inde-

finites [281] are now and then met with. Pane. 211 sprin sumidufH

gifH 5TT FTTOTffl (he kills some of them, some others he wounds). —Note the compound cfrfmzr = sseveral, sundry."

Chapt. III. On nouns of number.

293. As Sanskrit grammars not only teach, which are

the different nouns of number for the unities , decads

222 § 293—294.

Express- e^Ctj j-,ut a\so how to make the interjacent ones (see

noans £ j. Whitney § 476 and 477), this point may be passed

berby over here. It will suffice to give some instances of the most

various usuaj idioms for expressing numbers higher than 100. So Varah.

nations Brh. 11, 5 Wi°h l fti<*.^= 101, Ch. Up. 3, 16, 7 gfmr snfsirW "116 c$**-

years" [liter, a hundred of years , determined by sixteen]. — Of ad-

dition, as f. i. <rm 5Ttr =5 = tra^ST, instances are found very often,

especially in poetry. — Expressing numbers by multiplication is not

rare , either by saying f. i. fg-; erg- instead of zyj, or by using the

type fftsft ssrfrw: =240 [lit. three eighties], cp. 295. Mhbh. 1, 32, 24

H5M I ^ddiJiplMi 3irorr (having made 8100 mouths) we have an

instance of multiplication expressed by the instrumental of the

multiplicator.

Eem. 1. A very singular manner of denoting numbers between

200 and 1000, mentioned by Whitney § 480, is met with now

and then in the dialect of the liturgical books and in epic poetry.

Qankh. Br. 3, 2 =rtftT crfSmH l P <HdrM^I^ I^ the meaning of which

is »360 is the number of the days of a year," not, as one would

infer from the very form, 3 X 160. Qankh. Qr. 16, 8, 9 £ gtjt-

ffTO^r= 280. So R. 2, 39, 36 m: wmmf mr^: are not = 3 X 150,

but = 350, cp. ibid. 2, 34, 13, where the same number is thus ex-

pressed: -g^MMHId

I

: = half-seven hundreds, that is 3 1/, X 100.

Rem. 2. In the ancient dialect cardinal nouns of number show

in some degree a tendency to become indeclinable words. See

"Whitney § 486 c ), who gives instances from vaidik works. But

classic Sanskrit disapproved that loss of flexion and checked it ').

294. From 1—19 the cardinal nouns of number are ad-

tbT jectives , but 20 and the rest are properly substantives. So

ofnnm- Ic^ItT! does not signify „twenty" fr. vingt, but „aTip t* QTQ

con- number of twenty," fr. une vingtaine. For this reason,16

f^rfcP and the rest, STrR, ST^^T etc. are not only

1) As a rest of it we may consider, that M. 8, 268 and Kathas. 44, 77

the nom. M^IHIH does duty of an accusative.

§ 294. 223

singulars having a gender of their own , but they are also

construed with the genitive. Yet, this construction is

not used exclusively. By a false analogy side by side

with the regular construction, as T^TJnTrT! 'TjTTJTFT, 5TFT

^HTFT, one says also T^FT J^fOT, 5TFT J{T%instr. KSTRTr JJTHTFT or J^i, STFR 3{TOFTor J^J,etc. The same applies of course to the compounds in

°WOTrT!, °?TrTIT etc., expressive of the interjacent num-

bers. — It is a matter of course, that instead of using the genitive

,

it is allowed to compound the substantive with the noun of number.

Examples: La) of a genitive depending on the noun of num-

ber: Varah. Brh. 54, 75 fsrsrrai ^kttdtw (by 20 men); Eagh. 3, 69

^fn f%;rt5fV RorfrT =TsrTfej>t *TfT5firj~rf— ft<tr (thus the king performed

99 great sacrifices); E. 2, 54, 31 g^f stfptj Mhbh. 14, 88, 35 5wfSTOrTT TMiylrM'sg^it fcwrt rT«TT (300 animals were then fastened to

the sacrificial piles) ; Kathas. 18, 124 337 fa^i ctvm g^f WTT-

ijttitj Dag. 142 gir^TTq^ctig-^iwrsr- — b) of compounding: Raj. 1, 311

ST orWrfrr UWU HoPT (after having reigned seventy years), M. 8,

237 yrnsirPT (a hundred bow-lengths), Kathas. 44, 77 ^qseHtid) (500

camels).

2. of fsrsrffl' etc. concording in case with their substantives. —E. 3, 14, 10 gsTTOHSj 5j3W 5Wjj:— «rf%|%q"

: ><3'aut - 8 > 8 ^roi i P(mH I

k\h*\\ : H^rT: (purified by 40 sacraments), M. 3, 40 aWf^T m mt:,

ibid. 4, 87 min— ^Fn^fduiidM., Kathas. 10, 39 srtf trq-qffsr^f : qftert

^aia iHM (we are 1000 granddaughters of the chief of Daityas , Bali);

Mhbh. 1, 16, 8 sra- cRef: STrTRTTTraF^ rTtrtloMy :•

Higher numbers, as ^T^TtFT, FRTT, °h Il6!,aresub-

stantives, and always construed with the genitive of the

object numbered. E. 1, 53, 21 5^7^^ nat ^7^(1 give a crore of

cows); Pane I, 251 q- niiPTf ?t^tjt ^r ==r cframT oii(?Mi!jj UKfcrii mmrt

TT5TT (t

^'uiA? feaiH (designs of kings, that do not succeed by a

224 § 294—296.

thousand elephants nor by a hundred thousand horse , are successful

by one stronghold).

Rem. 1. The double construction of Pdmid etc. is as old as

the Rgveda. Cp. f. i. Rgv. 2, 18, 5 xirdlP^Hl ^jfir: with Rgv.

5, 18, 5 j ^ q^iw s^iSMiy;Rem. 2. In epic poetry one meets occasionally with a plural

of the decads instead of the singular. Nala 26, 2 q^iuifj.ju :(with

fifty horses) instead of qsdiuiHi ^t:-

On the other hand, a singular of the substantive construed

with sjff and sT^5T occurs now and then, as Hariv. 1823 ^h^Sut

srr^Tirr [instead of srrfft: or srr^rpj], BMg. Pur. 4, 29, 24 asf sttpt').

2 95. Multiples of to^lTFT and the rest are denoted by putting

them in the plural. R. 2, 31, 22 cfttwot flwii^mrq^ai-HRtfPTfq-

(the princess Kausalya, might entertain even thousands of men

such as I am)2); R 3, 53, 24 jrsmr f^TTT TPJ H^aifgr =grr£sr (by whom

fourteen thousand Raxasas have been killed); M. 11, 221 fqrrjPTf fowl

•ssSfcfh".- HI^HIU-H (eating in a month 3X80 balls); Mhbh. 13,

103, 14 spirit U iH i Pi 3) ; — Pane. 253 quriU iriJ fa (even by hundreds of

endeavours); Mhbh. 9, 8, 41 ^ -eiHidM^ l iu i(and ten thousand horse)

;

Kathas. 35, 96 ^sr chissHchltlsr faror: u(h<4I<j «ii— <H<JW<J-

296. Numbers, given approximately, are expressed by

such compounds as ?TRT^T^5TT! (nearly twenty), *)g^- W.'

f^TP (not far from thirty), ^<^iV (almost ten),

?rf^^rrnTrr: (more than forty).

jTwo or three" is Q^itu i, »three or four" fM-^H^ifttl , "five or six"

cngTsrr:- Comp. Dag. 94 the compound adverb fcRMHH »twice, three-,

four times."

1) Another singular idiom occurs R. 1, 18, 8 =HrRT TC MHrtltl: (the

six aeasons passed), as if Kir meant »a hexad," not »six." Cp. Verz.

der Berliner Sanskrithandschriften , n°. 834.

2) h^5T is masc. or neuter. See the gana sr -j l f^ on P. 2. 4, 31.

3) An irregular plural is Kam. 15,11 H^-UMI <rf}*f<y<4dMW*t IHT:

MfWlHlft ffrr instead of either crfOT^or tsrfT? UIHlR-

§ 297—299. 225

297. Note the use of the words %m and =tm, or fewandfem-»couple" and »triad;" » tetrad" is T^rsm. They are often the last

members of compounds. M. 2, 76 d^q (the three Vedas), Utt. Ill,

P- 37 rTrT: ufSlUlfd' q^tr rITRTT IT^TT =3-

298. Putting ^Tl^T after a cardinal expresses the comple-

tercar- teness of the number. So ST^Tr „both ofthem ," ^aT^Ra^V.^all three Of them." One says even g^sft, ^r^fTT srfa etc.

—

r^ »all of them." Bhoj. 91 srfPr: sffffrfftaMq-icrU fr sHcjrwft ^Tf§r-

fTTfq--

299. Cardinals may often be the latter members of com-

ow pounds , see 294 and 296.

befng When former members , they may make up with their

wTof latter members the so-called dvigns. This term is ap-

pends plie(i to two different kinds of compounds, viz. 1. the

collective compounds , made up of a cardinal + a noun

subst., and employed in a collective sense; they must

be of the neuter gender, as ^"RWEFT (juncture of fourc

.roads), but themes in °^ may be feminines in "J" as

well as neuters in °W\, as T^Tfar1? or f^FTt^T (thep2|

*

three worlds) ; 2 compound adjectives , which rank

with the bahuvrihis , but the notion inherent to which

is not that of ^possession,'' but some other. So the

word FS^T itself, meaning „bought for [having the value 52'.

1 '

of] two COWS." Ait. Br. I, 1, 6 ^hl^uichUM : gftnsr: (a cake dressed

on eight plates).

Beside this special use , the cardinals may be parts of

the general tatpurushas and bahuvrihis, especially

the latter. Such bahuvrihis as ^llttl! (having ten faces),

I oj^ilri^l^! (with twenty arms), are, in practice, by

15

226 § 299-301.

far more frequent than the adjectival dvigus. Yajfi. 2, 125

grjfer^sremTTTT: Sjsrafsff eTr<WUllrMdl: (the sons of a brahman own

according to the caste [of their mother] four, three, two and one

portions) , Pat. I, p. 62 faqu ir ^dTif^ : (this bahuvrlhi is of three

elements).

300. Ordinal nouns of number, when latter members of a bahu-

vrlhi, are of course used as substantives (cp. 224 R. 1). So JR. 2,

40, 17 JHlrHHrnm-ll etfc l^ l(after seeing them mounted, having Stta

as the third, that is: them two with Sita). — Note the phrase

airMHrtldj : (himself with two others), a irHH^W.(himself with four

others) and the like, cp. Greek ocurbi; Tpirot; (ir£{i7TT0s). Aninstance of the same phra*se , but in analytic form, may be Mahav.

IV, p. 74 *iir±HI rtdltw JMcyfardJ-siiui srn^ST:. — As to°Q,Hid almost

= swith" cp. 58 R.

301. Fractions are expressed, as with us, by ordinal numbers', either

on8 accompanied by some word meaning upart," as in the proverbial

how phrase cfTSTt rrr#r qUufa (see f. i. Pane. II, 61 , M. 2, 86) , Ragh.

ed. 2, 66 stri?^ tiaiu ijjca fi (*° enJ0T the sixth part of the earth), or

put alone, when substantives of the neuter gender. M. 8, 398 rnTt

fSsr ^tft ^TrT (the king must take the twentieth part of it).

Moreover, they may be denoted also by compounds made up

of a cardinal number + such a word as inrr, ^ar etc. M. 8, 140 55ft-

fmrrfr i^pd ih^ (he may take ';,,); ibid. 304 yrpsrrOTT: (a sixth part

of the virtue); Kumaras. 5, 57 fifau i ttftim PtmiH (when but a third

part of the night is left); Varah. Brh.~53, 25 mgm: =\ 1).

. Very common are mm -.- i and qt^: = |. They are substan-

tives and accordingly construed with a genitive, but often also

compounded. Note such turns as Bhoj. 48 mhi^um ji^t: (125 tall

1) This mode of designating fractions is however not free from am-biguousness , as faWTTT may denote also »three parts." See Mallin. on Kuma-

ras. 5,57. Nor are compounds, beginning with gy° always exempt from

it. So f. i. ^ymH^may be = half a hundred that is 50, or = a hundred -j-

half of it, that is 150. R, 2. 34, 13 mUHUa i rl l: is explained in the Petr

Diet., as being 750 , but Gorebsio is right in accepting it = 350.

§ 301—302. 227

elephants, lit. a hundred _|_ a fourth of it), R. 2, 39, 36 dhrosnTT:

51*137: = half seven-hundred women, that is 350. Raj. 1, 286 r^rrr-

l^iairi ^TVT oimimw^ian^i^ljj^ (— reigned 45 years —). Such num-bers as l£, 2 J- etc. are signified by the compounds drferfa,

^yTTtThr etc., that are adjectives and bahuvrihis, literally meaning•the second, third etc. being [but] half" *). M. 4, 95 j^t^fewhrta^WlPoljft ^sjq^rrn^ (for 4

J-month a brahman must study the vedic

texts). »One and a half" is also mzrm^ [literally — »with a half

more"], as WfsiWq;= 150.

Rem. How the interest of money is denoted, may appear from

this passage of Manu (8, 142): f£* %pr gHs* g- qw g-stirf ^W i

HHUI otp& JT^I^uiWW-iqoiUi: (he may take 2, 3, 4 and 5& a monthaccording to the caste).

302. By being repeated, cardinals or ordinals acquire aOther ,...,.re- distributive meaning, see 252 , 3°. Pane. 191 ftfiTfefafrrErr: =

marks sjrt

•per terms speculator-es , Var. Tog. 2, 35 rj^ir crgq- ,sf| (every fifth

day). The same duty may be done by adverbs in °$r;, especially

by a^sr:, STrTST:, Ms^HSI': »by hundreds, by thousands," also sin hundred,

thousand ways, manifold", rrtrrsr: (by crowds!, f. i. Qat. Br. 14,4,

2, 24, etc.

The proper employment of the adverbs in °^T is to in-

dicate a real division Of a whole into so and so manyparts. M. 7, 173 f^rr sr^f gusn (divided his forces in two parts),

Kathas. 106, 133 ptst fr wm Jjyf Qdfomfc (— into a hundred

pieces).

Our adjectives in — fold, etc. are represented in Sans-

krit by compounds in °3TTT— see the dictionary — as

fejtir (twofold, double), f^THT, ^rppT, H^PTHT.The standard of comparison is here of course put in the ablative,

cp. 106 R. 2.

1) On this subject see the disputation of Patanjali I, p. 426 who , as is

often the case, rather obscures than illustrates the subject which he treats.

228 § 303.

SECTION IV.

SYNTAX OF THE VERBS.

Chapt. I. General remarks Kinds of verbs.

Auxiliaries. Periphrase of verbs.

303. The verbal flection , which plays a prominent part in

^Hl books on Sanskrit Grammar, has not that paramountverb-

character in Sanskrit Syntax, at least within the limits

of the classic dialect. In days of old , the full value

and the different properties of the rich store of the

various verbal forms were generally much better un-

derstood and more skilfully displayed in literature , than

in and after the classic period. The history of the syntax

of the Sanskrit verb is a history of decay. Some verbal

forms get wholly out of use, others become rare or

are no more employed in their proper way. In this

manner the conjunctive mood (FTS") has been lost be-

tween the Vedic Period and Panini , and in post-Paninean

times the differences between the past tenses are disap-

pearing , and upon the whole the tendency of substitut-

ing participles and verbal nouns for the finite verb —see 9; 14, 1°; 234 — is increasing. Similarly the fa-

culty of expressing by means of mere flection , not only

tenses, moods and voices, but also newly framed verbs:

causatives, desideratives , intensives, denominatives,

has been much impaired in practice, though it has

never ceased to be recognised by theory. In fact, it is

only the causatives that have retained their old elas-

ticity and are still made of any verbal root, but the

desideratives and denominatives are as a rule em-

§ 303—305. 229

ployed within a little circle of forms often recurring,

and the intensives have almost fallen out of use.

304. The causatives are expressive of such actions , whoseCausa- i •

tives. subject is not the agent, but he at whose prompting p - s- 1.

the agent acts, as <5^$tT: 37?T =hl(UIM (N. N. gets

the mat made). They are much used both in the act-

ive and in the passive voice. Their special construc-

tion has been dealt with in full (49-51).

On the middle voice of causatives see 318, espec. c).

Rem. Occasionally the causatives are used without a

causative meaning, as if they were primitives '). R. 1, 5, 9

HiVr ioimmn'M (he inhabited the town); Prabodh. II, p. 43 oi^Htj l-

rrarg^qfff:, here aaiHU rT is quite synonymous with jr^r.

Pane. 168 fg? JTTjrtnwiwfH = STiwra, ^°^- 257 "t fe f%ira

f%J5TcHlui ^TTTJiTrrr sf%i chHllr<H l ^ l d wmiuuRt [= -4Mi|[y]- Thus often in

the prakrts. Sometimes the primitive and its causative are used pro-

miscuously, as .yrfff and sjlitild ,both »to bear." Sometimes there

is some idiomatic difference , as in the phrase ttsjj chUiilrl (to exer-

cise the royal power), here the primitive is not used. Sometimes

the primitive having got obsolete, the causative has been sub-

stituted for it, as (aa i ^lfri (to wed) instead of the archaic Qd^H ;

of which primitive it is only the participle bug that is used in

the classic dialect. In special cases refer to a dictionary.

305. The desideratives are expressive of the „wish of doing"Deside- P. ,^ r fP.ratives. the action , which is denoted by the verbal root : T^T^u^Irl p. s, i,

= ^rlH^irl (he wishes to do), M^TrT (he wishes

to obtain). Sometimes they simply denote the „being

about:" faq[rni?T *?K?FT (the fruit is about to fall).

It is stated in express terms by native grammarians,

1) This employment of the causatives is termed by vernacular gram-

marians S5TW fuM-

230 § 305—307.

that the employment of the desideratives is optional *)

whereas the causatives cannot be periphrased. Accor-

dingly , desideratives are less frequent in literature than

causatives. They are not only met with when being

finite verbs and participles, but also their derivatives

in °?JT (subst.) and °3 (adj.), which may be made from

any desiderative , asm^T'Tr (the wish of doing), N^l^(wishing to do).

Examples : Dag. 90 ^iiJfi^-di mm-v ^sr set afters fdFdshluA ^r-

gld-HMdHlritfmlH (she does not care for wealth, it is for virtues

alone that she wishes to sell her charms and she is desirous of

behaving herself like a respectable lady), ibid. 25 .q^fcra^aTTTijrT

feriWTFf mrUMchMdtrTl GhJ (as I perceived some brahman, whomthe crowd of my attendants were about to kill), Eathas. 29, 157

TT5TT • • • MMtSouffUrT: (the king being about to die of illness).

306. The intensives are not frequent in literature. In the

sives. brahmauas and in the great epic poems they are more

to be met with than in younger texts. The participles of

them seem to be more employed than the finite verbs.Examples: Mhbh. 1, 90, 4 rrpr fr qrrfcr <rlMmHH l:, R. 2, 95, 10

t?l<JtWMM<Ji l-MUti. Kathas. 81, 17 the glow of the sun at the hottest

part of the day is thus described ^ f| sfgf?r i 2J)um Wi^'

lwlwipl l-

W[^T sflstJiqfri:. In Pane. V, p. 321 the ram, that flees into the

stable, after having been driven away by the cook with a blazing

stick, is called jrrsoTWTPwfb":-

Various classes of denominatives are explained by Panini (3, 1,

minati- 8—21; 25; 27— 30). Among these, some verbs are very commonves

in literature, as a iehuWfrr (to hear), ferairt (to mix), mzmi (to cry),

but they have nothing remarkable from a syntactic point of view

,

since the speaker uses them ready made and may use them even

1) P. 3, 1, 7 yrm: <*i*JUI: STOT^IchHtwR^Wi 5TT sc. STT, to be under-

stood from s. 5. But in P. 3, I, 26, which sutra teaches the form and em-ployment of the causatives, the particle of optionality is wanting.

§ 307—308. 231

without being aware of their etymology. The denominatives which

concern us here, are those which one can frame by one's self,

if wanted, such as g^fa intr. (he wishes a son), drhrffl- trans.

(he treats as a son), iw-imri grRFi: (the crow behaves as if he were

a falcon) and the like. Examples of them are occasionally met

with in literature. Pane. I, vs. 5 ^ <?fr#r f| yf^rt cq^fa SJsrcwr i

teld-fisfir <r^iini Md^ i ^d-MUrf (here on earth even non-relatives

behave towards the wealthy, as if they were their kinsmen, but to

the poor even their own family are rather bad), Kad. I, p. 30 etcHo)

fsrtfu: mv ch{H«?l)MHlai)Hi)Mr< i .Ud (everything which is given [to me]

by the queen herself in her own hand, is as ambrosia), Bhoj. 61

y|±W|iiH roi^fS-qjuiN qf& ctnyMd ^l I f5 H^j..(Somanatha has become

„ ,a cornucopiae to me). „ „ ,

Inoho- r 'P. 3,1,

atives Some of those in Vran convey the notion of coming into some 12.

Factiti-8*a^e ou* °f another quite opposite , as vrsrraH (to become frequent

ve3- [after having been infrequent], arfprraflT (to grow sorry), aTi il l U fT,

^j^liUrl- But the number of these inchoatives is limited, see Kac.

on P. 3, 1, 12. — Cp. 308.308

Inchoatives may be made of any noun, by com-P 5 4

pounding it in a special manner with the verb *T 5o.'

(Whitney § 1094), as H^ftefrT (to become frequent), l^j3T?TMcTFT (to become white). The same compoundsOH

when made up with the verb ^T, signify „to bring some-

thing into a state, the reverse of that, in which it

was before l)" as Spft^lfFT (to make white), ^Gtjft-

cft^llrl (to make black). These inchoatives are very

common. Some of them have got some special meaning

,

as toiler (to get possession of), ?T^t^ (to allow), 3T1JT^T

(to embrace) see f. i. Nagan. IV, p. 62.

and 32.

J

1) Kac. on P. 5, 4, 50 ^5Tcjr; srar: wvjh ST^HorfFT i ff arfriH tt|*l*(lfri'

232 § 308—310.

Examples: Dag. 59 MchyHd ch^i i-h':u{i\ ich^sWcr ,

Qak. II *rilifl-

fvrgtsrfsrT^ tSftusrfH ^ mr: ; — Prabodh. II, p. 42 Krodlia says sreft-

giftft' IT5PT srfvfteiftfSr (I make the world blind and deaf), Mrcch.

VIII, p. 256 3TEFTJ" flp^Gn?icRTTiT (it is difficult to change poison into

medecine).

Rem. Panini allows even inchoatives, made with the verb ailrr.

From the examples given by Ka§. it is likely, they do exist

only in the optative: mchimin - As far as I know, instances are

not found in literature.

309. Another mode of making inchoatives is putting the suffix "sntT p - 5 - *^ 52.

to the noun and adding itotjh, resp. cRTffn. This class is, however,

limited to substantives, for the suffix o^TfiT expresses the complete

transition of one thing into another, as afTHMI-froliH (it vanishes in

fire), m^MMlrch l tH (he lays in ashes). According to 308 one may

say likewise gr^iTsrfH, ssnnrfarfHrr, srnrhfHriH, etc. — Mhbh. 1, 33, 7

?r iTOT wwu-Qhj Kathas. 5, 100 jjfn ^H fSrsrsr rdl^Mchhu ifMm^q ; i

Rem. 1. In the case of partial transformation one likewise uses P- 5, 4,

°HTfT cFrfrfFT, HBrf^ and also %nyr ^ftRTrf f. i. gwf M-j idNrtjiH^ hst

Ul^HfMM lr^iNd (in this army all weapons become fiery by a mi-

racle). See Kac. on P. 5, 4, 53.

Rem. 2. The same idioms *Wr -I- ehA ft , nafft, WKm may also p- M,

signify »to make — , resp. to become the property of:" ii dHlt;

iToriH (hikih ) »it becomes the king's." Kathas. 38, 157 d lfomm^chH

srafrT saw (she bestowed her estate on the brahmans) , Pane. I, 224

iJ(*Hlr*rTT fc%rr] (given into marriage).

Rem. 3. Pane. 45 "sttft is construed with the verb ;?(. It is

written there fear] rrf HHWHtl-^.

309*. The upasarga jr° prefixed to the verb has sometimes the power

of denoting the beginning of the action. Kag. on P. 1, 2, 21 nq\p|H :

or orcjfHrT: (he commenced to shine), Pane. I, 195 ^tt u^q-rtifTT

^Trf y^^fafi- (if he laughs, they begin to smile at him, if he

weeps, they shed tears).

310. Periphrase of verbs by means of a general verb to do

with an object denoting the special action meant, is

§ 310. 233

phrltenot uncomm<»- It is chiefly ^ that is used for this

verts, purpose. So ^m ^tfFT = ^TSPTfrt, RT^ ^tfFT =

^T^fFT, m^ ^tfrT = mtrt, EmT*R ^TTfrT (to

make one's toilet). In the same way the verbs , express-

ive of being , becoming etc. are employed for representing

nominal predicates. Of the kind are H^frT, SETJTrT

3rJH, frT^frT, OTJTfl' and the like, cp. 3 and 4. It is

proper to call them auxiliaries. But the same appel-

lation should be shared by ^ which, in reality, is

the causative of the former ones : VF®[' T^TT^FTt H^ltl

— , ffT^TR' (the knot is —,gets loose), 5F?f ftrfsFT

^T5[1trT (he loosens the knot).

Examples: 1. of u and its synonyms. Qak. I msr qrfr fBrnrsFTS': STaff:

(this deer has got out of reach), Pane. 51 fsfc^of rdHch^-i iQ^ri-n

MdlH i(why did you swoon thus on a sudden?), Nala 9, 19 jt rq- sr^RT

Ufarr orreftemHijJ Ph JT (they, having turned birds, bereave me even

of my garment).

2. Of ^. —.Qkk. I grafM^wUllr^M' RytSjUlfa 5fW STTrlR: Tf^lj *()R

(— or shall I conceal myself?), -E. 3, 25, 25 ^Trferf =35ff: Pm i -sU I:,

Kumaras. 1, 48 chdbif^Hiitiroi ftfwr =5^75": (the female yaks would

abate of their pride on account of their tails), ibid. 4, 41 afiT^TT-

5ig;<)f|Hp^: STHrrnrrJWFftrJIsntrfa':, Pane. 58 Vishnu says *iRHeh«tifl}

crarar ehi^wjlft [= ndTraift'

] - Kathas. 27, 160 aMiyy ry fft g^df

srsrt =aeFny =sr [— smamm =%] Qank; on Ch. Up. p. 71 explains

cRTO: by srrj; gpf:- And so on.

Bern. Other verbs of similar, though less frequent and more

limited employment, are ^ifn, ^yTin, sr^in, sryiffr- One says gnrf

57 »to listen," ^tHM 3T »to clap hands," ^fm 5J »to bolt the

door;" qfir STf »to behave" (cp. E. 2, 12, 8) and the like. Vikr.

II, p. 38 qlgoi^Hd lM ^ErawfFf fcrffFT ([your] eye does not rest

on the creepers in the garden) ; Mhbh. 1, 74, 101 g^ q- 5rft| fstfa.

234 § 310—311.

fT^f% (you ought not to use deceit); Hariv. 531 H l

^l dUp) 3?r ftcfT

SfT^r 5i<mm&m^ (Nar. was asleep — ), Ragh. 2, 7 ^istcdTrJi' 5TO:

;

Mudr. IV, p. 137 tm i rdi lTd<H*UHilcfrJ srsib": (B. is at enmity with

C); Dag. 19 H^l^lir fir£rniT: (being much astonished). And so on.

"II- The verb substantive has been dealt with in the opening of

this book (2 and 3). Here some remarks may be added:

employ- 1. The negation put to nsrfH or gf^r may signify »not to exist

at all, to be lost or dead." Mudr. VI, p. 197 zm mn'ittj l^mMl-a rer

^ srf^T (those , by whose favor I enjoyed all that glory , are now

dead); K. 3, 31, 31 ?fh=raT ^%fr JV?t =T ulamfi - Even the mere

negation without verb may have this meaning. R. 3, 41, 19 Marica

dissuades Eavana from carrying off Sita, saying ^m(5mR| ^Hdl -

2- jj[?H ) the 3d perg. of the present, may be used almost as

a particle in the beginning of tales and the like. J) It is then

the very first word. Kathas. 1, 27 Qiva begins to tell a story:

^feT *mftf%iT <T5T sTjOT ^TJTJTtmrmT. f^Holr<J l^^crlMol IMH :, here ^fer

may be rendered by swell." s) Sometimes it has the force of »it

happens that," as Pat. I, p. 48 ?r% cpr: diR)<^^ imgd l< HfifaairMiit'Sf^ =T iTeriH (but it happens also elsewhere that _), ibid. p.

3. ssrfiiT , the first person , is now and then used instead of g^rr.

See Petr. Diet. I, p. 536 s. v. jets' 6). — Dag. 158 •

gft-s ritjfoj s?"

rOTyi{m*wuichi^ur. g^¥ q^M^rHoiy'-iisWM'WiH, here a^fejseems to be quite the same as sg^ir. Likewise 53ft- and fgnfH may

1) Cp. the imperatives serft and Hotrj, which are used to express the

necessity or suitableness of yielding to some outward circumstance, like

Greek ekv. But the present 3gf^T represents, that the request of him

who wishes the tale to be told, is actually complied with.

2) The frequent employment of this idiom may be inferred from this.

In the Pancatantra ed. JIvananda there are 71 numbered tales. Of them,

45 begin with Juffn , and though in most of them no finite verb is found

in the first sentence -- in 14 cases there is — yet in the great majority,

if not in all , ?rf%7 is not necessary for the understanding. But in all of

them , the tale is told at the request of somebody , likewise in the two passa-

ges from the Kath&saritsagara, quoted by the Petr. Diet., viz. 1, 27 and 22, 56.

§ 311—3H. 235

be occasionally used = joPT, as is mentioned by Vamana; see Vdma-

na,

s Stilregeln by Oappeller, Qdbdaguddhi s. 12.

312=ff, *T and ?JH are also auxiliaries in another sense

,

in as far as they help to form periphrastic tenses, as

the periphrastic perfect (333), the future in °rf}

the

durative (378), etc. The same may be said of some

others as Irr^TrT, SFTH, illtrl, when signifying the

durative, see 378.

old. tjj6 ancient dialect bad the faculty of severing preposition andTttirsir

verb in compound verbs, the so-called tmesis 1). The sacred texts

from the mantras up to the sutras abound in examples. The greatest

freedom is of course found in the sanhitas. Ait. Br. 1, 21, 7 jq i fuoi^ :

fisn ott n^ffr = ?rfe:rt: &" m° stitch, Ch. Up. 5, 3, 1 jjrqrpr

rdll^iej((<4rHI rr ZR tt^dluiN^T ftrTT , Apast. 1, 25, 10 ^ff f=|flT5PS!"{TT TPT 357?T-

Classic Sanskrit has lost this faculty 2).

Chapt. II. On voices.

3 14. The Sanskrit verb has three voices : the active (3T?gr-ille ->,

threeq^J), the medial (^TTFFTCT^T) and the passive.

of the of these , the active is formally different from the other

krit two , but the medial and passive voices have many forms

in common. The perfect ^Jsh may be = „he made [for

himself]" as well as „he was made ," the future ^l|^4rt

is either „he will bear [for himself]" or „he will be

1) P. 1, 4, 80—82 H gWTifr: I $<I5 qpfr/ I aT5T%IT5I » these [viz. the

upasargas and gatis] are put before the root; but in sacred texts (chandas)

also behind and separated' from it by other words."

2) Perhaps something like a remnant of the antique tmesis may oc-

casionally be met with. In my notes, I find two passages regarding us

here : Mudr. I, p. 20 H l l -c^-rU? and R. 2, 9, 28 srCsm1

=T FoTT sfiq^-

236 § 314—316.

borne. 1)" But in the present and its system (present,

imperfect, potential or optative, imperative, participle

of the present) each voice has a different formal ex-

pression , <=h^rl etc. serving exclusively for the medium

but |9hMcl again having exclusively a passive meaning.

315. The participle in °rl may have a passive, an intran-

sitive and a transitive meaning, as will be shown af-

terwards. See 360.

Passive Apart from the system of the present, it is but one

in °j single form, viz. the 3d pers. of the sing, of the aorist — as

tens^

6

ST^tf^, *IWlfa — which exclusively serves for thederived

fromit. passive.

Bern. At the outset even this aorist in °t was a medial tense.

See Whitney § 845 and Delbruck Altind. Tempuslehre p. 53 grg^,

p. 54 g^fsr etc. Panini teaches an intransitive employment for

gqrft; (has arisen, — come forth), afffij (has shone), wfSr (was born), P- 3, 1,

jfsfVfy (has awaked), sgtrfr (has grown full), sffrfrfir (has extended),

am I Hi (has grown big). In classic literature aq iQ is not rare.

Eathas. 42, 134 j^ft dumQ FtH (the giant died).

316. From this 3"1 person in °j, however, it is allowed to derive p(

?' 4'-

several passive tenses of all such roots , as end in a vowel , moreover

of 3T^, 5TT and ^r, see Whitney § 998 d. So f. i. cpsqir, the

1) Cp. f. i. Mhbh. 1, 159, 6 the future trf^ijTOT d sna11 rescue) with

Da9- 96 q[7j| I HIrf (those two will be rescued) or Mhbh. 1,188,18 aTT^

-rjlit.il iPT; (and Arjuna took the bow) with Kathas. 71, 34 h FTOT WIS

an% (he was embraced by her). It would be an interesting subject-matter

for inquiry to draw a statistical account of the common forms of the

atmanepadam with respect to their being use 1 with a medial and with a

passive meaning. It seems, indeed, that of several verbs these forms,

especially the perfect , have the tendency • of conveying exclusively a

media] meaning, whereas some others seem to be exclusively passives.

Before, however, such an account from standard authors will have been

made, it would be premature to state something with certainty on this head.

§ 316—318. 237

common future atman. of jst , may sometimes have a passive meaning

,

sometimes it is medial, but the future ^jtfimH — derived from

•g^fsr — cannot be used except in a passive sense. In practice

,

these tenses of an exclusively passive meaning seem to be very

rare. Dag. 132 H(^im i^«isj l(liQ (I was addressed by the minister),

ibid. 133 chuifq fiajicM^UI cMJUlMWlGiRi.

317. The difference between the active voice and the me-

rence dial is for the greater part only a formal one, at leastl)C-

tweea in the classic language. Many verbs are used in the

tive° parasmaipadam , but not in the atmanepadam , and in-

and'tL versely. The special rules,given for this by grammar

medial,^p ^ ^ ^ gqq ^ do not bel6ng to Syntax. Even if the

same root is employed in both voices , it is not always

difference of meaning , that discriminates them ; in poetry,

for inst., particularly in epic poetry , an other voice than

the legitimate one is often admissible for metrical reasons.

Compare the fact, that sometimes the same verb is aparasmaip.

in one tense and an atmanep. in another. So fij!JH (ne dies), but

the future is TTfrarfH.

318. Nevertheless, the original difference between active

and medial is not lost. Not only the grammarians,

who have invented the terms parasmai padam and dtmane

padam, but the language itself shows, it is well aware

of it. Several verbs may be employed in both voices

in this wav , that one avails one's self of the medial p. 1, 3,

72 foil

especially to denote „the fruit of the action being for

the subject," f. i."^^^fT-' fT^r{ ,N.N. cooks for him-

self " but CT^TFT, when it is to be told, he cooks for others.

Of the causatives the medial voice serves always for that

purpose: ^iE" ^njflrt „he orders a mat to be made^ 3-

for his own behalf."

238 § 318.

Proper Within this proper sphere of the medium some distinc-sphere

of the tions may be made. The action may be done a.) byme- *

dinm. the subject himself in his Own behalf, as Apast. 1, 25, 10

T?r\ RRT^T^T TFT R^-fT (they remove the sin from

themselves — ), b.) by order of the subject, likewise for

himself; of the kind is the medium offlsT. *TsTFTissaid

of the patron, who makes the priests officiate for him-

self and who obtains the fruit of the sacrifice, whereas

the officiating priests MsllTi, c.) so that the same per-

son is both subject and object , as Ch. Up. 4, 4, 2 tlrM^IM

^5T sTT^TFTT Sjoll&ll! (you must name yourself — ).

Compare with a.) such Greek medial verbs as iropi&f&xi

„I acquire for myself," with b.) such as iratieucf&xi rbv utiv

„I have my son instructed ," with c.) suchas xxxvtttoimi

„I wrap myself." Those in c) are mere reflexives.

Instances of medial meaning conveyed by medial forms seem

to be found especially in the older texts,yet they are not wanting

in the classic literature.

a.) Par. 1, 4, 12 a marriage-mantra contains the words trfryf^oT

oTiH: (put on the garment [yourself]), 'for (rfryf^ would mean »put

it on another;" Ait. Br. 2, 11, 1 gctr g- ti^WH-*Jd [for their own

benefit]; Kathas. 42, 201 aduTl ri *wirlfi7 fd<im(*^ch i(she chose him

[for her husband]) and in this meaning regularly dU IH , f- i- Kumaras.

6, 78; E. 1, 61, 21 mm -m toi TFT (prince, take me with you);

Kathas. 25, 232 — the king , being presented with a golden lotus,

puts it into a silver vase , and says : I would I had another similar

lotus to put it into the other silver vase — jjl^mlHtid ^m^f^ -

t?ft gwTSf5f$ an; — Pat. I, p. 281 3=rq^ crrrjiT (he warms his hands),

ibid. p. 282 aid-^H rrrrjft (he stretches his hands) ; — Pane. 64 yrgfa^:

57 iMshlii ZKKcl (the king's zenana are sporting in the water"); Mhbli.

1, 175, 33 srr rrV. [SlitdlRjlUI drS^J yj^ldUH Sfmx:-

b.) R. 2, 4, 22 Dacaratha says to his son Rama af=r tr^-sftiRl^M

§ 318-319. 239

(have yourself anointed —), and so always with this verb;

c.) Apast. 1, 6, 3 ar ^fcpTfMnm^iTM (he shall not stretch out [his

feet] towards him); Mhbh. 1, 121, 31 ^fesr ^anf (show yourself,

gallant prince) ; R. 1, 75, 3 *npgs , qjgw srpng- 3=*5T<?r^ ^.

Rem. 1. If a reflexive pronoun be added, one may use the

active as well as the medial voice. p - 1. 3 .

77.Rem. 2. P. 1, 3, 68 teaches the use of the medial causatives

iforci and farerrrcrcr when meaning: »I cause [you] to fear (wonder

at) myself," whereas the regular forms irercrfa', faFTHnrfrf have

no reflexive meaning.

Rem. 3. Reciprocity may be denoted by compound verbs be-

ginning by arfH°. These must be generally medial verbs. See

P. 1, 3, 14—16 and Pat. I, p. 277.

319. Th.e passive voice is much used in Sanskrit bothPassive

.

" " 1>

voice, personally and impersonally, as has been pointed out 87

7 and 8.

Moreover it serves to signify such intransitive actions

as the rice boils, the wood splits CJ^Urf M i^MH ITH'tlrl

=hl'^ rT '), whereas „I boil the rice , I split the wood" is

expressed by the active voice 5Tt^T W^IH" I =hl^ PT"

Hl'ij3). Pat. II, p. 14 TOTOT fwfHNH l sTteT: srhEFFr (from a river-

bank, which is about to give way, lumps of earth are breaking

off) , Kumaras. 4, 5 rr f&^tlf (v. a. my heart does not break), Kathas.

25, 45 sr^r spwsJTFT (the vessel burst), Qat. Br. 1, 5, 4, 5 g srcsqcTfat

th^ lPr rrap^' (the "fruits fall down from the trees). Of the kind

are pjr& (to appear, to seem), jq-Jiii?| (to increase), grpEffa^r (to

decrease), mH7t (to suit, to be fit) and the like.

1) The passive, when personal, is styled chHfui (expressive of the ob-

ject), when impersonal , irrg- (express, of the state), see P. 1, 3, 13; 3, 1, 67.

When having an intransitive or reflexive meaning, it is styled chH*dH

(express, of both subject and object).

2) Yet one likewise says f. i. STTV ^TTSTt TcrfH' (the pot boils well), cp.

Kac. on P. 3, 1,87.

240 § 319—320.

Bern. 1. It is not allowed, however, to use that intransitive P. 3. l,

passive of all verbs. Panini excepts the roots g^; ,g- and rpj. One

says j^f - not j^jfi- - rfh toliWd , qq^ - not qujff - S^TT: ^KPTcr

»the cow is milking; the stick bends." Patanjali extends the

exception to others, especially to all causatives, and mentions a

varttika of the Bharadvajiyas which enumerates even a larger

list of exceptions. This statement of the Bharadvajiyas has been

accepted by the Kacika. At all events , this much is certain

,

that of several verbs the medial voice has also an intrans. meaning.

A concurrence of medial and passive is taught by P. 3, 1, 62 and

63 for the aorist of roots ending in a vowel and also of g-^; with

intransitive meaning it may be said acHfl or sairT,. a^)f^ and

3T|TV, f. i. 4lchlf| or iffSRFT 5J)T: tolWol -

On the other hand, the pure reflexive — 318 c\ — is occasio-

nally expressed by a passive; especially JjaiH »to release one's

self." R. 3, 69, 39 tf^reres jma-

Rem. 2. Note the idiom jtziw hii^NH : , a passive with etymo- P. 3, 1,

logical object. See f. i. M. 2, 167.

320. Intransitives are often expressed also by the verbsIntran

sitives-of the so-called fourth class of conjugation , which chieflyhow r-s

ex- comprises roots with intransitive meaning, as Sh^Miri

$STf?T, faSTTFT, ^TIH. For the rest, intransitive

meaning is by no means restricted to a special set of

forms and may be conveyed by any. So f. i. FcPT

„to sleep" is formally an active ^FTftT, ^TT „to lie"

a medial 3TFT, ^ „to die" a passive H^TrT.

The difference of accentuation which exists between the verbs

of the 4th class and the passives, must not blind us to the in-

contestable fact of their close connection. At the outset, there

is likely to ha^e been one conjugation in °gfff °?ih with intran-

sitive function , whence both the 4*h class and the passive have sprung.

Nor is it possible, even in accentuated texts, to draw everywhere

with accuracy the boundary-line between them, see Whitney § 761,

§ 320—321. 241

especially b.) and c.) and 762, cp. also the rule of P. 6, 1, 195. —The old language, especially the dialect of the Mahabharata, affords

many instances of passive forms with the endings of the parasmai-

padam, even with passive meaning. See f. i. Mhbh. 1, 24, 15; 38,

13; 51, 9; 102, 23; Nala 20, 31 etc.1

).

Chapt. III. Tenses and moods.

321. The Sanskrit finite verb comprises the following tenses

and moods: 1. the present (FPT), 2. the imperfect (FT3),

3. the perfect (H4"), 4. the aorist (FT3F), 5. and 6. the

future in PTlrT (FI5) and the periphrastic future (FTE),

7. the imperative (tr\ \{t ) }8. thepotential or optative (TFT3),

9. the precative (M|:lR|N), 10. the conditional (FRF).

To them we must add for the archaic dialect the con-

junctive (FTS"), for the classic language the participles

in °rT and rT^Tl , as far as they do duty for finite

verbs. Of these, 1—6 and the said participles constitute

that, which we are wont to call „the indicative mood;"

the other moods are represented by 7—10 and by the

Vernacular grammar makes no distinction between tenses and

moods, which is, indeed, less developed in Sanskrit, than it is in

Latin and Greek. 2)

1) P. 3,1,90 mentions two roots, which are verbs of the 4 th class)

parasmaipada , when being used as intransitive-reflexives , whereas they

are otherwise conjugated , when transitives. But Panini expressly sta-

tes that the eastern grammarians teach so , the passive of them may

,

therefore.be also employed,f.i. chtejfd or oFTOJ^r trier: feWHol (the foot strikes),

TstrfFT or pqfV of^T STCRoT (the garment is dying). Utt. V, p. 102^S5T& p3rT:.

2) In Panini's grammar the 10 or 11 tenses and moods form one category

,

16

242 § 322.

322. Of the tenses, which constitute the indicative mood,

the present is represented by one, the future by two,

the past by four (aorist, imperfect, perfect, participles).

Of the two futures, that in Vllcl is the general expo-

nent of the future. Likewise the aorist and the participles

are the general exponents ofthe past. The other past tenses

and the other future have but a limited sphere of employ-ment. We may remark that those limits are quite different from

what one would expect judging from the names , by which Sanskrit

tenses have been termed by European scholars. Sanskrit imperfect

and perfect have nothing in common with their cognominal tenses in

Latin or French or Greek, and the difference f. i. between the employ-

ment of Skr. ^[^ih i Rh and tyifipmnfi can in no way be compared

with that which exists between Lat. scripturus sum and scribam.

Eem. Sanskrit makes no distinction between absolute and re-

lative tenses. Hence, if one wants to denote what was about to

be done in the past i), one employs the same tense which is ex-

pressive of what is about to be done now , viz. the future. Simi-

larly , the same past tenses , which signify that which is accom-

plished now, may serve also for the expression of the action, which

will be accomplished at some future point of time. Nagan. Ill,

p. 55 fijir n^ rewind n^T^nf^ ft^ioiy £sr Fa^rWUiH ^ej, here

the past tense jju i rl : has the value of the so-called futurum exac-

tum of Latin, ego advenero.

For this reason too , the present does also duty for the dura-

tive of the past (327) and the past tenses are also significative

of the remote past (339).

but do not bear a common appellation. The K&tantra names them fgirfiff,

by the same term which is used tor the » cases" of the nouns. See Kat.

3,1, 11—34 with commentary.

1) This was at the outset the duty of the so-called conditional, butin classic Sanskrit this employment having fallen out of use, it is thefuture that is to express scripturus eram as well as scripturus sum. Cp. 347 R.

§ 32S—324. 243

Present. (^TS).

323. The present tense is in Sanskrit what it is every-Pre-

sent, where, the expression of facts present or represented

as such. The notion „present" has of course the ut-

most elasticity. It applies to any sphere of time of

which ourselves are the centre and it may have as small

or as great a periphery as possible. Accordingly, facts

which are represented as happening always and every-

where are put in the present. It is superfluous to il-

lustrate this by examples.

324. Further, the presenVmay denote a near past or a near v\

s

s\3'

fer

n

e

t;future.

denot- 1. The present denoting a near future may be compared fj^g'

near with such phrases as : I am going on a journey next

week, instead of: I shall go. So ^T^ch=^T>fMH", etc.

Bhoj. 42 arf£ ^ nsurT serf ^lriwd*l flWlR'.Mi^uPH (if we do not

go, the king's attendants will turn us out to-morrow), E. 3, 68, 13

%W5T foH au fd (he will die soon), Pane. 143 y^f .tiaddl s^ fnr

grr^r iTJITfJT (I am happy, I shall pass the time there with you).

In subordinate sentences the present is very often

employed in this manner, especially in final and conse-

cutive clauses, as will be shown afterwards.

Bern. 1. Panini gives a special rule concerning the present p. 3, 3,

4.

denoting the future with jnsnT and m Example of a i oirfj Pane.

286 ^ ZTffT ^STtrrWT ill 5i<i,4 WUh*$lPl (— till I come back). As

to qTT, it may be 1. an adverb » erelong." 2. a conjunction =r

Lat. priusquam. The rule holds good for both. Dag. 136 1%riftfo g-

TTT ST dPidiJl USFrFT (and that ungrateful man will erelong kill you)_

R. 2, 116, 19 tr^r.... srrffftgqf%rf rmferj i ^ylufo f|;' £ct^ f^wt^

ing a

near

future

244 § 324—327.

<nmjjjm^ (before those wicked beings inflict any corporal injury

upon the ascets , we will leave this hermitage).

Rem. 2. Another consequence of its fitness for denoting a near

future is exhibited by its doing duty for a conjunctive (356).

325. 2. The present denoting a near past. It may be said

sent ^T^TJT^TFT „I arrive" by one , who has just arrived.m -

kg^a XJtt. I, p. 3 inikHifemtd dlMil< Tp£: (the king has just- retired

near from his seat of justice to his inner apartments). — Of this kindpast.

are the rules given by Panini (3, 2, 120 and 121) for the em-

ployment of present and aorist in answers. If one asks nhave

you made the mat?", the answer may be, when using tt, q- chTlflf

or -i i ch i tH) »no, I have not," or if an interrogation, nhavelnot?"

Likewise with :t, g^ :t c^lfa or, ^jchlJ^ - But with tjtj exclusively

the present: 7& ^rtfJT sindeed, I have."!).

Eem. Inversely, it may happen that a Sanskrit aorist is to

be rendered by an English present, see note 1 on page 253 of this book.

236. Moreover, the present is often used in relating past

ricBi°" actions. Then we may call it historical present.

s

Pent. Properly it is distinguished by the particle FT added, p. 3,2,

118

but FT is occasionally wanting. Nala 3, 18 ^ mm u icmPh i

ai

noa 11".

*T cm^t^fg f%^T (they could not utter a single word to him),

Kathas. 1, 33 ^fn srf% ST iTddt i UrddM ftftT TU: (thus spoke Par-

vatt, and Qiva answered), Pane. 201 a story ends thus: srsraTntr

H^fiHl<ij(«T srar sirr ssrrrw fd^Pri ST (and since that day the hares

lived happily in their dwellings) ; — Kumaras. 3, 13 oil i Q <hm iwt.

(TTT&fJT waitT 2^te^TW sta: (Qesha has been appointed _).

327. But the most common employment of the historical

preset present is that of expressing facts when „going on."

dnra-

e

As Sanskrit imperfect (FT3) has not the character of

tmse a durative, like the imperfect in Latin and French,par ex-

cellence.

1) A varttika, expounded and agreed to by Patanjali finds fault

with this rule of Panini [ttrU1W 1^ fcSd fadrel IH - See Pat. II, p. 122.

§ 327. 245

^T5[ may be both a synonym of Latin ferebam}

and of tuli'). But the present >T^Tfa is by its nature a

durative tense, and for this reason it is eminently

adapted to signify the durative, even of the past.

Of course, FT may be added in that case (326), but

it is not necessary and is generally wanting in the

body of a narration. Accordingly , *T{TFf is often = Lat.

ferebam.

Examples: Pane. 165 a new story begins in this manner ^f^j grfirr-

feeffiwrn y| Picriehi J7FT *l(cH*l sraffT W {hdbitabat)\ ^ =ar qTferofr-

f^rrrft ?T5^r sr^nijrTTSTriH (*'s vestes conficiebat)\ qj- prer— =t i-fisr-

RTE^TsTTT^rfVcFj Ewrafe SWT (fiebat) ; Ch. Up. 1, 2, 13 ^ ^ q-ft-

ifklMl^idl spgr (fuit)i sr ^ &w. chmHun g-fo (incantabat) ; Mhbh.

h^-57, 5 Ry^pH ct ff5T epqT ?Nr ?RJ ftfsr (at that time they

delivered the food begged to Kuntl every night); Pat. I, p. 5 q-j \dh^

^dcjjylrjj ^qTrp-H{^TTcrl sTTfTUTT odlch^UI FTT<?fejW (discebant) d^rd'

rr ftoi ; Bhoj. 40 FirravrfFT =r Pidifd =tet usSt =t #r^rf%d^r fer^nrftTTq^rr:

feraT fed i Par tlioMM fa (from that time he did not sleep or take

food or converse with anybody, but with a heavy mind he la-

mented night and day) ; Pane. 145 begins the story of some monk

,

who did inhabit (q|doi<dfd 9t) some monastery, his ordinary life is

described by a set of present tenses without 9t (grrrarfH Sorfifn'

y^lx)l<Ji)fH)- — A past tense and the present may even be put close

together. E. 2, 63, 14 Dagaratha relates to his queen IoEPTet forT^off

1) In the brahman as the present with ^it, according to Delbruck

Altindische Tempuslehre p. 129, is always =. Lat. imperfect , never =. Lat. per-

fect: »Das Prasens mit sma steht im Sinne der Vergangenheit,jedoch — so

viel ich sehe — nicht so dass damit em einmaliges vergangenes Ereigniss

bezeichnet wurde. Vielmehr druckt das Prasens mit sma dasjenige aus,

was sich ofters, besonders was sich gewohnheitsmassig ereignet hat."

In the classic dialect, however, ifrfH ST is both z= ferebat , and— tulit.

Plenty of instances may be drawn from classic literature. Only see the

examples to P. 3, 2, 118; 119, and Kathas. 1, 33 quoted 326.

246 § 327-328.

Wd{ \i\ Mbiiui^ (at the time you were not married and I was heir-

apparent).

Kern. Panini especially mentions the freedom of employing the

present instead of a past tense with j^t (formerly, before). So

Pane. 202 the crow says thR4 fei foir <ipt SRTTft. Here the present

is used, but the aorist f. i. Kathas. 25, 74 ^ Hjr^ i fau :,the im-

perf. f. i. ibid. 24, 19 srnsp£ JftT jm and Pat. I, p. 5 quoted

above.

Past tenses.

328. In defining the employment of the past tenses one

Actual mugt distinguish between such past facts, as have notpast aand lost their actuality, and such as have, and therefore

histori-^

.

caipast. belong to history. The historical past may be expressed

by any past tense, but the actual past not. In other

terms, as a rule, English he did and he had done may

be rendered by Sanskrit aorist, imperfect, perfect or

the participle (=hr1=U«^, ^irT^FH), but English he has

done only by the aorist or the participle, not by the

imperfect or by the perfect.

Histo- i # por expressing the historical past, the four pastrical

past tenses are used almost promiscuously , and the historicalGTET)T6SS—

ed by present (326, 327) may be added to them as a fifth.any past Examples: Kathas. 24, 10 it is told, one asked (^q^rj^imperf.),

vs. 11 the other replied (aoii<)rf aor.), vs. 13 the former asked again

(<nr^ perf.). Ibid. vs. 214 (irm^T rr i H3T h«j iui*-d* ^rtiPdWjs^xi i &

^ HMsJcH sas they could not tell it him [themselves], they sent

messengers , who told him") is an other instance of aor., perf. and

imperf. used promiscuously and without the slightest difference

of meaning. Pane. 276 we have this succession of facts: srranirf

nwfaffifijdol i HL (participle) ^rfwnr hiuihIh^ (aorist)i a^ rrerr

qmolldchmi ' M^iTTh^R('UIh (histor. pres. with durative meaning »was

singing)"i fi^rSfT Hmfif^HH (partio.) M^aJl rj; (imperf.) and so

§ 328-330. 247

on. In an other story Pane. 51 , we have this succession of facts:

a weaver and a cartwright dwelled (nf^oTSTrT: w) in the same town

and lived always together (^n^ RHH:)- One day a great festival

took place fcfofTr:) and a procession, in the midst of which they

beheld (js^rf) a maiden of great beauty. On seeing her, the weaver

fell in love with her and swooned fa^rr Uri9t Pinmrt). His friend

the cartwright got him carried home (saTT^TTRTJnjrr) and by proper

treatment he soon recovered (jh^hwI sjusr). — Upon the whole , there

seems to be a tendency to alternate the past tenses in literary com-

positions.

329. Now, the imperfect and the perfect are restricted

feet and to that sphere of employment. They cannot be used

a" re- except of such facts as have lost their actuality forS

to

1C

the the speaker l

). Both of them are only available for the

"ioiTrf historical past. They are to be rendered by our past

toricaf tense , both ^T^T^TrT and ^T^JT^ being = „he did."past. Both of them are equally applied to facts , that have happened

but once (Lat. perfectum historicum), and to actions repeated or

continuous (Lat. imperfectum). 2)

330. There is , however, a difference between the perfect and P _ 3j

rencV the imperfect. It is taught by Panini in express terms,11B

bet WGCI1 <'"~^^^_^_-

imper- that the perfect (k<16) is restricted to such facts as have

perfect, not been witnessed by the speaker, and the practice of

good authors is generally in accordance with this state-

ment. It is somewhat uncommon to meet with a per-

1) This is meant by Panini, when he teaches 3T3 (and, aa it stands

under the same adhikara, also f§TC0 to be used tJ'nyH'T. P. 3, 2, 111.

2) Cp. Kathas. 24, 214 ^H l fcdMtfprtgT I nr ^ rRsJcFT^ nuntios miserunl,

iique ei dixerunt, with Mhbh. 1, 68, 9, which verse describes the happiness

of the subjects of Dushyanta during his reign saw ^"fq^ amf:

^IM^JollchHl tTOT: — hominum ordines suis quisque officiis delectabantur,

erantque ab omni parte tuti.

248 § 330.

feet when expressive of an action the speaker has wit-

nessed himself.

Good authors, accordingly, avoid using the perfect tense,

if the facts narrated have been witnessed by the speaker. The

Dagahum&racarita abounds in stories of adventures, told by the

very persons who have experienced them; all past tenses are

employed promiscuously , only perfects are wanting. But , in the

same work, if the author himself is speaking, or if any of his

heroes is relating a fable of olden times , the perfects make their

appearance side by side with the other past tenses J). The same

observation may be made with respect to the KatMsaritsagara 2).

Yet, from this one must not infer, that on the other hand

the imperfect is restricted to the relation of past facts

witnessed by the speaker 3). Even , if Panini had taught

1) So there is not a single perfect in the whole story of Apahara-

varma, as he relates his own adventures; for the same reason perfects

are wanting in the stories of other princes. The sixth ucchvasa, Mitra-

guptacarilam , has no perfects, while Mitragupta tells all what has hap-

pened to himself, but as soon as he is narrating to the giant the four

little tales of Dhumini etc., perfects abound.

2) Exceptions may, however, occasionally be found. Dae. 110 and 111

prince Upaharavarma, when relating his own adventures, says twice JTTteC)

while speaking of a woman, who wept before his eyes. R. 3, 67, 20 the

vulture Jatayu informs Rama, how Ravana yld IM liiJU d<^M<*l<4IH fliirT-

VTWT- Kathas. 6,43 the clever merchant, who has made his fortune by

trade, uses the perfect 55JJ, while relating, that each woodcutter gave

him two pieces of wood, as he presented them with a fresh draught.

Likewise Nagan. V, p. 77 hhm instead of the aor. of a fall, which the

speaker has seen on the same day and with his own eyes. But, I repeat,

such deviations are upon the whole very rare , at least in good authors.

3) The term qrfft for the sphere of the perfect , is a point of dispute

with the commentators. It is asked, what kind of actions may be said

to fall under this category, and as the term, when strictly interpreted,

signifies »beyond the reach of the eye," it has been deemed necessary

to give an additional rule in express terms, that » well-known facts fall-

ing within the speaker's sphere of observation are to be put in the

imperfect — not in the perfect — even if they have in fact not been

§ 330. 249

so a), such a rule would be in direct opposition to the

constant practice of Sanskrit literature up to the Vedas.

The imperfect is always and everywhere used both of past

facts which are within the compass of the speaker's

experience, and of those which are not.

witnessed by him." This varttika seems to be as old as Katyayana, it

is expounded by Pat. II, p. 119.

1) It is not quite sure, that he has. Still, when looting closely at

Panini's own words about the employment of ^n? and f§T?7 and at the

commentaries and disputes of his scholiasts, we may consider it a tenet of

the grammarians , that 5FT5 is not available within the sphere set apart for

f§T£. Prom 3, 2, 116 s^[«cldl5FnFJ5 » with ^ and sjgsrrT^ (forsooth) — cp. 397

R, 3—^frj may also be used within the sphere of f?rr£', cp. s. 115, we

can draw no other inference , than even this, that in any other case one

would be wrong in using ^3 qrt^f. But it is possible, that this sutra

116 did not belong to the original work of Panini. Indeed setting this sutra

apart, the very arrangement of the rules which treat of the suffixes

and tenses of the past , would rather induce us to suppose Panini having

taught the employment of 5^ both aq^l^t and q^y'. Prom 3, 2, 84 up to

123 uh is adhikara, the suffixes taught there are accordingly expressive

of »the past." Now, from 84— 110 this »past" is not specialized and

comprises any past whatever. With s. Ill the first restriction makes its

appearance, it is stated that the imperfect fere) is used #rKlrl>4 » denoting

the not-actual past." Prom there 4M<UrH remains adhik&ra till s. 119,

but s. 115 a second restriction is added to the first: the suffixes are not

only expressive of the past 4M4lrM but also qTfa'. Now the question is

simply this: Has Pfl,nini meant sutra 111 (employment of 5rT|) to bean

exception to 110 (employment of q!T5_ » aorist") and likewise 115 (em-

ployment of fsrTT) an exception to 111 — or is each of these rules to be

interpreted separately and considered by itself? According to the former

acceptation , the aorist is taught to be restricted to past actions that have

happened to-day, the imperfect restricted to past actions before to-day,

but witnessed by the speaker; according to the latter, the aorist is ex-

pressive of any past both actual and historical, and the imperfect of

any historical past both witnessed and not-witnessed by the speaker.

The former acceptation is that of Sanskrit grammarians up to Patanjali

and the author of the varttikas , the latter is in accordance with the practice

of Sanskrit literature.

250 § 330-331.

Eem. 1. In putting questions, the difference between perfect

and imperfect vanishes, and it seems, also that between those

tenses and the aorist. If I rightly understand P. 3, 2, 117, the

employment of both perf. and imperf. in putting questions is prescribed

by Panini , even if the past action be »near in time" a i »H-)chM - Kag.

exemplifies this rule frfarshfar^fd i^T^ idUj* : i smTT toRjr;- R- 3,

19, 6 Kharaasks his sister Qurpanakha cfrrsoirsr n^ icfi&rdi Qai,nf Tjeh i J

^ (what strong man has disfigured you thus ?). Cp. Ch. Up. 4, 14, 2

quoted 345.

Rem. 2. Another rule of Panini — 3, 3, 135 — forbids the im.

perfect, the perfect and the present wither 1) in two cases: [frti \-

nsirsrerfTtanrh. According to the gloss of the Kagika kriy&prabandha

is »uninterrupted action," s&mipya »the time which immediately

adjoins the time of the speaker." In these cases the aorist and the

participles are stated to be employed, not the other past tenses.

Kag. gives these examples uioiWTiciiHH^lH (as long as he lived he

distributed food [to the poor]), m gluWiafHshl^H^mgM l Jl ssffrTTftfT

(at the next full moon the teacher worshipped the holy fires).

I do not know how far this injunction is confirmed by the evi-

dence furnished by Sanskrit literature. For the rest cp. 341 E.

331. At the outset, the perfect had not the restricted function, ing

,. which it has in the classic dialect. In the old vedic mantras , likeperfect '

of the the aorist, it may denote every shade of the past, and occasio-

dialect, nally it has even the power of- a present tense, in the same way

as for instance Greek IsTifx« oi&x , Latin memini consuevi , Gothic

•

fe

"' vait mag, sim. So Rgv. 5, 60, 3 (5inm »is afraid," ibid. 1, 113, 3

when a f^rfT; »they stand still" and the other instances to be found inpresent ^tense. Delbruck Altindische Tempuslehre p. 103 sqq.

The classic language has but two perfects, expres-

sive of the present, viz. ol^ (he knows) and %(l«^ (he says)

;

the latter may also be used of the past.2) From the litur-

1) Though not mentioned either by KS,c. or by Patanjali , the f§r?T

and the 3TE ST-must needs be implied in the prohibition , for the adhikftra

*MUrM implies them too.

2) My notes contain , however, two other instances. Pane. 246 ti i di liq

§ 331-333. 251

gical writings — -where, for the rest, the employment of the perfect

is already confined within the same limits as afterwards , see DelbruckI. I. p. 131 — we may adduce moreover fcfr »he rules" (f. i. Ait. Br.

1, 30, 3), junj »he is awake" Ch Up. 4, 3, 6 and perhaps some

others, see f. i. Ait. Br. 2, 41, 4.

332. From the above it is sufficiently clear, that the l 9t

and 2d person of the perfect are hardly met with in

classic Sanskrit, except of^ and i|'(«^. — For the is*

person, Patanjali is at a loss, how to employ it, unless to re-

late facts done while being asleep or drunk. a) That the 2& per-

son of the plural is not used, is evident from a passage of the

commencement of the Mahdbh&shya; there it is observed, that

such forms as ot, HTj =5ra7) q^ exist in theory only, as one does

not say <& 3^ but g, mnrfSm: See Pat. I, p. 8, 1. 23; p. 9, 1. 11.

333. There is no syntactical difference between the perfect

.phras. simple and that, which is made by periphrase with

perfect. 3TTW, ^FHT" med- ^, and ^T3".In the brahmanas -^ch i a and ^r are almost exclusively used

for this purpose. 2) Nor does Panini teach other auxiliaries. 3

)

is used in the sense of Greek tfxu. The serpent declares to the frogs

rfiTf s^ UU-II* cTr^WTRnTPT (by this [viz. the curse of the brahman,

whose son he had bitten to death] I have come to you in order to be

your carrier). In the Gauri recension of the (Jakuntala, V, p. 109 of the

24 ed. of Tarkavftgi9a (Calc. 1864) Camgarava says to Dushyanta jrfnrq:

y^yi^i -McOilt ^Rrt| iTon-TOW H^TOT sftfFRFTT norfl^-pnfPT. In both

instances the perfect is rather expressive of an action finished, than of

an action past.

1) The example given is rfi^t — or wt _ s^; i%cfT Q<rMlu- — Another

case of its employment is in strong denials, as when one asks ^RimiMy

ufd^ fer and the other answers qT^ 5^%rrnxrq' ufdd lj,|. See vartt. on P. 3, 2,

115 in Patanj. II, p. 120; the instance given there is evidently a quo-

tation from some literary work.

2) In the Aitar. Brahm. the periphr. perfect with arH is used but

once. See the edition of Atjtkecht, p. 429.

3) To interprete P. 3, 1, 40 g^n, as if it were a praty&haraof gj -|-

IT _)_ =g^r, is , not to mention other objections , too artificial and too subtle

,

252 § 333—334.

But even in the epic poems all of them are used, especially

iffTCT, which seems also afterwards to be the most frequent, whereas

5TU5J is the rarest.

334. II. The aorist (FT?) is expressive of any past , eitherAoriat.

^"^.<->

historical or actual; ^f^WH" may be = „I did," and =:

„I have done." Examples of the historical aorist have

been given 328.

When denoting the actual past, that is such past

acts as are so recent as not to have lost their actuality at

the time of their being related, the aorist is used side

by side with the participles in °H^*rl and °rf; neither

imperf. nor perfect are then available. „I have seen the

man" is ST^I^f J^T or £2"3"RfFT [not SJW1^ nor

Examples of the aorist denoting the actual past. Ait. Br. 1, 6, 11

HWI<MisflUWlJ^lfjiffti ST tN^iTlPlrtll^mM snjpvfit (for this reason,

one says to an eye-witness: have you seen it? for if he says she

has ," they believe him) ; B. 2, 89, 5 Bharata has spent the night

with Guha, the next morning his host asks him ch f^ rM *?? h^)h17

S oilrtrTi : ch l chrtgr uid(l^ (have you past the night well?);Mhbh. 1,

167, 23 king Drupada having lost half his kingdom to Drona,

goes to some brahman, who may procure him a means for aveng-

ing himself, and says z\m: Ui lag JTTOj Dag. 27: it has been

predicted to the brahman Matanga that he will soon meet with

a prince, now, when he really meets with a prince, he tells

him this prediction and adds these words H4jA.UI i-muiMoi Hoid.uw-

qqufT [neither g-irarT nor sp^sr are here admissible];Qak. VII Matali

congratulates Dushyanta on finding back his wife with his son,

the king replies 3T^grf?7P3T£qv?Tt Sr trtijv: (my desire is gone

to be true. Panini knew, or at least approved, no other periphrastic

perfect, than that which is made with cFT.

§ 334. 253

into sweet fulfilment) ; Kathas. 40, 108 ni-tr jtut JM^lfti (v. a. I

have made you king); Pane. 16 the jackal begs permission to

appear before the lion, the doorkeeper grants it him with the

words timaitOaoiPT 1)-

Bern. In the archaic dialect of the bralimanas etc. the aorist

seems to serve exclusively for this actual past 2). The contrast

between the historical tenses and the aorist is so striking there

that it cannot possibly be overlooked by anybody who peruses

these writings. The most instructive passages are such, as men-

tion the same fact twice, first when told by the author, after-

wards when put into the mouth of one of the actors. Then we

invariably find the imperfect or the perfect in the historical ac-

count, the aorist in the oratio directa. Ait. Br. 7, 14, 5 ft^T ^ Z^T

srft^iff ^terr=nw bit stst 37?™ mx ^ zjm: qi^ i n s{ld wwruw5TT wr STfTT: (then he got teeth; then he said to him: she has,

indeed, got teeth" then his teeth dropped out, then he

said to him : »his teeth , have , indeed , dropped out"). Ch. Up. 5, 3

the following story is told: Qvetaketu once came (nirrcr) *° *ne

meeting of the Pancalas. To him the xattriya Pravahana said

(3Erra): »has your father instructed you?" (^r ra i tui&ifcldl )3)- The

other answered: »yes, Sir." Then Pr. put five questions to him

successively, none of which he could solve, and said: »why

have you said (aaHm :) yourself instructed, as you do not know

these things?" Then Qvetaketu, being sad with grief, came ((ju\u)

to his father and said (jorre): »why did you say (mioiHddVrO I

1) We may translate here the aorist by a present: »as you say." Cp.

C&k. II, p. 38 ed. Tarkav&giea *m mat/Tr rr siMiRi ifr reWoWdlCh (you

do not know her, since you speak thus). Cp. Greek r/ iyfaourag; »why

do you laugh?" and the like.

2) Delbeuck Altind. Tempusl. p. 128 »Memals steht der Aorist [in this

kind of works] im erzahlendem Sinne, wie etwa das Imperf. oderPerf."

Yet, Ait. Br. 2, 23, 3 the aor. =&5fnT is , indeed , used in a historical sense.

3) Such passages as this plainly show, methinks, that the system of

the grammarians, according to which spast facts done on the same day

as they are related" must be put in the aorist, but when done before

that day, in the imperfect (resp. perfect), is refuted by the very facts.

254 § 334—336.

have instructed you (grr rd i fum in ) , a simple xattriya has put (wrsfcr)

five questions to me and I could not (hiu Icw ) answer even one."

So in the story of Ucasti Cakrayana Ch. Up. 1, 10 etc. the per-

fect is used while the author himself is speaking, but 1, 11, 2

when the king excuses himself to Ucasti, that he has not chosen

him to be his officiating priest, the aorist appears m id^i 5TT ti^ftffr :

Md( T lreiril i tftf%f WTsnff aT ti^Q-ptiw MdjS (I have looked for you

,

for all these sacrificial offices, but not finding ') Tour Reverence,

I have chosen others). Cp. ibid. 6, 13, 1 etc. Delbruck, Altindische

Tempuslehre p. 117 etc. has given a great number of instances from

the Qafapatha and the Aitareya.

335. The aorist is used throughout Sanskrit literature in

both its acceptations, actual and historical. Instances

of the historical aorist occur as early as the Bgveda-

sanhita, though, I confess, not many are recorded 2);

and afterwards it is no less frequent than the other histori-

cal tenses. For the rest , it may be observed that in easy

proseworks and in compositions of rather simple style,

the aorist is comparatively rare , and mostly limited to

certain verbs often occurring , as %Mrl, *NMM, *(<m~

^ Tet, in more elegant style, in the works of such

writers as Dandin, Bana, Somadeva, the aorist is em-

ployed as often and with as much ease as the other

past tenses. 3

).

336. The participles of the past in °ff and "RgFcT may

1) Construe nJloldl afy-^H, instr. of*)(dF3i. The reading ia good

,

and needs do correction.

2) A prayer-book, indeed, is not the fittest document from which to

learn the historical style of a language. In epic poetry the historical aorist

is common.

3) For this reason, I am astonished at the statement of Whitney (§ 532

of his Sanskrit grammar), that the aorist is »seldom" employed in classic

Sanskrit.

§ 336—337. 255

T£e

. do the same duty as the aorist, whether they are at-partia- ^ ' J

plea in tended by the verb substantive , or without it (9). They

are expressive of facts done , finished , and it makes no

- doing"difference , whether these facts belong to the historical

a^asT past or have been done of late and have not yet lost

their actuality. In both acceptations they are of the

utmost frequency. They represent the younger idiom,

the aorist the elder one. x) Accordingly they are rarely

,

if at all , thus employed in the archaic dialect. 2).

1. Examples of. the historical past. _ a.) partic. in °fr- Kathas.

4, 36 dio|[?*fi<Hl FTTsrf2ft73T ?TT 3^lwr (when she had gone some

steps , the purohita stopped her) ; Pane. 51 ch^jRkH ' iiMW^lrMoi :

gsr?: (once it happened that a religious feast with a procession

took place) ; Dag. Ill g- jm f%f srgwr srsrt |^ft =5 sr^r i i fclHi ; —b) partic. in "ftoRT. Pane. 148 £frf%«[ ©rnjptfr d ly [$ «ir«)Hoil-i_ (he

asked a brahman for lodging) ; R. 1, 56, 14 sj^TT^r Rdij'5n-?llfsH'<H :

(the son of Gadhi threw the SraAma-weapon) ; Hit. 109 vm;

ssfai Jnft ?m\ Q'-wjmsh rTfsrr siw ^TsTPt firasrnT uuihoim^ (— made hi"3

obeisance to his king Citravarna).

2. Examples of the actual past. — a.) partic. in °fj. R. 3, 17, 24

Qurpanakha says to Rama -rpr faT. • • • M*jt)d l [w (^*> ^ am come *° y°u)j

Kathas. 42, 100 srqTTrerT *m fw nfert mt STtfrfw^ (how is it that

our father has brought us that are guiltless , into this state ?) ;Qak.

I [the charioteer to the king] ot- jjiff fsnmz: ^tT j— &•) partic. in

"fTSRj. R. 1, 76, 2 j^HdHfoT Or^f ^HoIhRv ittttst (I have heard, what

deed you have done); Qak. IV Kanva to Anasuya 5377^ JTrlddi

srt ^^H-dlfruTi (Anasuya, the friend and companion of both of

you has departed); Mudr. Ill, p. 107 Canakya to Candragupta ^sm

1) Hence commentators often explain aorists by participles.

2) I do not recollect having met with them doing duty as finite verbs,

in br&hmanas and upanishads. But, as I have not yet made a special

inquiry into this subject, I refrain from affirming their entire absence

from that class of works.

256 § 337—339.

337. The participle in °?t may be sometimes expressive of the present

(361). sp; cM-l I

)

: "the boy is asleep, is sleeping" as well as she

has just awaked from sleep" (actual past) or »he slept" (historical

past). To remove all ambiguousness , one derives participles in

"fTERT even from intransitives , as )MdM , dlrldi-i , y<JdW ; such

participles serve exclusively for the past. — Vikram; V, p. 173

n: titjdi-^j;- ff ^ vm IvtlfipMM (— the peacock, that has slept

on my bosom), Pane. I, 224 d-i-TiiiH) ^jf^ sn?i=irft, Kathas. 81, 51

mQuiH, ot ^ alter— y^nTlorTl •serai- <tott: *rmwz da^ornr, Qak. IV

i lHdd lsee 336, 2°, Hit. 109 nu irH l -^ see 336, 1°.

But if the participle in t{ has a passive meaning, that in °HoMis its corresponding active: s^m (it is said, — has been said, —was said), 33,01H (he has said, he said). More about them 360.

338. The old and genuine participles of the perfect, as nftfldH (f.

°l* rltfltTl) or g^nrn:, had the same function as those in°ho|-t< and °fr,

ciples which have almost wholly superseded them in the classic dialect

past (359, 2°). In the epic poems and in kavyas several of them —at least in the active voice — also do duty as finite verbs ; they

are then expressive both of the actual past, as E. 1, 58, 2 i<j(3oiM

(you have gone to —) and the historical, as E. 2, 12, 6 ;rrrfytr:i *fr^-

muftiolH . Cp. Kathas. 35, 41 and Qicup. 1, 16.

339. Sanskrit lacks a special tense for the so-called re-

^™°te mote past or plusquamperfectum. The general past

tenses are used even then. It must accordingly be inferred

exclusively from the context, in what case a Skr. past tense answers

to our uremote past." That f. i. Kathas. 25, 180 the words a^r ppr-

ol iqolM ri^sr mean son the very spot, where he Aadgotit,"

can only be shown by reproducing the whole story , from which

they are quoted. — R. 2, 26, 3 Eama has told his mother the

cruel order he has just received from his father, to retire into

the forest; now he goes to Slta, who did not know anything

about it oT^ grftr (Tr^rsr =7 SJSJTdT hmRoH) (the unhappy princess had

not yet heard anything of it). — Dae. 92 i=r <pT<5T fow£ch ; fR^Jor

§ 339-340. 257

nrfrorT = »Vimardaka had indeed already departed that very day."It is plain, that gerunds are especially fit to signify the remotepast.

FuTUEE TENSES.

34=0. Sanskrit has two future tenses, 1. the so-called peri-

incfrr. phrastic future (Fj£): =hril|^, 2. the future made

with «W(5J5) : SfT%ITfa.

The former is a compound tense, being made up of

a noun in °FT + a formal element, expressive of the

person, signified either by the auxiliary (^TFT etc.),

or by the personal pronoun *). Yet for the third person

neither is wanted and the simple noun in °r\ may suf-

fice: one says SFuTUFT or =r»rll^, WUfo or ^TRTr

i^H, but in the 3d person the simple 3RrlT is available.

In the dual and in the plural °RT remains unchanged,r

when attended by the auxiliary, therefore ^TrTTFcpj

3TFnFP, but in the 3d person ^RcTT^t, ^r[T^'> , and

1) Panini- does not mention the 1 st and 2d person formed by simply

putting together the noun in "flT and the personal pronoun. Accordingly

this mode of formation has been excluded from the official paradigms of the

periphrastic future. Yet cTSTT^T is quite as correct and as much used as

clrhli^M. That Panini left it unnoticed, may be due to his system of

explaining grammatical forms. To him olfhll^M, olrfolW are forms to

be dealt with, because by the union of both elements a new word

arises, bearing one accent, but 5TH7T -f- 5^ and the like are units

syntactically only , not so from a formal point of view. Hence , to Panini

the noun in °rTT is not even the nomin. of a noun, but a simple stem

to which the personal suffixes are to be added. Upon the whole, the

information to be got from him about this future , is scanty, see P. 3,

1, 33; 2, 4, 85 and 7, 4, 50—52, cp. Boethlingk's note on 7, 4, 52.

17

258 § 340.

of course also =hrll^MMFT, *rll(l 3^, sim. Both

pronouns and auxiliaries are occasionally severed from

the verbal noun ; the pronouns may precede as well as

follow. Even the auxiliary sometimes precedes in poetry.

Examples: 1st and 2d person: Kathas. 26, 31 n^ii^ (I shall go),

E. 3, 69, 40 =Erfvn?m1% adj^jfa|m ,Malav. I, p. 15 nmr mycra^ rjrfti^

(then I shall release M.), E. 2, 118, 10 hii i^jU mTTT ;sr MidymNUl

f^opj (— you will go to heaven), Mudr. V, p, 175 trgisr^rftciilMol

fTBf TPTnTi (— ourselves shall start), Mhbh. 1, 136, 39 f^r ^£ji Pi n\

d^f|; ^isisni^H oFrrf ^rRrr <tot ^t, ibid. 1, 120, 26 wm ijui*h<-h s^rr

3d person : Ch. Up. 4, 6, 1 afire m£ cTKTT (Agni will tell you a

fourth part [of it]), Mhbh. I, Paushyap. 56 a fidH I ??ri%i FTT tprfwtsfr rolt

^tjTWRT ^Frf^, Bhojapr. 55 rr stir illrll^d f^sr: ^T ^ Wti ^ala

7, 5 q^FT sTFTT WcTrf^ H^rT) IWT.

Eem. 1. The future in "prr may be also used with a feminine

subject — E. 1, 38, 8 mm shQh i ^ra^T—

, but occasionally the fern, in

°5[T is used , at least irfg^t, see f. i. Kathas. 35, 105. — Some krts

in °t^t , fern, "^ft, especially irrfspT j are also significative of a

future tense (see 359). Vikram. V, p. 181 mim fd4<ij ' JTIsFt (a quarrel

between gods and demons will take place).

Eem. 2. The medial endings of this future — or rather, of the

auxiliary — are scarcely met with in the archaic dialect (Whitney,

Sanskr. Gramm, § 947). In the classic language they seem to be

no more employed. Without auxiliary, there is of course no for-

mal distinction between the active and the medial voices. One

says wrrTT (ne wiH study) from the medial =giJftjH, Pane. 161 =^r

nf^iH lfrom qf^sliuft ,

as well as f. i. ^r or sraTT. Even a pas-

sive meaning may be conveyed by this future. Kirat. 3, 22 ch. . .

.

J.^RiHm chfiJiH^H (they will be eradicated by Arjuna), E. 3,

56, 5 iKt^. . . . roWT oT Vp&iTr SJsTTrT I UlRlrll F5T ^<T. #ST (if I shall be

violated by you perforce, you will perish in battle). Of such

roots, as may have special passive aorists, futures, etc. (316), a

special passive form is accordingly available, she will be killed"

§ 340-341. 259

may be either ^rprr or tilPiHl ,"it will be given" either ^tttt or

ftjfilHl ,see Kac. on P. 6,4, 62 = 11, p. 311 of the Benares-edition.

Rem. 3. Mhbh. 3, 176, 20 this future is construed with an ob-

jective genitive ujt toj rld lfa (I shall see you again). Likewise

Nagan. IV, p. 65 cft^ttTT frsr T^fi) the meaning of which, as ap-

pears from the context, is j>who will protect you, my son?" As

a rule, however, the object is put in the accusative.

341. As regards its function, the tense in "FIT cannot beP '

^3

'

Em-ploy- used of every future , but only of such actions , as willmentof the not occur soon , in other terms which have not yet

ture actuality. It is, therefore, a remote future. The futuretenses.

in °Hllrl on the other hand, is the general future , and

may be used of any future action, whether intended

or not, whether actual or remote. Hence, for the

future in °tTF one may everywhere substitute that in

^TTrT, but not inversely.

That the future in Vlltl may express also purpose,

intention etc. will be shown hereafter, see 344.The grammarians make the same distinction between 5T£ and

crfir as between 5^ and ^tj. Both imperfect fas) and ^r£ are

restricted to the SRSffW 2)>

1) Commentators explain the term Jbt-NrH m(o|WW as meaning » future

facts, not to happen to-day, but to-morrow and afterwards." According

to them , that which will happen to-day cannot be signified by 5^7.

When exemplifying this tense, they are wont to add gsr;. The Katantra

names it even gsrefprt. Yet , this explication of £M4jrM is no less narrow

as regards the future, as it has been shown to be for the past, see

note 1 on p. 249 and note 3 on p. 253 of this book. Nor are instances want-

ing from literature of cfTT denoting facts to happen on the same day. Pane.

161 some bride has been left alone by her bridegroom and the whole

marriage-train, who have fled at the threatening approach of a wild

260 § 341-341*.

Hem. The past tH^rH » as has been stated above (330 E. 2),

is to be expressed by the general past tenses in two cases. Si- j°i3 >

milarly the future g.-mH~l finds its expression by the general future

in o^rfH in the same cases, viz. »uninterrupted action" and »the

time adjoining immediately that of the speaker," therefore uioisdl-

EPT^f <^i«j(ri [not jTirr], titwwicuwiiiiPMrUd wuiwiul-sjlVjiyiyifd (at

the next new moon the teacher will worship the holy fires). Some

additional remarks are made by P. 3, 3, 136—138 to exclude ^Zin a few other cases; but nothing, he says, prevents the use of

5TC, if the time be exactly defined by a word meaning sday" or

»night." The employment of stt together with such words is proved,

indeed, by instances, drawn from literature.

341*. In most cases, therefore, it is indifferent , what fu-

ture is employed. Often both alternate. R. 1, 70, 17

cURT- sriw: , hut in the following cloka ^tr smrfci crfw:, cp. R.

1, 38, 8 and 2, 8, 22. This alternation is most apparent in conditional

sentences; then either ^jz is used in both protasis and apodosis

(Ait. Br. 1, 27, 1), or in the apodosis only, but 5j£ in the protasis

(Kathas. 28, 131 *ft«er. Jrf^ gtrtjfri i h^J|(m vrfarrTT JjFg:), or con-

versely (Kathas. 1, 60 037 iTOT chtn iEM 1 q&q<^d Ud*lfy FT5J yiqife^l-

?to), or the future in "Wfff in both (KatMs'. 39, 67). In putting ques-

tions , in uttering prophecies the future in "fit is , indeed , often em-

ployed ') , but the future in °^jfrf is even there more frequent.

elephant; then a young man comes to her rescue, takes her by the handand says rrr H(Jl^ ll(?=llrll- Prabodh. VI

, p. 134 Purusha exclaims M l iu i ^l

yPl^ MiddlR^ ?RT:- Inversely, the other future is used even with

SET:, f. i. Malav. II, p. 46 rd^y^q^ui Soft ^W ;-

1) Delbruck , Altindische Wortfolge p. 6— 8, treats the future in "jtt,

as far as it is employed in the Qatapathabrahmana. He concludes that

it is the ^objective future, denoting the certainty of the future fact,

apart from any wish or desire on the side of the subject." Though this

will hold good in the majority of cases, it is not always supported byfacts. A strong desire , an intention , etc. are occasionally also denoted

by 3TT- R. 1,20, 3 Dacaratha offers to Vicvamitra to fight, himself and

his army, against the demons: Jsrrnrr [viz. &m\] *r%Tf nroTT *TteT*f

§ 341**—342. 261

341**. According to the vernacular grammarians the general future p- 3> 2 -

o r^ i112.

ln STTH may even be expressive of the past in this case, if a

verb of remembering be added to the past action related. The

imperfect, then, is forbidden and the future to be employed in-

stead of it. Kac. gives this instance ^ferRrfe ibsrSjT sraiT% dtkuw.,

likewise uii fy , 'srwras -Shum di-uin-i : = » do you remember, thatP 3 2

we dwelled — ?" But this substitution of the future cannot be, 113.'

if the action remembered or reminded is introduced by Qcj. Athird rule of Panini on this head is explained as allowing both j^ '

imperf. and future, if the verb of remembering introduces two

or more past actions, of which the preparatory action is first

named, the main action afterwards. See Pat. II, p. 119.

Of this strange and rather awkward idiom I know no other

instances but those , adduced by grammarians or such authors

,

as aimed at exemplifying the rules of Panini ').

Chapt. IV. Tenses and moods (continued).

342. The subjunctive mood is expressed in Sanskrit by

\weC~ four tenses : 1 . TFT3 , called by some optative, by others

potential , 2. ^TlfMsf fr?T3 the precative or benedic-

tive, 3. FF3 the conditional, 4 FTtS" the impera-

tive. The dialect of the Veda (mantra and brahmana)

has moreover a fifth tense called rTTE" by vernacular,

mood.

^f4u iM| ii ^T5T yrrarrfTrfjfTTJT W^^Pl ;when he then adds ZTToT-

cmmi-fcll^m i ffi H ia-JlKAl RuiM^:, he muat needs use the other future,

as the action is a permanent one , op. 341 R.

1) In fact, I cannot persuade myself, that Panini's words have been

well understood by the commentators. Especially the phrase ^fi^nopSR

is likely to mean something different. If it could be proved , that Panini

used i&fijfrr in the sense of » purpose" ^fWTJT, all difficulty of interpre-

tation would be removed. Then, indeed, Panini would simply teach the

future in °mfft doing duty as a future's past (322 B.), axril (d= dic-

turus erat.

262 § 342—343.

conjunctive by European grammarians, which was

already obsolete in the days of Pattini. The duties of

the missing tense are performed by the imperative

,

partly also by the present (FTS)- Nor is the present

the only tense , which apart from its expressing the

indicative, may sometimes have the force of a sub-

junctive; for the future in °HllH— and, in prohibitions,

even the aorist — is occasionally concurrent with lc<1>£

and FTfC. That the conditional (FT3) was at the outset

an indicative tense, appears sufficiently not only from

its outer form, but also from its original employ-

ment. Upon the whole, the boundaries between in-

dicative and not-indicative are less marked in Sanskrit

than in Latin and Greek.

343. The subjunctive mood finds its general expression

Thef§^jn ^e tense termed 1FT3' by Panini, and which one(optative

"^ '

or po- is wont in Europe to name either optative or po-tential)

is the tential , though it is not restricted [to the expressionffciisrfll

exponent of both wishes and possibility. In fact , any shade

subjimc- of meaning, inherent to the Latin conjunctive, may

mool be imported by it. Its manysidedness entails the great

variety of its translation. According to sense ^TFTmay be= I can {could) do, I may {might) — , will

{would) — , shall {should) — , must do , let me do , sim.

We may make some main distinctions:

a.) IFT^ is used in exhortations and precepts: hor-

tative.

b.) it is expressive of wishes : optative.

c.) it is a potential, thatkis], it may purport a

Its subdi

visions.

§ 343. 263

possibility, or a probability, on the other hand also

uncertainty and impossibility or improbability.

d.) it is used in hypothetical sentences.

e.) it may be used in such relative sentences , as bear

a general import.

/.) it may be used in subordinate sentences expres-

sive of a design or of inevitable consequence.«.) tor- a .) Ch. Up. 7, 3, 1 qrsn^Mk (let me study the mantras), cFraffar

P1 «i

3 '

tative.t ,

loi.

dusifa (let me do sacrificial acts); Pane. V, 103 mjr: ^rnr =r tf^tfT

iW. gcrer frrmnnn ^trt ^ ir^fcsrFT i^ffssrraf^ FSm<)\ (one must not

take sweetmeats alone, nor wake alone among sleeping people,

nor must one walk alone nor consider one's affairs alone); Kumaras.

4, 36 jora^f rol^Rl U loiTHofcH-i (you [Spring] must inflame the

fire by the breezes of the southwind); Dag. 152 jm\ =3T^ Rirl*H

m ;^ grirqHWT (and now, I might return to your father). —From these examples it appears, that the hortative f^j is ex-

pressive of any kind of exhortation. WoTFTsJixrhT may be — »you

must study" or »you may," »you might," »you are allowed to

study," »it is your duty, the due time —" etc. See P. 3, 3, 161;

163; 164 with comm. poo*).°P- 6.) E. 3, 19, 20 QurpanakM utters this wish HmRHqi^ ^fiq" 157'

fqsrcw^-j l foi (0 , that I might drink their blood). To this pure a»d

optative often the particle =gfqr is added or =gi^ q^rr. Mudr. II,

p. 89 =g-fq to 5jTfTH*imicw^H5rra^TTjt Prarr; R. 2, 43, 9 w^r^f

*T cF7T*T: ^JTTfT....^ wnrftf jm&H (if that time were already present

and I should see Rama here). — The verb of swishing" being^g^

3 '

added, it may also be put in the f^qj. One says either 3-^1 ft

iwtrT nsrFT or Txfej w£fa HBTT^r. Op. R. 3, 58, 5.

tential. c.) The potential f^n? comprises various kinds:

1. possibility and ability, as Pane. 226 cfr^T^jf grr^rcft iffUKiH

stojft (perhaps this brahman will awake by the lowing of the cows),

Mrcch. VII, p. 238 qmn: f%firowt f| =^XCTT (for princes can

see through the eye of their spies), Kathas. 2, 37 y*-c£rWtl mvt:

rz§ xTTCm^UR (this boy is able to retain by heart all he has

heard but once).

264 § 343.

2. probability. Mrcch. VIII, p. 268 the rake says gsraT JTfif T\k

rraftfr'^m^H lM (in my absence the cruel man will kill her), Kathas.

25, 24 sI IhWm gj5t sTTfj rft tffta. (that old man, methinks, will

know that town);

3. doubt. Qak. V Rij^fdw wronrr *I!w«jh qr^^fTsjijisrHr: nfpTT: sj:

(for what reason may the Keverend K. have sent holy men to

me?), Pane. I, 215 ^ s^ji-j m ^n I (<N gs?r ippTrTT i gfegfelrftr^£T

^f^T 7TE <H~imchM (the arrow shot by an archer may hit one in-

dividual or may not hit him, but the wit of a witty man hits

a [whole] kingdom with its ruler);

4. in negative and interrogative sentences f§o may express

improbability or impossibility. Dag. 92 Piimiiifew^PiiMaUSTPT [sc.

ct^Tt] i 5W oTltMWtrT O18 sought carefully , but did not find him

;

how could he?), Mrcch. VII, p. 236 grfg m i ium^ ip^rf q- g Fat

Ul) UIUIHM (I had rather forsake my life, than you who are a sup-

plicant to me), R. 2, 37, 32 5^ qf^ sr iggfT rft =7 ^|iWHc[H :

;

5. A special kind is the fsrj being employed for asserting one's j^"*

power she may even do this." R. 3, 49, 3 Ravana boasts -

a,\ii

iTfTTHit g hRh)*W^ iwr: 1 «iR<aii ^35" ^ ^u f^jt ^w fknn:\ a^ fjgt

ai'?«aTl-gU>

iroin^-Ml f^ JT^trRW (I am able to lift up the earth with

my arms , drink up the ocean etc.). So often with %$j (or 377)

see P. 3, 3, 152. — But if one says »he may even do this," in

order to express blame on that account, the present is neces-

sary , and the f§re is forbidden (P. 3, 3, 142). Kag. gives this

example 5^ — or ;nrj — rnWcTPT_ ajsm HMufd (he is even able to

officiate for a gudra).

d.) hy- d.) the hypothetical f^re is used, if it is wanted to say, what

P?,

e' will happen or would happen, if some other fact occur or should

occur. It is used in the protasis as well as in the apodosis of

hypothetical sentences. Mhbh. 1, 82, 21 Qarmishtha says to Yayati

ronrteqrHaHl ST^F? =ajtf yifrpFW (if I had offspring from you, I

would, walk in the highest path of duty) , Pat. I, p. 2 jff fthlM*

ik sTTpif ^TTr^T 5TT fiSTrSffafcT *RI qfm: WTH (for he,who should

kill a brahman or drink strong liquor without knowing it, even

such a one would be an outcast, methinks), Pane. Ill, 203 irf^

§ 343-344. 265

%Ti. Cp. 489 and 471 E. L

e.)ffsT5 «•) fwr? used in relative sentences of general import.. A.cv. 1,

relative^, 1 ZHT 5? ^ ^Im^rUtlH^ (wheresoever one has the intention of per-

8

^!e

^fforming oblations), Pane. I, 165 grMltd^Ul oRTOT * <mfh wrfFT. i

C6S OX C v^j c^

g^™1 ch^iF^-A ^T g^f^T ufraHT 5^fg g-crsrr: (the king who duly observes

the time of paying the wages to his officials , him —), ibid. I,

271 SrcfylsU^ ITrtf !Tt =T ^-AllrH ^JcT-

f.)f^p f-) f^T3^ exPressiTe of a design or a consequence. KatMs. 36,

"final"

1 106 ^T S^^T^Rr ^ sri =TcT 5;:wftt UH^fsH4)^11^ (I betake my-

and sejf to Hari , in order that such grief may never again befall me),COHoc"

cutive R. 3, 13, 1 1 ?rr%T ^ 5;sr re orercpr , ibid. 3, 50, 18 ^ m-j gW mm\clauses. v

zft ?ff -md^ i iiji rT (one must bear only such a burden, as will not

exhaust its bearer).

Rem. irr — "i epic poetry also q- — with t%3= — »lest." Cp.

405 R. 1.

It needs no argument, that the subdivisions laid

down here and other similar ones are somewhat arbitrary.

It is one and the same fr^TJ that is involved in all of

them, and it is only for the sake of developing the

variety of the logical relations , which are signified by that

so-called ^optative" or „potential," that we have tried

to distinguish at all.

344. Apart from the many-sidedness of its employment

,

idioms, it is to be observed, that the TFT3 is in most cases not

"""en" indispensable. The imperative , the present , the future

,

JTth

the krtyas are often concurrent idioms, occasionally

the conditional. The imperative in the subdivisions a),

b) and c), as will be shown hereafter (348-352), the

present in the subdivisions e) and /), as will plainly

appear when we treat of subordinate sentences (458 b

,

266 § 344.

468 , 471) 1). On the krtyas see357, on the conditional 347.

Especi- But it is especially the future in "S+TTrT that often isally the

r J

future employed so as to express a kind of subjunctive mood.in °RT

" The difference which logically exists between the posi-

tive statement of some future fact on one hand and

the utterance of an exhortation , a wish , a doubt , a

supposition, sim. on the other, is not so strong a bar

practically as to keep wholly apart the functions of

the future tense and the subjunctive mood. Occasio-

nally the same grammatical form may do duty for

both. As far as Sanskrit is concerned, we may even

state that in the majority of cases there is no

boundary between the two. Indeed , the future in °tMlri

is available in almost every subdivision , belonging to

the department of the Tt<T5", save the hypothetical mood.

Examples of the future = subjunctive mood.

a.) exhortation and precept. R. 1, 61, 2 f^m„ji HMrWmw H»^l^^

PPT!, from the context it is evident that these words mean: let us go

to another region, let us do penance there. Kathas. 43, 86 h^-c^

TOST HHIN £WRT ^HMmfcl (— you shall return quickly at daybreak).

6.) wish. R. 2, 96, 21 srfq- sfr cmwui-^rchlfoi^feoisTl ^rjt i wfa ^snft

vn-rPT^ (o that I might see the banner — , that I might see Bharata).

1) The interchangeableness of present and optative in such relative

sentences will be made clear by this. In Pane. I we have a series of

ten 9lokas (54—63) expounding what kind of people are fittest for at-

tending on a king. All of these clokas are framed on the same scheme

,

three padas being made up of a relative sentence, whereas the fourth

makes up the apodosis, being the refrain g- Hold IdolcHM1

:. Now, in five

clokas out of the ten, the verb of the protasis is an optative, but in

three it is a present, in one it is wanting. In the tenth the optative is

employed together with the present (I, 55) HMuy|^ fsriT SJTT3" iff FiJlritirjj

§ 344—344**. 267

c.) possibility and doubt. Pane. 282 aJR^HmmH i fcw^-Hm .

*r£wifa i fsjr=r ch<t.iui«ii: (jwtt: cRfafq' y^wjfn i=RT tr^H-w sn?^ (the

rogue reflected: What shall I do with her? And perhaps some-

body will come after her; then I shall get into great incon-

venience), — Especially the future of the auxiliary, ufnisrfH', often

expresses probability. Mhbh. 1, 76, 32 amr ^fft rreft orrfa ch-dtdM

nQmfff (I am sure , father, Kaca will have been injured or has died),

Pane. 176 the deer Citranga tells how himself has escaped the

hunters, but qrr njr rrepi^houfmRd hBwIh (my^ flock is sure to

have been killed by them).

Eem. 1. If such phrases, as »I blame," »I do not believe,"

»»I cannot endure," »I wonder if (srf^;)," »I suppose , surmise," »it

is time" are added to the potential statement, f^n? is idiomatic

(see P. 3, 3, 147—150; 152—153; 168), the future being but rarely

allowed, cp. P. 3, 3, 146 and 151 with comm. But if the said verbs

are only implied, the future in "^rfn is used side by side with

the optative. a)

f.) purpose. Pat. I, p. 7 the master of the house comes to the

potter and asks him cJttt Err cHUM^R chfTwi 'rHH (make me a pot,

that I may make use of it). Likewise E. 2, 54, 28 Bharadvaja

says to Kama ^ i^a i' ^dW lri III l\ 5 fa) PjSrfRTfe (at a distance of ten

kroga from here there is a mountain where you may dwell, cp.

Lat. mons in quo habites\. Op. also rr with fut. r= lest" 405 B. 1.

344*. Inversely a Sanskrit optative may occasionally be rendered by a

future. Mhbh. 1, 160, 1 Kunti asks the brahman, at whose house

she dwells, why he and his family are lamenting [5;:^] fdf^reU -

qjq chRUi sreJr irSTT^rf^rTO^ (I will remove your pain, if possible, fr.

je chasserai votre douleur). So Pane. 282 , which example is quoted

above, optative and future alternate; likewise Pane. 65 ^sr ^rlcT rildrilimtlMI STCT (d-llR nOwioU^!* ^ OfT, t)d I-^4 ^ SJTnT.

344**. Even the future in °rrr may sometimes express a subjunctive

mood. As far as my information goes, this employment is limit-

1) The sutra P. 3, 3, 146 is accepted too narrowly by the commentators.

It enjoins the future incmfh for expressing the notion »to be sure , cer-

tainly," and s, 147 is to be considered an exception to it,

268 § 344**—345.

ed to the dominion of the potential mood. Mhbh. i, 12, 3 air

s^ l-ti-dfH JTW*l-£fcyj gar ^r*TT utoirTT foramrr: (he examines my hor-

ses , he is sure to be a connoisseur in horses), Pat. I, p. 250 prar

fa^j -SoUfhMi^fi £gT y*i^ Hcrf^r T%ff ^qRoi di^uTl ^rftor (like-

wise, if at a distance one sees a person of whom one can only

discern the outline , one is likely to say : it looks like the wife of a

prince, it looks like the wife of a brahmana).

345. Sanskrit makes no distinction between the different

^- tenses of the subiunctive mood. The TFT3 expressesexpres- J •

r*^

thepast the past as well as the present. ^TFT may be occasi-

as the onnally = „I might, I would etc. have done." Ch. Up.present.

^ ^ 2 ^^ ^ fo^er &S^B his disciple »who has taught you,

my dear?" srW gft rr rdMaiailM ,the other replies g?r ^ JTPrfsTKnH

(who should have taught me?), Gaut. 12, 1 gj<£T ftsTTtrWtTOVTOT-

fi^rJr dU^Uimmimmj- trrsTT U-ilM^lH (a cudra, who has inten-

tionally reviled twice-born men — shall lose the member, whereby

he has offended), Mrcch. Ill, p. 124 Carudarta speaks firprfft nm: i

iTT ^TTT aER5TT5^RTJf cFOTH^ (Maitreya tarries; how, if, in his distress,

he should have done some forbidden thing!). Yet an optative of

the past may be made by adding HTTfT^ or irar^ to the participle

of the past, f. i. Kathas. 27, 32 -Rfi HOTtTfrf p^rr irarff (in what

can I have offended the king?). 1) Likewise, by putting them

to the participle of the future one gets the subjunctive mood of

the future.

For the "rest, Sanskrit can hardly be said to possess some-

thing like tenses of the subjunctive mood. a) Only a kind of op-

1) So already in the archaic dialect. Ait. Br. 1, 4, 1 q: <TcW«T)ill-r.

ijU i-H^ (to such a one, as has not sacrificed formerly), ^sTI^T is the partic.

of the perf. atm. of ZT5>

2) The Rgvedamantras , indeed , contain many optatives , belonging to

the aorist, some also, which are made of the stem of the perfect. But

they have early disappeared from the language. — In the archaic dialect

the conditional may occasionally do duty of the past of the f§T?i see

347 R. and cp. P. 3, 3, 140.

§ 345-347. 269

tative of the aorist has survived, but it is not what we should

call a tense. It is rather a kind of mood , see the next paragraph.

346. The precative or benedictive (^|R|fa fv\3). ThisT\%

a'

tive. mood is restricted to benedictions, and even there it

has a concurrent idiom : the imperative. Malat. VII, p. 91

f^rcmpferT: crpr^wtat Tf^nrfrr i 5«ttot 'grrcrg; (may tlie g°ds make

the issue as happy as possible , may I obtain my desire"), Utt. I, p. 5

fchM^^iyiKM^ i a^uysTT itot:, Dae. I 64 w^rs ^r ^s: *lm^iy: i irorcwof

JTTcT^T^IdHlRi rdrtiyi^tl tTTslRIri'-J)

347. The so called conditional (FT3F) is properly the pastCondi-

o pf-"^

tionai. f the future in °^M Irl. In classic Sanskrit its employ-

ment is limited to the expression of the so called modus

irrealis, that is the mood significative of what would

happen or have happened , if something else should have

occurred, which really has not taken place. Then,

mostly, both protasis and apodosis contain the con-

ditional. 2

)

Ch. Up. 6, 1, 7 g-^rl^d Iffarerfr *t znsm^ (for if they had known

it, why should they not have told me so?), Pane. 237 h^iR, (TOT

oH-Wchi^mHH fTfft ^ ^st^t^m^mmfsm^m^ (for if they had done

according to his words , then not the least misfortune would have

befallen them), Dag, 111 fft y^MMyl R^(£cildoiidrwidiRuHi *i£m

Hart EfjftaRerRBTWfTTT (if those two princes should have grown up

without accidents, they would have reached your age by this

time), Kumaras. 6, 68 jumii^^if =TTCT: ST iyirM^lrlMoiMt'il-

(sjtstT =T °3rT (how would the serpent [Cesha] bear the earth, if you

[Vishnu] had not lifted it up from the bottom of hell?), Ch. Up.

1) Nala 17, 35 the precative STOTCT does the duty of an hortative im-

perative.

2) P. 3, 3, 139 f^ri^f^ft-

gygJ9hmlriMT&

140 w{ ^. — Eac. UFT =ET ZR& fctfeffi* lsWJl(ri<4??l ^rU\

270 § 347.

1, 10, 4 7T bit wtfawftm^'pn^ (forsooth, I should hare died, if

I had not eaten them). In the examples given, the conditional

in the apodosis sometimes denotes a hypothetical past, sometimes

a hypothetical present, but in the protasis it is always expressive

of a past. I do not recollect having met with any instance of

the conditional denoting the hypothetical present in both members

;

M. 7, 20 f. i. it is signified by the f^ry in the protasis and by

the conditional in the apodosis af^; q- nuid^ l ttl 3TJ3" ^U^UdoidP^rCi

SRFf ^r<aifHdm-^.<sM ) *5l^d-d(l : (if the king were not Prompt to

inflict punishment on those, who deserve it, the stronger would

roast the weaker like fish on the spit). For the rest, it is every,

where allowed to use the f^n? instead of the conditional, f. i. K.

2, 64, 22 jrwHiarJT w^wi zmh: ^tot i th<?i-wf w fr ^isHHy: STrW-

^mn (if you had not told me yourself this evil deed, your head

would have fallen off in a thousand pieces), grsnr: and cr^fT =:

acfisrfiTOT: and jjtht^MH -

Bern. In the archaic dialect the conditional had a larger sphere

of employment. Though rarely used in its original meaning of a

future's past (f. i. Kgv. 2, 30, 2 jft cMW fM-W^mrimH ^

»who was about

to take away the provision of Vrtra"), it occurs there occasionally

as the past of the f^r:? , even in not-hypothetical sentences. Maitr. S.

1, 8, 1 ^r rltpT ^iQ^rtldiqfcuieli)^ (Praj. did not get what he

could sacrifice) i), §at. Br. 14, 4, 2, 3 fi<t ^arer m srferrcr 5RWT-

dTKjiTOIrT (from that moment his fear vanished, for of whom could

he have been afraid?) 2).

1) Even here and in similar instances the conditional shows its origin.

The sentence quoted from the Maitr. S. treats of an action put into the

past, if it were a present one, the sentence would assume this shape rr

Qtjcl ZTStrarfn or sT^nrT- In other terms, a^teH may here be con-

sidered as the past of ^jwifd-

2) In a well-known passage of the Chandogya-upanishad (6, 1, 3) the

conditional is hidden under a false reading 3FT rWUHWU 1-ffiTl iMI^rl 5fiT

HSrf?T etc. Qankara explains WRIT: by (j^olHfa , the Petr. Diet, accepts

it as an aorist, though it is then a barbarism, for if aor., it would have

been ^yi-dii' Replace tlUT^i:> and all is right »had you but asked the

instruction, by which etc." Cp. P. 3, 3, 141.

§ 348—349. 271

Imperative.

348. Sanskrit imperative (H K) comprises more than is

ratfve. conveyed by its European name. It is not only the

equivalent of what we are wont to understand by this

mood, but it is also expressive of wishes, possibility

and doubt.

We will treat severally of its different employment

:

i. The j_ The imperative , like ours , signifies an order or

of pre- injunction,permission

,precept , exportation , admonition.

and*ex- Examples: 2d person. Kathas. 81, 56 ^i^ol I R4tejCT i Uii^lfdiiil-

h°rta"< "Tfire mfff iTS'gr cK7: ^ipr (enjoy the hospitality of our mistress, get

up , take a bath , thereafter take food), Qak. IV 37^ uft^TT: T^TR'-

^ IA.U I<JHM (my children , show your sister the way), Prab. V, p.

103 wr <T=T5FT: cFi nfTT: ST Zj* q <Afifef

^

qq ;— 3d person. Dag. 132

Wrnr Richie m (let this wicked elephant withdraw), Nala 17,

32 crarRT ftst stars wmjl^kii qmtrr (your attendants must try to

find out^Nala), Malav. V, p. 137 fft troigRlch^ %CTT3Kiw (they

may rule over —); — 1 st person. Qak. Ill zrtfqq^ rT3^qqf fsrSRJ

c^|dlRj |(if you permit, I will make —), Mhbh. 1, 146, 29 g^rq 5RT-

irrfqqTq (let us wander oyer this country), Nala 7, 7 qjf g^- *rmj:

Rem. In exhortations, some particles are often added to the

2d person, as sg-fq, =sj, qq etc. See 418.

349. In courteous injunctions and requests it is very com-

mons mon to use the imperative of the passive instead of

^ion."" the 2d person of the active. Then the agent is com-

monly not expressed (10). Ratnav. IV, p. 100 king to mes-

senger mm mmMsm^V, messenger to king £* sranw Gisten,

Sire). Pane. 48 the barber enjoins his wife i^ #fy^i41urlf *rprt-

rj^q (please, my dear, fetch me my razorbox). Vikram. I, p. 4 the

apsarasas are bewailing their companion Urvacl, carried off by

the Danavas, Pururavas intervenes and says ^rWlsfcPdHWiN^oiy"

qrqp>r ^TFTT 5RrTt HSIrffi qf^lrW T ^T- ~ F°r the rest, usrrq is of

272 § 349-351.

course here likewise available (Malav. I, p. 4 rdjdi Hsrt^T) aQd when

showing respect and reverence, one uses the title of the person

addressed instead of it (260). So Pane. 86 fT57J qf M-dBi rell Jmirr-

^tnTJTH teji^ll is a more respectful mode of inviting, than ^ifri"

mu i ktrr^r, cp. ibid. 48 stusrt itsrt; cruras;: (v. a. I request the

judges to listen).

350. Another manner of expressing polite request , equally

wheT frequent, is using the verb ^T^TrT. One says ^ Irl*i«^lt1=

ph"a- ^PTrTT^T, cp. our „deign to listen." Nala 3, 7 Nala says to

theim- *ne S0QB TT ^T U&lfiirwlm (please, send not me), Qak. V the door-

Pera- keeper to the king cfifg^mwn im i md'<m*ri 5°r: sTlrHalH -

tive. ^vi. o

-s^Kem. The f§rj and the future in ^rfn are concurrent idioms

with the imperative, the former especially in exhortations and

precepts (343 , a), the latter, when giving instructions (344 , a).

The future does, however, not cease to be a future; in other

terms, it is not used in orders or permissions to be acted up to

immediately, but if two or more injunctions are given, then often

the one prior in time is put in the imperative, the latter expressed

by the future. Malav. Ill, p. 79 «^ yiyjfy i rrq- Hlo^Mloi^Miqng 31-

arTTT (you may go, but first hear —). Hit. 108 the old jackal

instructs the others, how to get rid of the blue jackal, their

insolent kinsman. "When giving the general precept, he uses the

imperative gj^rT, but the future eh 17mm , when giving the special

injunction, to be acted up at a fixed point of time in the future ').

351. II. The imperative is expressive of wishes and bene-II. Im- ,. ,.

pera- UlCtlOnS.

tive ex- Examples: Such phrases as i%f §tss, Hit. 118 rps [ddiTt nsr,pres- *

sive of

wishes.

1) In this very meaning a few passages of the Mahabharata afford a

2"1 pers. plur. of the medial future in fc5PT. instead of °ioT , in other terms

a formal difference, which stamps these forms a9 imperatioes of the future.

Borr, Vergl. Or. § 729 quotes three instances: Mhbh. 1, 17, 13; 3, 228,

8; 6, 27, 10, see Holtzmaun, Grammatisches aus dem Mhbhta p. 33. To them

I can add a fourth, Mhbh. 1, 133, 13: Drona being seized by a shark,

calls upon his disciples for rescue jrr^ ^roTT JT *Ttett5T TI^-

§ 351—353. 273

Nagan. IV, p. 61 ferarFrt ERtTTfr(may the princes be victorious),

Pane. 16 %5TT^ qwrrrr: ?fh (y. a- Gtod speed you on your way),

Mudr. VII, p. 231 f%pT5rrT itst mf^oifti^tim :. — Here the precative

(346) and the f§t? are concurrent idioms.

Eem. It is to benedictions that the imperative in °HTrT is limitedP

'.,k

in the classic language. Dag. 16 ^Hiw^ fopeft Hsrmfa^irTTiT- ')

In the ancient dialect it had a wider employment, only see the

series of precepts quoted Ait. Br. 2, 6, 13—16. 2

)

352. HI. The imperative is a kind of potential mood, ex-

impe- pressive of possibility and doubt (cp. 344). It is especi-

expres- ally used in interrogations.siyeof Examples are frequent of tho 1

st and 3d person. — Pane. I,possi-

bility 225 it says , a serpent even a not-poisonous one , is to be dreaded

doubt^ H5r3 m JgrmTTCTsWt ui&if: (it may have poison or not, the

swelling of a serpent's crest is dreadful), Mhbh. 1, 37, 8 =gfg q^-

d^imn f^ ^ft qsoTiT rfra^r (perhaps by deliberation we may find some

means for rescue), Malav. IV, p. 117 ?srr:icFPq- q t,°tyWlr^chll-<H)-caia1

(how may we be rescued from this danger?), Utt. I, p. 21 crf?jrr

cMa-l^fd (who on earth will believe it?), Vikram. V, p. 184 iff

(IdR*' rT W: M efipff <Jlch^n^T: (say, king, what may Indra more-

over do for you?), Hit. 118 cfisqrrjr u^imdi T^TOrS": (how may this

great-hearted man be praised [as he deserves]?).

353. IV. The imperative with RT or RTFT serves to ex-

lmpe- press prohibition. Tet this idiom is comparatively little

ra

'!l used, but instead of it either ^FTT or ^TFFTwith the

an<J instrumental of a verbal noun, or the aorist without

1) Another instance is pointed out by prof. Keen as occurring in a

Sanskrit inscription on a stone, originating from Java, which stone is

now in the Museum of Antiquities at Calcutta. Vs. 4 of this metrical

inscription has this close: g- iltlHI<<j^-HWI ^T: (king Erlanga maybe

victorious). See Keen's paper in the Bijdragen van het Instituui. voor de

Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indie, 1885 (X, p. 1—21).

2) Delbruck, Altindische Wortfolge, p. 2—6 has endeavoured to prove

that the imper. in "fTTrf did duty of an imperative of the future in the

dialect of the brahmana-works.

18

274 § 353—355.

other augment, preceded by *TT or TTFT. „Do not fear" f. i.Pi!g

3

$™-t

= ?EFT >FFT, ?tf 3^ or m TO:expres- Examples : 1. of imper. with rrr and rtw- Pane. 294 qr fa

-

diliiisive of *

prohi- n^, Kathas. 39, 233 jrrfr qn?rf tfTWrT (go on, do not stay here); —1 Ion

' 2. of 3j^{jt and cFfFT with instrumental. Mudr. I, p. 46 acdiimu-<ui

(no hesitation more), ibid. p. 53 oirMM Ibitii^H (be not sorry, mydear), Pane. 64 s^f HHqrn") Qak. I g^T <J^H > — 3. of aor. with qr.

Aorist Dae. 143 jttc*T HdrJl W: (do not fear, ladies), Mhbh. 1, 153, 34 qr t%7

^WTi (do not tarry), E. 2, 42, 6 s^fir ^iWchi^iR qT smfi: mrfesrar

(do not touch my body, you evil-minded woman).

Rem. 1. g^rq is also construed with a gerund or an infin. Mudr.

Ill, p. 124 tierlMMMiH (do not censure me any longer), Mrcch. Ill,

p. 106 ^ HUsH gsTrafdH^ (do not awake the sleeping people).

Eem. 2. In the epic dialect the augment is not always dropped

in the aorist with qr. So in the famous imprecation E. 1, 2, 15

TT fmJZi fltffwt roWW. UIIUoIH): ST^T:- Op. Mhbh. 1, 37, 7 qr q: cFT^t

-SFJTmrOT-P 3 3

Eem. 3. With qr^q not only the aorist is allowed, but also j™ '

the imperfect tense, of course without augment. E. 2, 9, 23 qr

WT HrHT^HiPTr *TT ^TqfwTGraT:, Dag. 160 qr^q TOT qF5irrs«T5reHr: Ml^yM.

Eem. 4. qr with optative is of course a concurrent idiom. In

the prakrts also qT with future in 'WfH- Likewise in the epic

dialect. Mhbh. 1, 30, 15 the three idioms are used side by side

cr=r qT yiriy grnffqf wf ^<-«jy armqiqT fort ripr: srwsx dMfirisrui

Jrftt%TT:.

354. The aorist with ^TT is not restricted to prohibition.

It does occasionally duty as an optative with negation.

Mrcch. VIII, p. 280 srsPFT'FRiiMwwrq' stiht jtt arsar irear f| sf^i

xni^mi iMi^} arairr taw 5>£r, R- 2, 30, 19 qr srsf fe&irii nqq. It

may even express a doubt (352): Kathas. 42, 114 q^Hl f^ ^ <TPT

grer Tr ^fen-a^l (how can a crime , recklessly perpetrated , fail to

cause mishap ?). Or anxiety : Pat. I, p. 41 8 rrof (dTl l Ri (lest one

should decide thus).

355. In classic Sanskrit the 1 st person of the imperative

§ 355. 275

Archaic is iess usea than f^e ther two (Cp. 356). In fact , these

junctweist persons belong to another set of forms, viz. the so-

-called conjunctive (FT5). In both dialects of vaidik

compositions , in mantras as well as in brahmana-works

,

this conjunctive is still to be met with. But Panini already

qualifies it as archaic. In epic and classic Sanskrit , in-

i st per- deed, its 2d and 3a persons exist no more , whereas its l 8t

thTim- persons are the very forms considered to make part

twTbc-of the imperative (FTT5").

This vaidik conjunctive shows a great relationship both in formthe tyfe-

""* and employment to Greek conjunctive, especially that of the Homeric

dialect. It may express both, the hortative mood and the op-

tative, and is much used in subordinate sentences, conveying a

doubt or a purpose or having general bearing. Here are some

instances of its use. Ait. Br. 2, 2, 5 zrf£ =et fjmfa irf£ =sr mr& ^iarnw-

oiiw iq ywTrT (whether you are standing or lying down, give us

wealth), Kgv. 10, 85, 36 the marriage-mantra nnnTft rT gftm iroim

^rf mr qrUT sr^feiemr:, ibid. 39 £ter%}w zr: iiRsifoiiiri st^i stot

(may her husband have a long life, may he reach a hundred

autumns), TS. 6, 5, 6, 2 jffs?ft straw 4IWI* sr ^cfftsStT (who shall

be born of her, must be one of us). ').

Kem. 1. Like rr with optative in the epic dialect (451 K. 1),

so Jrfr with conjunctive in the vaidik works may be — »lest."

Mr. 1, 11 q-fe^TT zraft ^TJW qrrm (lest by going astray we shall

go to hell), Ait. Br. 2, 12, 2 ^q- ^q\sqfimtFTT goM-ih^ i HL. (lest tlleT

should go to the devas unsatisfied).

Bern. 2. Some few conjunctives, occurring in the archaic texts,

belong to the system of the aorist, as ofrnrr in Bgv. 10, 15, 6 qr

1) Instances from Bgv., AV., (|)at. Br., Ait. Br. are brought together

by Delbkuck in his treatise Der Gebrauch des Conjunctivs und Optativs

im Sanskrit und Griechischen Halle 1871, especially p. 107— 190. — It

may be observed , that the Chandogya-upanishad has not a single instance

of the £qr in the 2<i or 3d person.

276 § 355—356.

f^fw ftr^": EfR f%TT nz ^arm": ^ktht st^pt (do us no injury, fathers,

on account of any offence , which we , after the manner of men,

may have committed against you).

356. Instead of the 1"* persons of the imperative, classiclBt per- _^_^son of Sanskrit often uses the present (tf16),sometimes whenthe pre- ~~

6ent having the nature of a hortative, as J|^l*i! when —em- „let us go," but especially in dubitative interrogations

:

tTrf f% ^"TiH |T il^lfH (what shall I do, where shall I go?)

tive. a-) present with hortative meaning. E. 2, 96, 20 ^digST fa'ald :

yH-AldyriiyyT (let us stand still here — ), Pane. 86 H^J i rM^ i fi-

(4,M aiJT: Ge* us present him with our body), Prabodh. II p. 29

nan i flfoniyn y^ufdmifa [=: "(dunPiL R 3> 61, 18 spt ^ fdF^Wd:

(let us search through the whole forest), i) — The idiom is regular

with fTTHrT. Qak. I nsrjT i U|<*M |^H F{ri ^5T fdtid*jli fTTonbrt qumfi (Well,

I will look on her — ), Mudr. IV, p. 138 Malayaketu to Bhagura-

yana H^Tl'JMiifd: U l Uld<aH ldH (therefore, let us not approach, let us

rather listen), Pane 261 ^rlsr ^f ^ri^ldA^ mtw nldMiFH - Cp.

znsrrT^ with present 478 al. 2.

6) present in dubitatrve interrogations : Pane. 40 f% si^Tcrr

JTrprrf^ f^r m f&rsf ga^ifa f^r m ^tiffm otimi^aiEi (shall I kill

him with a weapon, or give him poison or put him to death as

one kills a beast?), Hit. 95 er mm: f* 5TT cFHT:, Mhbh. 1, 155, 42

f£> *{)wi^ldfuii fcnsrj d^Mm ;(friends , tell me frankly , what

shall I do for you := f% ch;<dlfu i°)- An instance of this idiom in

the passive voice may be Pane. 37 frf^r ftran [sc. ?nsrR^rnT] >what

shall be done by us?"

1) If these instances occurred only in verbs of the 1st conjugation,

where the formal difference between the endings of the present and

those of the imperative is a Blight one, one could account for them in

a satisfactory way by supposing errors of the copyists. But , in reality

,

instances being likewise found among the verbs of the 2* conjugation,

it must be recognized, as we do, that the present instead of the impe-

rative is idiomatic for the l Bt person. Such phrases as BRif:, Ujuia ; =*UldW and UlUldld should have moved Cappeller in his edition of the

§ 357. 277

K TYAS.

357. The krtyas, as far as they do duty for finite verbs,Krtyas.

.

J '

may rank with the tenses, which are expressive of

the subjunctive mood. They have the nature of Latin

gerundivum, and, like this, they belong to the passive

voice. But their sphere of employment is wider. They

signify not only that , which one is obliged to do or p «. 3,

1 . . ., 163;what is prescribed to be done , but also what must happen m ;

by necessity or that which isjit, expected , likely to happen,

many- Examples: 1. duty, precept Yajn. I, 117 ^irrfpTTOTrT^tfit-sided-

oii-dftfjijii q^err jhr: (one must make room for an old man, oneness of > , .,their charged with a burden, for a king, a sndtaka, a woman, a sickemploy-

man, a bridegroom and one in a carriage), Nala 1, 19 ^HotTUferment. ^ ^ ^nrc (do not kill me), Qak. I srpsnnpfrsEr ^ ^-rm: (— may not

be killed), Pane. 269 spivf OTf i twiuichollj ddlCd* H^HWlR qj

fSraT <HrdichH5h?nr WTTTsnT- When substituting for these krtyas the

active voice, one would get in the first example cfjtft ^ ih1

, in

the second qj &Si:, in the third q- grfes^T^fH', in the fourth f^-.

2, necessity. Pane. 167 jtotoTW ^imj n-doU*^ (I must needs go

abroad), ibid. I, 450 ijprftnf gfuiH l iterr fq&TPTT iT^nRT: (blockheads

are ihe natural enemies of the learned, the poor of the wealthy).

3. probability, conjecture, expectation, etc. Qak. Ill ^fcn gHimUM

HfaHjdiH FHTT tr loirlc^iH (she is sure to be in the neighbourhood of

the bower), Pane. 240 fy^ry-dUWiy i ^TOTOJt JTfTOT jrsn sfcTTfa ^ra^TT-

iHoiH (the lion reflected : surely some animal will come into this

hole to-night), Prabodh. V, p. 106 arfirjWfT: chmf41fa: erttt fifWrT

seraT (are they likely to confer any benefit or have they done so

before or are they doing so now?). The last example plainly shows,

that the krtya borders upon the sphere of a participle of the fu-

ture , CKT& being here almost = thf^mu i- Thus n faded or irrsr

may be even — »future," ufadoUdi "the future."

Ratnavali in Boethlingk 's Chreslomathy to leave intact the presents of the

kind, he has changed into imperatives.

278 § 357-358.

4. Even desert and ability find their expression by them. Ka§. on P- 3,

3

P. 3, 3, 169 gives this example nsrm *prer 3?*tt ortearr = Holing

cf>ait a^H = MdMHdxRtrl ?and on sutra 172 ^arlT >3tfT UTft d)i>aU: —

tTdiP^ srar:- — The krtyas may be also expressive of indignation at

some fact , not expected. Mudr. VII, p. 220 Baxasa , when hearing

the glory of his foe Canakya proclaimed in the very streets of Pata-

liputra , exclaims oh^Im ^FT{iidy-l ^Jlrlcaii (and even this Baxasa

must hear!); Dag. 78 the wretched Jaina monk deplores his mis-

fortune and the necessity, he has been put to, to break with the

faith of his fathers rpr ?T q^vrnrer wrffi fangWuitlMUmffiti,'

rjyirariT feWdrWHJ lifldm'rDrf (thus , on such a road of disbelief, as

this, which gives no fruit, but rather deception, I must walk, as

if it were the true faith).

Bern. Some krtyas are restricted to »necessity," viz. those in

°w\3X, cp- P- 3, lj 125. — Other irregularities of meaning are caused

by the improper employment of the passive voice, as jrjqfa, when

denoting »the person who deserves a gift," g?(g- »one fit to makeP 3 3

an alliance with" (Pane. Ill, 8), j^d-Tit) »to be dreaded" (ibid. Ill, -j^j

142). Some may have even an active meaning, see P. 3, 4, 68.

Chapt. V. Participles and participial idioms.

358. When laying down] the syntax of the participles, there

must be distinguished between the participial forms and

the participial employment.?™.ti ~ As to their form the participles are adjective nouns

,

ci pit's*

derived by constant suffixes from any verbal root,

and which are the proper exponents of partici-

Diffe- pial employment. Sanskrit possesses 1. three participles

cL^es for the continuous action, one in each voice 0*igM>of

*"

them. ^5CTtrn, |9hMllm :)> which are named participles of the

opresent '), 2. two participles for the future , one in the

1) In Sanskrit, this term is less improper, than in many other lan-

guages, because its present haB chiefly the character of expressing the

durative (sirWM), see 326-

§ 358—359. 279

active voice (^T^FT) and one serving both for the

medial and the passive (^T^WTTHTO, 3. the krtyas,

which are passive participles for the future, but with

a special employment, see 357, 4. two participles for

the past , to signify what is done , achieved , completed as

^FT and ^FT^FT, the latter of which has always an

active meaning, as to the former see 360.It must be kept in mind, that the participles, unless they

themselves do duty as finite verbs, denote the past, present or

future only with regard to the time, involved by the chief verb

of the sentence.

359. Additional remarks. — 1. As participles of the future

in the active may be considered also a.) the krts in °s, derived

from desideratives , as fachl iSi (wishing to do, being about to do),

cp. 52 a, f. i. Dag. 166 ft? =et ssnz: m^bmnfo 9Fi.H wi<hoi IR « Qsj-doi :

tH THi m (and there [on that island] we descended, desiring to

take sweet water, fuel, turnips, roots and fruits) ; b.) some in °3,

mentioned by P. 3, 3, 3, as jtjtt ii l*W (one, who will go to the vil-

lage), they do even duty as finite verbs: Kathas. 35, 104 3rt%w

Tra^nsft h sftfr asry^: grr: (get up, my king, a son will be born

to you —), Vikram. V, p. 181 g fri^ibi *idj irra^ = "ufam; c.) those

in "acff, when put close to the chief verb; they are expressive

of a purpose , cp. 52 c. ').

2. Further there are the old participles of the past, formed

with reduplication, such as ^gjoTPT, f. xRfjisftj n - ^TcRoTrT for the

active voice, and xreffrnT. for the passive. In classic Sanskrit they

have almost wholly got out of use. Already Panini restricts P. 3, 2,

them to Holy "Writ, with the exception of six, viz. ^-f^crpT, STfiterRj 109

1) I was wrong, in doubting, on p. 39 N. 3 of this book, at the cor-

rectness of the example (Mhbh. 3, 73, 25 = Nala 21, 22) USFfmfifen^SFt:

quoted by Whitney. When reading once more not only that passage

,

but the whole sarga, I clearly saw, that McJt)^ cannot but depend here

on *lftioll<t*:.

280 § 359—360.

srejsrPT, the compounds gmaaH^ s^rf&srnr, «-h*K!. The participle

in "cTPT (aw) is , however, oftener met with in the post-Paninean

literature , than would be expected by this rule , but it occurs chiefly

in epic poetry and in kavyas. Mhbh. 1, 44, 10 f3frfion~r, K- 1> 26, 25

(bH<i.6i)) Kathas. 25, 72 afa^m Pifrgn :, Kumaras. 2, 4 rprcmi

ft<^qjjq , ibid. 6, 72 m^ihwi&ii rsm, ibid. 6, 64 ^RrejitrWdW^, Kathas.

81, 31, Cicup. 1, 17 etc. That it may even do duty as finite verb,

has been mentioned 338. But the participle of the past in °wtt has

wholly antiquated, and is only met with in the archaic dialect,

see f. i. Qat. Br. 3, 9, 1, 1 ; 11, 1, 6, 8 etc.

360. Of the participles in °r{ the great majority have aparti-

ciples passive meaning , hence it is customary to call the wholein 0fT

class the passive participle of the past. But some otherspassive

tranli-are no^ Pass^ves ? Du^ intransitives

,as JTFT (gone), 'TFT

active, (died), PT^T (split*. Some again may be even transitive

actives , as TirT (having drunk), STTCT (having reached),

ToTFTFT (having forgotten), T^IW? (having divided), in

this case they may generally convey sometimes a passive,

sometimes an active meaning. For instance:

jjTfTS act- Dag. 138 wtz&n oft^t

amiy-W^n^i-iiPi.

pass. E. 2, 83, 5 jih «3*iliwibiMi

*H^Ufc l Pl (the scholiast adds

Mlf^fiT:)-

"With this verb, the active meaning is the more common.

TOjT act. Utt. Ill, p. 38 pre ^jj^.j

pass. Ragh. 1, 12 h^U aifeqln

v crerfTT [sc gfcrr]-

wrjrs act. Qak. I grtrqq^Ts^rTqfer-

rrriTfeT (how, have I offended

the holy men?)

jrfo^ act. Vikram. II, p. 29 a i^Ml -

mg act. Mudr. I, p. 7 srfwjrrr na^T-

fflW. OTPTi (welcome guests are

come to ray house).

srarT: I^wDm:.

pass. Kathas. 17, 48 -^mr HdliU ij.

^ (there is no offence done to

you by the queen),

pass. R. (Gorr.) 5, 56, 28 jrfafs- H

TOT 5JWPT;

pass. Hit. 24 crf%fu: dfrfrl^

§ 360—362. 281

Moreover,in accordance to whathas been stated above theneuter sing, of all intransitive participles may be employ- p 3 .

4>

• * 72.

ed also in a passive sense. Instead of ?PT ^TFP, 5PT TFT:,

one says as well JTrFFf'T, SJcFFFT Cp. Pat. I, p. 468.

Rem. 1. If a participle in °r{ is used with intransi-

tive meaning, then the transitive passive is commonly

expressed by the corresponding part, of the causative.

ftrr means »split by itself" ^%T » split [by somebody]," crsrs »awake"

but gsftfVrT »roused," jftft »born" but sH^h » engendered," qffjrT »fall-

en" but qifrid sthrown" etc.

Eem. 2. As far as I know, the participles incrr never convey

a transitive active meaning ; they are , as a rule , intransitives, as

wt, fusr, Trr.

361. Occasionally the participles in °rT are used of the Fl ltl

2 '

present. They are then expressive of an action achiev-188 -

ed , completed , finished. So 3TFT and TT^TrT when =

„being," ?M> „able," *JrT ,dead," H5T „broken."

362. II. We will now treat of the participial employ-

^\" ment. Before defining it, abstraction is to be made

X" of the case in which the participles are nothing more

or less than simple attributive adjectives, as F^potr

9FP, when — „a forbidden law," or even substantives, as

aRT: when — „old man ," f$T®T: „when - disciple. 1). Apart

from this adjectival function, the participles serve to

express attending circumstances or other qualifications

ment.

1) A special rule of Panini (3, 3, 114) teaches the neuters of participles

in °fT to be admissible as nouns of action. So Mhbh. 1, 157,41 stcTi ^JJrf STOT T ^ >T dlloirl

1SPT*r (it is better to die together, nor can I bear

to live). Pat. I, p. 11 f^fechri^far|chU|fiiH l (H ^5T ^tTOT HoTprT STTC!rHJ<il W(hiccoughing , laughing and scratching are neither sinful nor pious actions).

282 § 362.

of the main action , whether temporal or local , causal

,

concessive , conditional, hypothetical , etc. In other terms,

in Sanskrit , as elsewhere , the participles are a concurrent

idiom of subordinate sentences, of which, indeed, they

may be said to exhibit the rudimentary form.Examples: 1. the participle equivalent to a simple relative

clause. Pane. 2^?( JT^wt ^fw t^HHi ulujHHi Usemidl' Ih^R (tore

are five hundred scholars , who enjoy" a salary which I give them).

2. the participle denoting time, state, condition, circumstance.

Pane. 268 filled : chlM i ld gtrWdH (*ne jackal being filled with anger,

said to him), Bhoj. 17 ^ (drilRptja ^dfuY ^TSTT? g#r ch^ift^wmi -

rtMr«W«iyTfir (now, as the king made such expenses of money

etc., his first minister once addressed him thus), Mrcch. VI, p. 222 sri"

oUiy-n^Hl nrraR U^irM 5T^ft (better to die while showing prowess,

than in fetters after having been seized).

3. the participle denoting cause , motive. Pane. 58 ^ rWT chHcdl

jtot im iWi ^ihh i; mil =r ii-^Pn (they must be brought to such

a pass as to be excluded from heaven , being killed in the flight),

here the complex q^rrcRfT ^TTPTT: points at the cause of their

not reaching heaven; E. 1, 1, 99 CTs-^-pTrarfr ^j: fer S5rxf ^jterf

(by reading the Eamayana one gains heaven).

4. the participle equivalent to a concessive sentence. Pane.

304 ifr fifS-A^d Mill^WiW l =T Sjnftfw (though I have dissuaded you

several times, you do not listen to me). In this meaning, aft

is generally subjoined to the participle, see 423.

5. the participle expressive of the protasis of a conditional or

hypothetical sentence. Dag. 140 =toj h m(uiiil^<*«J *lfrlM-MHqWHI

Holrchcrl chgij^W (if I should not follow the path of my [deceased]

husband, I should dishonour your family), Kathas. 77, 92 jj^nytlHl

TTT^mFT %ff iJTOTfFf ^TOJW: (if you do not say it, and know it, your

head will fall off into a thousand pieces).

6. the participle denoting a purpose, aim, intention. Thus is

the proper employment of the participle of the future.

Kathas. 38, 157 praRTr ?f sir -dl^uiyid^ir) srafK ^orrg; (being about

to 1 eave her country , she ceded her house to the brahmans),

§ 362—364. 283

Dag. 79 srerfn^^i^oryiw^uTfgHyf^rr <rf^ trfHTcFToP^ (as I wished

to bring them back to their natural state — ) Mhbh. 1, 163, 16

cJ^idjU ^irrttH: i rfTjf5rKTO=T5T irfrf y^Tc^ST ^^ (the giant took a

tree and ran once more at Bhima, that he might strike him),

363. As a rule, the mere participle suffices for this pur-

pose. Now, as this is by far less done in modern lan-

guages, different connectives are to be added, when

translating, as when, if, though, because, as, while sim.

In short, participles in Sanskrit are as significant as

they are in Latin and Greek.The only particles added are js, to denote comparison, and

gfr, the exponent of a concessive meaning. Pane. 54 qwrrear TTfRR'-

7mmi 3^cfy3TraT 3°T srflxraraoTT f&HTar^t (her body looks, as if

she were — ), ibid. 278 qftrrteriTTtnTf'T =r H^hI^M (though she is being

satisfied, she is not kind), ibid. II, 173 q chrdT-f.chHIrl^ TfTfOTJ: qfT^rfcr

(a noble-minded man falls as a ball does , if he should fall at all).

364. The participial employment is not limited to the par-

w°"hS

ticiples. Any adjective may be employed as if it wereP

p

1

iai

1

a participle. It is then usual to add to it the par-

ploy- ticiple H^rT (being). Yet , WT\ is not indispensable and*"e"

is often wanting, especially if it is a bahuvrihi that has a

added, participial employment.Examples: a.) of sr^ added. Qak. IV 5Hi*y|-sfg grjff <y?if**TH

arpT (though living in the forests, we know the world), ibid. Ill

cfirTJ^r chMH i UTOT ijfreWrSrFnr (how did you come by that sharpness

,

you, whose arrows are but flowers?), Kathas. 24, 67 srr£ *Kn mwft 5^T I5q i ftf-M sm i JTOHT IT5PT (I saw that town, indeed, while

I wandered about when a student), Pane. 44 grsr rssr^RsTST STcft FT^

i l -c^ i fa (how can I go there, being tied with strong fetters?).

6.) of the mere adjective. Pane. I, 109 f^r n^FTTCR^T f^f 5T3RT-

Mchli? u 1 1(what is the use of a faithful [servant], if he be not able

,

what, of an able, if he be not faithful?), Qak. II two young ascetics

are approaching , the king , before their being ushered in , knows

them by their voice and says nh fefiprcr

I

*rt*ai\SrW fei fwfBtrTarir. 0>v

284 § 364—365.

the sound of their voice, which is strong and soft at the same

time, they must he inferred to he ascetics), Hit. 91 HH I Hi i richW

csr HronmnriU^'T (wishing to tell it [sc. the news airTfijL * nave

come here).

Rem. 1. Bahuvrihis, the predicate of which is a participle,

generally share the participial employment. Pane. 130 ^x <T £ST

ST&rR^TT cdfa^rmH (when he saw him , he became anxious and

reflected), Ven. I, p. 25 gisr ^M-aHWr^ l fatu iHl fq' usrfft HliMfaH l

(Madam, by the angry mood I am in, I have not noticed your

coming here), Mudr. Ill, p. 112 a ilKud ^TcirTt Pfr-A-Sfcrnn^m qrr

sn^Prfer 7"T?jf ^ { M ffid (if mylord in this manner crosses my liberty

of movement , my kingdom seems a prison to me , not a kingdom).

Rem. 2. sFtT> however, is occasionally added even to real par-

ticiples. Pane. 126 nrr jjpftjr sn^uT ars^r am sfrft fdf^n :

mow, that stupid monkey, being in an angry temper, gave a

blow), ibid. 335 si\sfq- cheh^H^ cT felrT: M-MMU imHUl^H^(while stand-

ing on that very spot, the crab etc.), Mhbh. 1, 166,2 g-.

ijgftoimdi i *mV <^Jmrl(<J r?=r , here snrt added helps the understand-

ing of the remote past. Cp. Pane. 248, 1. 7.

Absolute cases.

365. As the participle is an adjective noun , it needs must

iute rest on some substantive, of which it is the predicate,cases and with which it is to agree in gender, number and

case (27). We may call this substantive the subject

of the participle. When being a pronoun , it is often

not expressed (10), as little when a general subject.

But , whether understood or expressed , it is likely to

form part of the chief sentence , and by its noun-case

,

which is at the same time that of the participle, it

marks the nature of the logical relation, which exists

between the principal action and the subordinate one.

Tet, the participial employment is not restricted to

§ 365—367. 285

the case, that the subject of the participle occurs in

the chief sentence. In Sanskrit, like many other lan-

guages, it extends also to the absolute cases, by

which name one denotes the participle with its subject,

if they are but loosely connected with the principal

sentence, their noun-case not being grammatically de-

pendent on any word or phrase in the chief sentence.

Sanskrit has two absolute cases: the locative and the

genitive. Of these, the former is the general one, the

latter has a much narrower employment.

366. The absolute locative is a very frequent idiom. It

^ut° is the Sanskrit counterpart of the Latin absolute abla- 37,'

t°ive'tive and the like genitive of Greek. It shares the whole

manysidedness of signification of the participial employ-

ment. In other terms, it is equivalent to any kind of

subordinate sentence: temporal, modal, causal, condi-

tional, hypothetical, concessive, etc.

Examples: Kathas. 5, 106 fgof^isr n-cfo-M (time going), ibid. 28,

134 ^rlfe-I^H ^"TsraH cfi^qr iTRraft: (that prince being dead, what

care I for my own life ?),Qak. I qf^-3 d^jHi' srrerin (while a

Paurava rules the land), Dae. 1 1 8 fmfa fairing ~5tfm ttCJI*]

^vJiPSih STJFTltT'wir (when darkness had spread and the moon had

risen, I went to bed), Qak. I spiff ^^wfijpr Tf& UTOqnii (she

hearkens, when I speak in her presence), Hit. 96 ^o(H*5rfH £H (after

the messenger had thus spoken), Nala 5, 33 ^r ft !Wr URJT yiWj Mi

jT^hrer: ^?rnirCT a^Kg ;(Nala having been chosen by the

daughter of Bhima, — ), Pane. 17 ii«jli|Mrii ^ah*) ftf^T m*F! fqjvm

othrt uttrtT 3rfsr?'-

367- It is not necessary, that the predicate of the abso-

lute locative be a participle. It may be also a noun

(adjective or substantive). Often, however, £FrT, ^rT-

^IFT, TFTrT etc. are added.

286 § 367-369.

Examples of ^tjt etc. added to the participle or noun. Pane. 242

iHtf i titi ^sirtt mMMcdcW sirST fat day-break, when the owls had become

blind) [cp. 364 E. 2], ibid. I, 310 ^r=fr ^qfanaichiPrH HHidRvi srfrr

/it is at night-time that the light of the lamp is pleasant, not

when the sun has risen), ibid. 56 the king says to his daughter

jrfir fori?" <£f|rrft drWMldi ^TJWCn' Wlolfw iHMIrlf^ fefrT rri75RIToT 33Jrf

m*§ mnjstl iWT ^ fert *=tPh (my child, as you are my daughter,

and Lord Vishnu my son-in-law, how etc.)

Examples of a nominal predicate without auxiliary. Pane. 62

^rTf^": 5?*f srfof znsriTT i srfwr ST55R T^k msf 4JmPh (this lake will

soon become dry, when it will be dry, they will perish), Bhoj.

12 ^Tftr ufifftT yfwr: <IT<T tnmrfr: HST [viz. <^T:] (if the king be vir-

tuous, the subjects will be virtuous, if wicked, they too will be

fond of wickedness), Qak. V <m mffo>tni5 tj

: ?ifTt ^ferij rsrfir (—while you are the protector), Prabodh. II, p. 39 eh iMshferrf^isr ufdM-dM

cMtw?^ (h rrerrfa ^ylyyj [y f^ft HHoif^H^r iwkurr umm^ (as Love,

Anger etc. are her adversaries, how will she [Vishnubhakti] march

against them ? Nevertheless, no one , who is desirous of victory, must

be careless, even if his enemy is rather weak).

368. Occasionally the subject in the absolute locative is

understood, as ^T FTfrt ([this] being so), r^M^rf(after [this] had been performed in this way). Of course

,

it is always wanting with impersonal verbs, as Dag.

107 rr=TRdM)iH (after his having consented), Mhbh. 1, 154, 21 rreTsr

^r f%7" WTflf^ STcTair (since we must start, we cannot stay here long),

ibid. 1, 150, 4 f%i^H '^Tjrsm ifmjrit ^ nsnni3Tyoiu<JiiU4j<4i<i'i;

369. Sometimes the absolute genitive is a concurrent

late idiom of the absolute locative. It is far from bearinggti"e. the general character -of the latter. It is limited , in-

deed, to the expression of some action not cared for

while performing the main action. Sometimes the ab-

solute genitive may be rendered by „though, notwith-

standing, in spite of" and the like, sometimes it is

simply pointing out, which action is going on at the time

§ 369. 287

when the main action intervenes , then we may trans-

late it by „while" or „as." Other restrictions of its

employment are; 1. its predicate must have a, dura-

tive meaning, and is therefore in most cases a parti-

ciple of the present, or at least a partic. or adjective,

which does duty as such; 2. its subject must be a

person. Upon the whole, the absolute genitive is usu-

ally found in standing phrases ').

According to P. 2, 3, 38 the absolute genitive is expressive of

some action not cared for, while performing the action of the

chief sentence. The commentary illustrates this rule by the example

RTT: msfl sTirf , which is interchangeable with r^jn qr°, because

it means pjrn Q* I f^chH^TTgrgT udfdH :(he has forsaken the world

not caring for the tears of his family). 2).

1) These rules have chiefly been fixed by F. de Saussure in his valuable

and exhaustive treatise de Vemploi du genitif absolu en Sanscrit.

The rule of the subject being a person is violated Kurnaras. 1, 27

4Mfl^MJ«l TSftf^ ffT R^thMMf srf&SfTO^T (though spring has an im-

mense variety of flowers, the rows of bees cling especially to the amra-

flower), unless it be supposed that Kalidasa means the personified Spring. —In this passage of the Ramayana (3, 11, 58) FTrft H*oldi fTEtt By I HI I (m-

srSloHYssTsfirTj cTTrTT'T Pl&thH^fH a participle of the past in "fToRTk the pre-

dicate.

2) Paniui's sutra runs thus: Eret MMl<^- The preceding s. 37 ror =et

iJXaFT ^IdTltdU lM enjoins the employment of the absolute locative. Now,

s. 38 allows the genitive too, but only for the case, that there is to

be expressed ibHItij . One may ask, what is the exact meaning of this

term. Does it mean »disregard," or has it rather a more general im-

port, that of »indifference?" The former interpretation needs implies the

participial action being known to the agent of the main action , but this

is no requisite to the latter. If we consider the practice of Sanskrit

phraseology , it becomes very probable , we must take iMI<^ in its widest

sense. Then all cases of absolute genitive may range under it. In such

phrases as R. 1, 60, 15 qmfl() ^S5Tp I f^H sTCTFT <*> 1**81 jpfrf TOTrlt FT^f

(under the eyes of the munis, the king [Tri9anku] ascended to heaven)

the anddara is to be found in this , that the chief action is going on

288 § 369.

Examples: 1. the gen. = though, in spite of,

Pane. 193 g^r rprr <VS\: yRiolHaHId^ fejHWlR FT5T aPT^Nmi'Tjthat I

have asked them, though you were here, was but to make a

trial), Mudr. Ill, p. 1 24 rp^r: qstor $HT ^HT: TOJrfr ^ItHWJ (— under

the very eyes of Baxasa), Pane. 152 rpsraT:] gstTrrr >T qfyxipr, Mhbh.

1, 102, 70 (dft^diJ^H^Uri dlTTMUII STOJT^TrT I HpT dHHMMIHiy: ^ T%%-

FSTeR: i sTITTT W<J l^>W (Vicitravirya became consumptive , when

being young, and died in spite of the efforts of his friends and

skilled physicians), R. 2, 100, 4 q- f^ fgf j>dH<HUl d-WUI^ffil (do

not go to the forest during his lifetime [— eo vivo]). In the last

example the notion of disregard appears, if one eliminates the

negation: »the action of going to the forest though he is living,

must not be done by you." ').

2. the gen. is expressive of a situation , existing at the time,

when the main action intervenes, Eng. while, as. Pane. 131 jm

ol^HtHWJ H cd'aychJxHUlrtl f^HFT: fwr: (while he was speaking

thus, the said hunter came and concealed himself), ibid. 44 the

barber's wife asks her friend rmf M i MirMi tra JTFTrcrr 3f??j<T: (the

rogue [she means her husband] has not risen [from his conch]

during my absence, has he?), Kathas. 18, 356 ^fn fe-rl«LiH*HHl FT?

rTimJmdd : f^Hi: (while he reflected thus, females came), ibid.

3, 11 mJ fSrerarTt frt- tfferf zfw*r. h±wiuh.

Bern. 1. Between these two different kinds of absolute ge-

nitive there are, of course, interjacent links. The anddara of

the action conveyed by the absolute genitive may be more than

simple independence and less than full disregard. Mhbh. 1, 153, 7

a^HH ^fateilfi tj-ri-rtu^ Mumn »I shall kill him , beautiful lady, and

quite independently of the circumstance, that the holy men were its

spectators. Then , the term an&dara holds also good for the case , that

the absolute genitive is merely expressive of the situation.

The Mahabhashya has no comment on our rule, the Katantra does not

mention it at all, see Trilocanadasa on Kat. 2, 4, 34 (p. 499 ofEGGELiSG'sed.).

1} See de Satjssuke, p. 23. In the same book, p. 63—74 plenty of

instances prove the frequency of the phrase qyiirt*riyj and the like.

§ 369-370. 289

even in your presence," here the absolute turn denotes the easiness

of the enterprise. *)

Eem. 2. The absolute genitive seems to be very rare in the

archaic dialect. 2)

370. Apart from this absolute genitive, Sanskrit upon the

whole shows a preference for employing genitives of

the participle, either as dative-like genitives (129) or

when, depending on some substantive. The frequency

of this turn makes it sometimes difficult to distinguish be-

tween the absolute and the not-absolute construction.

J£?_In some phrases both seem to mingle. For them we

abso- may use £he term of semi-absolute construc-lute ge- ^

nitive. tion, for the logical relation between the genitive

and the principal sentence, though not wholly want-

ing, is very loose, indeed. 3) Here are some instances. Pane.

154 ^ar f%*Wfft TfTcfTS^ H fSoT?fV ^ (n ail -di (»he thinking so" or »for

him as he thought so" the day passed slowly), Dae. 144 t^ =ar zft

oRT^Wf ST5;sr WJT. STTrSHT: , and so regularly to denote awhile some-

body was doing so and so , some other arrived , the sun rose or

set, time passed etc." See f. i. Pane. 56, 1. 1, R. 3, 11, 68, Kathas.

15,123, R. 2, 62, 19, ibid. 85,14. This idiom borders on that,

treated 128 R. 2.

Of a somewhat different nature are such instances as Mudr.

Y, p. 180 xr^Tmpr farsfffT^fifcfr sTwfq^ffriefrftfim" nw^rTErt ^ut qarrr

Enm (as Candragupta in selling them [the jewels], desired an ex-

1) de Sausstjre, p. 24 and 25 quotes a few passages pointing to the

fact, that the absolute gen. occasionally may answer to fr. pour peu

que := for aught.

2) The oldest instance of it, known to de Satjssure, is Maitrayaniyo-

panishad l, 4 fH^rTl ^yortfer *Tf;ff fsrir rzrarrsiTTcfjWr^j cfti yuiHi:.

A

Another instance from the archaic dialect is Ap. Dharm. 1, 2, 7, 13

qWTfaST' CP- tfle foot-note on p. 288 above.

3) See de Saussure p. 33—41.

19

290 § 370—372.

orbitant profit, you, cruel man, have made ourselves the price),

Pane. 162 pi^T gmr *TT dtoi-rtji ^Rr: MlPui iT^tarfff, Qak. I g^- amPcT-

«m\ ftsrfir ^friydfei^y^M) Nagan, I, p. 8 rrf-jd i HJlmffif* mtsfi q^r

iviywjrtV^ dHriWtrMI* Pidlri :- In the first of these examples the

genitive may be accepted as a dative-like one (129), in the re-

maining it depends on a noun (qifum , rpT understood, pjfa ;).

Likewise Nala 24, 15, Pane. 57 ^ ipr ^Hiqa-RHm ^rtljQmld , etc.

etc. Cp. also the foot-note on p. 94 of this book.

Eem. The differences between the absolute and the semi-ab-

solute genitives are sometimes very small, indeed. Pane. 156 jra

»T ft-Hiir^ itrjt iPT Slftrrr kam sTTrTT:, here the absolute turn would

be doubtful but for the pronoun of the 1st person repeated. That

in such phrases, as »while A. was doing this, B. arrived," the

genitive is thought by Sanskrit-speakers an absolute one, is proved

by this, that the absolute locative is used too. Mhbh. 1, 169, 1 sra^r

rig sr^i-T TTHSBnj M^lrH^ i iiisNimm Hii^J amr: , Kathas. 42, 165 ^enrcif

ST qfir g- ^U'imdM l f^J^U Irt<*aEi^mT.

371. It is no hindrance to the absolute construction, if its subject

Theabso-js a word occurring also in the main sentence. Pane. 67 sa-

lute turn ' ° \admissi- f%7frarRFTW m\*\ ir; «P? nrsrr mirer H«Jiii fwr: , here FTCT, the subj.

if its sub- °^ fefWW smeans the lion, h*AI I

jJ the same lion. Kathas. 29, 77

Jent °c" chd^iffd zrimx Ha i fa* r reimt<i ftm, here the absolute loc. is used,cars also ^in the though its subject fErfir is also represented in the main sentencemteSr" by asr- °p- R

-3

>57

>2

;Nala[ 5

>33 -

372. The semi-absolute employment must also be stated

solute in- f°r the instrumental. Here are some instances. Kathas. 29,

55 qfifT iriff; ih^Hsf^T =T rT HfamPi {by eating these fruits you will

enjoy eternal youth), E. 2, 64, 18 *r xTl^HH smita ^t^TT Ww i felH :

(as soon as the arrow had been drawn out , he mounted to heaven),

Pane. 57 h^Jt gq^: Sl^fiT^T^r <TT^r -d l'traH<f3«s4j ipf (my dear, I will

not take either food or drink until after having killed all the ene-

mies), ibid. 178 «•£ ^T ftrteiHU)Q&P53 Pd-WH ; (do not fear, with

such friends as we are), Kathas. 55, 213 rsOT Pi^JctlPi^l UrTlnJl

feWltwPi, Pane. 194 ^trrfFT; ^arq^T: T^ra awt usrffT (Lat. his cog-

strumen-

tal.

§ 372—374. 291

nitis et tui et adversarii tibi obnoxii erunf). In all of them the

absolute locative might have been used. The instrumental repre-

sents the action, expressed by the participle, as the cause or motive

or means of the main action, and in this respect it shows a close

affinity to the Latin absolute ablative.

Other participial idioms.

373. Other participial idioms are:Parti- mlcipie I. The participle added to a verb, expressive of some

to » affection of mind , to signify the motive of the affection.verb of panC- 149 f^ -^ ^^m csr <?ioi i u i; (do you not feel ashamed at

tion of speaking thus?), ibid. 147 sfri%rT5TO5f jtst JTrT. (one must pity you

for having become proud), ibid. 112 srratfafHf i&flFsrm' fsm JFmr

^T 5»w (you have not done well by kindling discord between

them), Mhbh. 1, 145, 9 rTT^UU fept mwi^rtjlfr =T *rarff (Dbrt.

cannot endure their having obtained the kingdom from their father's

side), Mahav. I, p. 18 ^^rrfir p*w^M?rim ^TrT 5^mr.

374. II. The participle , 'which expresses the predicate of the

cative object of the verbs of seeing, hearing , knowing, thinking , feel •

tiveand inff, conceiving, wishing and the like. Since, of course, it must

natTve agree with the object, it is an accusative with the

"el bT'a active voice , but a nominative with the passive of the

Jw1

; chief verb (6). So it is said qf afsTSFrRTOrT (he sawnoun "X r—- *~n

used as me enter), pass. %J«fc*FFr STJ^T^^T. By using somesuch.

other noun instead of the participle , we get the idiom

,

mentioned 32 c), f. i. ^f ja|MHWfT (he saw me

being young = he saw, I was young).

This much used accusative with participle is the

counterpart of Latin ace. with infinitive, which con-

struction does not exist in Sanskrit (390 E. 2). Con-

current idioms are the oratio directa with 3T|rT and re-

292 § 374-375.

lative sentences with the conjunctions ST^orM^K^Qi foil).

Examples: a.) with an active chief verb. Pane. 51 5rrfWTsT-

cfRTf ch^UkhUfci <HHl^ldi gSafim (they saw some princess ap-

proaching on elephant's back) , Mudr. IY, p. 158 ^ tj\ gjfacRrft^jiw

crtitt: (the prince does not desire my being far), Qak. IV sH^T ^r

iimMfc-H^ (y°u do not know, I am near) , Hit. 2 sr >^j(H(*^I <*WlfiJ

H6U*<H feTltft&d sr^TToT (once the king heard somebody read two

clokas), Kathas. 9, 74 gra^ur ^Alsh l-HM^otil M^-dH ,<?&k. VII 33^-

Uch^Hl^fcMplT FT^jf^rT^omrTV-s^ (on seeing the ring, I remem-

. bered that I had wedded his daughter). As to the last examples

cp. 14, Vlliy.

6.) with a passive chief verb. Mudr. Ill, p. 120 cR^ti^ ilfuii -

tictim-^iMFtdri : (why have you overlooked his withdrawal ?), E. 3,

67, 16 Jatayu tells Rama, he has seen the carrying off of Sita,

QiWIUII WIT TZT TTcnTFT, Kathas. 41, 4 ftgt!T *f5rTl5U^TT. •••• WJ^X

srrrTT ciSTTWU tTFT: (a friend has now told him, his brother died

abroad), Qak. Ill n^yam feoffor si^Tt {idPl*^*!': i vgpn Mf^uTl-

?TTCTr: fqgfiraTfvRf^gTrr:.

Predi- Bern. If not a chief verb, but a nomen actionis is attended by

j. the predicate of its object, both the object and its predicate are

t!ve - put in the genitive [110]. Pane. 67 the animals of the forest have

engaged themselves to send every day one among them to the

lion for food ; when it was the turn of the hare , she went to the

lion and said, she with four other hares had been sent by the

animals qir <r)fcjH)m trerrar foi^tm » as they knew me to be reputed

[a] rather insignificant [animal]", Malav. I, p. 18 jifc spraHcnsrafa"-

H (\ii

{

Jl dlfrtitteOTiK (in tne ver7 presence of the king it will appear

which of us is superior and which inferior).

375. III. In translating Sanskrit participles , it is some-s

ka

r

°8

t

' times necessary to substitute for them infinitives or

Pe8

8<

the nouns of action. So the abs. locat. ^rt 27TTFFT may

rJ^ea be = »after performing the order." This idiom , the coun-

terpart of Latin reges exacti = exactio regum , is not rare

,

§ 375-377. 293

emcti^ especially in the instrumental >). So f. i. Mgan. I, p. 5

ctio re- f%tRRN*aHHI fePrirM aj HH l^ciMf»rl l(do not reflect on this non-

9Um- sense, better would it be to act after your father's injunction),

Pane. I, 5 5r| siirHMi cqrrft ?r ai^sr af5(rrr. • - • • ^ xrnasrR cW^Qm -

rnmait'SfcT rRJr: (better is it, that he dies scarcely after being born

,

better is the birth of a daughter than an unlearned son

etc.).s) So often the participle in "ft with fcror <&&%. E. 2, 36, 30

ri^f ?;& jymx tottt O^hui fsnrr (therefore cease to destroy Kama's

happiness), Mrcch. VIII, p. 244 fej^r FrrfsFR fTOfeRT (why strike

this poor fellow?).

Participles attended by auxiliaries.

376. Sometimes participles are expressive of the chief pre-

phras- dieate. In this case, auxiliaries are often wanted

pioy. to denote the person or the tense or the nature of the

ofpar- action. The combination of participle and auxiliary

pJ°g"effects a kind of periphrastic conjugation, which some-

times has an emphatic character, and sometimes serves

to express special shades of tenses or moods , not to be

pointed out by mere flexion.

Rem. It is only the past participles, that may do

duty as finite verbs by themselves, without auxiliary.

But even this is only admissible , if the subject is evident

from the context. For this reason , in the 1st and 2d per-

son the absence of the auxiliary commonly necessitates

the expression of the pronoun, and inversely. See 11.

377. We may divide this periphrastic conjugation into the

following classes:

1) See de Saussttke, p. 94 N. 1.

2) An instance from the archaic dialect may be Ait. Br. 1, 13,

8

HaT f sit ^t [sc. ^frifcr] sfitarnfrr a-^a-

294 § 877—378.

Peri- I. To the past participle the present *||tcl or H^Hrl

tic is added , f. i. Prabodh. V, p. 1 03 ^r q=cm: 3> JTrTr: W 3tT ST

tenses

and utddxny., Maiat. IV, p. 65 gwju^jdHfoj - This idiom falls to-moods. getter w^j1 ^he employment of the sole past participle

as a past tense, see 336.

II. The past participle is attended by another tense

or mood of *l|tri Or H^lrl.

Here are some examples: Da?. 100 ?& g- iiJlquf^rTl'SUrT (and

I addressed him with these words), Kathas. 79, 132 |idl<4*lf<riH) srwET

r= ^lsH<jj*MM i Mhbh. 1, 42, 34 gft f|; ft^ FT3?g^ (for he had heard

this). — Qak. V f*M^Rw wrarrr ^rrsa^ J-irtHchiy^&w: sfprr: si:, here

the optative of the past is expressed by periphrase , Kathas. 2.7, 32

f^? Hti i qchH TWf HoiH^ (in what can I have offended the king?).

From the archaic dialect I add Ait. Br. 1, 4, 1 n: Ud^JlsiH : an(he, who has never before performed a sacrifice). Cp. 345.

Rem. By putting irfaisrfH to the past participle , the future per-

fect may be expressed. Mhbh. 1, 162, 21 ^fr ^ TdEi Rmjhi JifvfwT

nld^lrl :(both purposes will be performed), Prabodh. II, p. 45, firT:- -

miPHfrt|{Hl ufawfd (then Qanti will have departed this life).

III. The participle of the future is accompanied by

the auxiliary.

This idiom is almost limited to the archaic dialect. In the

Brahmanas the participle of the future not rarely joins with nEffH

and emr. Ait. Br. 2, 11, 6 ft it* p^fim^H l Hcri^ft r^^ajaff^J^TT-

^q imfa (on which spot they are to kill [the victim], there the

adhvaryut hrows sacred grass [barhis]), Qat. Br. 3, 2, 2, 23 jrar *Htroll

M-Hldrf im^oifri (when he, after having slept, is not to sleep again),

lev. Grhy. 1, 3, 1 zrs f =st ^m-rm i rj^

37 IV. The participle of the present with ?TJ^'1),frrslH,

}

oTrTrT, *Utr1, H^Irf is expressive of a continuous

1) Cp. the similar employment of Homeric fr&u. II. «, 133 S) IStAe/?

tipp' «Stos '£xW Yh<*Si tvraf 'i\i «i/r<u;i frteti Seudfisvov.

§ 378. 295

Jnti-action and is to be compared with English to be withoonti

actionthe Partic in -ing, fepT^T^f orfrT^irretc. „he is re-

express- p^ ,—

.

ea by fleeting," Nrltl s=|TFT „he has been reflecting," I^RT-peri- _ e^ °

'

phrase. T^ffi^ etc. — Pane. 42 ^f^ : ^^ f^^. ^^(the weaver was always concealing his disposition), Kathas. 42, 140

^t-s^W ^tegTCT (he was sporting with her); Dae. 156 ^gTPTiTT FT

^F&sr ^rmrffl- (but the princess will not cease weeping), Pane.

330 Hi ?T?p |WTrarr frryfrT (she is being guarded carefully) ; Mhbh.

1) H> 5 frerrf rTTOT sftif jIMHTSW (I was knowing the power of his

ascese), Utt. II, p. 34 ^nrg- f| br- ofo^ f%^ qjT cT^FT:

(this is the very forest, where we formerly dwelled for a long time),

E. 2, 74, 2 rrr ijft tottt wet (do not weep for the dead one).

Bern. 1. The participle in °ft or a verbal adjective, provided

that they have the meaning of a present, may be similarly con-

strued with mm, frryfrf and the rest. Pane. 285 sraT-sftr am ^raj-

frnsr•

{

•

(HRH'A'tH (everybody is content with his trade), ibid, 283

T^fitfst: yHyMilvRshuj ®f% fefiTmm (— is staying outside the -water),

ibid. 160 frer ^y*yj y s^r*«y I FTS wti m \ £\ri^ (— was sleeping

on that couch), ibid. 318 qf^qufrsj ar: srarfuciriff (this pot is filled

with porridge), E. 2, 75, 29 qr =g FT ^T^nwn^W (and may

he never see him occupy the royal dignity), Vikram. IV, p. 131

4iq^h^PfalUUlRd^[H (— is sitting —).

Eem. 2. In the same way verbs meaning not ceasing to do

are construed with the participle. Pane. 65 f=H^t] RrUHoiHchl^-m -

51^ 1*1(0'^ lLH<lL| "'^'^H W (*^e ^on ^ no* cease killing — ),

ibid. 275

Eem. 3. The archaic d i a 1 e c t expresses the continuous action

also by the participle with the verb t, occasionally ^ (cp.

Whitney § 1075 , a and 6). Ait. Br. 1, 25, 2 Fit [sc m] araiftrnTT

<rrf tir^TfT jffRPT (it was this, they shot off, and by which they

destroyed the towns), Pancavimgabrahmana a^ujjr sttjtj u^d^(Prl ')

1) Cp. this passage from a classic author (Pane. 282) ?rT [so. HTCrf] ^

a96 § 378-379.

Rem. 4. Note that the auxiliaries may also be put in the pas-

sive. See 32 6.

Chapt. VI. Gerunds.

379. The gerunds hold a place somewhat intermediate be-

tween infinitive and participle. As to their etymology

,

they are petrified noun-cases, and for this reason they

are not declinable.

Gerund I. The gerund in °3T (0?T) is the petrified instru-

in °rcTT

(°jr). mental of a verbal noun. At the outset ^(^l was, as

its ori. it were , a kind of infinitive of the aorist. This ori-ginal

mea- ginal nature is discernible a.) when the gerund is con-

strued with r7*T and WFT, b.) if the action conveyed

by it has a general subject.

a.) With fg^r and ^^tjj, the gerund serves to express a pro-

hibition, cp. 353 R. 1. Dag. 137 fgr fT5T iMmfciroil (»do not con-

ceal," liter. »what [profit should be] to you by concealing?").

R. 2, 28, 25 =g^ ^ SFT nrcrr (have done going to the forest.a).

6.) Pane. Ill, 107 d-diR^riT qar^roiT ^rciT $ty^*c(Vnw mansrrf rrref jf^r ^un (if by cutting down trees, by killing victims,

mng.

1) Something of the kind, indeed, is contained in a rule of Panini

(3,4,18) tlcrftflcrft: srfwhrat: crrat WfT » according to the eastern gramma-

rians the gerund is to be put with iffsTT and if^rr, if they express a

prohibition."

The following sutra (3,4,19) 3^Nrr Ttft oUrH^ir has been wholly

misunderstood by the commentators even up to Patanjali. Not the ver-

bal root irr, but the particle of negation is meant. I am convinced , our

sfltra does not contain a new rule, but it is the continuation and at

the same time the explanation of the preceding, in other terms, it is

an old varttika. The eastern grammarians, it is said, teach the use of

4M*J^ and i^crf in prohibitions »tn exchange for [— instead of] (oUtTl^ll)

ITT, prescribed by the Northern ones.'' In fact, a^Tchroil = »TT3rraf;. —Of *5TcfT thus used I know no instances from literature.

§ 379—380. 297

by shedding streams of blood, if thus one goes to heaven, by

what way does one go to hell?).

380. But in its most common employment the gerund

employ- may he said to do duty as a past participle of the

mostasa active. Like the absolute locative and the other par-

PP

"hof"

fr°ipial employment it enables the speaker to cut short

the past, subordinate sentences and to avoid the accumulation

of finite verbs (14,1). Ladeed, it has the full function

of a participle. As a rule , it denotes the prior of two Tf{

4'

actions, performed by the same subject. Accordingly

its subject is that of the chief action. So it usually

refers to a nominative, if the chief verb is active,

or to an instrumental, if it is a passive. Nothing,

however, prevents its being referred to other cases , since

the main subject may occasionally be a gen., locat.,

dative etc.

1. Instances of the gerund referring to a nominative or to

an instrumental are so common as to be found on almost every

page. Pane. 3 wreft fr?lT rft vfcm sireTT riw msj dl-cMI(l-yH<4

tjrt faatrimsU l m (then the king having heard this promise, en-

trusted the princes to him and was highly satisfied with this),

here mm and HJTt§- refer to TTsfT; — Pane. 70 ^r H^r ft sra" irrdirMW

H^" |i|Q gf%cr qwT: qf^FHrarr; , the gerunds q^a and gf%qi refer to f^t-

2. Instances of the gerund referring to other noun-cases : 1. to

an ace us. E. 3, 41, 18 a irHH =5 ^ff fgrfs froTT stare (be aware

that yourself will be lost, when seizing Sita) ; — 2. to a genitive.

Nala 3;14 FTOT sjhsr asff snwit -^i^iRi-Ita (his love increased as

soon as he had beheld the fair one), Pane. 69 q HpgH wrf*PTCTOr

OTq^fdPrd r TRTrr (it does not befit mylord to go before having ex-

plored his strength); — 3. to a dative. Kumaras. 2, 18 ^uid^STFr-

yWrfRWTax5^rsT sr=

'

JF5"^'' (welcome to y°u

>mignty ones

)

who uphold your oflBces by your power); — 4. to a locative. Pane.

125 oTR^ ST5R ^foTT 5TTg &3?rffT, the loc. is the absolute one: »as

298 § 380—381.

the monkey having brought the fan , was fanning". — The subject

of the gerund is comparatively often a genitive or a locative

,

owing to the frequent employment of the dative-like genitive (129)

and of the absolute locative. For the rest, it is only from the

context, that the subject of a given gerund is to be known. That

f. i. Bhoj. 96 ^3T p^TT yi(Mn} farErpgrf^Hnifeaj spsfT ymm-fTf arfrsr-

^PRT ch'

ifa^ |^t in^ the gerund s^srr refers to cfJTftH, but

Z^ST to ttsTT, can be learned no otherwise.

3. The gerund may even refer to a subject not expressed,

but understood. Utt. IV, p. 72 ^mijpu sH^f arear: , from the con-

text it is plain, that ForaT is implied. Likewise Nagan. V, p. 91

^t gUTT^ aRif cmriwrrsfq' sicW jr q(|rdsy tFvk [sc. foWt]- Or to a

general subject, as f. i. E. 3, 48, 23. Cp. 379 V).

Eem. Like the participles, the gerund may serve to express

different logical relations, as is evident from these examples. Dag.

149 HldRi fTWift" HHsifeiT 4WllPi uftsianiT (I shall not rise before

having learned what this really is), E. 3, 21, 10 rl l-n4t Mfdril^ l- ••

.

H^i^mJl -sud^m (token I saw great fear arose within me), Pane.

Ill, 77 35Tcf> qqfrf cfijoTT f%T ^T: faf<kiI(d<mfH (what profit shall we

have, if we make the owl our king?). Cp. 362.

381. Not always the gerund can be said to denote a past

eipr™- action , done previously to the chief action. Sometimes

si^ui°-

fthere is simultaneousness. E. 3, 43, 9 ^j gemfr *\&*& uEhoi iJ

taneous' Slf%fwTTi3orrEr aki) here rfmjn and adium are simultaneous,ness. ^ o -^

»Laxmana thus speaking and dissuading her." Cp. Dag. 159 ^q- srr

R R^4lryoC4H i^jrti chM vroii-jrehftiArf ^5T. frtwfri (by what cause do

you keep apart, not caring for the feast, as if longing for some-

body?), ibid. 182 5^ U&H4.WUI [MtHoHMfM^-qu radial nfridM l Ei (by

your orders I guard the cemetery and in virtue of this function

it is there that I dwell). — Cp. also the idiom, taught 203.

Hence the gerund, in the same way as the parti-

ciple of the present (378), may even attend such verbs

as *H*fT, Irl^ItT, <^rl r\ , to signify a continuous action.

Kumaras, 1, 1 tjdfq^ fftaftyt cfm^r fwrr. "jfaarr ^sr hh^uj : (ex-

§ 381-382. 299

tending to both oceans , the eastern and the western, [Mount Hima-

laya] stands as the measuring stick of the earth). Dae. 177 gspfr-

(T-4d)fir ofrTH' (he is the foremost of all the townsmen '), M. 7, 195

3*rrajlf|niy)fT (he [the king] must keep the enemy inTested).

Rem. Occasionally the gerund is even expressive of a predi-

cative attribute. R. 3, 19, 4 ckmhibi ' KUHHrfi giro "T^ sraiH (he

is unaware, he has fastened the rope of Death round his neck),

Malav. V, p. 124 g^r i T^Wm^frOFraT wr^ngr "Tskrf^: ewrtHTrr ^Shh

(my friend, you only think so from Dh. having acted up to mydesire by her former actions !). R. 2, 73,4 a^MW-frl ST 'ftm forasrSoTTT.

382. ii, 1^ other gerund , that in "^T^T, is as to its originGerund "^

in°=gir. the ace. of a verbal noun. It denotesj some concomitant

action and is comparatively seldom employed. Whenput twice , it is expressive of repeated or uninterrupted action. ? 3

>4>

Dag. 30 srnrsarft <t«wiM MMUirHrHiu ri^ufyrjw-jHwiioiuif sttopst-

5RHyrlj%piWTOT <rcr -ui(kflrtHlH^ (the .king of Lata always hearing

of the matchless beauty of the daughter of the monarch —),

ibid. 95 jr itei l^ l tdld.M (savouring without interruption 2).

For the rest the gerund in $pr is limited to standing phrases

,

at least in classic Sanskrit. Panini (3, 4, 25— 64) gives a list of

them. Of the kind are 1'. 3, 4, 29 ch-u i ^if smiWt (as soon as he

sees a girl , he woos her), ibid. 52 mafield yjBrf^ (after rising from

his couch he runs) , ibid. 50 Ama i^ Jrar^ (v- a. they fight seizing

each other by the hair), Dag. .144 aloim^-m^hsp^ (I captured him

alive) cp. P. 3, 4, 36, Mudr. II, p. 76 ijnwiH ^fT: (was killed by

lumps of earth) cp. P. 3, 4, 37, Mhbh. 1, J 54, 30 Q(&m3q srsTTs; WTUttmuntmtlH (he pressed him violently to the earth and killed him

as one slaughters a victim), Kumaras. 4, 26 ^-^sim^ ?rerR (she

beat her breast, injuring her bosom), cp. P. 3, 4, 55. Likewise

1) Cp. pTrlH with tlie instrumental 67 E. 1.

2) The same purpose is served by putting twice the gerund in °fsn.

Pat. passim SF^TrJffc^T TtTpPfT iraff^T (frogs move by jumping). See P.

3, 4, 22 and cp. Pane. II, 100.

300 § 382—384.

srhrirmT = fTKtnT HorfH, see f. i. Viddhac. II, p. 36, From the archaic

dialect I add Ait. Br. 1, 21, 11 a^nHaaiaMdiRH^I^Pi^u i iiJ l 3?fTIrT

(he deposits in him the mental and motive powers, while calling

each member by its name), cp. P. 3, 4, 58. In all these expres-

sions the gerund is the final member of a compound. — Another ^ '

idiom is the employment of it with crsfiT) usj*^ or gjr, then both

the gerund in °gir and that in "feu are available , as cwWtsl^ (or

wstt) 5TsriH(he eats first, then he goes).

Kern. Upon the whole the gerund in °^m is oftener used in the

archaic dialect of the brahmanas , than afterwards , and it is even in

such cases as are not specialized by Panini. Ait. Br. 2, 19, 7 y^yiiT-

riH-igj.il i h (if he pronounces them piecemeal), Qat. Br. 12, 8, 3, 7

srftTOTf Hi^faH l f.(people will go and see in crowds). — Pan.

3, 4, 12 speaks of the gerund in °gq with the verb gig* as a

vaidik idiom. Maitr. S. 1, 6, 4 gfif a" Son fairm HiuichoM — fawir

^l lUlgid^ Cp. TBr. 1, 1, 5, 6.

Chapt. VII. Infinitive.

383. Sanskrit infinitive is a much employed form. Itp,

jo;

3'

kriHn- serves to denote aim and purpose , almost to any extent

itfem- and without restriction. As a rule , the infinitive in

ment. fT*T may be put to any predicate, just as the dative

of the purpose, to which it is equivalent. In 87 wehave quoted a striking instance of this eqiiivalence

,

gak. I ^rH^TTJTFT 5p W ^ ST^THHUlfa. other

examples of the infinitive being expressive of the aim may be Mhbh.

1, 160, 15 rr =et q- fsraff &# ^Fiij J^j fff%r^ (an<l I have no money

to buy some man somewhere), E. 2, 52, 9 risr fTrf qimiufciH i

'

^TfyjriT (here is a ship for you to cross the river), Dag. 40 g^r-

aipfcf R^-rf ij^qid: ch fe^Mm RM-rdH (I devise some gentle means

for killing that scoundrel), R. 1, 42, 24 ftt H wrfm iisHM TOnfatjf^FT: (I know no one but Qiva, to bear her [the Ganga]).

384. Sanskrit infinitive, like ours, acts in some degree

as a complement to the main predicate. Panini enjoins

§ 384. 301

its being put to words of being able, venturing, knowing, P-3.4,

being irksome, being fit , undertaking, taking

,going , tole-

rating, deserving, being met with, those of sufficing , beingp 8 4

a match for, and in such phrases as : there is an oppor- ™-

'

tunilg, a time for doing something. Of course, these \\%3'

injunctions do not exhaust the sphere of the infinitive's

employment , and may easily be enlarged. With the

verbs of wishing the infinitive is likewise mentioned by \^s '

Panini , but as he adds in express terms, provided that

the subjects of both the infinitive and the verb of wishing

are the same.Examples: Mhbh. 1, 150, 23 n^ ^ wm: (we cannot go), Pane.

70 5^ tfrTW srts Wr: (who is able to sustain your splendour?),

Kumaras. 4, 11 ojyfd fer cmPhj fijtinxoig^ H Tqffin sr fssrr: (who,

except you, my beloTed [Kama], has the power of conducting

the loving maidens to their lovers?); — Ven. I, p. 36 ^jji Mch i u i oi l

-rTi

<roi% fd-dfiri qfliiHl: I7ITIT7WT: (the sons of Pandu are skilled

in acquitting themselves on the battle-field); — Mrcch. VIII, p.

256 ^chi faTStjfNnJtaTHiT^ (it is difficult to change poison into medi-

cine); — Pane. 315 ^ rsrt umu iH : (I have come to you in order

to ask), E. 2, 96, 17 %jon ?p7 SRHrfrT (he approaches in order to kill

us) ; — Pane. 195 sh tT^&HTT^syT: (all began to deliberate), Prabodh.

I, p. 7 qfqaj i niiijqrj ferft^irT'WTOr ^T»T: (it is his intention to esta-

blish his sway on the earth), Dag. 112 usrrcm^ ^ctiHU i^Jl -N i ^O ff

fertT; (you are decided to cross to-day the shoreless ocean of sorrow),

E. 3, 9, 25 ^ chmseH srr grrcrf. reran gfsaf %rr ^h psraT^(you

never should make up your mind to kill —) ; — E. 2, 44, 26 qj^f ?£[

STtf%7T 5JH (you do not deserve to mourn); _ Dag. 178 ^3H fifffq'

(I feel ashamed to live) ; — Kumaras. 5, 2 ttjut *tt 5^Tj^(she wished to

make); — Qak. VI siiw^ =T «lriMi %g f%3rrfrmft (my tears, however,

do not allow me to see her even in a picture), Malav. II, p. 45 jrsr

q^taf^TTT nJl UMdorTlchfliH* smzi: fmrn^ (Sire, do me the favour

of looking now at my dramatic performance) ; — Dag. .203 m* i^=sr STUB

1 (he gets a bath and food).

302 § 384—386.

With cFTT5T and the like, f. i. Nala 20, 11 ^rm oh \ v\\ IdcrtRsIrN )

Qak. VII foTTfq^T^ar •Ptird.niHM^H^T^i j> umfo (I am looking out

for an opportunity of introducing you to the teacher of Indra),

Vikram. V, p. 172 gf^f ronrr ^j [wj mwi__ RhI-W-I -I I Ri ij wm:.

Rem. 1. Among the words of sufficing, the particle jtq-

r is to be

noticed. It is used with infin. sometimes in its proper sense

of sbeing enough," as M. 2, 214 aQaJM+M 5T^r [-UUujEi m ~r:i

ER5T ^Iftw RFPT, sometimes also tJ^q with infin. expresses pro-

hibition, just as iffcrfl* with gerund (353, R. 1). R. 3, 59, 14^ flra;-

oTflt——T^

(do not despair), Mrcch. Ill, p. 106 -g^r Wtsti ET^HffSgij. In

the same way -j^jt with infin. Mudr. Ill, p. 107 itoRT: fm thcrU^oi tlUH

oi i -^iH^tTl: ^^KJ i e^nJHM ('why should you worry your voice and mind

by striving for success?).

Rem. 2. Instances of an infinitive with a verb of remembering

may occur now and then. In this case the infin. is expressive of a

past action, previously done by the same subject. ').

385. When depending on a noun, the infinitive is not

being allowed to be compounded with it, save the nounsused in _____com- ^H*T andnn-. Bahuvrihis made up of infin.-)- either of them

poun s.

are ften used. Malat. Ill, p. 49 -

TchF^. Hp-mmtp-i lH-h lM l RH (I wish to

tell something worth telling), Mhbh. 1, 146, 16 rnrpj trnff STycFfnr:

in")xH : (P. desires to burn me), Pane. 71 f% dfhiH f l~—

T (what

do you intend to say?).

386. The infinitive has preserved its original nature of

charac- being a noun-case. The only difference , that exists be-

tween it and the datives and locatives 2) of nouns of

1) Ot this idiom prof. Kern has pointed oat to me some passages,

borrowed from an inedited Buddhistic work , written in good Sanskrit , the

Jdtaka-mdld (see Hodgson, Essays p. 17). Somebody, who has practised

the virtue of ahimsd, says of himself M4) (Im ~f illrHM JI?T: ETTtrt-f&T

feTi~_J --ufMs1Hlffi Hf%~T mfoRT F<(Mrj fif^^T- Another, famous for

his munificence declares rr f^r W(IUir£HUindM WI_ll(3<4ufy^rHWlfini

f^lficrfiflE?riMj:-slHi WM^-illR *JWlRf aRfjsT (v. a. I do not remember

to have disappointed the expectation of those , who came to me as supplicants).

2) When depending on substantives, the noun of action may also be

a genitive (HO), f- i- ~H3T: n~~~f or lUMWIil or jr$r& or TOTifJtT;

§ 386—387. 303

action in "99R", °?T, "jrT etc., is that the latter are con-

strued with the genitive of their object , but the in-

finitive with the accusative. For the rest, they are

synonymous. It is the same, whether one says ^TSJ"

FPJ or m??T FTPTFT mjvifo, mJV orsTrf ?TtTrT.

Rem. A gen. of the krtya, doing duty as inf., is rare. Pane. 242

^TW dfhajtt] cfrrar: (it is now no time for telling it), l). Cp. omj_

with krtya 389 R.

387. Like the nouns of action, the infinitive by itself

tiv"

1" neither belongs to the active voice nor to the passive.

pTsTwf ft may De construed with both classes of verbal forms

,

an^to an^ seems to have an active meaning , when it is theb

deredcomplement of an active verb , but a passive , when

*J% of a passive. Pane. 258 we read TO ^H r& JFffT,

En- sc. ^HRfFT, which is just as good as ^T2f ^I^T^fTucT

rT^ JTtPT; in the former sentence the subject is denoted

by an instrumental, in the latter by a nominative, but

in both it is the self-same infinitive, that completes

the finite verb. Likewise it is equally correct to say

to^ to wrk as sr£ Wtfr ^5" to>t.o ^ o ^Instances of the infinitive attending in this manner a passive,

are exceedingly frequent with sfcWH'j vjm:, SjcRPT (388), occasio-

nally also with other verbs. Hit. 6 r^r sftfflr Ul^fiiy; WcW'H (by

me they can be taught politics), R. 2, 86, 11 rr 4dRj|: sh: srgir.

mnfriH Hjjif (he cannot be withstood by all the devas and asuras to-

gether); — Prabodh. VI, p. 119 er: SFrf^.-.. • ^%TT £l*ftaijj'T

1) The krtya doing duty as noun of action is an idiom not rarely

found in the prakrts. Especially in the type, represented by this pas-

sage of <?ak. I cfTT FTC fay (retoolW ^Rf^doiyH 5TT (v.a. who are you, that you

should dismiss me or stop me?).

304 § 387—388.

(how many have not endeavoured to bring me into bondage ?),

Viddhag. I, p. 15 yrrfitH ^r qif^Hl f% ^^J^jp. (J-could not hold her,

much less appease her). Cp. also Kumaras. 7, 57. This idiom is even

used in such sentences, as Hit. 50 ^jrnra^TTfBT •sfTi&sr Hd i Pi^fgH :

(it is you who have been chosen to be anointed king in this forest),

and Mudr. Ill, p. 106: Candragupta has sent for his minister Cana-

kya. "When arrived, the minister asks the king, for what reason

he has been sent for ; after hearing the reason , he replies 5fcrsr i -jcnr-

^rsir rlf^ cnTTTfrTT: (then I have been ordered here to be upbraided).

Eem. With those participles in fT> which have sometimes an

active and sometimes a passive meaning, the infinitive is ac.

cordingly used in both senses. Cp. (passive) Pane. 275 csnn f^rdr-szr

Crlrch l 5MH,W i HHi{s>few with (intransitive) Pane. 276 ^m ffj- ^ qirdl

oH<h?1lPl U-riEirdl ireTJTT^syT- Of sf3f, however, there exists a partic.

mfeiH iwhich is exclusively to be used with an infinitive in the

passive voice, whereas srar is always active 1). Likewise srinfT, not

Orr, is put to the infinitive , when bearing a passive meaning. Mhbh.

1, 154, 9 -error g- zfimt ^ Iter uif*nt twr-

388. The krtya 5T^T may be construed in two manners.Infill.

with It is equally correct to say *T WR' —, STF ST^F ?T£"R"

as ^1<=W $T (or £TT) £^H „one can see him or her."

In the latter case ^1^^ *s a neuter and remains un-

changed. There is even room for a third idiom , which

is effected by construing ^T^TT with the instrum. of

its subject and the accusat. of its object, as H\^H HMI

rT (or FTT) S^.Examples of the indeclinable w$m} a.\ with nom. Maiav. Ill,

1) Kac. on P. 7, 2, 17 teaches the form srfifiiT for the passive, but he

adds, that snrr may also be used even then: yVluil: chMfui Rtfl'ji <tlchf|-

rfa-^Prl (olehc^milehrfl EfT: 5i?JlT I STSTt XV. 3ir|iT, but when impersonal

passive, one always says gjsi, ibid, irrg- ^ wsiwsr I SHfiiPTR'.

§ 389. 305

p. 85 ^sr ymuoifll srr =T f% SToragirf^g J^frTT (for, being so loving , she

mnstnol, be disdained in her anger), Dag. 58 g$ioTJf| i|f<x^i fsm<UM-=eK ^st ^Lsifiirj^ (these lips cannot be kissed against my will),

K. 2, 62, 16 SIERITTTfTTrT: ?rli| M^l(1 i^q^H: I idWjmlfirl i sffcPT: $<jttH1

sfq- =7 ^mm; — b), with instrum. Pat. I, p. 39 rH i u icw oIUhiuhJAh

niolH-M^ (there not a single letter can be meaningless), R. 3, 40, 4

rdi,\dr>m ft rrf sicfj U^ Jjzm Hgrr (but your words cannot withhold

me from the struggle with Kama).

389. Another similar turn is the infinitive with ^fPFT

with (it is fit, it suits). If neither the subject nor the object of

3^' the action befitting is expressed , there is no difficulty ; one

should needs say f.i. ^"*T^TFl«c fETTrT^T, no other turn of

phrase being available. But when the subject or object

or both of them are to be expressed, there is variety

of idioms. 1. The object may be an accusative; 2. the

object may be a nominative construed with ^rfFT; 3 the

object may be a nominative, whose gender and number

are transferred also to the adjective *TWT. As to the

subject, it is put in the instrumental or in the geni-

tive; ') the latter seems to be more frequent.

Examples: 1 of njRir with an accus. Mudr. I, p. 30 tj q#r uichrHfcl

fTqHoi-dlrW (it is not judicious to disdain even a mean enemy), Varah.

Brhats. 47, 2 i^t oi(l^fcfi,(^ =7

g

rhMdrchJH ("V. ought not to treat

the same matter again), Mhbh. I, Paushyap. 118 q ji?tr Hoirll-Wlfa

r3T ufdU l'lO <i IHM (it does not become you , after having given un-

clean food, to return the curse);

2. of HTfiJT with a nomin. Mhbh. I, Paushyap. 106 q- g^r

UbiH I^HHHlq-cllTH^ (it is n°t right that you should treat me with

lies);2)'

1) Cp. the promiscuousness of gen. and instr. with the krtyas (86 R.).

2) Cp. this prakrt-passage of Cakuntalalll sT?f *T flf^trliyl *)[%hR.<.

— skrt. Uft+IWT Htfmmtsfti^ t^rfr-

20

306 § 389—390.

3. of HT3f agreeing in gender and number with the nomin.

Kathas. 22, 169 htsvt qfi iiWjM l *TT (v. a. she suits me as a wife),

with Eem. 1. In the same ' way nxym with infinitive admits of two"Uttl

' constructions. Sometimes it is a neuter with the ace. of the ob-

ject , as E. (Gorr.) 6, 38, 28 tx rprnr ssrir ^ttet amMcH (it is not

allowed to curse one's own grand-son in this manner), sometimes

it is construed with a nomin. of the object, the gender and number

of which itself adopts, and the instrum. of the subject, as Bagh.

2, 55 ifo ^rran wa ^-cifug itoTtt: (it is right she should be

released from you by me).

with Eem. 2. With the turn gjRJT with nomin. may be compared01 (1 the nominative with infinitive , attending such adverbs as a^isjHHaud -

"^

3TOjg_ and srpj. Kumaras. 2, 55 f^u^fr sTq ^snzt mil ^amjiuri*^ (even a

poisonous tree should not be cut down by him, who has reared*""

it) ; — Malav. Ill, p. 55 3f%?r: tiuiJl at foi^WHM^ (it iB better, that

a love to which one is accustomed, should be repressed —), Dag.

94 cui-ikm iFlmEiriH (it is better to defend ourselves). "With crpr

one may also meet with the nom. of the krtya almost doing duty

as infin., f. i. Nagan. IV, p. 58 sr^^

idN^ l: Mchia'l JFrlsm^ (better is

it to go to the encounter of the princess).

390. The original nature of the infinitive has not been

racter obscured in Sanskrit. It has everywhere the character

°triT rather of an adverb , than of a noun '). Not only on

^™" account of its etymology, but also of its standing in

some degree outside the common system of declension

and conjugation, it may be called the counterpart of

the Lat. supine 8). It has no voices , no tenses. It

nowhere serves to express the subject, predicate orob-

1) In vernacular grammar the infinitive always ranks with the avyaya-

class. Likewise the gerund.

2) Occasionally , even the employment of Latin supine borders on that

of Sanskrit infinitive. Cp. such phrases as venatum eunt, spectatum

veniunt with Skrt. SfsTf^ Utafi'T, SBTTTTrf! $h)Qr^j>

§ 390. 307

ject of a sentence 1

). In such sentences as „to give is

better than to receive," Sanskrit avails itself of diffe-

rent idioms, chiefly by using nouns of action, but

avoids using the infinitive2

).

Rem. 1. Sometimes the 3d person of the present or the optative may

be equivalent to our infinitive. Pane. II, 51 ^fn nidi i s^llri Jl^i-

*nwrfFT 'J^frriipM*r iftsTOH ^ST zTsfstv u)(HcriTdm*^(to give, to receive,

to tell one's secret, to ask it, to be guest and host, these are

the six tokens of friendship). Op. R. 3, 47, 17 j^tr- srfrii i sp'ijIrHnJ'

OTJ -dMcHMj^rT^ sn^OT ^ih«i offf U.Tq*prW{_ (to give, not to receive,

to speak the truth , not to speak falsehood , this is the sublime vow

,

o brahman, practised by Rama).

Rem. 2. Sanskrit has not the turn: accusative with infinitive 3).

1) In such expressions as Qyn' jftfJfT, 5WTT jftW^we may speak of

the infinitive as the subject and object of the finite verb, but this is

o nly so from a logical point of vi'ew ; and it is , indeed , not considered so by

Sanskrit-speakers.

2) F. i. 5TT ufcm^lRRlWf or jft S^riH ?m ufrill^lft rW)£<i,A(toHL

or aY zj4 =r 3 trfmr^:-

3) Jolly, Geschichte des Infinitivs , p. 253 sq. asserts its existence. He

quotes but two examples : Kathas. 20, 172 ^|tfM SnH3J£sr and Sav. 5, 10 =Mhbh. 3, 297, 102 qf ^ ^fdrjfa-Sfffa- In the latter passage both the Calc.

and the Bomb, edition of the Mhbh. read qt ^ atd-dPi and in the

former ffTrFl is an obvious misprint for STPtPT- The participle is in both

cases indispensable. So Kac. on P. 3, 3, 158 after giving -gsffi qtaiq

(he wishes to eat) as an example of the infinitive, contrasts with this

the participial idiom §oRj* i^MR-^lrf zra^: (Mr. B. wishes Mr. A.

to eat). — Likewise R. 3, 24, 13 ed. Bomb. qfd^Rrtrjft-^lR qf| STIcWPU.

fgtrr the text is corrupt, the correct reading being nfic^pwyi nor is the

infin.. t|fHchRHH^ hut jri^vrBHJJT; A fourth instance would be Dae. 104

q irftrr aNgTN-imiMa r q1

*prf7f qt atfag[ ay-H«r-*j! (if I do not obtain

this beautiful maiden, the God of Love will not suffer me to live),

yet as qmfd is as a rule construed with ace. and participle (see but

Mhbh. 1, 145, 9, M. 8, 346, Mhbh. 1, 95, 68, ibid. 4, 16, 28), I am convinced

we have here likewise an error in the text, and D5RW must be put

308 § 390-392.

Verbs of perceiving, thinking, telling etc. are construed with the

accusative with participle (374).

391. The infinitive in °ot is the sole remnant of a great many

finiti-"similar forms , which existed in the ancient language , especially

Tes- in the old dialect of the Vaidik mantras. Whitney , Sanskr. Gramm.

§ 970 gives a detailed account of them. All of them are oblique

cases of nouns of action. "We call them infinitives, because they

share the construction of the verb , from which they are derived.

Most of them were obsolete as early as the period of the brah-

mana-works, some indeed survived, but adopted the construction

of the nouns. In such passages f. i. as Rgv. 9, 88, 2 g- f ^rr

=T tj^tlliJlQ q^: gsf&T OTrnr oIhPi (like a much-bearing chariot he

has been horsed, the mighty one, to bring us abundant boons),

we are inclined to call qTrTCT an infinitive, for it has its object

put in the accusative; likewise still Ait. Br. 2, 1, 1 a-^ka F*Rl4_-

fihBTTT: MiHlrU , since pJiRjH is the object of y^iird. But in such

passages as Ait. Br. 2, 17, 8 Wrar <riWm MUKU (in order to gain

heaven), the object is a genitive, and ^Hfeti can no more be called

infinitive. Now, the genitive with them is predominant in the

brahmanas and afterwards it is the sole idiom.

392. Two old infinitives, however, are still employed in the brahmanas,

•

lD

oi.those in °ffT: and in °r&. Of the latter I have even met with an in-

,' stance in a writer of so comparatively recent a date , as Patanjali ').

°f^. 1. The infinitives in °ffh are either genitives or ablatives. "When

genitives , they are hardly found unless depending on §mr ')• The

phrase STErr with genitive in °fft: means »able to" or »liable to."

instead of dlidrW ; I should not wonder, if the good reading were found

in mss.

1) Pat. I, p. 2 mn^ dl^lUM rr t^Hd ^ITVUlRiHa - The infln. is

here equivalent to the krtya, according to what is prescribed by Panini

(3, 4, 14).

2) 1 know but one instance of a genitive depending on another word.

Ait. Br. 2, 20, 21 JTsftsfrRTmsTrT ([if he] should strive after obtaining glory).

In another passage Ait. Br. 6, 30, 7 the interpretation of the inf. lirtldl:

§ 392—393. 309

It must be remarked that in this idiom Tsar sometimes agrees

with its subject in gender and number, sometimes the masc. fsar:

is used irrespective of the gender and number of its subject, as if

it were an indeclinable wood. Ait. Br. 1, 10, 2 jssitt |^f f^ ar

fl-A l PJi oTT irfwT: (they are able to check him or to crush him),

ibid. 1, 30, 11 ^ssrfr ^ art ^ft' uswm P^fyHl: ; — ibid. 3, 48, 8 ^ssrft

^TOT fa% 5oTT srpfft: (it may be that the gods are not gratified

by his offering), Qat. Br. 5, 1, 1, 9 Ttmmj;: crtt uiqluyt nf&rft:.

When ablatives, they are employed after the prepp. ^t and

q-ry. Then, however, they are commonly construed with the ge-

nitive of their object. Ait. Br. 2, 15, 9 qjy 3tr$\ UoiR.Hl^'^y: [™-

uncoil*!], ibid. 7, 2, 6 w\ «l(lj> imwi^HI:-

2. The infinitive in °HoT is said by Panini to be synonymous 14'

'

with the krtyas. This statement is confirmed by what we know

about them from the ancient texts. In the Qatapatha they are

much used , less often in similar works. Cat. Br. JT^rRT^aor yuin

(he must order the roots to be cut off.)

393. Both classes of infinitives also admit of an other construction.

The subject "etc. of those in °fTt: and the object of those in °fT5T may

be put in the same case, which is represented by the infinitive,

but difference of number, when existing , remains. Apast. in Saya-

na's comment on Ait. Br. 2, 15, 15, p. 260 of Aufrecht's ed. cr^r arsr.

qjT srr srcfter: ua fefiV. (— before the crying of birds), ibid. 2, 7, 6

|saft 1TW srrat ^wft jrf^rfr: (verily, his voice is liable to be-

come the voice of a raxas), ibid. 2, 1, 3 zrT-ssr STrOWT Win (to

overthrow him, whom he is willing to overthrow 1

).

Rem. A third class of infinitives, those in "V:, which we are

entitled to call infinitives of the aorist , as they are made of the most

contracted form of the root , are occasionally construed in the same

way, f. i. the vaidik phrase q-^r strfwi STTtp;: quoted by Kag. on P.

3, 4, 17. Other instances may be met with in the Egveda-mantras.

seems somewhat doubtful to me; the words UrilHll-Hl^are likely to

mean »I am , indeed, able to understand" , as if ^ScT^: should be supplied.

1) Cp. the well known idiom of Latin gerundivum. And even Latin

affords instances of concord in gender and case, but disagreement in

number. Cic. Philipp. 5, 3, 6 facultas agrorum suis latronibus condonandi.

310 § 394—395.

SECTION V.

SYNTAX OF THE PARTICLES.

394 After treating the syntax of nouns and verbs, we

now come to the words which are devoid of inflection.

Part of them , indeed , have already been dealt with , viz.

the adverbs in Ch. I of the Third, and the prepo-

sitions in Ch. IX of the Second Section. The rest

are the so-called particles , most of them old little words

as ^T, T«5, 3T, ^r, WT, whereas some others, as

=hlM*1, rTF?Fr, ^*T, are petrified noun-cases. As to

the employment of the particles, they serve different

purposes , but they may be brought under two general

heads: modality and connection. When modal, they are

expressive of emphasis , negation , interrogation , excla-

mation and the like , when connective they are wanted

to connect either whole sentences or parts of them.The distinction between these two classes of particles is, however,

not an essential one. The same word may be sometimes a modal,

sometimes a connective. So gfr may be a particle of interroga-

tion, but also of copulation, etc commonly a disjunctive, serves

occasionally to express emphasis. And so on.

Sanskrit likes putting together and even combining

two or more particles.

Chapt. I. Particles of emphasis and limitation.

395. Affirmative sentences do not want to be marked as

such by special particles, as is necessary with nega-

tive and interrogative sentences. Yet, strong affirma-

tion , so-called emphasis , is expressed by such words as

§ 395—396. 311

pSdcEn§lish indeed, surely, verily, viz. T^tfJ, f%FT, SjR^T

parti-

cles.

S315^, f^TFFT, flrZR or in full ^t^r^FT. Of them,

STI^T and the rest rather bear the character of such ad-

verbs, as „certainly, undoubtedly." Mudr. VII, p. 223 mmivtf??rfT ^orrfer, Dae. 93 fotot R^h - • . a^ti^ gg-:-

Eem. 5tt^ is especially used in answers vyes, indeed". Kathas.

24, 67 one asks qif%w!7T m ch-i^(l g^T, the other answers ;sn£

ERTT m ^irft' <p?r. »Yes" is also ftot. Kathas. 81, 19 the king asks

his attendant to fetch him some water, the other answers fraTJ

in full , he would have said fierr fjazfa ijemrrariH gcTi, of which sen-

tence all hut rTOT is understood. Sometimes the relative sentence

Jraiirimufd etc. is expressed, but the rest understood. — ^tt %*tis also — »yes" 2

). Mudr. II, p. 78 q- w^ fsrftriTCT fHsHH^ l U l cfarFTcFT^r i ftn fiiTq^ (Eaxasa asks : the accursed Canakya does not knowthey dwell in Patalip., does he? Answ. Ves, he does).

396. ^% *FJ» T^5 >fe^> *W*f are the most Sequent

emphatic particles. The last three of them are not

put at the head , but *T^FT and *T^T are usually the

first word of the sentence, at least in prose. Dae. 130

-H^yi yimPiOTf: RiH'R) ^5 mR<-hh, Pane. 204 rjTj ^oWrarTl'-swT^r

(— but now, indeed, I did not remember it), ibid. I HqlcHMp -

Mudr. V, p. 173 5rfSi*i|q^ ^rnr PuOnyiifa g^rar h^iu^-i^m*^

tjtt is properly an interrogative, which does duty as an em-

phatic 2).

Rem. 1. The said emphatics are of course not wholly syno-

1) Literally, as it seems, »but how [do you doubt of it?]". Cp. Latin

Rogas f

2) Yet q^r accompanies even the imperative. Kumaras. 4, 32 ^ iff

error *ira

312 § 396—397.

nymous, the slight differences which exist between them, making

it occasionally necessary to use one and to avoid another. It is also

to be observed, that sometimes and in some degree the emphatics

may act as a kind of connectives, in as far as they, too, are

a means for linking sentences together. In the example quoted

from Pane. 204 , qrr may be called with some right a causal par-

ticle, likewise *sc?r and fg^r in the two, quoted from Qak. I. On the

other hand, the connective {^ is sometimes a mere emphatic.

Bern. 2. Emphatic particles are sometimes used in an ironical

sense, especially qrrr and fSfm- See f. i. Kumaras. 5, 32.

991- Ancient literature abounds in emphatic particles,

many of which are obsolete in the classic dialect. Besides

^"rcf, *TFT, T«c, we meet in archaic and epic works

with%, ^, FT, g, 3, 3rT, o(T. Often these little

particles only slightly strengthen the sense , and rather

serve either to enhance the dignity of the style or to

t^ jf"fill up the metre. Then we may call them expletives').

But they are not always used in this way, and each

of them at the outset had its proper meaning.Accumulation of them is not rare, as ^ ^q, ^ g-, 3 (prft etc.

Eem. 1. if is especially used to lay stress on the word im-

mediately preceding. It is excessively frequent both in liturgical

and in epic writings. Still Fatanjali used it sometimes. Pat. 1, p.

107 «ct,M*i sjfa Ir tftayiif: M*4*l Uorfer (nay, even intransitives

become transitives, when compound). But afterwards it seems to

be obsolete, at least in prose. — &j — §• is occasionally found

in epic poetry.

Eem. 2. ^ and 3H are much liked at the end of a pada , the

former after a finite verb, jpt in the phrase jCtqfT. But they may

1) And so does vernacular grammar. Even as ancient an author as Yaska

knows of particles which serve MI^MJUI.

§ 397—398. 313

also have other places; ^ is very frequent in the brahmana as

well as in the epics. ')

Rem. 3. Some , as mudH and arsr j are found in the brahmanas

,

but not in the epics. The emphatic and also restrictive particle^is often met with in the mantras and in the Qatapathabr., f%fT>

fir and sfirr are restricted to the mantras.

398, The enclitic T£^ is put after a word, in order to

^ denote : even this , not anything else. We may , there-

fore , call ^oT a restrictive. It is exceedingly frequent

,

being hardly ever omitted, when any stress, however

slight , is to be laid on a word. Pane. 212 g-^sr chi^m ifq

(I myself will do it), Malav. I, p. 18 yylvWtr 5TTif JT^-fyrrej ^r^TCT-

5TTR^ (one is able to undertake a difficult task, only with a com-

panion), Qak. I 3^^or USTHlii - gpsgffcfer (the very sight of the

ladies honours me), Pane. 186 R riWoi t^tlUlM MHrtilWrMtrl*^ gr^fFT,

Mhbh. 1, 163, 11 Hidimba forbids Bhima to eat, but the other,

not caring for this, continues eating jtksi fTiRTpir iT3j[T ^5T qjT^r:,

Kathas. 30, 3 q-j=rf g-lsr a<THT unf^rfmrf^Tttf i WW sTCTPT- As appears

from the instances quoted , Oof admits of manifold translations ; it is

often not translated at all. After pronouns it is sometimes —sthe same, the very." Nala 2, 12 ^HfojH sr EjJTSFr (at that very

time), Pane. 324 ^Jor (at the same time). Cp. 277.

Rem. 1. In poetry nsr is sometimes omitted. R. 3, 25, 39 qrs^TT

sr^wt^Tferg^rT w^-aMW i (Sichej^fTu'r qs?rf^T p^raftrT srpfsTrr:, here

the scholiast is right in expounding fsrsiWlilWoi, »the raxasas

did not see him charging his arrows nor discharging them, they

saw him only keeping his bow bent [so swiftly Rama was shoot-

ing]." So Varah. Togay. 1, 18 usrfft t°rg<TOr fafe: = v" torgrrersr

f%fe, cp. Keen's annot. in the Indi Stud. X, p. 200.

1) P. 8, 1, 60 mentions ^, when denoting disapproval at some infrin-

gement on good manners. Kac. illustrates this rule a. o. by the example

55TJT f T^FT ;rrfm 3<4tmi£ ^iFh mrdH. In this sense also 5Tf is used

[P. 8 1 61], moreover, when orders are given to different persons at the

same time, f. i. roPT^ STPT TTEf l FoPT^rppf TF3$ (Kac.).

314 § 398-399.

Rem. 2. In the mantras jjj, SrT, fe?T, ^ may do the duty

Of ^5f.

399. The other restrictives are^FR, 1J^, ^TFFT and

ana^rnqn. Of these, ^T-FT-

and ~~T are — -only, at~^ least, but." Pane. 312 ^ ^fm r_r iTtrr AoM^fc , KatMs. 32, 143

jftJTSTwPT ~fl^TSTT JTsft RoTT HTZlf ^~rT rf^"~~ I rHM\<^ sjfS»MH6fl

^i*tl (SlacjiMirli Ti-

;

3TT~f. eh IMM mostly announces some adversative particle, being al-

most — »to be sure" (442 , 1°). It is but seldom used without

adversative sentence. Dae. 126 am^lEr: mii-^m wr^tei —q*r (if

you have intercourse with apsarases, so).

~~r- rll^rl has a peculiar employment. Properly it is

an elliptical phrase, for at the outset it must have

meant something like this: „as much [is certain]." Accor-

dingly it advances a statement which is asserted „at

all events" or „at least" or „before others." As it is

often an enclitic, the said translations are generally

too forcible. In expositions of many links one likes

to put rTfarl to the first of them , then it may be

compared with fr. -d'abord," cp. 439. It is also muchused in exhortations and with imperatives.

Examples: KatMs. 28, 60 g^f jiq^Hiotfoigifoi rf i ^ rild^ l^J) (o!

who may this beautiful woman be? She is, at all events, not

a mortal). Pane. 318 a brahman thus reflects q ficrufi'sj etc-

re-

f-

fjifiTBrri&irrcrf^; jpthir nsrfH' fi^tjt «m*iuii mnywrl (well,

this pot is

filled with porridge , now if there should be a famine , then —

)

;

ibid. 37 Damanaka says to Karataka 33737 HldidMaHHi rnfi' i^ fe-

tf~: teMmi{<4^<pT. ^rnrTll^T-sft qf^Tt ~{:i?rf?cf> fSia^r (*'»

the first place we have lost our influence , next our king has be-

come averse to his duty, and finally all his attendants are gone , what

is to be done in these circumstances ?), ibid. 23 H-aidrdH l ffi ~arir

ST-

; (therefore, I will know at least, whose voice it is). Mudr.

§ 399—401. 315

III, p. 114 jj^^pj^- pns^ £tarrri^ (only, give up the letter). Qak.

VI the king eagerly exclaims ^pr^loiH (my bow! — »I want to

have my bow and to have it soon") ; likewise Malav. I, p. 20 the king

greets the dancing-masters t^uiH iTsraTT, then turning to his

attendance he continues jjimh FTToR^firarTt:, cp. Vikram. V, p. 180

rTtH. Eem. fTTrT, an old emphatic particle, seems to be restricted to

poetry and almost to negative and interrogative sentences: ;r snH

»not at all." Sometimes it may be almost — sperchance, perhaps."

Kathas. 25, 24 gtTnliUirtH srst stm Frt drta- Sometimes fern is affixed

to it, see 402.

Chapt. II. Negation.

400. Sanskrit has three negative particles: ^T, ^TT and theNega-tive prefix 3TFD°. Of these the last mentioned is only usedparti- •"• --. ^

in compounds, ^TT is the special particle of prohibition.

401. The general negation is »T. It negatives as well single

j** words or notions as whole statements. In the formerIts

place Case it is put immediately before the word denied.

sen.Pane. 147 qfNnH*rol SP3TF STfrT (I have clearly experienced you to

tence. ^e an unfriend).

When denying the whole statement , one is tolerably

free where to put the negation. Commonly, two places are

preferred : either at the head of the whole sentence — so regu-

larly for rhetorical purposes, as in the case of antithesis, epanaphora,

also in emphatical denials — or just before the verb. Yet, as has

been said, any other place is admissible and very often met

with, especially in poets.

Examples: q- heading the sentence. Pane. 26 rr s^rtafr jt^fjt:

cht^rDfH =T Fsr hj faq i fdH : (a» m^n of superior rank do not feel

angry towards a wretch, he has not killed you), Mudr. IV, p.

137 7J iraT gf%pjfq- fa-dl^HI rim oTTcRrf^T'SfyiTrT: (though I have

been reflecting on it quite a while, I do not understand what

316 § 401—402.

it is , they speak of); — of ^ just before the verb : Pane. 48 hi Iuh)

5r#f =r mmich ) Hit. 95 ^samzft -s^n^r Dsrw ^Tfer-

anaphora: Pane. 1,4 ^ gr f&^rr =T ttt 5TT =r riR^iyii ^ gr

gTmrnerffrrfi-Fr Hr^u trfrprr ajj iffciH (no knowledge, no munifi-

cence, no skill, no art, no perseverance can be imagined which

is not praised in the wealthy by those who desire profit of them); —emphatic denial: Pane. 54 the wearer, who acts the part of

Vishnu says to the princess stott =TTi; oShmW MMNlUli n-^iR.

Instances of another place, than at the head or be-

fore the verb: Dae. 198 hMcthRu H I^H-ArW (I am not able to

rescue him), Hit. 9 =sri> . . . :t cfjq- fdfoHMijJM : , Kumaras. 5, 5 grit

UWII* k^U ^ (Ai\-rU^M\H, Pane. I, 27 f#r ^T sTTH sTTflR- 5T"

fffirr =r u: saw awmr Krat zrm; ibid. II, 168 srrs^T Ran?*

^m: = ^raorf^r fc° ; KatMs. 24, 171 rd^f fsmn jjct*h i^iwii^u'i

=7 cfiT.

Kem. q- is sometimes by itself the whole predicate, the verb

being implied. Dae. 156 fr^r ^ia*H*MI ({JrtfrlH^ =T (she was destined

for him, not for another), Pane. 116 ^rrft: firaT mimr msm ^mnit:

(education turns to advantage in a good man, but in a wicked

one not so).

402. The combinations of *T with indefinite pronouns or

bine™ Pronominal adverbs to express none , no , neither, nowhere

^ and the like are treated 282 and 288 R. 3.other

PcYes.

When accompanying connective particles, *T precedes

them as a rule , as *T5T [cp. Latin neque), »T ^T, »SIN,

^, ^ FT, ^^s ^[=^ + 3]. Cp. 429. With

*T it becomes the interrogative particle *FT (413).

„Not even" is ^.

.

. . ^TO", ^ i£5T; „not at all"

^ STTrJ "not indeed" *T IsFJ, »T *Jfl% *T tlrMHetc.;

„not yet" R" rU^H:. Pane. 30 ^ tH iamftmiK (even at night

he did not find his rest); — M. 2, 94 q stttj cFTO <*WH I^Vh srP*rf?T

§ 402—404. 317

(lust is by no means quenched by enjoyment); here f%n=T is not

rarely added, as Mhbh. 1, 49, 4 ^f^mtf Hfiurm rffi fgqfhrf ^ ?nTj

R. 2, 30, 35 ^ Hrgijj — Mhbh. 1, 24, 14 q rTToi^ pTFr gj: (the sun

is not yet visible).

Rem. 1. pft at the outset served to signify the negation _|_ the

adversative particle — »but not", yet j having almost got obsolete

in the classic dialect, ^ is sometimes considered almost a synonym

of the simple q- and is used chiefly in poetry instead of it either as an

emphatic negation, or for metrical purposes. See f. i. Mrcch. IV, p.

135 zft qtmnjj .sMi 'T. etc5 ibid- IX, p. 314; Pane. II, 153; V, 24.

Rem. 2. The archaic dialect possessed a negation ^pr ^= R" -J—

T?r. It is sometimes a mere negation , but commonly it is — slesfj.

then it is construed with the conjunctive mood (^z), cp. 355 R. 1.

403. The negation ?P — 5FT — is only used as the first

5T° or"^

„ member of compounds, both bahuvrlhis, and tatpu-

rushas , see 218 and 223 c). In tatpurushas its force is

not always the same. ^rT5T f. i. not only denotes „not

a friend" but also the very opposite of FT3T , viz. „foe."

Of the latter kind are sundry common words, as tHtytl (much),

a^jefr (many), g^nrr: (dishonour). The former type involves iden-

tity of meaning with the separate negation q-, f. i. Dag. 69 n f^chui

VHrttaiHTsET sirfir-sinT (I am no vessel for wordly pleasure), Pane. 62

FPsri fgJli'l ^M^ftHai i = V **m:, Dac - l" *<U fei^i fSiH^uP) irqW (not

a single moment [he was] not thirsting for virtue).

Further g-° in tatpurushas may denote »all except this ,"3g©rPjsnir,

—»anybody but a brahman." M. 5, 18 in the list of eatable animals

it is said n^n^ aij^^iJuchriXd :, Kul1 - comments FrsrKprfiT-

Rem. q is not wholly excluded from compounds, but it is ra-

rely used so , f. i. -i fa|ur = srfEqTJT (soon) etc.; -nfrt^ (not far), qja^-

(eunuch; [the] neuter [gender]).

404. ?T. may be compounded with verbal forms , viz. par-

318 § 404—405

ticiples,gerunds and infinitives. Pane. 67 aP^iM (though

not wishing it); Kum. 1, 37 Parvati being taken in his arms by

Qiva, is said to ascend his shoulder v^u^ \ richM-Tl^Hj-M (— not

to be cherished by other women); — Pane. 69 q- znon *oirffi-)*rtW

MIMmfatdRreM ' iPrTi^ (it does not befit my master to go without

having experienced his strength), Dag. 75^icH^irdd FwfWTTsrH ; —E. 2, 48, 11 q^ mTfl^rtHp-jdH (they cannot help honouring him),

Pat. I, p. 230 atmfg itItt: sraaY s °r?pT_ (this rule , too , might have

remained unsaid). Of tr" with inf. I know no instances except

such as are construed with the verb gjeff.

Rem. A vartt. on P. 6, 3, 73 allows =^° also put to the finite

verb,provided that it be intended to express blame , as aiHfa ^

sTTcrT, as if we should say: »you miseook" = »you do not cook well."

405. rfj js the proper negation to be used with the im-

perative and its concurrent idioms; in other terms it

expresses prohibition , or in a wider sense the desire to keep

off. Examples of its employment with imperative, op-

tative, aorist without augment have been given 353

and 354. A strong prohibition is not rarely expressed

by the sole TT or by R^T (not so) with ellipsis of

the verb ; TT FTT^rT signifies reprobation, as Maiav. I, p. 3.

With imperative qr is also used , if the imperative expresses

doubt or uncertainty. Mhbh. 14, 6, 8 jj^ srr m 3T (you are free

to go or not [as you like]). In the same meaning also with t%rj,

as Pane. I, 225 tasr iraij rrr iwth (there may be poison or not). More-

over rrr with f§T£ may express solicitude. Mrcch. Ill, p. 124 -g^r

f%^3#T vim: i TT RTT a*fayi^*lif gwfrr (Maitreya tarries long , in his

distress I hope he will do nothing unbecoming). As to rrr with

the future in epic poetry and in the prakrts, see 353 E. 4.

Rem. 1. "When subjoined to some chief sentence, rrr admits

of being translated by olest," as Mhbh. 5, 37, 45 rrr sr feP-A gsrrsr

rrr ansjT 4VlUi'cMlrj_ (do not destroy the forest with tigers, lest the

tigers should disappear from the forest), cp. ibid. 1, 30, 15 quoted

§ 405—407. 319

353 E. 4.1). In other terms, qj with f§T3, aorist or future may-

be synonymous with q-qr =T or jjq- R1

- — In epic poetry q with

optative is also used — »lest ;" instances are not rare. Mhbh. 1,

154, 35 sfftj it^w n^" nr ^r rt fd^ i r^tfHfr; (let us go instantaneously,

lest Duryodhana should know of us), ibid. 1, 56, 23 prw S^rf off"

fan =7 fioiHcaiHfor, B- 2, 63, 43 ft tot$tt =r Fori wr, Ma 14, 14 etc. 2).

Eem. 2. q , not qj , is the negation to be used with the po-

tential mood, in hypothetical sentences, in general precepts and

with the fjyrj taught 343 e.).3). Nala 13, 42 Damayanti says the

conditions upon which she will be a maid-servant : 3,f^# qof tr^hrf

q erar'f qTS^norqiriq ^Tf ^NH-ilFCTHT^Hij, here q, not rrr, is in its

place.

406. Two negations in the same sentence are equivalent to a strong

T,T0 affirmation. Ch Up. 4, 4, 5 Hriddlftiun fasraiJT^ffr (no one but a brah-

tions man can thus speak out), E. 2, 30, 31 q *pT5t^ =t UttfW (I cannote

1ent

a" but 8° )

indeed), ibid. 2, 32, 46 q rfsr cfrF^JH srujr FrftfrT: (there was

to a no one there but was made content), Malav. epilogue tnm i miflfrT-

affir- fsTJTOTHfrT gsTPTt MMrUIH' =T ¥P?T jfftrff ,||fTlfIjii, comm. q ^f^r STUrSTrT

mation. r~- r~. » 4\^w R-isgrfq- fj ^mr^rrr ^=r ).

407. If two or more negative sentences are to be con-

nected, the negation is often put but once. So

1) Pane. 325 rrr^^est" is construed with a present: ^TJTrs^rfJT TT

chfSl^mm-lffl MoTfFT. Instead of HorfrT one would rather expect HoTrJ;

2) Sometimes q is construed so even with the future in "srfrr- Mhbh.

1, 146, 30 irhr =g fsj^Frcter ^stft hsojfpti =r =tc=t={ jFrrsr: srav^rfH.

3) q.T a^rz »if not" I have met with Malat. IX, p. 160 : flchfi WiH \

g iMHfriP^^uid srr 1 jrwfawrt frt dt rTPlf^qfSr^. But rrw° may be

a false reading instead of qTH .

4) B. 3, 47, 8 qTT *Ttel ^ ^ SoTCST =7 ITO! ^T 5i5T=R is an instance of

emphatic denial by means of repeating the negation , unless the reading

be' false and we must read q tr^r g *<I-=W> — In Pane. 116 the words

qrr 5HH*J^Uol;jlr*W i VlPrWfa ^ oTfrST are erroneously resolved thus srapiSR

rrTfqq-: , they are =r tisfijol^-)- tairHH:.

whenomit-

ted?

320 § 407—408.

Nega- 7{ ?T may be — „neither nor, not. . . . nor";

JT 5TFT = „not. . . not even;" ?T— 3T=„not...

nor". This omission of the negation in the second

link is necessary in the idiom ^T. . . . UWl or 3T^" „not. . .

.

no more than." R. 2, 59, 8 gsmfirr... Hi(Hm^g<jj i4)P (mmf^ ^amnrin (the flowers do not glisten nor do the fruits as be-

fore), M. 4, 56 rircg ijir jfhsr sit ytenr srr H^rMrir^ (neither nor.—nor), Pane. IT, 53 qtriT hjw Jjir =7Tf^r uraf =sr [t^oi iR^ i w^xm cFT jt-

t7Hw; — Bhoj. 15 q- ft ^mihPj-c^Ph HsTT: MUjPioi %*r: (such a king

is not desired by his subjects, no more than a eunuch is by

women); K. 3, 47, 37 ^ j^jt renrr mgmRrtjw mr mr (— no more

than the sunshine).

But, in asyndetical connection of negative sentences the nega-

tion is always repeated, cp. Pane. I, 4 in 401.

Chapt. III. Interrogations.

408. Interrogative sentences are twofold. Sometimes it

is the whole action or fact, which is put in question,

as „is he gone?", sometimes it is not the tact itself

but one of its elements , that is asked after, as : „where

does he dwell? who has seen him?" Questions of the

latter type are introduced by interrogative pro-

nouns or adverbs, those of the former 1 st by par-

ticles, which partly are also derivatives from the inter-

rogative pronoun, 2 1? the interrogation is signified by

the mere mode of pronouncing.

inter- I. The interrogative pronoun is 3Ff , the interrogative

ti™ adverbs, as efi", ^JrT!, RtHlrl (why?), are its deriva-

"ZT ^ves - As a rx e they head the sentence, at least in

d- prose; in poetry they may be put anywhere. Pane. 126

ifcfurra-^isrt trr ?m , Dae. 82 <j?Tfa crra cjr ?rrfir , Pat. I, p. 427 srfFT

Inter-

roga-

tions.

409.

§ 408—409. 321

irarTt W:; — Mrcch. IX, p. 302 ser^rf oreraiFrr cjr n?TT; Pane.

Hem. Like other pronouns the interrogative may be part of a

compound. Mrcch. IX, p. 302 p^FTPWJ mn fei^ (v. a. what is the

name of her lover?), Dag. 74 ^^; m^mm^3mf^xfT zm m\ griff

fch^Ml Pchuf|oil(^ fcFfqT^ ^r (as long as I live , I have been unac-

quainted with the course of [those two objects of human pursuit]

Profit and Pleasure, and I should like to know what is their

shape, who are their attendants and what fruit they yield), Pat.

I; P- 6 cF?y=HidlSch 3rwr: ^rrar: ^^idlucwt scTon^;: (rule and excep-

tion being wanted, what is the nature of either?).

Other remarks on the interrogative pronoun andits derivatives. — 1. They may depend on participles, ge-

runds and the like, also subordinate sentences. Mhbh. 1, 162, 11 frer

STorfwrernTrff yfemssror ^ ^raT (v. a, what motive has made you

decide to abandon this [man] ?), Mudr. I, p. 28 q-fj?; fifr CTtH (if what

would be?).

2. Nothing precludes the presence of more interrogatives , re-

ferring to different things, in the same sentence. Pat. I, p. 241

ch<TOl ch ioms^HU^H (what sounds do they employ [and] in what

meanings?), Kathas. 41, 37 grt-ssff <mmn cf>: flf? ofi^ feff ffaHlfifH

(who is indigent? who begs [and] for what? to whom should be

given [and] what?).

3. Some particles, viz. sn, ferfT^, ssr, ^r, 3, ^mr, are subjoined

to them , in order to express some interest taken in the question

by the speaker. Op. the like duty of Lat. - nam and tandem , Greek

ttots,French done. Qak. I itftoW 3W stt «4 r<«r :mw %H5T: (is it

then possible , that such a beauty should be of human origin ?)

;

Mhbh. 1, 91, 8 cfrffT fs-j^or rprer; cjrfn jft^rPr ^i<-ud iuemIR' frtettot

Jlnfrc^ iqi; sra^; R- 2, 38, 8 srqcFnj cjrfqor h cFi^tfrr sR*ir4sii (what

possible injury can Janaka's daughter do you then ?) ; Ch. Up. 4,

14, 2 s^fdti, ?& tfax % 3^ irrfFTiefit g r^iHyiu.iT?r (friend, your face

shines like that of one who knows Brahman ; who has taught you ?);

Kathas. 16, 9 pcfj ^rq =T Hf^T f| HfpaiT: jpTTJ^T:.

4. Note the phrase cprtsHPT (who is it , that — here ?), f. i. Hit.

21

322 § 409—411.

grt-simiuifri.

5. f§fcjT may do duty as a particle, see 412, 3°.

41 Sanskrit has a pronounced predilection for rhetoricalRheto-

ricai questions (14 , VI). Hence , the interrogative pronouns

tlons. and adverbs are often to be translated rather freely.

Here are some examples : R. 2, 44, 7 fcj; q- mq^d if^d : = *& HT°»

Hit. 22 dltd^HUi f#r qife™ tROT 3rf%?T (v. a. nobody is punished

or honoured anywhere on account of his birth alone), Kathas. 28,

JO Sli;:T =ET trpim- 4)lrMl(y riUlcl^ 5tT. cFTT ST^TcR V^ 5WT (the

Buddha has given up his own self like a grass-blade for the benefit

of his neighbour, how, then, can there be question about [giving up]

wretched riches?). Cp. Mhbh. I, 74, 27, Oak. I, vs. 19 etc. Cp. also

sffsr fiiKJT = 'yes," f% ff z= nbut" (441), f% =? — nmoreover" (437).

^nw In a similar way ^J1! and ^irT! frequently precede

the cause, reason or motive , when expressed by a new sen-"* tence. For this reason , one may sometimes render them by sin-

deed." Mudr. V, p. 157 ^ uR^H I^ I U I cfrJ-Tid : i JH: the reason is

given in the strophe , which immediately follows, ibid. I, p. 29 g^r

qf^TR" famt Rym* ^fn =r ^rm i st wimj asr ^nwr uchRRMnf^R

ejf =et... Rem. The idiom 8(7 ^ sfT ^ serves to denote a

~f^- great discrepancy between two things. Dag. 77 <* m- z;

'st WrPT^ (v. a. to be an ascetic and to weep are incompatible),

R. 2, 106, 18 gj =snjwr 5> ^ ^mr 3f aCT: st ^ <tt^^jt, Qak. I gr sitt

^f|UI*Mi sTlfolH -^ifrloiM I SfT ^ RfuirlPKJIrll'. <HI(Uj-l : ST^T^- Cp. Kathas.

28, 6, R. 3, 9, 27 etc.

411. In indirect questions the interrogatives are

r0ga

e

t;" employed, but instead of them the relatives are also

reUtU admissible. Kathas. 39, 174 qrarf stmu w^mjsee , how I delude him),

ves in Pane. 55 ?rnjHt f*M?i *^ifcM~l da Pd (be informed of what these guardsindi- v» ^ °rect are telling). On the other hand Kathas. 39, 87 fTCT ST5PT ac-

tions! ^rfcr ' *fts& ii-iiwra zrer <T?t n^Wl: (he told her everything, who he

was , of what name , whose king's son), the direct question would

oles.

§ 411-412. 323

have been ^pf fsFRTqyinsr oprw g^;. Likewise Malat. II, p. 39 fqnsr

h dHiTri jfr-s^ft aTppjr, R- 2, 52, 60 grin Jrs^f rait tjKrcrrfq y(lRd:-

412. II. In such interrogative sentences , as put the whole

roga- fact into question , interrogative particles are sometimes

parti, added , sometimes omitted. When they are omitted , the

verb mostly heads the sentence. When added , it is they

that are usually put at the head. The said particles

are srfq", 3rf, j%*T and ^fWFT.

a). Examples of questions without interrog. particle: Pane. 21 irt

SjTRcfr STufrfq- srst ^ l^MHjsay, Dam., do you hear a noise distant

and great?), ibid. 326 af&T fTST S^Trqq; ffiriwfara". ^rflfi^ (is there

any means for checking that scoundrel?), Malav. IX, p. 159 cRtot

#terf^ >T fnraT (say, does my sweetheart live?).

b). Examples of questions with interrog. particle

:

1. aft. — Pane. 35 jjfq- irsirr: f&oP^(v. a. are you in good health?),

ibid. 25 gft w&l (is it true ?), Kathas. 24, 208 vrfq m^V (do you

know?), Vikram. IV, p. 142 gft g^ormfw WJ fcrt 5R-

2. 3rT, in simple questions very rare and obsolete, it seems.

Kac. on P. 3, 3, 152 jh ajrj: tffnsrfa (will the stick fall?). As to

its use in alternatives see 414.

3. fer. — Dae. 1 70 sre?rfw ftvT = Lat. potesne ?

4. eh fan - — R- 1) 52, 7 ^rfww g;sp?r ^TsW- • • • *Ri-d foifarii: ^frrjor: (are you in good health, king?..... have you subdued all

your enemies?), Mhbh. 1, 5, 1 jj^imnfii^r riTrT firrr FT'Sy^rTorFj^T i oRf%-

Tinft HrdJqvftr ; cp. Nala 4, 24, Kathas. 75, 93 etc.

Eem. Like the other interrogatives (409 , 3°) the said particles

may be strengthened by adding to them some other particle as

75T, cTT, =T> 3) :TTIT- Of ^e kind is gft =7T*r, f^t ;T, f% ^ <°TsT,

fgip-

fef and the like. — Qak. I aft qm ^T^TdHf^inraortfrasrHUBrr uiirr

(can she have been born to the chief of the family from a wife

of a different caste f) ; ibid. VII fsjr srr greRT^rireT *TirT}Hp£ir (is Cak.

perhaps the name of his mother?); Bhoj. 64 fTFf: chQouRMUFTi ftiJj

twt ^srrfsr; Mhbh. 1, 151, 28 fcjr 3 j;iWrr( srair *raT £BTrn g^(what

324 § 412—414.

can I see more unhappy than this?); Mhbh, 1, 162, 11 grflpT zyg-

sfferT id<rjljl lld^dUi.

412*; Many times the particle t^FT may be compared to

Latin num , as it makes a negative answer to be expected.

Kathas. 28, 7 J frr^ r^HtfO f* FZnJT Id fol I firfPT ^f&rf I MHdiiy I Udlldiui

JRWET u ich^^m (Lat. mm»i Vigv. vita excessit — ?), Mudr. I, p. 27ff^ xS *—

fgr HdHWM immitijM ystfitTPT: (are you even more learned than

our teacher?).

413. On the other hand , *T put into the question announces

an affirmative answer, like Latin nonne. It generally

attends some interrogative particle, viz. ?TTT or RJH,

but may also be used by itself. By combining "7 and

R" one gets •T^T which is to be considered a new par-

tide, fully answering to Lat. nonne, Greek oi/xouv, and

which for this reason has also the force of an em-

phatic (396). Examples: Ch. Up. 1, 10, 4 ^ Kdd.H^^KI ^&(were not these [beans] also left [and therefore unclean] ?); — R. 2,

72, 5 aft :morar: srhj ^HlMdd^d (are you not tired with the

long way, having driven quickly?); — Rata. Ill, p. 79 f^j qzm jrf5%

^ ^prJ Hd-IH< fmra" =T f§Pj; [viz. dih^dd] (does not [the splen-

dour of your face] outshine the brilliancy of the white lotus and

does it not cause delight to the eyes ?) ; — R. 2, 22, 22 qrr %d*gj 5i»T

fTfT (is not that the effect of Destiny?).

Rem. Tet, "R" put to ^itlFT = T^1! num , since ^TIFTalone may be rather = nonne. R. 2, 72, 44 chQi^ sn^rnraq- |?r

(TO chmfad , cp. ibid. 1, 74, 21; 2, 57, 7; Mhbh. 1, 23, 10.

414. Disjunctive interrogations are characterized by a great

twe in- variety of particles. Commonly the former membertcrroga-

,r--

tions. begins with rTM, but there are many other combina-

tions. Here are some instances

:

1. In the former member fori, in the latter aT or f^; gT or

§ 414-415. 325

STeraT or 3^ or ^ or sm^. — Dag. 149 fartf j^; f^ fara^m^

ett (is this a vision or is it delusion?), Pane. 230 Eh^HMrmm

^^i-ywjoiT ^Qfroor TOTT ^101^^ cmm^mfcl(shall I rise and kill him

or shall I slay both of them while sleeping?), Mroch, III, p. 113

Ffefi 5T-«it|«ijjjrr trpTTsrercrfqj- g^p^ (are these two men sleeping indeed,

or counterfeiting sleep?), Qak. I mtvm fePTOT spm H<H IH .-...

PjfcliblHoU4J 5HFrfJT5r. • • • • STT^1

Rolr^jfr) ^*T ^f| UII-^-H if^T: (must she

keep the tow of chastity up to her marriage or is she to dwell

with the antelopes of the hermitage for ever ?). — To either member

or to both another particle may be subjoined , f. i. instead of fiprr

one may say f^g, fwi jj, in the second member instead of 3?T,

STT^t or 3HT^t, also f^JTjr, jhRqIH , m^feiH etc. Mrcch. X, p. 367

f%F> 3 tewfrfr-T; nry Ri^Hl-^.WMHl (is she come back from

heaven , or is she another [Vasantasena] ?) , Pane. 202 fg? cMifq

tTOFT srs JHI^Roir^+HlR) oUimR.rii (has anybody caught him in a

snare or has anybody killed him?).

2. The former member contains some other particle, not f£fcif.

So f. i. it q- Kuniaras. 1, 46 rTCT nsfa ^ mnA-i\iztmTf rrsfa ^

TilliM l lU i(has she borrowed it from the antelopes, or the ante-

lopes from her ?); — cftfaq. . . . . 5TT Mhbh. 1, 162, 3 ; — 3jt. sit

Kumaras. 4, 8 ; — srr srr Pat, I, p. 6 ^HrHltil-tR q^lRdrt f^FZJT

SIT «Jlr*iur afo [sc 5TS3;:]-

3. The former member is without particle. Of the kind are Pane.

294 ?rrjft-s£r ?3pt: f% orr^erdT ir&saiH =r *ttoh; Qak. V ijs; srrrnwr

5TT g^Puwji (either I must be out of my wits or she must lie);

Qak. I yTorfcr oTf&fr tT^R=T 3 sti^H^'-

Eem. If the second member is »or no," one says tj eu- Pane.

329 f* gffrf&mHuRH' =T 5TT (is there any remedy or no?), Dag. 140

^sr it g[H<«HoiiMchfrf =t girt f-oRor dHi(d'. — »Yes or no" is sn =r snr-

Nala 18, 24 rrf^ sr ?rrarr aT^t ^V aTsrirr sit =t m-

415. Disjunctive interrogations of three or more members of course

show a still greater variety of interrogative particles. Kumaras.

6, 23 faFT TPJ ^jlf% HTffTJTFT ?fa (SRTpW fTrTJW fdUolHI "Effrlf HTn: cRrTT

msr ^ (v. a. are you Brahma , Vishnu or Qiva ?) ; Pane. 332 fgj jpr

5ra)ma*iM ; zmm &tnr£r *&f& btt cisife (is it I, against whom

the plot is laid or is it the hunchback or anybody else?); Dag.

326 § 415—417.

89 fy? f3cHiMif?*Ajfacnmii?*JTchy-iilioi =r srn ;Qak- vl ssnrt g thtt 3

Tfrnurt 7T f%£ =r ri i drUi<yHi5r toot (was it a dream or a delusion

or perplexity of mind or was indeed the store of my good works

exhausted?); Pane. 177 fefr frrfTf^fiT: cprrfa oUi'-i i fen 5rf ^y*{fJoii

-s^r^ ihjIhhI )Hf(d6iH ett ^drfU'glWmHj Kathas. 72, 185 ; Pat. I, p. 5,

1. 14 fej. ai^Rsid.. . srr^rfeiff; Pane. 48, 1. 19; etc. etc.

Chapt. IV. Exclamation.

416. Exclamation is either signified by simple interjec-Bxcla- —mat; tions, as ^TT (alas), ^r{ (ah), *!»*«?» (oh !) Wf', ^T^Tboth

ons and _

deTof expressive of surprise and strong emotion , Vtt (fy),

excla-

mation. and nouns used as such, as =h^*T (it is a pity, alas),

f^IT (thanks to God), ^ (well done), 5TTWJ[

(marvellous) , ^IM^I or STPrF TT^T^ — see Rem. on 2 —or expressed by a full sentence, commonly beginning with

one of the said interjections or exclamative particles.

Exclamative sentences , introduced by interrogative pronouns

or pronominal adverbs are , not nearly so often met with in Sanskrit

as in our language. Still, the idiom exists. Dag. 67 king Bajahamsa

rejoices when seeing again his comrades and exclaims 5^ ^irft csr

ferrtrr: y^uin: 3rt Hmnwu^a :. Ven. I. p. 25 Sahadeva to Bhima

art ^ ir?rr rr^Tsrfffr: nmnn: (how long it is , indeed , since Mylady

is here!).

Here are some examples of exclamatives : Pane. 25 =g^t gfrw-

HNfHd^, here =^r is expressive of joy, but E. 2, 115, 3 i ih^i^i

firsf ^t?tt it expresses sorrow; — E. 2, 12, 73 g^t stft it smrrretlt-

g^Tt TdMfilwjfn ; — Kumaras. 3, 20 sj^t and srfT together : ?r^t -&H l f?l

^uTluala: ; — Mhbh. 1, 157, 41 w^t fw=Rt rrfrr renr irfcmrrf^; Pane.

158 ft&gk fcV° (for shame, you blockhead, you — ); — Mudr. Ill,

p. 104 ot TTTrrJ^ (0 I remember); Prabodh. passim m: <rre (0, you

rascal!); — Mudr. II, p. 84 f^TT £sUt% H^tdtHSI JTTJJ.

417- ^^T and fa^T are often construed in a particular

§ 417—418. 327

sr^t manner. ^I^T is apt to be used with the nominative

™mhi. °* an abstract noun , expressive of the fact which causes

f^ the astonishment. But T^RT — or, in full , f^RTFT — is

with attended by the accus. (sometimes also, but not so

often , the nomin.) of the person or thing , which causes

the indignation or anger.Examples: 1. of ^f with nomin. — Nala 3, 17 Damayantl,

when seeing on a sudden the beautiful appearance of Nala, ex-

claims g^- ^qq^i ch i PH^') yjf n^ ir^n :, Mudr. I, p. 38 Canakya takes

the letter, glances over it and says praisingly sg^Y ^h)Ud I -d runTEr

(an excellent hand indeed), Pane. 92 the Ocean disapproving the

words of the bird, which he has overheard, exclaims =g-^V nob

qRl^ftilUlM , Mudr. VI, p. 197 Eaxasa, when entering the old garden,

being sad with grief, laments ^f dlrxfltJMUl ^rrfir^UMitH I(tow

little charm this old garden has !).

2. of f?raT with ace. Mhbh. 1, 131, 23 fimrTf of: chdl^H l^ (shame

over your skill at arms !), E. 2, 4», 4 ^rpr fe^sr^ zmmi oraTTfCTrPT)

ibid. 2, 47, 4 f&nm ^ fa^f m^T (v. a. cursed sleep!), KM. I, p. 18

f&ffeftmTr^TOpi^i ichi^uiHj — of fcK witn nom - Panc 156 RHrra

dj^HI ,ibid. I, 174 ftfj-Rrf: cpr^feraT:.

Eem. 1. Occasionally fy^r occurs with a gen. Hariv. 8722 ^rter-

ittsiui fycH°M-

Eem. 2. Pat. I, p. 443 ^t SoRjUT affords also an instance of ^j

,

construed with the accus.

418. Some particles are used in exhortations. They of

s?' course attend imperatives and such tenses as have the

^ meaning of imperatives. The principal of them are

^JtF> ^VifT both = „well, come,1

' Lat. age and agedum.

Kathas. 24, 143 ^r crai^T^I <=r^. With the 1»* person = fr. allons.

Ch. Up. 5, 11, 2 ft ^^TT^nn^w fd n ^Twrreng: (»Well, let us go to

him." Thus speaking, they went to him); E. 2, 96, 15^-iiWfcl H\$Wi

(come, look here, Laxmana). — Among others, ^nj and =gft, as

Kumaras. 4, 32 rw qt gror qtg^TO* (do , bring me together with

328 § 418—419.

my husband), Kac. on P. 1, 4, 96 srfq- f&^r, cp. Kac. on P. 8, 1, 38

=g^r q% (pray, read). — Like our »come," the imperat. rcf^ may assume

the nature of a particle , f, i. Kathas. 37, 200 wfij dm i Prich - . . . jtih

(come , let us go to him) and so already at so remote a period as

when the marriage-mantras have been composed. Agv. Grhy.l, 7, 6

rtldfsi !3ol^loli| tRTt UsMilloli|.

Eem. Neither gj nor ^rfT are however limited to this employment.

Occasionally they accompany also the indicative mood. Kag. on P. 8,

2, 96 %j 5Tsre;=r f^srr a^fir (I say, my friend, you say the thing

that is not), Mudr. I, p. 38 ^ttt farft iMdchH :. "When addressing some

person, while offering him something, one uses ^r, fr. voila. Schol.

on P. 8, 2, 99 nf * ^ wt: i ^ft "ft ^Tft.

419. All interjections readily join with vocatives. Two,

ana Tl*J and ^\ are especially employed so , since they serve

X' to draw the attention of the person addressed, in a word,

like *TT: the vocat. of H^IT^ (259) — and Lat. hem.

Kumaras. 4, 28 sf& nafff ^fir ZWJ WT (come, Kama, show your-

self now), Hit. 9 ana- JO|M i srcrr r crRr. — ^rfu is especially fit for

gentle address t prithee- ')".

1) ig"f& is also asserted by lexicographers to be a particle of interro-"'

gatlon. I greatly doubt the correctness of this statement, afir may

easily be confounded in mss. with sfil, and, in fact, it is not rarely a

various reading of the interrogative irftj , see the passages of Qak. quoted

by the Petr. Diet. s. v. 3jfir 2). The Petr. Diet, adds five more in-

stances: a) three from the Kumaras., b) one from the Mrcch., c) one

from the Pancatantra.- Of them , a) Kumaras. 4, 3 5rfir vUiolrHiy 5TtcTf%)

though Mallin. comments thus on it sfij'inMl'-M 41*1)17 Irl fittoliifrfirat 5^°

Ulfmly *fil (^.frl . it is by no means necessary to accept here af& as

an interrogative, better it is to keep to its duty as an interjection

safil dliSrHI^ »o, my Lord" ^d fa »are you alive?" So Mallin. himsel

explains Kumaras. 5, 62 azfHH *m<?HW'=IUi- As to the remaining pas-

sage ibid. 5, 33—35, the edition of Prof. Taranatha has Jjftr, not ^fit- —1) In the two editions of the Mrcch., I have at hand , the particle ?rfil

is wanting, instead of ^fts dt4)&ithey have ire- dl4)^| . — c). As to

§ 419—421. 329

A cognate particle is =g?Tj sometimes — ^fij, sometimes expressive

of astonishment. Cak. VI king Dushyanta , when perceiving on a

sudden the charioteer of Indra standing near, exclaims =gzr qrHf^T:-

Cp. Mrcch. I, p. 17 ^ MoUmRJ 'km: W..420. As to the vocative, it is generally put at the head

,

t°ve." at least in prose, for poets may give it any place,

according to the exigencies of the metre or rhythm.In flowery style the vocative is not rarely attended by epi-

thets,as Malat. VI, p. 87 =snr j:{icM~HM;ftfaf£RT on w i f^rrrereft rroior-

l|rT3T (accursed Madhava, thou who hast murdered our teacher

because of the wretched Malati). In ordinary prose they are avoided.

Chapt. V. Connective particles.

421. The most important connective particles are five mono-

nec°tive syllables : ^T, ^T, 3, r\, [*£, and four dissyllables *l&(>parti- _ ° —cies. gfq- ^and3rT. Of these, ^T, 5TTT, 3PT and 3rT

have the most general bearing, as they are simply

copulating words = „and , also , further," though they

often admit of some special modification of meaning,

so as to get the force of adversatives , concessives etc.

For the rest, ^T is the disjunctive, r{ and the ar-

chaic 3 are adversatives, T«5 is causal, 7^" is the

particle of comparison.In the classic language 3 and 3rr are no more used alone,

but in some combinations they are , cp. 402 E. 1 ; 442 ,2° and

4°. That srfi-, 3 and jft may also be interrogative particles, has

been shown above 412 and 414.

Side by side with the said connective particles one

Pane. p. 38, 6, quoted by the Petr. Diet. = p. 44 , laat line of Vidyasa-

gara's ed., this editor signifies by his very interpunction , that he considers

isfa an exolamative , not an interrogative, as he has ^fnr! fiflcf nsrrJTT!

(my dear, has no harm befallen you?).

330 § 421—422.

uses several adverbs, serving the same purpose, as

?P7^ and 5RTFT or W%% ^further, moreover," T^J

„but, yet," FT^n" ^likewise, and," the conclusives rTrT

and FIFTH therefore," the causal *TFP „for," ^»T! „on

the other hand, again, but." They have completely

assumed the nature of conjunctions.

Combinations of these particles either with each other

or with other particles are excessively frequent. So ^and wT, 5T?T and ^T, T^T and FT are very often

combined,^oT is often added to ^", *IN, ^T, FT. Some

of them may be considered as units , as ^TST^TT when =

„indeed," FPTTFT „nevertheless."

422. As the connection of sentences is the subject-matter

of the last Section of this Syntax , it will here suffice

to give a succinct account of the connective particles

severally , especially with regard to their linking together

words within the compass of one and the same sentence,

g-. 1. ^ is the copulative particle par excellence „and."

It is as a rule subjoined to the word annexed, as ^TrTt

FP?TTn£r, but if it annexes a complex of words or a

whole sentence, it is affixed to the first word, as Nrll

^TTrT^r ^TTT (father and mother's sister). Pane. 225 ^t^t]

chRti^ gg: iggT ^ FT ^ftssrerlH; This order is seldom inverted

in prose (f. i. Pane. 126 par srat f^VT am prTT *%m instead of

iprar ^titt), oftener in poetry. Nala 1, 22 PiMHtrT npw: ?rr 5£ST ^Bt^ i u im , Kathas. 44, 3 : the preceding sentence is q- ftrm^. .-..

ScTHFSraiT) then there follows ^^r fqgp^qT^ {wra <7^JT 5^5T "el:-

' Sometimes in poetry g is put between the two links connected

§ 422—423. 331

by it. Mhbh. 1, 148, 2 ot gfirffrpuSU tan ij-ft #ut mft tistm (then

Yudh. addressed Bhim. , Arj. and the twins), M. 9, 322 t^- gmsraH (he becomes great in this world and in the other).

In poets , =31 is not rarely put to each of the members connected,

also in archaic prose; see f. i. Ch. Up. 1, 3, 2, and cp. re re

of Greek poets. But if it is necessary to state that the same thing

is endowed with different qualities etc. at the same time , this idiom

is also used in prose. Pat. I, p. 430 znfiasfrsrnf crerTcu u i fti(he is an

accomplished sacrificer as well as a grammarian), Prabodh. I, p.

15 rffj; rFRrfpT ^T ^TtlprfH =5 (it procures joy and perplexes at the

same time). As to ^ =et expressive of simultaneousness

,

see 438 R.. 2.

Eem. 1. If three or more terms are to be connected, g- is gene-

rally put but once, and with the last of them. Pane. 6 fq^nrr sTTOsrar

ffaroi Q'Jlm iiM =T arafTjtir =5T (by begging , by attending on the

prince, by agriculture, by turning one's learning into money, and

by trade), Dag. 78 ot?r- =sr wn Sory^HT saT^sr srrroraT teii^ui ^asflfa'-

fTOT =sr Jlirssrff zkht- Then g is rarely wanting, sometimes in rhetorical

style, as Pat. I, p. 431 a^^faiTT^r irroBf s^sr ispr, R- 3, 69, 32

Sf^TWjt (afdtiM l ^J ^5n^Tf%TTOTT^TirRj and in some phrases , as Mrcch.

I, p. 20 iT UiishMUl ff y^rrf^' Uorf^T crrf^T (v. a. as soon as they have

come, they disappear), Bhoj. 10 ^jy ^m m anfif m si Ml fa a crftniH:.

Rem. 2. Sometimes =g- must be translated by a more energetic

particle than sand." It may be = veven." R. 1, 1, 4 g^g- fsrwrfH

|-5rnEr (of whom are even the gods afraid?), it may be a slight

affirmative and even have adversative power, cp. 441.

423. 2. ?Tftr may be 1. = „and, too, moreover, also," 2. =

„even ," 3. = athough'1

. Like ^T, it is commonly subjoined

to the word — or first of the words — connected by-

it; in poets, it not rarely precedes. Examples of l. Pat.

I, p. 125 fJoTTSoft ZTST iPTTft ^efr %JW. (your horse is lost and my chariot

is burnt). Pane. 246 the king of the frogs mounts on the back

of the serpent Mandavisha; seeing this, the others too do so sjot

isrfti-

332 § 423—425.

trearir (v. a. — I would ask you once more); — of 2. Mudr. I, p. 30

:t iraf u i cMilfii n^Wd^ i H^i (it is not advisable to despise a foe, not

even a mean one); — of 3. Kathas. 42, 28 ti^diiirM ^ JT rffcuTt^Pi-

^n fq (and, though reluctantly, he followed him).

In poetry however, ^fq- occasionally precedes the word it attends

instead of being subjoined to it. Mhbh. 1, 76, 52 ^ s^^rtn =T

<<A<ffi-<l^(whom would not the hurting of a brahman consume?

even Indra), Kumaras. 6, 59 Himavan says aiq- oU iql^i^HiP Hl^lP

nviBri^T ir (my limbs though stretching in all directions, have no

power —), Pane. Ill, 92 gfir ^ojrf instead of 5=rj£sf'T etc. Another

instance of poetical license is such an arrangement as we have

Nala 1, 30 rdMuid ^ 515; instead of rcprsr ^-sfq- sr; (speak in this

way also to N.).

Bern. Apart from being a connective, =giq has many more mean-

ings. It may be a) an interrogative particle, see 412; 6) with

imperative it strengthens the exhortation, see Kag. on P. 1,4, 96

^fa f%^ (do>pour out); c) it often precedes the f^re , when doing

duty as an optative (343 ,6) or in the idiom mentioned 343 c) 5°.

In these cases -aft- heads the sentence. — In other meanings again

it is used, when subjoined to nouns of number (298), or when put

to the interrogative pronouns and adverbs, see 281 and 288.

Moreover gfcj, when of time, may be =z 1. »only, but," as

Hafrjlti »fT) Trite! (wait but for a moment), 2. » still," f. i. Kathas,

3, 18 sHcrtUfq swhen still a boy."

424. 3. 3rT is almost a synonym of %IN. In the classic

language it is obsolete. As to its employment as an inter-

rogative particle see 412, 2 and 414, with optative it is also used

like 3Erf<T, see 343 c) 5°, and cp. P. 3, 3, 152. — As a connective

it is found in the old liturgical and epic literature. Mhbh. 1, 90,

24 HH llTi^ijri iiHifa nHH I feHrWH TT^r?r:- At the close of verses

or padas , 37T and gqjrf are rather emphatics or mere expletives. —In classic prose one uses feirfT (442 , 4°) and nrOrT (442, 2°).

425. 4. *|&| serves to introduce some new element (person

,

^ thing or fact). It may be wholly = ^T, and connect

37T-

§ 425-426. 333

even single words, f. i. Pane. V, 11 anfy^ *^ ERmnfcra^rpT i *WlrtHi«i irfr^ ^s\ mft fw^ch :, here ^q- is equivalent to g.

Occasionally %% may be a disjunctive, as Kathas. 79, 24 ^rpft

Its most common employment , however, is to annexa new sentence , especially if there be a change of subject

;

hence it is not rarely an adversative. Sometimes it

introduces the apodosis, sometimes it has a temporal

meaning „afterwards ," :

) moreover it may do duty as

a conditional conjunction , as will be more fully explained

in the last Section of this book.

Note its employment at the beginning of a book or

chapter or section , where it is the traditional opening-

word in profane writings, like the syllable ?XPT in Holy

Writ. Pancatantra IV f. i. commences aiJ^m^qH cFisysTOnsf ?m:3H2f rT^FT^ (now begins the 4th tantra —).

In prose it is the first word, but in poetry it mayhold any other place.

426. 3PJ combines with other particles. So we have ^[fa,

W\ ^, Wft (= ^T + 3"), see f. i. igv. Grhy. 1, 1, 3; K. 3,

11, 74; Pane. IV, 73. But the commonest of those combi-

mm- nations is ^T^T which is almost looked upon as a unit.

It is used for the sake of correcting one's self. It in-

troduces , therefore , a statement more exact than the

preceding one; in accordance with the nature of the

contrast between the two, one may translate ?T?T^T

1) Especially in the archaic dialect. Ait. Br. 2, 25, 1 fTCTPTTfla' JTrTPTfiT-

sr^Frt srnj^r crar: crrsraormr^ w Pwid^mioi^ifaeHi (of them — Agni

reached the aim the first, after him Indra, then Mitra and Varuna, then

the Acvins).

384 § 426—429.

by „or rather" or „on the contrary" or „no" or „but,"f. i. Pane. 23 tMHl asTTf>T i STciT ^THUrtirf (I will go to another place.

But that will not do), E. 3, 60, 29 q-g- ^T -j^Mqd i f^fwiT n i ^iRi^(surely, it is not she, no, she has been hurt, my graceful lady).

As to mj 'feT) see 395 R.

427. FT^TT „so ," when = ^likewise" that is „and , too ," mayFmT

" also be reckoned among the connectives. This employ-

ment is chiefly poetical.

For the rest , 5TFT, ^T and FT^TT may be strengthened

by ^" and may mingle together. Hence arises a great

variety of combinations , especially in verse , as gtaror, srffi-

g, 'Enftr; ^sr, ^sr =?; iTOpr, fWT ^ etc.

428. The enclitic ^T, like *f, is subjoined to the wordaT

' which it annexes. It is the disjunctive particle „or."

^ pT 3T J or you." ^Either or" is off 3T-

M. 3, 26 qTumercoTT ftsTT sit id oil ^l (the two modes of marriage either

performed severally or conjoined), Kathas. 31, 39 tj tf g^fi rtj 5TT

asRT srr •yisiHl-snrT: i y^w ^hr:.

Rem. Instead of srr. ... . 517 one says also 5rr at?; Err- R. 3, 11,

90 qT5T sna-yNldld} 3)JT 5TT $f^ 5TT STS'll^SFT: TTO^^t 5IT (here no liar

can live, nor a cruel man, nor a rogue, nor a barbarous one nor

an evildoer), cp. R. 2, 109, 4, Pane. I, 118. — Likewise one uses

cTT- • • sf«T 5IT or snfr , etc. As to 37 in interrogations , see 409,

3° and 412 R., on its force as an emphatic 397 R. 1.

429. r|;

f^T and the enclitic 3 are, like ^ and ofT, SUb-

and 3. joined to the first word of the sentence. T«^ was at

the outset an emphatic , a weak „indeed ," but generally

it is a causal particle, at least in prose; FT ana 3 are

adversatives „but; on the other hand." 3 is no more

used in the classic dialect, save when added to some

§ 429—430. 335

other particle , as ^ — ^ _|_ 3, ^vt = <%n -(- 3, cp. 402 E. 1.

430. ^")}like, as" is the particle of comparison. It is

always put after the standard of comparison , HT^T T^"

®FT3"FT (strong like a lion). Mrcch. I, p. 48 ?&m ffUfsr

jfEf^orTg^T qw ^fef^or f%i%f|HT^T?rsT 1 jsrcfq^araf^: t^st fern

'•• m CFTCT (she has disappeared, like the sight of the blind , like

the health of the sick, like the wisdom of the fool, like the

prosperity of the sluggard, like the learning of the dull and dis-

sipated), Qak. YI qrfws^foor foiCTrioi i -lfa fsr*T (have you perhaps for-

gotten it , as I have ?). If the standard of comparison or the simile

consists of more words , Tg- likes to be put in the midst of them.

Qak. VII fcfc ^ i?ra siw .sfol~U(iH ^5T <rir fafeliff ir r^T:. Exceptions

as to the place of tst may occasionally be found in poets.

my- The other particle of comparison is the relative ^T?TT-

It is especially used , if the standard of comparison is

expressed by a full sentence , but it does the same duty

as r^\

Rem. 1 . It is a matter of course , that JoT and ?tm

have no influence at all on the case of the noun they

are construed with. Both the noun compared and the

standard of comparison are put in the same case.

Kumaras. 4, 25 ^; gfpj&rTTSTf-p^ f^rm \ { f^oi l ^H :(struck by those

lamentations , as if they were poisoned arrows) ; Nala 2, 28 fj Fgj. .

.

.

j^TsTTpq' htktt rfsPT (on seeing him who was bright like the sun).

Kem. 2. Note the idiom grrurorT Tsr »he appears like," f. i.

Kumaras. 7, 3 [mg] ssnr ^araum-

Eem. 3. rg- and rem are often used in similes. In this case they

may be strengthened by adding to them such epithets as srraTrT (in

person), fsra^BRT or fsrjrfl^ (embodied), ^gtpT; WJ\ (cp. Lat. Mars

alter) and the like. Nala 1, 4 the hero is said to have been an

excellent archer and ruler of his subjects grsrrf^cT JTjj: SoWT_ »as

336 § 430—433.

if he were Manu himself," Dag. 116 a beautiful woman is called

tWtst fej f^uTi (the goddess Kati embodied), Mhbh. 1, 85, 5 arcrrfff:

<JMmmM Ml-dlf^'-ri TaTTT":- Cp. Kumaras. 6, 11, Bagh. 2, 16, Malav.

I, p. 24, Kam. 3, 30, etc.

431. Moreover, r^-

is used to soften some expression, in

the same way as German etwa , our rather, almost, as

if it were. Mudr. II, p. 58 fHCR^rftsr ^rawpsrn^Tft (I perceive

that the exertions of E. are almost fruitless), K. 2, 85, 7 -m ir n^rtl

^TT STJT sWildla q-

432. Our „as," when not expressing likeness, is not ren-

dered at all in Sanskrit or by $MM with gen. But

<mn- „as" = „for instance, namely" is ri^*Ml. Mudr. Ill, p. 117

OT5T ^ tssj (3(fhwi !4*rilni firfciv ylri&UT^r nti^M'j^) Ih'i^*i1h

(well, Vrshala, there are two means to be put into effect against

disaffected subjects, viz. favour and force).

SECTION VI.

ON THE CONNECTION OF SENTENCES.

433. In Section II—V we have treated of the different

constituent elements of the sentence. This last part

of the Syntax will deal with the various ways , in which

sentences are linked together. Two main categories are

here to be distinguished, 1. coordination, when—grammatically speaking — there is equality of rank be-

tween the sentences conjoined, 2. subordination,

that is such a union , as makes one of the links depend

upon the other, so as to constitute a period made up

of a chief sentence and a clause or subordinate sen-

tence. The former class is generally characterized by

such particles as have been dealt with in the last chapter

§ 433-436. 337

of the preceding Section, the latter class by relatives.

Occasionally Sanskrit prefers coordination in such cases in which

our language would rather use the other mode of junction, and

inversely.

Example of coordination in Sanskrit, subordination with us :

Mrcch. Ill, p. 116 ^H<r^H 5?!T Pi -<ijPi =er cfiftfrr =et (though blaming

it I do it).

Example of subordination in Sanskrit, coordination with us:

Dae. 30 jh FTN=M,^l'd4J<Xlf,J?T nrSTT ^rST^orT^nW^lH^TOTJfiTOT n^-

irgfrr: ferfir 5"aTari^r afore: etc. In translating such sentences

as this there is , as a rule , a greater deal of coordination in English

,

f. i. »I saw there [in the water] a jewel, I took it and went on, until

being tired by the exceeding glow of the sun, I entered some tem-

ple." Cp. 14, I.

Chapt. I. Coordination.

434. Coordination, though chiefly expressed by little par-

dina- tides, as ^", is not exclusively signified by them. ThetioH bymeans demonstrative pronoun , especially £T, may be a fit in-

strument for annexing a new sentence. Sometimes both

particle and pronoun are wanting, and sentences are

simply put together: the so-called asyndeton.

435. I. As to the demonstrative , some instances have been1. the .given 275. I add one more from the beginning of the Panca-demon- & ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ r

stra- tantra ^Rft sTrraonrHT iM^i, ^l^cHi{Ky rrnr ;ttt^i?T3 tw^ilfMUrtiTe

' TRTT STH5T i FTOT 3?r: qsrr: snrsr:. Nothing prevents the employ-

ment of both dem. pronoun and particle together. So often sffafq.

The acc. neuter tTrf and the abl. neuter FrFFTFT'

when = „therefore , for this reason," have wholly got

the nature of particles. Likewise fT»T.

436. II. The asyndeton is mostly met with either in short

statements , to express antithesis , or for rhetorical pur-

22

338 § 436—437.

2. the poses , especially where the speaker is excited. Pane. 26

deton. s^sf ?r JT^TfJTT srzf cftcutt: (so it is, he is a Lord and we are wretches),

ibid. 113 q-^ «iWr sir >;aifti-Pl 5^n (it is not your fault, but that of

your master), Mudr. Ill, p. 106 ^qrrarT ^dH—liy IWrl (this is already a

real possession, not an expected one), Dag. 16 f^r ct>/)(Ij gr iix^iR

naffer Hm^PJ (what shall I do ? whither shall I go ? have you not

seen [him] ?). Pane. 134 <Hroi(HU i -c$ n^rlj" gJlsH*jRH a

here the second

sentence enunciates the reason of the former one, but there is no

causal particle. In a similar way sn is omitted in the passionate de-

claration of Damayanti (Nala 4, 4) g-fg; fet UdMH r rrf Urm<°m<aRl n\44j

fyimiTi jra- irsWiWTST FlBr chliUIH, likewise Kumaras. 6, 12 &ft

qJTTf^rJPTroWr 5f# f% >T%T Slrrf^ (whether man or woman , it matters

not —).

437. III. When treating of sentences connected by par-

tide""tid©8 it is best to keep apart the logical categories,

copu- Mere copulation is denoted by ^T, ?TFT, ^T — either

*£j; single or combined, as ^fa *T, ^Tfa", %f%\fa — , by

f% ^T, WT^l, ?RI, by FTrT: and cFTST They an-

swer to English and, also , likewise , moreover, further, then

,

thereupon etc. They are not quite synonymous , and each

of them may have its proper sphere (as rTFT! to sub-

join what is subsequent in time , T^} ^, ^FT^T, 5F*TW

to signify the importance of what is added , ?TST to im-

port a change of the scene , of the action , of the actors

etc.), yet it is neither easy nor necessary to draw the

boundary-lines sharply between them.Examples: 1. g. Dag. 83 fSrfgr ailfwi' cr^f jfg^T SW qq-SMmchl

<<Jfch^ Ul ;— 2. safe*. Mudr. II, p. 69 fuiiol^* [S^uiH T qf}sH-4 I FoT-

Tf<j temltichi^tH'^i* 3T7T (Priy-! mJ attendants may keep their rest and

you, discharge your duty); — 3. sjq-. R. 3, 14, 4 h fr [m^M *TFaT

qsTUWHH jmzt: i <TOT gi?rqcJraiT<!r <TO^ mr ^f, Pane. 3 the king

first spoke to Vishnugarman , ^then the other replied" =g^r Qmumf

§ 437-439. 339

ft ^TsTPrq%; — 4. fcfixr. Pane. 214 f%tr=r fo^r i ^fsr^Tf^rm ^ftst:

the reasons , why he is to be killed are then given : etft:

f^? =3T 3wr sni^" xr (for moreover then one says

it is also taught); — 5 ^qjq. Pane. 135 qsTOTTT: STsrf ^r sr^rT: i wffcjch^^al ur^rdrij yMUidi: (all these poor fellows are depending on me

,

besides they have left their families in order to join me), ibid.

IV, 65 fq# ^jfiHrii awTT^ (secondly) q- ftftrr jjftt st^trt:t ^ (moreover)

ojiqq ;— 6. ^-^rw- Pane. 168 a heavenly being prevents Somilaka

from suicide , and says ^g- HTf^ jp-. •• <r?^ SoRTf drti ?&m na£i-

yyi^Hi^ ?re: ; — 7- FTrr:. Dag. 138 =sr^ g j^n udmftiw i ft?t: ftiT^-

fftar fT^frfarN l^prcrT gfCTJrnr. (you must make me enter, then

recall our father into life and act in the way that shall please him).

Eem. 1. Txvj is not seldom — snow", fr. or. Pane. 94 chfwfekri -

vHWt mt JTrWT: ?rf?rr I %V ER5Tf%# 3^fT5RT £gT ITEffefiwtforfw^-

3irr (in some pond there were three fishes. Now, one day fishermen

passed, looked at that pond and said).

Kem. 2. =g, JErftr, wt are sometimes to be rendered by but, yet,

nevertheless. See 441.

438- ST Tf, ?TFT #T, ^ #t etc. = „as well

as ;" „not only but also." Utt. II, p. 29 f&^rq«JV 5S5T i<4chfgq>H im tWlST^sT ma |f%rTT^OTrmfWTrTT cft

igiTnTTfirjP5r

gjijH I Pol fit ^rrtjfriH :(not only the sacrificial horse has been loosed

to roam at will, but also guards- have been appointed to- it ac-

cording to the ritual, and Laxmana's son has been sent after it).

Eem. 1. The archaic dialect has also the combination 3rT- • • •

3rT- The old verse 3?t rcT: QSCT^T Zjzi dl'cWH For: SjtjoP?T auaflrtHl^ is

commented on by Taska in this way aujch: qSET^T nauR crraTtq

=3f anjoi-J s^uiVtH l^ (see Nir. 1, 19).

Eem. 2. A repeated =g may occasionally denote simultaneous-

ness. Kumaras. 3, 58 sttt =et smft: <hm i m<hi4. ufn^i^ij^i riWrFW ^^trrryrq- (Um& reached the entrance of Qiva's hermitage, and at

the same time Qiva ceased his mystic exercises), cp. ibid. vs. 66,

Eagh. 3, 40; 10, 6; Kathas. 18, 120.

439. The foresaid particles are also used to connect three

or more links. In enumerations, it is regular

340 § 439—441.

to put rTT^TrT in the first link (cp. 399). panc. 281 ^j?-

Srnsrp?^ *m^*reiQ;wT f^mr ^ f%7rfars£fisr: (in the first place the

loss of my dwelling, then the alienation of such a friend as you).

The complete set of particles is: ^ rnsir^, 9T^ mar^or vsm fnsr?T^

in the first link, jjqiii

or =g-q- or FTrr: or ixzm etc. in the second

and other links. Pane. 67 the lion chides the hare, who has been

despatched to him by the other animals rcgr fTToTsr ^rer: trnft -sqx

dcr|l(H*Hlil , Pane. 181 OT3~T (TTolQ,7i'M!ilWH: "jf^oll^tfWtrlrn tjJilrUIJHaHrfl

•

RjslfoiJl i l: ) Mudr. Ill p, 173 the three links of an argumentation

are marked by man, rfi=r: and ^rj\.

440. Disjunctive sentences are characterized by 5TT, orDis- ,-,

i?

n

n

c- =TT m, 5TT m\ STT, S^oTT. See 428 and 426.

Another kind of disjunction is that represented by

„some others others again" and the like.Here

indefinite pronouns are to be employed , as ^hNrl

%%?T; %fe?T or ^%. .... WT{, 5RT etc. Likewise

the adverbs made of them. Mudr. IV, p. 138 rrep^m^nichm^ou^m *jj: i -y-djmr BdHmu sa^Miyu ^P=im:-

441. Antithesis may be variously denoted. In the first

thesis, place it may be expressed by adversative particles , viz.

rf (429), CT^T, T^Tl, also by such combinations asf^T

rj, q-^rT, q^fsfi" FT. Further ^ ,^, W( may be =on the other hand, on my-, your-, his part, again etc., or

if stronger antithesis is implied, = but, yet. Nor is the

asyndeton rare, in which case it is the mere arrange-

ment of the two contrasting ideas, by which the anti-

thesis appears , see 436.Examples: a.) antithesis expressed by adversative particles. —

g. Mrcch. IV, p. 141 f^nrT ff JTTq W5?&rTT fow i l^d qfiUH l: i tppsntrrt

g mfujrti snr^oftqfjwjr (womankind, indeed, are wise by nature,

§ 441. 341

but to men wisdom is to be taught by manuals); — trpr. Pane-

315 wsfirq^" mnfif ijf^uTi' UTtf i fa (it is so, yet I will ask my wife

nevertheless); - f* g. Hit. 106 jjf fTTor^sr fSTfRgftsfifWra*

T^FSq": I f^i F&rl^iwi^lq- UTrtjoKaHHi £?Jf : femw (well , this great lake

has been very aptly chosen to be our fortress , but you must lay

up provisions in the island in the midst of it); — qj ft- Pane.

304 srn^<n( jtht: <t| h srr^f^rii: ; — ^ fsff h- Pane. 16 y riWrir<j|

f^ ft" (this is true, but —); — qrc;. Pane. 72 mj niwJld) |om i<Mi

CPT; 5T^hV J-IH II UI-i: (he is an herbivorous animal, but your enemies

are carnivorous).

Rem. 1. tpr: , like ft, is generally subjoined to the first word

of the sentence. It must be kept in mind that its adversative

power is but secondary; properly it means »again," and may be

used in the weakened meaning of »on the other hand, yet," just

as again in English T).

Rem. 2. Of the adversative 3 instances are often met with in

such works as the Aitareyabrahmana and the Chandogyopanishad

,

occasionally even in the epic poems. It mostly joins with some

particle or relative. Ait. Br. 2, 39, 11 marrf § sr riTH I-u 5T5; &

ueiI^t 1 qisrTiT ^r irr f3w ft OT: (— hut those , of whom he has no

knowledge , what is to become of them ?), Ch. Up. 6, 4, 6 u%....

07, ibid. 4, 15, 3 msr 3 »but he." Sometimes it is almost — g-,

for it has less adversative force than ft-

&)• ^, sfcr or =gg- = but, yet, nevertheless. Nala 1, 5 Bhima bears

the epithet of gsrrgrTT:) *° which are added the words q- =grn?r:

»beloved of his subjects [and at the same time sdesiring to have

children"], yet childless". R. 3, 37, 2 ^»V. g^srT { isWHHri fyudl(<-l: 1

srforer ^ qsrer ErarT utefrr =sr ran: (they who always speak things

pleasant to be heard are easy to be found, but it is as diffi-

cult to meet with one who speaks an unpleasant yet whole-

some word, as with one who listens to such a one), Mudr. Ill,

1) Tet, like »again," it may occasionally head the sentence. Pane. 3

^m^J cfj^fif FTH: teMWrtHi'l <*i()R.; Da?. 181,1.14.

342 § 441—442.

p. 105 Canakya to the chief of the eunuchs a^t psrf^SPTST ^TOT-

Efaeftaff fazmTmwr.im f a,tMRritflri (the king's attendants are

indeed Canakya's enemies. But where is the cudra-king?). Like-

wise agar, -cp- 42e-

442. Observations on the adversative particles.

satives* ^° emphasize the antithesis, a limitative particle may pre-

answer- cede in the foregoing sentence. Then we have the type of Greek

lfmi- (th Si , Latin quidem sed or vero. Such limitative par-

tahves Nicies in Sanskrit are rTToTrT, W3T, JidcrW , EFfTTJT, f%tfT, STrJPT, rn-ir.

Pane. 313 =^ FTTdr^HUMMd'ri'lshtJ i fri i far cpr: td-c^ai nTH ar^r (I will look

out for the farmer, but you —), ibid. 195 akH \ <i\ Hld&Rrrat TTsTTi

5T =5- =T chmfq kurl iUM-llA ch^fd (it is true , we have a king

,

Garuda but he does not care for us), Mhbh. 1, 48, 6 cfrnr =^ iPT

=r xma nj Fat chiM^m'if^f ft 3rnrrrft£reaT5TFT?FaTfqwTj5?^(to be sure,

it does -not befit me to ask you about such a matter, but ow-

ing to its great importance I have ventured to urge you), Pane.

Ill, 171 st ftfe- fe„y< irHM q- ft ft 5T5y#r *w. (he accused himself,

but not the fowler), Kathas. 39, 21 stow qj dt,U 'H : m swuwsn i^UM -

Wrl^diTFT.

2. If the preceding sentence is negative, the adversative par.

tide must be rather strong. Such strong adversatives are fgfc ft, qr ft,

srfg ft 5ft H and ctfjtft >-on the contrary." Pane. 203 ^ ftst?; ijf f¥r fj q?T5r,

and Dag 77 ^r cFTEm SIT llVoWcHMft (T 'Jchtfi l lu ithlU IwTld-i) t% W. ST tnTT^T

aT3fT ' (neither external beauty nor riches are the result of manhood,

no, he is a man who is loved by the foremost courtesan), ibid.

100 ^TsTf Fat Hl-^rVjfd HrJFT yHjftlWrtjd Jlol^lsil^ (be will [not

only] not kill you, but he will even make you heir-apparent).

3. :t choMT in the former, g-, aft etc. in the latter member are =:

g- g- »not only but also. " Pane. I, 33 q- AoigWMHH ^Wrt

=et f&3C5Rm, Nagan. V, p. 85 air gf^ft atijrrorr^Tt q ska^r firart stf^ft

*HI=slfrHI Jl^H fuiwJUtoi Mdgmw iHRHwfrl(not only my son Jim.

here is alive, nay he is even respected by Garuda, as a pupil

reverences his teacher), Kagh. 3, 31 q efereFr rKfrichml"^ : t%FTToT-

^oRir^tJ^t^fg st:. — Similarly ^ QJJT. . • • • aft or <g or ^im aim.,

see f. i. Kathas. 33, 138. As to rr qrrr. znsm see 480.

§ 442-443. 343

Rem. If on the other hand ^ precedes and efejcftit or QT1!

introduce the second sentence, these particles may be almost —»but." Pane. 122 q- trg-f^ jgr wan: zm^f m-qsrfl^-fir (you are not

an honest man,you are but an evil-minded fellow), Prabodh. IV,

p. 84 ipft ^r srraf fui(M> =r sg«f ^ fcmmm =r rHlfdMij i ^ =5rrfcr ft^r-

ftj^rairtiT: ScFfTOTT qr|- mnmi •s^ren (in the subduing of anger not

fatigue of voice , nor head-ache etc., but I [forbearance] alone amto be praised),

fttir, 4. The phrases fsm, Per :t, fef? enr: , ferrT and gipf: have theN* vj O O vj o

f% meaning of Lat. nedum »how much more" or »how much less,"

<m: when heading the second member of a complex sentence. This

*°d idiom is much liked in Sanskrit. Utt. Ill, p. 39 q^r roriMoiPm»oi -

the ' L o c

like. fri-TiM; oRJ^oTfTT aft =T ^^JrPfT fsfr tp>Trzrf: (not even to the deities

of the forest you will be visible, how much less to men?), R.

2, 30, 21 ^rf f| Hf%H srt#r gprraft ^rr<=?r% i f^t 3^sr srisrfftr ^ftr ^=sr g^fiPrrTT (I cannot bear this sorrow not even for a moment , how

much less for fourteen long years), Hit. 2 n-jfrcfiqw^raft fttT zr? tMHKW(even each of them by itself suffices for mischief, how much more

to him, who possesses them all four), R. 2, 48, 21 ^ fir ^t dtfoirHiai :

3ttT: T3: ^nrr iPT:-o o o

443. The causal particle is T^ (429). It may be com-

^' thepared with Greek y»p, since like this it has a rather

causal rparti- general employment when annexing sentences which

contain some motive, reason, cause or even a mere illu-

stration of that which precedes. For this reason , it may

sometimes be rendered by „for" or „because" or „ since,"

sometimes with less emphasis, sometimes it is not to

be translated at all. At the outset it was, indeed, a

mere affirmative particle. Viddhac. I, p. 7 fim: ffgry fspr^t

rrrrfe a'srif^r wt trf§T^ crmf^ i ewrjsfr^r <ry <pftrr 5tst f| srft: fti^r

^FtSft: (pure wisdom is indeed a cow of plenty; it milks bles-

sings , it repels mishap , it produces glory, it cleanses the dirty, etc.)

Kad. I, p. 20 the king has declared his astonishment at the great

344 § 443- 445.

gift of speech of the parrot which has been offered to him; in

reply to this he is to!d fej=r f%=PTjsm' f^ attfimiffo rcmrrfr ia^-id-

STSTT emPOrf oiMM^n^Pri (why wonder at this? since parrots, mag-

pies and the like birds well repeat the words they have heard),

Hit. 4 «ii^R,jj±ttrjWf g ywi^Hriruyfa-l^imiij sim f% Htiwfuch)

fgwr mm wfcn: tTsrftr: sitftt:-

For the rest, if it be necessary to signify the cause

or motive as such, the relatives OcT and <TFHTrT are

used. See 467.

444. As conclusive particles we may consider the de-Conclu- _—-—— f**- C

sive monstratives FTrT and fTFTFT, rTFP, W\>, r1l«?» „there-parti-

•*- -^

cies. fore, hence, for this reason." Hit. 5 qjd^H *& ft^ <dBfri

WSTrfl r)y-llr<Jhy*U Ul JJ7T chiliad ft H'.-

445. Especially rTH is exceedingly frequent , and in drawing

elusive inferences it is always added.force of Rem. In the archaic dialect many other accus. neuters of de-thepro- *

noun g-, mon strative pronouns were to some extent used as particle3 : BrTrT>

*£•> ^T_ almost = TfsFTj -^m, sfH- See f. i. Ait. Br. 1, 9, 6; 14, 6;

Ch. Up. 4, 2, 1; 6, 8, 3.

"~

Even the pronoun H, when conjoined with another

pronoun , especially a personal one , may import a con-

clusive meaning. Mhbh. 1, 146, 29 Yudhishthira advising his

brothers that it is necessary to keep themselves hidden from

Duryodhana , concludes thus ^ air H i I d 1 u?i oH I -ij J m sriTVTf^iT^etc. (let

us therefore ramble over this country , being intent on hunting), Qak.

II Dushyanta is requested by his mother to return to his capital,

but he wants to remain in the hermitage , to defend which from

the evil spirits he has been entreated by the hermits ; now he

decides to stay there himself and to send his vidushaka home in

his stead , with these words ^f rmrar foRnjrsrrfu: jrgr ^sr jjfirT: *r

lTd l firf i ufdPd.rtj rnTUoTfTTart U-lehliW-JWIri^fri (friend M., my

mother treats you too aB a son , therefore , do you go back home —),

§ 445—447. 345

Utt. I, p. 11 Sita perceives the portrait of the deity Ganga; Rama

praises the deity and concludes ^ rdH^ jflrrrat fgr5TT?mM<J( i

UoT (be, then, mother, propitious to Sita). Another instance illus-

trative of this idiom is Ragh. 1, 5, but it is too long to be quoted,

for to translate it correctly the whole passage would have to be

given. Cp. also Mhbh. 1, 153, 4.

Rem. Occasionally g- is used so , even without the personal pro-

noun added. Dae. 141 cr=r rrcnfijr sTTrnrrer; limn ^f^Tumw^t fiWrirsr

H IM [df^gTHTOrnsTfer (I have abandoned you, my son, as soon as

you were born, why, then, do you welcome thus your cruel

mother?). Cp. f. i. Ait. Br. 1, 7, 3 ^ sft 5r| ^.

446. Nevertheless, however, yet is rFTTM- It commonlyfTi

rte, '|L|

" introduces' the apodosis after a concessive protasis (483),

but sometimes it may usher in a new sentence , as Pane

332 ift: MruqH^ torrj-rfiQfrrraT ^ vsmwh ^rq^TrrirTETTfa tr^ror ent sr^f

^TRW (it cannot be denied, that every success occurs according to

Destiny , nevertheless a man ought to perform the prescriptions of

the good), cp. 315, 1. 22.

447- When connecting a negative sentence with an affir-

nSttog mative one , the negation , as a rule,precedes the con-

Tife nective particle-. Therefore , *T ^T — Lat. neque , ^f ^T,

ceS: 7f FT, *Tr^, •wT etc., likewise *TT — *T + ~5, »T ^,a) with O' ^

mative ^TtrT- Nala 3, 16 qw^SJ SKrlHT ^f fTT: [sc. crprr^rr;] tt ^T-ones

' qwmTSFrT (the women praised Nala, but did not address him),

Pane. 241 o**i oMchlftfchi' "f^TT fs?r crf^fH =T =5 FT JJtpTT 4vWn\ fSuMpc)

(day after day he throws down a little piece of wood, the stupid

owls not being aware of it); ') M. 2, 87 chui^y^r srr SFsrfr^(he may

1) Occasionally this order is inverted :g- q- or =g :T- Pane. 285 H5T

srterFTt Pci(-H-4ragufigrr n^r: ?rf^T jto ?r rts (— but not so have I),

E. 2, 26, 3 sr^ =srrfa rfrsrsf =7 sroTsr.

ones,

346 § 447-448.

act otherwise or not); Dag. 141 gsr M£ui<*lf}uT) i^ri% snptrt ?RT

rTcm|ffT dhcH SJcrt Tm^ri l lri cFmrfcrr <TTrjq (she has done -well , for a per-

son like me does not deserve —); Vikram. IV, p. 148 .iduTlilM-

WMllQd fq^FT q- §3jJ =T U^^Rrl fsrsorra-: (—my heart is content,

yet I cannot believe it to be true); M. 9, 270 ^r ^ts^r faprr :snr|"

ErTrra"5Tfrre?f rrq-: (indeed, a righteous king must never put to death a

thief, unless the stolen objects [are found -with him]). Cp. q-

irf^ 485.

448. If the sentences connected are both negative, the

ne^- negation of the latter may be omitted. Yet the nega-

tion is often retained; and, if there is some antithesis

between the two links , moreover in causal and in con-

clusive sentences , it may not be wanting. One needs says

*T »T r{ and *H Isr* and »T OFT'.

Examples of negation omitted are given 407. To them may

be added M. 2, 98 q grarfn jTrarfrY stt (is neither rejoiced nor sad).

This idiom is especially employed, if two or more negative sen-

tences precede, to annex a last link. Nala 1, 13 q- g^pi tj jrtet

FTTTiiiloidl cfrfitrT i HHhi toifa :srRrisr ;rftiJ(5l<!lcji 5TiTT (neither among gods

nor among yaxas nor among men and others such a beauty had

been seen or heard of).

Examples of negation retained: Pane. 44 ^rairf^ i i^ i pH&shi|uj

?f arfffSf ^T ^T tost a^fa (from this day forth you shall not be a

gadding nor speak harsh words), ibid. 29 tj gfrsftf rll^ehHliN =3HTt

r^V aTTft' 5IrTt oTT-

Examples of ^ ^rf^;, q- ;t ft etc. Pane. I, 48 hJV q- irfw

JTOTRrer =7 rf SrSTrT CTferT; I qi% HWTiWr PchPdH; DaQ. 91 iFrT£rT =r

Hrteid-H sgq^JrVi =TfT tra^miqioiwrmhtflri (her kinsmen do not cede [her]

unless for money, but she does not accept [a lover] who buys

her for money).

Examples of asyndeton tj q- »neither nor." M. 4, 55

rffsiijj Pane. Ill, 98 qr^i^ifrT ^Vrfcr ^r 5>ww*lM^»ri ar^r: 3^r_ (a

dog's tail neither covers the privy parts nor does it propel the

vermin).

§ 449.. 347

Chapt. II. Subordination. Periods and clauses.

449. When subordinating some fact or action to some

other one, there are two different manners for bring-

ing this relation to grammatical expression, either by-

synthesis or by analysis. The synthetic expression

takes up the clauses into the frame of the chief sen-

tence , while denoting them by verbal nouns or no-

minal forms of the verb , as participles,gerunds , in-

finitives and the like. Then , the sentence contains but

one finite verb significative of the principal action,

the other actions appearing in the shape of nouns and

nominal forms which by their noun-cases and moda-

lities are to represent the relations existing between

the main action and the secondary ones. By the ana-

lytic structure, on the contrary, both the principal

and the subordinate fact are evolved into full sentences

,

either of them containing its finite verb. Then, the

clause is marked by a relative, which by its form or

its referring to some demonstrative , or even by the place

occupied by it,points out the chief sentence on which it

depends: A relative sentence by itself is nonsense, it

demands some main sentence to depend upon, of which

it is logically but a detached link.

Exactly speaking ,* it is the analytic expression alone

that constitutes subordination of sentences. The synthe-

tical expression of clauses does not create new sen-

tences. For this reason-, the participles etc. are no

subject-matter of this chapter, and have been dealt with

in Section IV.

In Sanskrit both modes have been used from time

348 §449—452.

immemorial. "We have no evidence to decide which may be the

oldest. For the rest, the relative system stands to participles,

infinitives etc., almost as prepositions to noun-cases, as auxilia-

ries to verbal flection.

450. Sometimes the logical equivalence of a gerund , a participle etc.

to the protasis of a period is grammatically expressed by a subse.

quent ^m or ftft:. Ch. Up. 6, 13, 1 <rioim4H^<* -savTirrer m mn^i-

STT^HTT: (v. a. place this salt in water, and then wait on me in the

morning), Kathas. 13, 144 ^q udifJUhl riHH£fu.i*u=MHfcillH mrt-

4i<*Mi!(idui, Nala 5, 10 fn^wrw. • . srzr &%w Truisiwi~-M ^tw (as

Damayantl contemplated them, she did not recognize king Nala),

ibid. 2, 14 Hld-cfojroll JTEToTT rTFT: chUM^'cUtl iHHt^M Mil mfo rT?ft:, M.

11, 91 fhtt telchlti £r£iif rram- foifyom HH : (by this [penance] such

a one , when his body is wholly burnt , is then released from sin).

451. Subordinate sentences, then, are characterized byThe

relative relatives. By this name I designate the pronoun ysystem.

with all its derivatives, whether they may be called

pronouns as *T'> (who), Ml^lR" (Lat. quantus), ^\^S\'<

(Lat. qualis) , or pronominal adverbs as UrJ'< (whence),

ST3" (where), (PJ\ (as), and conjunctions as Ml<^ (if). They

have in common the property of referring to some

demonstrative , either expressed or implied ' in the

main sentence. Such a couple of relative and demon-

strative, standing one in the clause the other in the

main sentence , may be compared to a system of hook

. and eye holding together two different parts of a piece

of cloth. Of the kind are W ?T, *TT^T: fTT^ST:,

*T3T 713, ^ rT^T, ^ FTrT: or R^T or

• W( etc.

452. Prom observing the practice of Sanskrit authors the

§ 452. 349

following general rules about -the relative sentences

may be laid down.

parties"*' ^e demonstrative is chiefly the pronoun FT, W\,

FTcT and its derivatives , as FT^", FPTT, FT^T, FTtH. Yet,

it must be kept in mind that relative adverbs do not

necessarily require demonstrative adverbs of the same

category; in other terms, one is not compelled to use

the type *7rP FTFT:, ^ FT^T alone, but some-

times some other demonstrative , f. i. a noun-case ot

the pronoun may answer to the relative adverb, as

q-

^ WmW< ?T \Wt ^TUffa: (it is a charming country

where you dwelled).

2. Sanskrit likes to put the relative sentence first. In

this case we have a period consisting of a protasis or

former member, which is the relative sentence , and an

apodosis or latter member, the principal sentence.

This order is the regular one and much more used than

inserting the relative sentence in the main one , as is ge-

nerally done in modern European tongues. The demonstr.

is commonly expressed, sometimes it is understood.

Examples : Pane. II, 20 wmm arc =sr jt^t ^ sfjt =? tm msm s& g

SMTSTiW Ir^chH IdW^l rW ^ FT5.T ^ fWT ^ iW FTT5TW FT5T =Sf foryTFToTSnT^frr

(good and evil works of the individual are so requited by the

Divine Power as to reach [the performer] by the same cause , by

the same agent, at the same time, in the same way, at the same

spot, and to be of the same quality and quantity), M. 1, 42 g-ijf

FT JUTST cFfif ITFTRTfe cFTrfrlrfl FT^eTT 5TT •sfwTWfq (now, what duties

are assigned to the different beings in this world, I will tell you),

Utt. Ill, p. 42 ?nr ^jtt »fg jtjtt srfr srasrr q-i mft fzzm^aijizqT&s-

5ri <-tH*jn ^fTTt^r fttPt ^jt^pr^pftriifrjTorfrtifT^r^r fjt^FTTTfq-, Pane. 48

prg-s^r misUH FTTFaiiJFTTiT (do to him that which is fit to be done).

350 § 452.

Sometimes , however, the relative sentence follows

after the principal one. In this case, the demonstra-

tive is often omitted. Mrcch. I, p. 19 j^m m ^f?r a^iwcfttf i

^tarraferffTera-; n f( oJafcH (this ails me, that —), Nala 2, 25^ [sc.

gilchMM i;] t^wfrftsnrrSFr w. 'm nftfmr. (all of them went to

"Vidarbha, whither all princes were on their way).

3. Like the interrogative i280), the relative may be

part of a compound. Mrcch. Ill, p. ill utiwii srrfcr <ftp: =5TCT fzp?m°, Ch. Up. 4, 4, 2 <ji^im~I 35: zretatromlM (I do not know of

what gotra you are), Veil. II, p. 44 FTSltw fTJT^ijaf zmm HHMri)*

4. Nothing prevents the relative depending on a ge-

rund, participle or absolute case. Ch. Up. 5, l, 7 ^ ^ qnm:

fffrrofff iTiri(HrJ)-^4H5P^ ^r: w ^fn i m^Vorrcr Erfera irshi-H STf^

Hlfcfrrl(Pld OT ST ET: 5TW jfn (the [five] senses went to their father

Prajapati and said: »Sir, who is the best of us?" He replied:

she by whose departure the body seems worse than worst, he

is the best of you"), Bhoj. 26 ^n| fa^iW wift mWiirJl ^nropsi

f^TW [d^ti st^; ^Wr (the minister looked about the town , but did not

find any illiterate person to expel from his house , in order to give

it to a man of learning). — Kumaras. 1, 3 the pronoun g^r is to be

construed with the former part of a tatpuiusha zim f^if R' <HiMU*l -

foicrnfg sTtrW (v. a. whose happiness [of Himavan] is not disturbed

by the snow), Mrcch. Ill, p. Ill the thief speaks: rirchf^H^jl 5wrRJT-

FJTiwfi£CT Serf v tlQwiJ zrn% mjl: (on what spot, then, shall I

show my skill, which the citizens will admire to-morrow when

looking at it?).

5. In prose, the relative is, as a rule, the first word

of the relative sentence. Pane. 53 o=r dt,*uM :trr srro itstt hm^jtrasrr -sfsr ft^°, ibid. 62 tx: 5Tfr^ ^f£ utt: sr|or e&rfcrorr (they, with

whom. I always stayed, with whom I grew up and played — ).

In poetry it may be put anywhere. Varah. Brh. 32, 4 the Earth

says to the Creator mioi~iw rr^HWm ^ o^jsr^rfft ?r=T FPTT (o Lord,

the name of firmness which thou hast bestowed upon me, is vain).

The clokas I, 54-63 of the Pancatantra, which have been quoted

§ 452-454. 351

for a different purpose on page 266 of this book, may also give

some illustration of the poetical license in putting the relative;

in one cloka (vs. 62) the relative heads the sentence, in two it

is wanting , the seven others exhibit the utmost variety. l) Pane.

1,414 the relative sentence runs thus: ^rriwr ^MdH FTorfrPTt' srfeft-

qrfriq- wr =T trrPrr v- R- 2, 28, 26 we have this order br- ?t m ^

^fTT qftuij srasr pqm ftst t^twrti =t ftst €\m si^pt =cr^nj instead

of u?j ^ -prut ot^t irg rrf^r ^ftt ftst srtrrr ftst stcr =t ^cfrrf- Cp. f. i.

KatMs/29, 183.

453. As the demonstrative FT may have a general mean-

ing (276), ^ may have it likewise and of course also

the derivatives of both. Accordingly U> FT is not sel-

dom = „who or whosoever [he]." There are , however,

various ways for emphasizing the generality of import,

which are mentioned above (287).2

)

454. In general propositions , the relative sentence is not

rarely characterized by two or more different relatives

placed close together. When translating them , all of

them, or at least all but one, become indefinites or

must be rendered in some different way. Pane. V, 9 $&UfT f&UST: mr^^X FT5T STHrrt arf^T (if a person is wealthy for some

time, they become his servants for so long), M. 7, 96 jft Uremlri

fTOT rfrf (that which one captures , is one's own), Pat. I, p. 123 urat

fSHH T^HoirJl

1

JTt 5rerr: trasrY HorffT fr srf ^rr (the cows when

having grazed by day-time, lie during the night each with her

1) vs. 54."ch^ifH f^faWf et: irar5T?T5r^iT:

55. CPT«H I <:rl foT# 5jnir jft f^sHTfT. ?T°

56 ^PrTi^gf': ^TTfef ETT ^T T^ WT^'fT; • • Q°

57. sm ?ft iw^riw trJrn^ st°

etc.

2) To the instances given 287 I add Pane. I, 389 EFT eFPTTOpTCFT.

Sz\^ ^-mWRJT; cp. the note on p. 215.

352 § 454—456.

own calf) , Pane. 1, 48 n\ =T a"ft mniv<reT ^r £ ^3H TfevT: (a wise

man must not attend on such a one, as does not know his

qualities), Hit. 106 jft ir? cRST^t: 3TTH? <T rRT (dPtTldilH;

Chapt. III. Relative Jsentences , introduced by

pronouns.

455. The general rules laid down in 453 for all kinds of

dence relative sentences are especially applicable to those

relative whose relative is the pronoun T itself. It is , there-

in, fore, regular to make the relative precede. In Sans-

krit, as a rule, it is not the demonstrative which is

the antecedent of the relative , but inversely. Pane. 319

tst] c^t tT^i-w fffcrar iiriiutifri riraor ^wyfrii ?t =5 yq*i^i af^r-

Rirq ia traitor ^mr rTTSzrfcr, Mudr. V, p. 180 v tuWr ^ cJiiRsj-Tl-

ipTraf: ^oiTJ f: (ask one who is a honourable man, not me who

have now turned dishonest), Bhoj. 9 ?ir jtot fSrarrr iMoi l 'H l ^J rdrehH

cKflTCT sst it QthsHl stTrTT: (the penances and fasts which I have

performed in your behalf, have now proved fruitless).

This precedence is, indeed, but the consequence of

the entire employment of relative pronouns in Sans-

krit composition. They are not used , as in many other

languages, where the relative sentence may be a con-

current idiom of participles and adjectives and a means

for paraphrasing. But in Sanskrit only such attributes

as are of importance to the understanding of the main

sentence, are fit for analytical expression by means of

relative sentences.')

456. Sometimes the relative protasis + demonstrative apo-

1) De Saussure de Vemploi du ginitif absolu, p. 38: »la proposition

relative, en effet, contient toujours en Sanscrit une donnee importante,

et modifie foncierement la ported de la proposition principale."

§ 456—457. 353

dosis , even serves the purpose of emphasizing a simple

sentence. In this case, the relative sentence is but the

paraphrase of the main subject. Instead of Frt^TT

*T HrP (my horse has died) it may be said *Tt ^^T:

ST RrP. This periphrastic idiom is especially employed

in giving definitions , and in general , if the chief pre-

dicate is nominal, it is a fit means for distinguishing

the subject from the predicate by pointing out the

former as something already known. The archaic mo-

numents offer plenty of instances of this idiom. In

classic literature , though far less common , it is howevernot Wanting. Examples : a.) from archaic texts. Ch. Up. 1, 3, 3

?t: mrjTTTFTJft: #f&: sr STT^t zft sJTT^r: m oTToF?; Qat. Br. 14, 7, 1, 33 wet u

wt qgKrrm m r-K.r. sr ^ar; ftrrorf fifrMlchMWkK;:, Muir °- s - T - I*

p. 46 translates this passage thus: snow a hundred pleasures of

men are one pleasure of the Pil.ris who have conquered the worlds."

Mhbh. I, Paushyap. Uttanka asks his teacher about some strange

apparitions he has come across , while executing the orders of his

teacher. The other answers jj- jr f^jjft irtrrr f§ryTriT ^ (the two women

[you have seen] were the Dhatr and fhe Vidhatr) et ^ ir cftkutt:

f^fTTCFRra^H" TTar^-fi' (and the black and the white threads [they

were weaving] were day and night) and so on: q-; qxsr: ?r qsT^r:i

d^ssr: ^rt-sfrnur wsw: ?r ^jtsiht qui^itiii*w*jftf3E: ^r: sr %^i ;—

b.) from classic literature. Pane. 62 gg- q-q-; y|, fy jt sM^ISrY fRferTT:

srf^T (but in this lake the aquatic animals are brainless), Mudr. Y,

p. 172 gw^ei^m-sra - s^FT rrrqyntcR' ^afTTO (give me one of these very

three ornaments you have bought).

457. If the relative sentence follows, the inverted orderI

te

T

d

er" may be accounted for by some special reason. Mrcch.

order, jy, p. 138 SfftrfefTm g^KTT TFTT ^ & ^fk ^ CTtj ^ fsTSa^f^T (I hold

those unwise, who rely on women and fortune), here the stress

laid on the predicate gqfijjH l: has caused the chief sentence to

be placed before. Likewise Kumaras. 2, 51 the gods entreat Brahma

23

354 § 457—458.

hR^n) flwt aj &trt ircr (sc. hu*«j) <m*ih— ifrrr|- yjy^ni

sr <^fr*irtj rfcrffirTiUpUHteiH sn=p*JTr SF^tfer d<jR)iiM; The opening-line

of the Kumarasambhava is *Kffi^mi §isr iroiHirm R^Mifi ^TFT zunfv-

ttjt: etc., the glory and the magnificence of Himavan are extolled

in the following sixteen clokas (1, 2— 17) each of them adding

a new ornament to his splendour. In all of them it is the re-

lative alone, which connects the different links of the eulogy,

referring as it does to the preceding f^iiMm of the chief sen-

tence in cl. 1. And so often, if somebody or something is cha-

racterized by a series of clauses , the relative sentences follow after

the main sentence. In the last instances quoted the demonstra-

tive in the main sentence is wanting and it is the noun alone that

does duty as what we are wont to call the relative's antece-

dent. Sometimes, however, it may happen that there is no other

antecedent to be supplied than just the wanting demonstr. K. 3,

19, 7 ^ f|; tiaa im^ ^ffm u: *ti^ fsrfopr^I am not aware of [anybody]

in the world, who can do evil to me).

458. The relative pronoun must follow the main sentence

,

lative if it introduces a clause of a special character, especi-

noim ally a causal one, yet it may also import a conse-

hatefa qwence j a disposition, or even a purpose. In other terms,

chTrac-^ne relative pronoun is sometimes used , where one would

ter etc.;expect a reiative adverb or conjunction , ^! being al-

.oit m0st = 'qr?T (that he) or =OT ST (in order that he),

or = ^Tl£J((! (such as to —). Cp. Lat. qui — quum is and

qui — ut is.

a.) The relative clause implies a cause, motive or reason. So

especially after such verbs and nouns as signify a disposition either

glad or sad, either benevolent or malevolent , either content or

discontent, and the like. Pane. 250 m»Jcji<xdMoi l R) Jrerrraj HoWd

^feizrf^ (you are fortunate , indeed , for whatever you undertake suc-

ceeds), Dag. 90 H5T ysrr iifui*!^!^*! 37^ Hol^nl sfiRfdUH (she

is to be congratulated that it is she, who is the object of your

§ 458. 355

love), Qak. I ^ srsmpwf FrwoiKchUoTl jt ^n oivemvqTxr Pra^wr

(it is ill-judged of the Eeverend Kanva to order her —), Pane.

55 rTST cgj'rtM: *Rdl JTCFTSof f^fUrT , Da?. 135 i}^fS( JT£T SCfjvit Ef^fToT

WlfSjion^yJT.

Rem. Note the idiom jtts^iTj tresR in such causal clauses. R,

2, 59, 32 ^srtirrj d^fa^iy frersr T^pmTort =r ^rir mcH^ui^ (it is a

pity that I do not find Rama and Laxmana), Mrcch. Ill, p. 125

^TTi: 3^5? ITOT ^ ^dHiiH r wrof ijapMyg^oii-u (I am not

poor, since I have —), R. 2, 44, 26 qr^f ^ gf^ |-f§ ^nsk prer.

gfr;. Likewise q- ^sr. Qak. VII m mmmstni sr^frarn IWt ora^r n(|s^

oTCTFTT JTO ^Jf fa-^grf ftrvfrV. Op. the kindred idiom ^^etc. (445) ').

6) the relative clause imports an ability, consequence or design.

Pane. 192 fT^br felrM FoTOT chf*lry*M: ^ragTTTOT m farOrUdlchl^ *()(d

(v. a. you must apply to somebody, who is able to defend you),

ibid. 91 zkx rrr=rr <h*j^wj !IT >w jsrfiTrerfrf crgfFTJT_ (what is the Ocean,

that he should hurt my offspring?). In these examples from the

classic dialect the present is used or the future. In the old and

epic style such clauses require the optative mood (fjjrsO cp. 344/}.

Mhbh. 1, 157, 25 :jf^ nth mivw i Pi eft q-cutmni<ij (I see no means,

indeed , how to get rid of distress), R. 1, 54, 3 qfrrUfhT orfw^T t%T5

M^ l rMHI itTTt ^TstiJH^TT ffzw HSTeOfwrr (why has V. left me, to

be captured by the king's attendants?), ibid. 3, 13, 11 ^rrf^ST Jr

tvr sfte^ji aj*HWH^i sRmsriTOt ^rsrr srera- f^cr: "jeW;

Rem. The pronoun q-, therefore, may even be correlative to

a preceding Tzys, DcfwFT an^ the like. In all such cases the clause

1) The combination !T: ?r serves different wants. Sometimes it gene-

ralizes the relative , bo as to make it an indefinite= H5T, see 287 c.) and

Mrcch. X, p. 360 jt? FT? felrTT »staying anywhere." Sometimes it is to be

resolved into 3 (the »renowned" or the » well-known" etc.) a1

:, as Mhbh.

1,67,71 W-jat; =5 a£ ^ V rf a^fir^t tar^loTTJOT. In the same way

IT ^sr, n 3STT are to be resolved. Mudr. Ill, p. 115 mmx ildMidlUdl -

aj^t. .... JJFTT W5T etc.

Missing Page

§ 460—461. 357

the like. Op. also the turn ^ m^ (as much as), frequent with

commentators.

Eem. 2. A counterpart to the idioms mentioned in 459, are

jjTrrsr and jnci^ when connected rather loosely with the main

sentence. E, 3, 24, 6 ottstt ^ tgzfct trf%ufr oM^ un i SRTrft ^t

»ij ffTyr^ (considering the shouts of the birds here , some danger is

near us). So especially cttsttT and tnsrm = »as far as, in as muchas," cp. 479.

Rem. 3. If the relative sentence import a reason, a consequence,

a purpose, it is the pronoun q- that is the correlative of fTTtTSr,

not ?rrs^r and its synonyms. See 458, 6) and 466.

Chapt. IV. Relative adverbs and conjunctions.

461. Some noun-cases of ^ may be used quite adverbi-

tive ally and even assume the nature of conjunctions, as

verbs. *TFT, ?T?T, ?TrT! and ffFTTrT, moreover OT^rT and *TT3rTt

With them rank such as are derived by means of ad-

verbial suffixes , *TETT, ?T3J, ^\\. All of them serve to

introduce various kinds of clauses and subordinate sen-

tences. If we except ET3T, restricted to temporal clauses

,

and E|T^ exclusively employed in conditional and hypo-

thetical protases , we cannot say that each of the named

conjunctions has its own logical sphere of employment.

So for instance, ^r\ may sometimes express a reason,

sometimes a circumstance, now it points to a pur-

pose, now it merely paraphrases a fact. Similarly

SCTofF!' may be time-denoting or it may indicate a

proportion. And so on.

358 § 462—463.

1. Relative noun-oases used as conjunctions.

a.) ?TrT; lR; V(H'< and tlFTM.

462 EFT and the rest have nearly the character of such

^' conjunctions as Lat. quod and quo, Engl. that. At the

outset they were cases of the neuter of the pronoun.Compare f. i. these two sentences : Kumaras. 4, 9 u^Jl-cHrit'dPl chddM

(that which you said, I understand it to be falsehood) with Qak.

"V zrfrrer; M^uii^i T^taf £%r| Morprtrnrer c&wr mIIhmhi ad4fi^iri*i_

(that you have wedded my daughter by mutual agreement , I for-

give it both of you). In the former, uh is the ace. of the pronoun

and expresses the object of the relative sentence, in the latter

it is a mere conjunction serving to introduce the periphrase of

the subject of the main sentence, expressed by the demonstr. FTrT

,

but it is no essential element of the proposition.

463. The conjunction E(rT is chiefly employed to para-Its 6TQ" ^

ploy- phrase a fact, especially if this fact be an important

element of the main sentence : subject or object. As a

rule, the demonstrative is added.Pane. 147 ^f^r aw ^chim^ ifirW (you are not aware,

you have deserved hell), Vikram. I, p. 18 qrr dQu i ^oT sNHTrrfSsTHPfT

femHl ?T5^?T T5TT: (it is , forsooth , the glory of the Thunderer, that

his warriors triumph over his adversaries), Mhbh. 1, 150, 23 tft:

ZFTSrlf f^r ^ JTS^T n^T SRlf^ttlil =7 Qdl4W) IFjj ^5T =T Sl|iT: (what

can be more miserable than this, that — ), Pane. 56 Rhljoi zr?0H

mi% cnfqoTT iraT Hf fert 3>sri?rT (is this right, that all kings are

making war against me ?), Qak. II s^m; ^ g vfenrr Jlf^ticr: ferfcr

rrai =3^T (it is the highest glory for an archer, that his arrows

hit a moving aim). x). — In the following instances , the relative

1) In the archaic dialect the indeclinable jrfT occasionally serves, like

the pronoun u, for the periphrastic expression of simple nominal predi-

cates (460). Ch. Up. 1, 1,8 ott DoT M^f5.5^Ttl , Max Miiller translates

•now permission is gratification". Cp. also the passage of Mahav. quoted

466 R.

§ 463-465. 359

sentence precedes. Pane. 113 ^ ir1%5rxrf&<5Wf% fT^SOT (that you

covet the rank of minister, this too is unbecoming), Nala 18, 10 gfi^&T

<) Fortran1

ftbt ^ a?teJTffrir (she must not be angry, that he has left her).

464. The object of the words of saying , thinking, believing

etc. is often paraphrased by a clause, introduced by

the conjunction ?TrT. Cp. 494. Likewise by V(VR (472)

or ?TrT:.

Examples: Pane. 58 Hfe-KH wf JFrV crf^f^ qfnwndiwf'TfsfforT

cJIM^oTt nxrsr Rmfrlrt: (he being killed, people will say that Vas.

and G-ar. have been killed in a battle with a great number of

warriors), ibid. 201 pcfr q- gi% iraFq^rr ^^^^(you know, indeed,

that these are my subjects), Ch. Up. 4, 10, 5 [dsiM l uj^. drUlufl

ST^r (I understand that breath is Brahman), Qak. VI q- f%^r snr

zjonwrt a^rai^i^rT^fiT(ft Sorer srrcrc nmul^HijJhave you not heard,

indeed, that even the trees of Spring obey to the order of His

Majesty ?).

Eem. The well known Greek type ol'Sx tov xvipx on tilxuiis itrrt

is also good Sanskrit. Pane. 280 *rr<TC5f *TOT craqJW nw ^Ftem: ^Rh^,Nala 17, 40 ^ ^ g-aVr wr: cFrsmfr |r =3 3tm, R. 3, 3, 3 Fat ft atqTft-

=^TBr: aroH =sr^"f% <ui*M^, Mhbh. 1, 168, 9 ^jrarcr =r dMiPi ji-^uhIh

srr ti^r: (but of my brothers I do not know, whether they will

go or not).

465. Sometimes the sentence introduced by ^r\ has a

"5. a more or less causal character. When thus employed,causal

parti- Ejff is sometimes = that, f. i. after such phrases as 1cle. *s

am happy, glad, sad, it is good, I wonder etc., what

have I done to you ? and the like , sometimes it is —

because , since , as. Cp. the pronoun ^ with causal mean-

ing (458).

Examples: Pane. 143 *RJt.s^ tiaad l fq srf ft? 5Hcft ^wrfa (I am

happy that I shall still pass the time there in your company),

here ott = JJfafT^458)a R-)j Pauc. 203 ^ rsrOT h^" ^ii^moiymwT-

360 § 465—466.

q- qfdKl sfe (you have not done well to have entered my dwell-

ing-place), Mrcch. V, p. 188 3vwj ftsferesr jptt <[3hw etsit jt^-

^ff ^dPlHH msrfarorT srqT^3T: H^lfa (cloud, thou art cruel, as

thou frightenest me first by thy thunder, then layest violent

hands on me, attacking me with showers of rain, while I am

going to my sweetheart), E. 2, 113, 16 q?rf%#- arsrJf forf& fn§H

(it is no wonder, that —), ibid. 2, 63, 38 f#r fToHu<*»ri ^id-oW' RaMHl

rraTi jt^ rilQrHrold l(in what have I offended you that yon

should have slain me?), ibid. 2, 61, 9 cjd*H i ;nil rpq &gjr *T ^r^5ra:i

#H«il-rUl =T H Jjf- [hcrtril^ ^mr (certainly, my heart is of the hardest

stone, since it does not burst into a thousand pieces now that

I do not see him [my son]), Mudr. II, p. 79 f^j srror M^cjvjl :r sprfil

^ =r fdyrtjn iiHif^r ett ^rrfe- qfpniri f^rq^wr ^ Jrf^rsi^: ([may

it be inferred that] Qesha does not suffer from his burden, be-

cause he does not throw off the earth, or [that] the Sun does

not feel tired , because he is not motionless ?). B. 2, 68, 2 oh (since)

precedes, rTfT (for this reason) follows.

Eem. Occasionally tjrr and OrT: are used like an in such phrases

as »I am happy that" and the like. Prabodh. IV, p. 81 yr?fr^fiir

ETC trellRl-M^Mol ^wrrsrfT. (I am happy, that my master has in this

way honoured me), Pane. 296 fejrm ai^UHHMHl ?Tfr am^iui ch i fq

(are we the equals of brahmans, thai you call us to dinner?),

tlrf: is occasionally put to verbs of knowing ,saying , etc. (464).

466. oh, common as it is as a causal particle, is somewhat rarely

HTBj found as a final or consecutive conjunction, that = »in order that,"

when or -— ,in consequence of which." Pane. 199 khUH'r flrcrf ^k 3firf%4

or con- fsplrfeiT iir*Kinft terror MUldiPH (frighten them in some way or

tiveother, that perchance they may not return somehow), Ka§. on

P. 3, 2, 36 explains srgjnrorT^

Id^ i: in this way ^g- :tpt rrcrr

HTf^rfr^fo' ^ Wiufci (being indeed so closely guarded as not to see

the sun), Kumaras. 1, 37 UHldH l ETFT (in so much that). Cp. Mrcch.

V, p. 201, where Carudatta exclaims gtsfmrHfrj sft-W& (^T srfTfST

wr^TT i awlia^mn zr^ tmnrr djisrs): (let the rain descend inces-

santly and let the lightning flash for ever, in consequence of

which I hold my beloved in my arms, her who was unattainable

to somebody like me).

§ 466-467. 361

Eem. MaMv. II, p. 21 the raxasa says grp-j- ^ sft qrcfi^HPT^ST

^OTT ^, the literal sense of which is »to give her to another

is mischief to you," but when translating more freely »woe to

you, if she should be given to another." In the archaic dialect zmis occasionally a full synonym of zrfjr. Only see these passages of the

Chandogya-upanishad: 5, 15, 2 sf^Ft antTldM^i H Ulfim :

(your body

would have perished, if you had not come to me), and 6, 11, 2 et^srt

STTwf ^terf sT^rare srarfn (if the life leaves one of the branches [of

the tree], that branch withers).

In this passage of Acval. Grhyas. (3, 4, 7) fm sjoRromft HT5T-

rH i mfcl5ti zyj: (the cases of prohibition to study Holy Writ are two-

fold : impurity of person and impurity of place) jjrT may be ac-

cepted = »if," but- one may also account for it by referring to

the idiom mentioned in the foot-note on p. 358.

467. Of ?TtP and EpFTTFT the causal employment is more

and strongly marked than of *TrT. They not only denote

yw,rl: the reason , but also the efficient and material cause

:

for, because. The period is sometimes expressed in full

^TFTTFr rTFTTFT, *TrT! cFT sim., sometimes the

demonstrative is not added. Pane. Ill, 105 gf%rr<T5fcFT wtawirM(i^lfrr:i(J*Mr*m<illT^f?fTWTWT^ ^tot (since the wise have

declared clemency the highest virtue, one must protect even the

smallest insects),ibid. p. 107 qmi gi^srprr cFtnr cTJT: sriprcnT ^W irfirariH,

ibid. 72 H4>U"-i fsrwfff OrT: (this does not hold good , because —), cp.

Kathas. 30, 39. — Both eht: and jjwtft are excessively frequent, when

adding the causes to facts already mentioned before. Then they are

concurrent with f^ , and like this , they may be said to serve for

coordination rather than subordination. F. i. Pane. 241 -g^f dn<?ti\-

unw-jichmi feiri zrc[W5rr nFf.i ?ifT: « ftis^SjH =et yw: (it is good for

us ,that Eaktaxa is gone, for he is wise but these [others] are stupid).

Eem. With the same function are used the full phrases ijrr

cFrrpjfa-, m^ l cch l (U llrT) zircf^TTW and the like. Pane. 216 ?p?TTcff WfofUT * orffTrrsJ &=T mj^W^^ln FTr^; (you must not stay with

362 § 467—470.

us, for we have taken possession of this lake), ibid. 218 qr3nTHT

U I J UlU i ri'i R gwiTT = Lat. nam supplex non interficitur.

468. The conjunction tTR" is chiefly expressive of purpose

^ or intention. One might, therefore, expect it to be

construed with the optative or the future, and indeed

so it is,yet the present is oftener employed , especially

in simple prose. The same applies to Zfflf, when a final

particle, see 471.1. with f§r^: Kathas. 36, 106 h(^<M|" 5PT TfcSCT ^ff W^mvsmi ZPT

Rlt =T5T 5;:^rr^t miR THrUmm (therefore I will retire to the forest

now and pray to Hari, that I may never more be exposed to

such misfortunes) ; — 2. with future : Pane. 329 ^TTfTJ" i i -c^iffi srgt ^T

WT TWHm tri (I will go more swiftly, that he may not overtake me); —3. with present: Pane. 327 q-sjir qt jft rr^; i i-g^liM (dismiss me, that

I may go home), ibid. 52 qi75Frf%£ j;wch i (u'i frs?; etc hhU i

(; fSniT.

When the demonstrative precedes , the sentence introduced by zpt

may be also a consecutive one , as it points to the direct consequence

of the action signified by the main sentence. Kathas. 12, 100 fttt

ZRK ZFT ST: i JT^T^TT fSrHTHfT (act so that he will retire from my house),

Hit. 10 the tiger speaks rpr ^Trrrd kgftufa"^t ra gr^mwfq gonn-

5ijtrf zrel 5!wf%r ^irifM-^ i fn (I am so free from covetousness , as

to wish to give —).

469. On the other hand, *T^T — as it properly signifies

„by the which" — may introduce also a causal sentence.Kathas. 36, 121 Jjrrrf narTT^rTn mfag_ ssrrft iTsft wi' Hd Mr^MH I faIff (be-

cause you have struck me —), Pane. 274 f^T^n-wrr ffrft Jre mgn ^MrT:

(am I inferior to them , that they should laugh at me ?). Cp. 465 R.

b.) mj.

4 70 The employment of *T?TT bears a great resemblance

to that of Latin ut. Like this , *T21T has originally been

a particle of comparison „as," the correlative of which

is the demonstrative „so , thus." Yet its duty is not

§ 470. 363

limited to the expression of equation, but extends to

many other logical relations, chiefly consequence and

purpose or aim , though it may answer sometimes our causal

or merely epexegetical „that."

a.) When used in its proper sense for the sake of

mra? comparison , the parallelism of U%\ rTSTT or its syno-

nyms (^oFT, iTFEFT) is frequent, although the omis-

sion of the demonstr. is not excluded. Pat. I, p. 51 zjiN^r

rtZfTCH (be it so , as you desire), Utt. II, p. 27 iBHT^ffT jt^: tn% iirat

owsr fTOT sir (the teacher bestows his learning on his sluggish disciple

just as he does on the keen-witted one), E. 3, 19, 18 TirraBreert :?tiTT^

EpqT'SJTraT'SSfiTr fTeTT (I am reduced to this state, as [if I were] a

woman of bad conduct who has no protector), Hit. 108 Dcirpwir

am srsTfa; — demonstr. omitted: Nala 22, 4 sjnEr^f zfm£f ?sr irnf-

5pT3^f am (speak to him as Parnada spoke), Mhbh. 4, 2, 5 i\ka-d qt

um ^W (they will consider me like a king).

Eem. 1. nm may also be — sin so far as." E. 3, 5, 18 Eama

admires the knightly attitude and the vigour of Indra and his

men, who appear like youths of twenty-five, ^q- firsrfFf says he to

Laxmana grrfirir Q^fsrerfaonfisrai'T^— omr j^Momai ^sjt^h ftra's^RT:

(they bear the shape of youths of twenty-five, in so far as we

may judge from their outward appearance). Hence q- prm- am =Lat. non tarn quam, 1. snot so much as," f. i. Kumaras,

5, 37 ;tot =r mf : q,

fci<3P£dttT^ri,

:i iraTFsr^^i^d^ifdcdiffhJT-: trr&rT ^OT^oRTi, 2. snot exactly but," f. i. M. 2, 96 :r rTOHT^ [sc ^>aTftnr] ^im^t ^(HU-rj^SioraTi fsraow nsreTra am mn^ fartmi:-

Eem. 2. In protestations and oaths q-efT rR ^ft = »as

sure as so surely." E. 2, 64, 40 grn<?r-sf% am *J3 Pl^d; m«4*HUili

h* *?fcl n^TO & ^bhifroi ^07f*FTW (as sure as you being sinless

have been killed, my son, by an evil-doer, so surely may you go

swiftly to the abodes of the warriors), cp. Nala 5, 16-20.

Eem. 3. ij?n with f§rc may be — sas if" (343, d). Ch. Up.

5, 24, 1 am^HMlfrl HOTfr sTjamTpfirWm (this would be as if a

man were to remove the [live] coals and pour his libation in [dead]

conse-

cutive.

364 § 470—471.

ashes. K. 3, 51, 34 the vulture Jatayu is said to have fallen upon

Kavana in the same way »as if some mahaunt mounts a wicked

elephant" ^fy^st ildl(l^l JTerr BTT^ j^oil^m*i;

Eem. 4. u^j fr^t are equivalent to srerr rrerr. "With

optative hj^tt is also — »as if." Varah. Brh. 2, 19 Hin^UcdlKgr

U£r^lti,M<t| l farH i *H<U IM^<t<M I^ (a prediction by ignorant men is as

useless as if one were to question a clod of earth at the town-gate).

471- b.) M*MI points to the result, either effected or aimed6) final

™a

dfi

at. The result effected is set forth by M^l construed

•with a past tense and preceded by rl*MI- The result

aimed at or (what is often identical) the purpose is ex-

pressed by ZfflT construed with an optatiye (FT3')>

a future or, as is oftener done, a present (cp. 468).

In both categories of sentences the demonstrative rT^TT

is generally added.Examples: 1. ztzjt points to the result effected. Kathas. 25,

120 ^jtot ?r trin frer vmi sr fptt etztti wtarr =r fenft ui7w<?m utt^

(and by degrees he became such a master in this art [boxing],

that no adversary on earth could vanquish him), Pane. 318 ra- rPT

wjwferi'i rraor Hl<>y^i() gjrrr mn H aft wt: (as he was thinking

so, he gave the pot such a kick that it broke). See also Kuma-

ras. 5, 15.

2. jraT signifies the result aimed at, the purpose. Here the

present usually follows. Pane. 2 jrerr jtt *PTrprr. faPa Errf^FT 7mT-

^tfitlrim (act so as to cause my wishes to be fulfilled), Kathas. 26, 42

jjorf ir ^>h rrar umi^y yam Hi nt awMonEHlffi^ (cause me to see your

queen to-day), Pane. 151 ^ mr vmnfk zm si^-n^iPi «t muiumi «srfff

(I will eat [of it] in such a way, as to be supported by it for many

days), Qak. I OTsmsrTWT rrerr =r WoTtft rurr^Tta nfmti (I too will take

care, that there may be done no harm to the hermitage), Hit. 108

EmrffHUitid d'HH\ tawr. — Yet , the o p t a t i v e (t%qs) is also found

,

especially in ornate style and in ancient literature. Mhbh. 1, 163, 3

um fert =t fo^t^T =TJTprrfor:i rimJr arfujfY stpsj: (but this brahman

§ 471—473. 365

should be warned, that the townsmen may not become aware of it),

Kathas. 13, 55 ^ ^vrsft sr^femvmnzzr qwC'SSisftrr i rrar WKFt d^ft q vmWT^i%i ri^in, Vikram. II, p. 38 rT^nrf^FFaTTf jtot ^rtHsTtnnqt mrm- —Instance of the future: Fane. 105 rrarsrW fTTwrr frs^rerT fS llid l

JTqj qifofq rF^r^rTTBraTWPTfefrTT q ^ynf% (I have made them so discor-

dant that you will see them never more deliberate together).

The future is of course wanted , if the main sentence has a future.

Nala 1, 20 ^uti-dWcFnui' fori *t!if3ujif*J qsryi ztqt Foi^ J^f q m qsarfn

*r\fSiH. Likewise the optative, if the main sentence has an op-

tative. Dag. 138 mr fan SFFirarcf vm qq frtJjZTSim (I will arrest the

poison, but in such a manner, that he will be left for dead).

Eem. 1. If the demonstrative is not added, jjttt = » [in order]

that." Pane. 56 ^sftaftsq- f5T?TT fqjrqqf zsm W <i,\^aiiW\<ii {d (you must

exhort youf husband, that he may kill my enemies). Cp. Nala 1, 20.

Eem. 2. Instead of rjvn q with optative , epic poets often use the

simple rr (405 R. 1). Moreover, qTmay be = slest," when it agrees

with aorist or with optative , in epic poetry even with the future,

cp. 405 R. 1. — In affirmative sentences the omission of w[ is

very rare,

yet there are instances of it. R. 1, 39, 1 1 frsTqr fam-it

I'TfRitft'Sf^": 3irrf naff (make the sacrifice to be accomplished with-

out flaw).

472. c.) WW serves to paraphrase the object of knowing

,

C) JJWT

para- saying, declaring etc. just as SFT (464). Kumaras. 4, 36 fgrf^q

theX^ ^ ^ ^V -rtUWil?^ q qt fSrqr (you know, certainly, that

ject. Kama cannot be without me, even for a moment), Malat. IV, p.

69 sriir tfcrrqqwr wn qjjsrajsr qT<tfdww«r (jmfn (say, did you be-

lieve that it was Bhur. who will give me MalatiP), Pane. 200

dH irdd usrpJT^orri^qt jmu q f^- eFf^nfer:, Mhbh. 1, 42, 34 Kacyapa

starts to the rescue of king Parixit 5^ f^; ^q [sc. qTraTqrq] FT3>ra'OT' rf

^rasFTfrqi FT?f3T: <FqJTWT qiSOH JrqqTSTPT;

Rem. In the first and the last of the instances quoted we are

free to translate wx by show." Indeed, this employment of jrzrr

does not lie very far from that, mentioned 411.

473. d.) Finally, *T2TT may sometimes have the nature of

366 § 473—475.

d)zmr, a causal particle. This seems to have been more usual in

when a ancient literature, than afterwards. Ch. Up. 6, 13, 1 H-dldMW ^causal c

par- Qdti $zn fgrgTMHd l jy(he [the son] having looked for it [the salt,

he had placed in the water] did not find it, for, of course, it

was melted), E. 3, 57, 19 Rama surmises, Sita will have incurred

some harm, ^Srm smchiasm Q-i£i nf%rTT mfo jTmtzFrsrrfffiummx-

^of irf&'g" jtot crrcjferfrT >T (— as it is chiefly prognostics of evil,

that appear to me).

This causal meaning of jjttt is sometimes indicated by adding

fi^, the exponent of causality. K. 3, 11, 47 ^H^cjl^HMd, R^ (TOT-...

awuyj 3^%yJH JTTT ^q cM«ji«t ?TTrTT: <rf^ y^tw:— JPTT:.

In the instances quoted the clause with etot follows the main

sentence. If it precedes, we may translate it by as much as, con-

sidering, etc. Nala 21, 8 ymlui ^Piyicg: q^fcicl iTf^Tfan ^mai^iM

'Sfift q^T E'er T^Wh: {considering the joy, which causes to me the

sound of the chariot, I know it is Nala).

c.) ?r^r and ?rr^rT.

474. fl%\ is a temporal conjunction = our „when." Its de-

monstrative which is generally not omitted , is rl^J „then."

Pane. 303 jrgj jy^ frkiwYa^ i^. • • sr^FT <TOT «H4lilld:, Mrcch. I, p. 55

03T ft uTrawrHsHf 5^if ^: ^rTFtftqflm' stoct i fj^tw ft^mufq JTRJT-

!I5T repeated is of course — swhenever." Kathas. 25, 216 ftcht-

fSrfijr =3 m\sfo rewwfy a«7 jtst i frt fist dtH(V|tfirun*ufy irrfiH:. —a^sr »at the very time that." Ven. I, p. 24 gr^j Hld^Urii Fifor

isince." E. 2, 116, 13 psf a^nrirfn ^rfer^T^ mfT onra-i ?J3T*wfFT (^ifa

iilUchoiPiH . HHWPT (for the hermits are being vexed by the raxasas

since the time, that you stay here).

475. MMrl is chiefly used of time. Then the parallelism

-'M|Q(fi Fn°FT is generally expressed in full. Two

cases are here to be distinguished. Either simultaneomness

§ 475-476. 367

of the two actions is denoted , or the action with ril^rl

is precedent to the other,

jnarr I. If *Tr3FT FTT^cr, or inversely cTT3rT *flmi'"m

are expressive of simultaneousness , ^T^rT properly =while. a$ long as, while. Yet, it is also expressive of at which

time, when, sometimes it may even be rendered by as

soon as.

1- OTofiT as long as, while'). In this meaning it is construed

with the present, even when expressive of past facts, cp. 327.

Hit. 68 |or HT5r?ci; sTiaiR marsh ^ *doy*4 (as long as I live, you

ought not to fear), Pane. T, 64 irrsnwrrgra^n^mTorj^sR pr: i g^ff

iilRirfi *JI5W sronfrT orat jn\. In both instances jnHiT;— rTToir^=:

» during which time during that time." But not rarely its

meaning is » during which time in the meanwhile." Pane. 290

iTToit^Ht [sc. h^im:] riir^*Hii(m r*(^-Mi?r ywifh ?TTora1Mgrsrte<Tp

auiM: mhuiui ,ibid. 42 jjtst^ <.oi^*J^f<«u oprfa fTTarrsfrf Hgwt itsjh^-

sTTj: hithHh (as she is going to her sweetheart , she comes across

her husband 2).

2. otbitt^ at which time. Pane. 277 d)ioi?(i[gCTiT]ir<4lwfd FTTsra-

q^

g^5T (as he opened the basket, he saw the paralytic), Kathas.

4, 36 mdPrchRKH i HToifc-ifr-AT ^fT ^fHraT (as she went on a little,

she was stopped by the priest).

3. STToTH as soon as. Pane. 313 uiEr<£jyirr ^g^H ioicrt^M^ i^H ; (as

soon as the ass was seen, he was beaten with sticks).

476. II. If the sentence introduced by m^rT is expres-

sive of an action , subsequent in time to that expressed

by the main sentence , two cases are possible

:

1) Cp. the similar employment ofy lolrh when preposition (54 R. 2 and cp.

169).

2) dlol^l ldfH; -.. HloMTolt^=: »for every time for this time" (cp.

252, 3°). Mudr. IV, p. 143 u loN id'

EU^^ranncfg^fraT^-^Wj 1'

^ ^{iMollrf

368 § 476-477-

trrsiH a.) STl^lcl = till what time , until.

= until.jnsrpr until is generally construed with the f§T3 or with its

equivalent, the present (468). Then it expresses the intention,

but when stating a fact, past tenses are admissible (cp. 471).

Examples: 1. with flfrj?. Dae. J 56 jIgtt Uoi;gsM^iiiww<dfTi.4rMi-

fprr Hia^i^i did^m i: mfinrrT^TFrcra'T (therefore you must pro-

tect her, until I bring her husband here), Mudr. V, p. 167 rl l -iUrii'

Hid<jiolrHA-i-r chRiri naH (let him be beaten until he has con-

fessed the whole); 2. with the present. Pane. 276 tiic)<4 '^^ Unroll

amn^ i fi ri loic^ ram smrraiiT (you must stay here, until I return

with food), ibid. 286 mBTjIjrft ?rnra ^-duIWl Jrra^tpi^wfr 4teu

MMUl-cs?Tft; 3. with the future. Dag. 72 JTrfterea chifaR^ f^rrt^ a idRvf

McM l fl tlch'

ri ld sr CTTCJrfrt; — 4. with past tense, stating a fact.OvS \ C

^ ^KatMs. 4, 58 ^r ^ft JifH%rT:] H lol3 ft* I faPol41 Qri : I EnstrTrThT tr^"

d '-li l fOTfrTT Ul'-H (the maid-servants beguiled the priest , until at the

third prahar-a the judge came).

477. b.) it is simply stated that the action of the main

""^sentence has happened before the other. This is done

before , by the phrase FIT^H.— OT^TrT with negation , the

yU"m"literal meaning of which is : one action happened , as

long as the other did not happen. It is to be noticed

,

that ^T has no fixed place, but may precede MMHor follow it, either close to or separated from it by

other words.Examples : of OToFT = before , Lat. priusquam. Pane. 74 u lcH

chf$Kf% rTTbi-c^ i 'd iTOTrTTiT (go away soon, before anybody knows of

it), Mhbh. 1, 202, 11 jnsFT <£H^r)i*r> uiiuaui: ditacU^uTliiHaH (you

must strike them , before they have taken root); — aioiH q.

Nagan. II, p. 37 q Hld'^llR JTTol-HH gc^JoMUT fSMIillMM*piNIHi ST <A\iii[k\

(I do not let go [your hand], before you see my sweetheart painted

on the stone), Pane. 67 graf faa^ yia~W <feMiirTl ^ HcTPirtawffT

(tell it me quickly, before I make a bite of you), M. 2, 172 srihrr %MHVUblMiai g; qr sTTCTrT (before he is born in the Veda, he is equal

to a gudra) ; — q uioiH - Pane. 320 the chief monkey gives to his

§ 477-480. 369

band the counsel of fleeing away ^ orarfflCTsit ^raafr MaffT rtTSf^FT^T-

snjf mom oft ir^m, ibid. II, 191 yzf&i qwh q- ototcc^t n^jrorf

TT^ftorrtn'cRJr i Hioi^ ferfa STirqfoH »t.

Rem. Another word answering to Latin priusquam is qn. Indeed,

like our nbefore," ott is sometimes a preposition , sometimes an ad-

verb, sometimes a conjunction (cp. 324 R. 1.). In the classic dialect

it is almost obsolete.

478. c). When construed with the 1 st person of the present

,

=°"iT MN FT may also denote the purpose. In this case , the

°that^mam sentence which generally precedes, is only ex-

pressive of some preparatory action to be completed

„ about the time" at which the action purposed is in-

tended to take place; rTT^rT is as a rule omitted. Qak.

I SHT ^T5W)xr^|vt *rr tfjrfKtor J$ WTOT zrrol^cH^ Tffi (charioteer, in

order to avoid disturbing the hermitage,you must stop here , that

I may descend), Kathas. 16, 38 q-pn^T <J%: srtg- mmr m3(^ar^(po6k

an excellent meal for me,quickly, [that I may take it] when I come

here after bathing), Vikram. V, p. 162 king to charioteer H^iitfcitltl

Rem. In this passage ti i oiH1

is construed with the 3d person of

the imperative. Mhbh. 3, 72, 4 PU i ^l ter- • • ^ti l Hril- - •-J aWnft Uldd/i

479. Not rarely the purpose is set forth by *TI°TFr in an

almost elliptical way, no main sentence being expressed.

In other terms, 3T°FT with the 1 st pers. of the pre-

sent is used in self-exhortations, such as are ex-

plained 356. Sometimes we may translate it by „in

the meanwhile." Mudr. II p. 59 md«nmrmiTd«J tsotPt (well, let

me wait on Minister Raxasa), Qak. I jrrdiHi^TOlPwwifsirJT « (HQI-

STmft'i "Vikram. IV, p. 114 znsiiJW'ehl^ felt iWiW-dUillfa-

480. ^TT^rJ is not always time-denoting, it is also aeon-

junction of manner = as far as , in so much as , as is

,

370 § 480-481.

zttoitt indeed , evident from its etymology. Malat. Ill, p. 50 m^qrj= in~so m^rtisr Sprff"^ (in S0 far aS * liaVe heard

'M# waS tIle cau8e

)>

&r a9' Kathas. 5, 136. In this meaning zpqrr is also available, see 470 E. 1.

Kem. 1. Note these phrases: 1. tj marT---.. znaH^ »not so

much but rather." Kathas. 26, 23 ^ HlokUl ^ *H*<j(l 5£T mr

Jif^i^ RWTT JlTa^ djifrffigter qT%r. (v. a. ^instead of seeing that

Gold-city, I myself am lost and I have made the chief of fishermen

to perish also," liter. I have not so much seen Gold-city, but I

have rather —); — 2. tt qr^r or ^ *oicHM.-... OT3H »not only.....

but also." Kathas. 28, 160 snrrarcr f^r fzjzw <rf" =t <;(1<<=i iiicWiJlrd-

JTTJrcrt (not only the wound did not heal, but it became even a

fistula), Pane. 36 rr JRSfcfT y<=i*i Arfj^dr irrstr?PTCTOQjfT?smrq^PT^ iranrra'

<H imQ,Rj)M l^RHwlri (it is not only tne attendants, who are so natured,

but the whole of the creatures of this earth stand to each other in some

relation, friendly or otherwise, for obtaining food), cp. 470, E. 1.

Eem. 2. Pat. I, p. 9 y^HR ri'iH^ ^jff ti^rilomi^id^ -

. STTfrarFj-

faT-yjr (we say : they exist, only in so far as they who know the

theory [of grammar] employ them in their theories) affords an

instance of FrraTT et?t instead of man srrarT- For analogous

phrases see 458 b).

480*. In both acceptations, of time and of manner, one will meet oc-

casionally with 3T5nrr=: jrioTrT- Instances of ti loiHl = »as far as" are

found especially in Patanjali, of dldril = » whilst; as," dloiril ^ =jbefore" in the Bhagav. Pur. and elsewhere.

d.) trf^.

481. £r|<^ (if) is chiefly employed in the protasis of con-

iufs; after ditional periods. This main function will be treated inverbs of

douiting, the following chapter. But, moreover, like our „if,"inquiring r-^

etc- Greek *?, Lat. si, ^\^ serves to introduce the relative

sentence which is the object of verbs of doubting, in-

quiring, observing, expecting, telling and the like. CP^TTFT

^ = J will see if (whether)."

Examples: Pane. 200 SETfensaHt JTSTCTTT eW-HrMpuft^' (inquire, if

§ 481-482. 371

there is any opportunity of being relieved from this misfortune),

ibid. 121 cjjera- q- ?i*rf%T chn^qmM feHiar iq (tell me if—), Mhbh. 1, 154, 4

tf^; Errer erst m Sotm zt^ Eiv^rt\\m^ :56i wj (tell me whether you

are the deity of this forest or an apsaras), Qak. VI ferrarrt ?rft;

5iTraojij-UHriT <TCT Mwfa Win (reflect if not one of his wives maybe in the family-way), Kumaras. 5, 44 snj-^ ^rsr^TTTpTT f§WT5rf

JKi^untj thcrMH' (say, if the splendour of the evening-sky illumined

by moon and stars, does befit Aruna). — Sometimes g-B- and jjh

are equally available , f. i. with few (wonder), and with such phrases \^'

as I cannot bear, I do not believe. Qak. Ill focEj fe> trf^ f&SJra Yilh

p.•^r's V8.ni.

STSTT^^'prFRoirTrr (what wonder is it , that the two stars of the asterism

Vicakha join the crescent?), R. 2, 51, 14 qrsrir ^ ^terf^r srif ft (I

do not think , they are alive), ibid. 2, 86, 15 we have the like sen-

tence, but the verb is an optative (g^i;). Cp. also R. 2, 73, 8

5>*^ zrf§; ^arrTTijj and the like.

Note also jjfjr- with verbs of swearing, cursing and the like.

Pane. 75 ipf ^Hn^rr: sum Sircrfs; fT^onoinft (I may be cursed

by gods or parents, if I taste of it).

482. Sometimes the clause with qft; is used in a somewhat ellip-

tical way, viz. without apodosis. Qak. "VII Dushyanta considers

whether he shall ask the boy, whom he already suspects to be

his son , about the name of his mother : q-fjj- rnsrs^T feffitfriy =TRrT:

cn^irT (if I should ask now the name of his mother?). In a si-

milar way, if hope is uttered. R. 2, 59, 3 ^rsraT Jrfit tft rm cpt:

Srs^TOrfgirf (hoping : »perhaps Rama will again address me"), ibid.

3, 54, 3 Sita when being carried away by Ravana casts off her

upper-garment and her jewels among a little band of apes qf^ jjqjzt

srira'frffl' (perhaps they will show them to Rama). '). Such sentences

require the optative (f§r:?) because of the nature of their contents.

A different character is displayed by such ellipsis, as is shown

R. 3, 17, 21, where Qurpanakha says to Rama TTsrirt ^TPT *T JTTHT

1) Cp. the similar employment of Latin si, f. i. in the Aeneid, book

VI, vs. 187 si nunc se nobis ille aureus arbore ramus ostendat nemore in

tanto.

372 | 482—484.

Erf^& ^HljHMH ; (my brother is named Ravana, whom perhaps you will

have heard of).-1).

483. By adding %||Q to *TT^, we get ?PtTFT, the conces-

*ra^' sive particle though , although. Its correlative in the

apodosis is rl'M'IW nevertheless , however, yet , either ex-

pressed, or omitted. Pane. 37 zrofa rd^d-^H ^ ffijim pwrfir

kH \H \ tei^tH TCTrer ctTHT: (even if he does not listen to your words,yet

you must blame your master that he may amend his faults), Eathas.

52, 375 am irafcr sjpfor ^r^Trfer ^ rf sr^i hkiiRj ^bt fBrsonw sra^iha-

tRrrr 7TJT (my child, though you are valiant and have a great army,

you must never trust to the victory in battle , since it is inconstant),

Qak. I crra =r fejiifn a^fa r srznfa: i sfrcff %5Tr5rRjTW Tfir wpttttt (though

she does not join in the conversation, yet she listens attentively,

while I am speaking).

Eem. gfj jrfjr instead of ipjfq is poetical, as f. i. Prabodh. I,

p. 10 g-frr ufzi lolRlWl: UI(IMH 5TT *y*WiJ yy^iy^ FWrft'l ipt sm^jiPrsw

(though my [Kama's] bow and arrows are made of flowers, never-

theless the whole creation with gods and demons is mine).

Chapt. V. The conditional period.

484. The conditional period is a compound sentence , made

SonaiUP °f a Pr°tasis and an apodosis. The protasis contains

period. yie con(jition , whereas the apodosis states what will

happen under the said condition. The grammatical ex-

ponents of the protasis are *IT<^ or ^frf. Of these, *JT^

^ since it is a relative, heads the sentence, at least in

^k prose. But, as a rule, ^FT is not put at the head, it

is often the last word of the sentence;yet, FT5 ^\ *T sim.

being used, it is put close after them.

In the apodosis no correlative is necessary. Yet it is

i.) Up. Lat. si, f. i. Aeneid, book II, vs. 81.

§ 4:84. 378

utYve"often exPressed , viz. f\rf'> or <T$T or rTrT or rfl% occa-

strati

n" sionally ^2T.

tleapo-Examples of jrfj; and %ft: a.) -without correlative in the apo-

dosis. dosis. Dae. 105 qvr^Rn riwfr U37 sj^hr qtq (if I am a thief, fetter

me, gentlemen), Dag. 72 j^ m ioMJi,^ q- srfrfr sr^mrpg spt fqumrrf^.^ Uii^fTT: (if Your Holiness does not afford me protection, the god

of fire must be my refuge); — Kathas. 25, 19 mrorram af=r %ir (say

it, Eeverend, if you know it), Kumaras. 5, 40 ?^m qfri^M

J

fa

(answer me, prithee, if it is no secret).

b.) with correlative. Hit. 23 zrfr- ^rf^T fi^T gsfftqrfq sr^TT mci^-

fofq': q?3": (if food is wanting, one must entertain one's guest at

least with kind speech), Dag. 90 m^rfsji sf$l rfq|q&rT ft^t qsr<?r uan(if she should be brought to reason, that would be charming); —Mhbh. 1, 43, 1 Taxaka says to Kagyapa ?rf^ ^ q^- ^ ^ f^rftrft"-

f*fr*Hr£l Hrft ^ IRTT S^fM aTcTJT 5nWT? — Pane. 334 55TS& Jlf^ l l'-dotl

H^sr chchiU fq- ^rfTJT: (if [you] are obliged to go, even this crab may be

your companion), Kathas. 24, 146 q- Mr^fa FrfefffemV fenqaT-

j^q- (if you are not angry, I have something to entreat of you); —Pane. 16 g^snTPiq^ frff f$i5ri*£r q^n^: srg; — Qak. YII q- g^jrq--

cRinyfsjrJTq- gfrsser aiqt;sr: (if ne is not the son of a muni, what,

then, is his name?).

Eem. 1. In most cases the protasis precedes. Sometimes, however,

the main sentence is put first, f. i. Dag. 91 afa-ii rf wjj fTur 5JT irf£

qingrr ^TnT^'ft (I am bound to deliver you the magic skin, pro-

vided that Eagamanjari be given in return to me), Kad. I, p. 101

Eem. 2? E. 3, 43, 19 ^ ft — rif. at least." Sita to

Eama £\s^ nfjr n^rifn 3T^xfr Jjira^r; i srfM q^rifcrr ^f%^ n q&Hrfm

fSr^FTOJTCT sraw (even if the precious deer should not be taken alive

,

its skin at least will be a beautiful spoil). — of?; qpr — »if but."

Eatn. Ill p. 81 the king throws himself at the feet of his queen:

the reddish glow of your feet , says he , caused by painting , I will

take off with my bent head , but the glow of anger on your cheeks

I am able to drive away Erfg; qr eott q# wTn^ »only in case,

that you show mercy to me." Another instance is Kathas. 34, 261.

374 § 484—486.

Rem. 3. The combination jrf^; g?T is sometimes found in epic

poetry, f. i. R. 2, 48, 21 , Mhbh. 1, 104, 37. In fact, %^ has not been

at the outset a conjunction, nor is it a relative, though in the classic

dia.ect it may bear this character. It is properly a combination of

g _|- t;^ the emphatic particle (398 R. 2) '). In the archaic dialect

even the simple g- does occasional duty as a conditional particle 2).

485. £f ^7T is rather to be looked upon as a unity, like

^^k Latin nisi. Dag. 97 ^ -^Qh^ nldua-^Rr =r irsrr ^mf] AujaTi f^-

rT^iiPt u rn<Itifa £wf% <ji^«i<uiMi' <*ii(mMW-rH =5 tjragwj^ (if you do

not give back the magic skin, or if you do not restore to the

townsmen the objects, you have stolen from them, you shall pass

through the eighteen kinds of torture and finally you shall see

the door of Death).

^^ Instead of R" W\ it is also said •Tt ^rf, that is »7

-f the advers. 3" + ^TrT, but the adversative force of 3is not always conspicuous. R. 3, 40, 26 ^ ^hfttq rnfNr ^fSr

ioim^l ir (if you do not do it, forsooth, I'll kill you to day).

Rem. 1, Note ^r %?r making up the whole protasis. So it is

especially used in threatening like Lat. si minus, Germ, widrigen-

falls, f. i. Pane. 76 ^g- ^rTrsrr totto 5twr:iqt ^rrf anm<[3dulri (you must

kill him , otherwise he will kill you). For the rest , a^iw is equally

good. Pane. 124 nma it Mr-m^OT ^ ideh'

er! Pld^Rimift (surrender me

my son, otherwise I will prefer charges with the king's court).

Rem. 2. The very opposite of :rt gn is jroTT, which is like-

wise often used by itself. It expresses concession and assent sif

that is so" v. a. »in that case." Dag. 101 tiM=Hf^. • • reim^ ifMilimiffi

(in that case, come, I will set you free).

486. When proposing an alternative , it may be said Ul<^ ....

1) Cp. RH (355 R. 1) = ^T +^2) P. 8, 1,30 it ia termed grrr. Kac. comments: 'gtn^ fu 1 0, ($l£U if %^

STHrh m ^ Mf^mfrt'i^T g^rfpa^Wf:. See Petr. Diet. II, p. 905,

s. v. "Ef 8).

§ 486. 375

ta"~ *^' like Latin s™e sive>or *™i + adversative par-

ves- tide. But commonly the relative is wanting in the second

protasis , and instead of it the adversative is employed

alone, especially 3PT or its compounds (3Pr3T,5Pr FT'

^"^"Tn). In other terms , WX etc. are virtually the

Sanskrit expression of but if, Lat. sin.

Examples of 1. qfj; retained in the second protasis. Pane. 85

saTferwsrq'siPT s^rr sry; few ft^gt f\$\ Horfm <j=raf?; %cm i 4.Hi hsffot" *r

*llr*THl diOrjsf «u-=^frt 7F* ^risr; (Lord, if you kill him, to whomyou have granted security, it is a sin, but if from attachment to

your Lordship he offers you his own life, it is not a sin), cp.

Pane. 45, 1. 13 qfjr srqoTT Jrf^.

2. 5pt etc. — »but if, and if." Pat. I, p. 8 qj=r ^t qTgJTSTT mm-jsrr =T ^T srfcr ^l«<Jfhl5HH forutrifw^ (if they are, they [canjnot

[be said to be] not employed, and if they are not employed, they

are not; [to say,] they are and at the same time one does not

employ them, is a self-eontradictory statement); — Qak. V qf? qsqx

a^fr f%fFTwraT roiMfy fcf? fqr^jrjFisFraT roTzmsrer ft stf^f srfir 5jrRTrlR:

TfH^i^r FT5f sjwrfa ^W (if thou art what the king says, what

will thy father care for thee, who hast disgraced thy family?

But if thou knowest thyself chaste and pure, even slavery in

thy husband's house is to be borne by thee); — Pane. 172 jrf^ ^

rJ7rmrnn^ ^ffft (if y°u wan t riches not to enjoy them, I will

make you [like] Guptadhana, but if you want riches which give

enjoyment, I will make you [like] Upabhuktadhana).

Eem. Sometimes in an alternative the former assumption is not

expressed in the shape of a conditional period. Yet even then =^q- =but if, Lat. sin is nevertheless available. E. 2, 60, 3 Kausalya,

the mother of Kama, entreats his charioteer Sumantra to conduct

her into the forest to Kama, Sita and Laxmana, ^px, she adds,

HH l -uiTsb i ft iifimifa-JErsrair (but, if I do not reach them, I will

die). Qak. Y1I Dushyanta being informed by the nurse: »nobody

except his father, his mother or himself is allowed to take up

376 § 486—488.

the magic herb of the boy Sarvadamana," asks gsr na i fn (and

if one should take it up —).

487- Occasionally the protasis of a conditional period is not in-

detic*r°duced by any particle at all. This as yndetic construction is not

con- very common, but it exists in Sanskrit, as it does in many otheratruc-

tion. languages. Just as we say: should he have done it =sx if he should etc.,

or as the Latin poet Horace (Epp. 1, 1, 33) fervet avaritia mise-

roque cupidine pectus: sunt verba et voces, quibus hunc lenire do-

lorem possis, so the Sanskrit poet, quoted Hit. 98, writes T^m:

ehilirf <£E|# ^r ihgifrl smra (should a rascal do evil, the conse-

quences will certainly be felt by honest people !).

2. Another type of asyndetic connection is that exemplified

Mfcch. Y, p. 184 jtett afe-r n£g y^fdyPwd an nuiaPri ^ uDriWi

>HU I lPfty°TT: f^&T. (the clouds may pour out rain, thunder and

lightning, women who are going to their sweethearts do not care

for the weather). Here the protasis is expressive of the possible

obstacles and still the chief action passes. The imperative in the

protasis is , it seems > not necessary, cp. Pane. V, 25 spr: sr^r.

SWTT5I ailjl W^lfUl Hll^lfui (ols,i*^fdl W fS^TT tt mpS ITPT UNlirl

rTFaTsa' H^mityTl Ji (suppose one to be gallant , well-shapen , happy

in love, eloquent, a master at all kind of arms and in all bran-

ches of learning, yet, without money no man on earth will achieve

glory or honor).

3. A third type of asyndetic construction is an imperative

followed by a future, when exhorting to an action and foretell-

ing its result , f. i. do so and you will be happy — do so,

[for

if you do so] you will be happy. So R. 1, 46, 5 Kacyapa says

to Diti sri^JoT fT^HPTi suHJwfy <nf rst sraii^rr^n^a.

488. As to the tenses and moods, employed in the con-

ditional period , it is to be kept in mind that the con-

ditional period does not import an absolute statement,

but rather an assertion in such a manner, that its correct-

1) Compare Pat. I, p. 31 ^ef?r.s:*?t STTq-sWJ*Hr«ijc>Ji] %l UlrWUUMM<!l\

»one blind man being unable to see, a collection of blind ones will

likewise be unable.''

§ 488—489. 377

Tenses ness fa made to depend upon the correctness of some other

ird8

-statement presupposed. Now, we must distinguish ac-

nai'

:

°e-cor<*in§ *° the intention of the speaker, between three

riods. cases: 1. the speaker neither affirms nor denies the

reality of the fact supposed, 2. he presupposes some-

thing known to himself and to his audience to be a

real fact, 3. he assumes something impossible or at

least improbable, at all events something not real.

Hence it follows, from a logical point of view there

are three categories of conditional periods

:

1°. those, whose protases contain a condition , which the

speaker leaves undecided whether it be correct or not

;

2°. such as warrant the correctness of the main as-

sertion by the well-known correctness of the protasis;

3°. those, whose protases import an evident untruth,

in other terms, such as affirm what would happen if

some fact occurred or had occurred, which however

cannot or will not occur or have occurred.

In the first and second categories the fact presupposed

is put in the same tense or mood, as would be re-

quired, if it were really asserted. In other terms: the

employment of past, present and future tenses, of in-

dicative, imperative and T^TS" is determined by the gene-

ral character of their significance and idiosyncrasy, which

has been treated in Chapt. Ill of the fourth Section. That

the present often, sometimes also the optative (IFT3T),

are used instead of a future tense , can scarcely be

said to be an exception, cp. 468 and 324, 1°.

489. Conditional periods of the third category require the

employment of the optative (T^T3); ifthey are, however,

378 § 489.

expressive of a supposition , which cannot be realized be-

cause the proper time has already passed, the conditional

is also available, cp. 347.

Examples: 1st category. Qak. V jrf|; um sr^iH fiaffiwrerr rePTfij

f^f? far^rchcriiii mn\mi ft aw srflr cjrwirm: t^rst <TcT sjwmIu wpj,

here the present tense is expressive of present time: »if you really

are , but if you are knowing;" — Pane. 278 the minister's wife

makes this condition to her husband qf^ %rt rru-ifdroll !W Mi^JlfH -

tTrlftr rT5T md lAjflfrrffi HaTTfa (if you fall at my feet with shaven head,

I will be kind again), here the present tense signifies something

to be fulfilled in the future. But ibid. 1 13 trfsi rcPTW qWft nfotwRr

rRT3ff4fq cfif5Kj.~ei etrfir ?mpT: wzrfrr (if you shall be his minister,

then no other honest man will come near him) the future tense

is used of future action. Likewise Nala 20, 15 ertit ^ ft * 17m i Pi

O^TT olTrtjRl 5rrpF>if&3?jferf?; aireiN ejf ^airaHlR) R there is a future

in both the conditional clause and the main sentence. Cp. 341*.

Bern. In conditional periods of this category the f^ry is wanted,

if for some accessory reason there be a tendency for employing

it, f. i. in suppositions of a general bearing (343 e), as Varah.

Yog. 1, 4 srrf^^rai'qft %?tft ^ar ^rsr 3Tsr rorfrr (if but one [of the

aforesaid conditions for the success of a prince] be deficient, the

whole perishes).

2d category. Mhbh. 3, 297, 98 Savitri prays ^fjr q\sf%r riMMM d^;

zir Jft fff^i S5rej3^^r£3Tt W\ grrarcj srsfft (if I have done penance

,

bestowed gifts and poured out libations — [and so I have] — this

night may be propitious — ), Mrcch. Ill, p. 121 qfg; fnoTr^rTPHR' CP3T-

srriqj ^ 5irT:i%fSRTTT Srcrcta Tjif^^crfg jfSrT^ (if thou hast loved till

now my fortune only, why, destructive Pate , hast thou now without

mercy profaned my virtuous name ?).

3d category. Mrcch. Ill, p. 113 £fa ^rrfa ^ *w^fa*pgr OTTSjprgcr

srf^ [sc. %m] (nor would they bear the light being brought near

to them, if they only feigned to sleep), R. 2, 67, 36 ^Jirf fpt 35T£

srr^r cRTTTTrf fmxn-i^TfTT %g- H3^Wb tcTMri^HralMltpt (darkness as it

were would be on earth, and nothing would be discernible, if no

king were in the world, to discriminate between good and evil),

§ 489—191. 379

Kumaras. 6, 61 ef£ai a> ^ TOrTfa sniri?:f> Hlgg^H (I know nothing,

I could do for you; if there should be, all is granted). Other

instances of f§T5 see 343 d), instances of conditional 347.

490. Sometimes the protasis is impliedin a participle(362, 5°).

Pane. I, 32 f^R-fT^-far ^pft snlnT fj toriwTfT: (the fire may be pass-

ed when hidden in the wood, not, when blazing). — Likewise in an

adjective which does duty as a participle. Mhbh. 1, 8, 221 fof-rfr-s^Ja^crn$> =Eqrr tf&j-a*,..^ (if I had a child by you, I should walk the

highest path of duty). Or the protasis may be an absolute loca-

tive. Pane. II, 198 it is said of a friend that he is jhtj Wf crfr-

=TiTnvT »a shelter, if danger have appeared."

Chapt. VI. The direct construction ; FfrT.

491. A special kind of subordination is the so called in-

con- direct construction , representing words uttered or re-

\ion" flections made by another, not in the shape they ori-

ginally did bear, but transformed according to the spea-

ker's point of view. This mode of quoting speech or

thought of another, although it is not wholly unknown

in Sanskrit," is not idiomatic. As a rule the Sanskrit

speaker avails himself of the direct construction , that

is, he does not change the outward form of the words

and ideas quoted, but he reproduces them unaltered,

just as they came from the mouth or arose in the

mind of their authors. Instead of sayiDg, as we do,

you have said you, would come, one says rather in this

way / will come, so you have said STTTTm^M IHTrM °lI

"

It is but one idiom, the accusative with participle, that can

be set apart for the indirect construction , see 374. As to the subor-

dinate sentences, introduced by jjtt, jptt, zm or jfrT: = »that," zrfir =»if" (481), in a great many cases there will be no formal diffe-

380 §491-493.

rence whatever between the direct and the indirect construction,

owing among others to the faculty of expressing the predicate

by a noun; where there may be such a difference, the direct

construction is, as a rule, employed, cp. 494.

492. The direct construction is characterized by the par-

ticle i irl generally added to the words or the thought

quoted : ?TTJ| |*1^ i*i lcM°|l<(|! (you have said you would

come), ^ Jrf =hl^lrWrfifH RmMM (he thinks nobody

sees him).

Tfff is properly a demonstrative adverb, meaning nthus, so, in

this manner" J) and for this reason a synonym to SrSPTi VcPT- Rgv-

10, 1 19, 1 ^frr srr ^fir q- rPTT HNibi ^ja i fifd (so. indeed, so is my thought,

that I may obtain kine and horses); Eatn. Ill, p. 70 the parting

sun taking his leave from the white lotus is represented by the

simile of a lover, who goes away from his beloved, to come back

the next morning srnrf -sfer n<Moi<0 sroft qirtsr *gn rrasr HBnrt u (d-sTly-fta 1

1

MrtlkHUWpjrTlol y^f^Udll! ^r-S<aHH^chrH[5fech( : =h(1id (I go, lily-

face, it is my time, [yet] it is I who will awake you out of

sleep, in almost this way the sinking sun comforts the water-

lily). But as rfft- is almost exclusively employed for quoting one's

thought or the utterance thereof 2), it is often not to be rendered

at all. Moreover we often use the indirect construction. Nala 3, 1

HWT: iiR^m RciT; eh 17m t(h (Nala promised them , he would do so —).

Sometimes rf^ abounds even in Sanskrit, the pleonasm^r2icm and

the like being allowed, cp. 496 K.

493. In short, the direct construction with FlrT is not

only necessary, when quoting one's words spoken or

1) Lat. ita is both formally and aa to its meaning the same word as Tf^.

2) I recollect but one instance of TfrT— »ao, thus," used as a pure

demonstrative, viz. Pane. 327 STRTt'Sf'T (h^R am HdlRfd (the monkey

stood, just as you do). Note also the employment of rf^ at the close

of literary compositions, f. i. rf^ SUI*tM U^MUSF: (here ends the first

act ot the Qakuntala), just as W is used in the beginning.

§ 493. 381

Em- written, but it is also idiomatic to express by it the

ment object of knowing , thinking , believing , reflecting , doubt-

of^TFr.jng ?

rejoicing, wondering and the like, to expound the

fact which acts as a cause or motive, to signify the

object of purpose and wish, etc.

Examples of the direct construction with -rf^: a.) when

quoting words spoken or otherwise uttered. Malat. I, p. II grfewor-

sfrfefWT q^^m nrfr masr ^fir (A. had told me, M. was gone to

the grove of Kama); Dae. 68 =sr^sr cfifitrelsrr iTOCWlsffrFjfSoZW

^^f%rrfir Tffistf^fH *df^rycrl<)Hl stR^TTsns'tTfffHI (as I heard from

some people conTersing, there was in the country of Anga —);

Mudr. I, p. 37 rj ^hzmsq =snm3r3\ ^TtpRmMH (he must not be in-

formed that it is Canakya who has it written by him) ; Mrcch.

VIII, p. 242 yTTOsr ^'ra^srWFT usr^r ^nirt.

b.) when expressive of the contents of one's thought. Mhbh.l, 74,

29 qnrFr qvm cjfixrr ^ qifoirfir infaffT (after doing some evil one thinks

,

nobody knows me as such), Pane. 8 ^rTf^JfTT'S^T ^teraft-sPTTfwf

Mltjoli^wte ^fH JTroTT Eriy^TT J^fiT: (master, that [bull] Samjivaka

has died; now, as we thought the merchant liked him, we have

consumed his body by fire), Hit. 24 ha^\ ^ rRsr st^a-ll^l* STTsraTT:

iph^hi ^T "Eta; «rf%f*rf^rfsira- ftf^rorr ipft aimil^H: (after this, all

the birds, understanding that it was Jaradgava himself who had

devoured their young ones, killed the vulture by joint exertion),

Qak. V tjg: s^nrr^OT srr atf^tffT Wt (I am at a loss whether

I am perhaps astray, or that she lies), Pane. I, 222 q^FHTT trrfTT

jT^tfti: f%7rrr ejot cr^in ^Tf^rrT^:i2CfT *pr grarirT srT ^r srin, Mgan.

V, p. 80 ^rsrf^Ttr ^m ^ [tt] OTF5TT (J^rtidzrinsig:.

c.) when setting forth the motives of emotions (rejoicing, won-

dering and the like) and of judgments {approbation, disapproval),

the contents of a bargain, a convention etc., in short , in all such cases

as also admit of being expressed by a clause introduced by txh-

Hit. 11 rr yifsTT^f <TSr?rfn SFfT^m (that he reads the law-books, is

not the cause), Pane. V, 26 cr^isr; ST ^ar STT^I:. ^rafcr UoRtHh i&ra?-

^ffrT (it is singular, that the very same man [having lost his wealth]

should forthwith become a stranger), Qak. I rTsWSH^Uoi: srrsacT sT^rftr

382 § 493—494.

arTfT ^f =5 ST. graT ri«Jlr*-kit>T 3t*tJTtCT (how is it, that, Kanva observing

a holy life for ever, your friend should be his daughter?), Hit.

10 arrat iirasT <°ll<o?lfrt cfn^riMdK: (that the tiger eats the man is

slanderous gossip), Dag. 116 frrHjt 3mT: troffcud laift: <nja?JTT: qWTCT

S^rWrill 3l%TT irafrT (the two [queens] made this bargain, that if

one of them should become mother to a son, and the other to a

daughter, they would make their children marry each other).

d.) when signifying a purpose or a wish, Here it is clear, the

reflections quoted are put in the imperative, the future, the op-

tative (%?). Nala 26, 6 tp: qH&ri <JHffifa R-f^ffefTT TfrT: (I am decided

to take up the game again), Pane. 301 etzt ft? uiku\j\ m iPTTfipfeiorf

iffcim HTrtiisr fSrazr: (we have made up our minds to go to a country

where we have the chance of getting either money or death); —Pat. I, p. 76 chiaffui q t%wrf?rT i $ux^{ ^ UJl^R (what is to be done

does not succeed, yet it is wished to be done).

e.) as to jfrT, when expressive of motive or cause, see 497.

494. As it appeal's from the instances quoted , the direct

construction may precede the chief predicate as well as

follow it. In the latter case, the relative conjunctions

*TrT or *TSJT, like our „that," may introduce it, but

its direct character remains unchanged by them. For

this reason even when using OH or Wk\, &\r\ may be

retained 1

). Pane. 159 ?rT *twt h^cmu'i nfsrT h?HjMsi4)hj a%f xr^arOT

FlollPrt* fffijrTT HftFTrT =3 Fort nfrT (TOT tRPT rcT^STJTP'FTrira^r qf^Wld^T

sirrr (the friend went to him and hastily said to him : iCandra-

vati has sent me to you and tells you, Kama has almost made

her die with love by causing her to see you"), ibid. 102 ff 35; n^-n\

itrJT ai^-UtllWfl lH fclHT^ (tell him , he must appoint some other

of his servants , instead of me, to be his carrier) ; — Mudr. VII,

P- 229 faf^rPTor jrerr air ^u*HT PchkirchMM^Riri i: (it is cer-

tainly known [to you] that I stayed for some time with Malaya-

1) Compare the similar employment of Greek tin with the direct con-

struction.

§ 494—496. 383

ketu), Mrcch. II, p. 82 cfrfef xT *PT ftittolil^JH «r<5<rt<*H ZTTT feiTTir-

Eem. 1- Occasionally also gpr or JTrT: are used for this purpose.

Pane. 266 nrorr amcRTSPj--.. mfam wj s^ifr cfTenr "JHmmriNchiRH i fq'

Rem. 2. In a similar way jf^ may be added to relative or

interrogative sentences , depending on some word of saying or know-

ing (411). Qak. I ^rrwRr fiprajsTt *r j^h jft=rR%urr£ ^ (you will

know how mighty my arm is to protect etc.), Nagan. V, p. 73

495. As a rule , in prose £ [ri is put immediately after the

direct construction. But sometimes an other arran-

gement is preferred, especially in poets and for me-

trical reasons. So in epic poetry such phrases as s^oiM ; SrJTar:

sometimes precede the words quoted, sometimes they follow after

them. F. i. 11. 1, 47, 8 the line ssrra ffT^fasifbfti fiiH>g;sMW.h :precedes

the very words quoted, Dae. 191 the sentence fjrfgr f^wterefl^f ?FFr "in

all regions this was told of me" precedes, the contents of the rumour

follow. Cp. Kumaras. 4, 27 ^ Irtt [so. ay-ri*r] ssn^f 3;:iwrT i *rer;

qrjg- ort^FT f% fejri^ ietc, — On the other hand, E. 1, 27, 26 it

has been said first what was spoken to Kama, then follows who

said so. Nor is it rare to put tjh in the midst of the words

quoted. Pane. Ill, 160 qr =Errw fst ^tt ot srsrR^fH rrfHraT = 5nfo

TferaT srei^r »be not moved with anger towards him [while think-

ing]: it is he, who caught my sweetheart." R. 1, 55, 11 st cnpWr

jy&STZf mmarffT f^??r ^nrfsaT :5T=iwit oPmoiTt^TOrr, here the direct

construction is qTSTJT vfmi ^rawOT.

496. ^M, though it is the commonest contrivance for

Syno * expressing the direct construction , is by no means in-

of^> dispensable. Other demonstratives, as ^^F, T^%the pronouns ^T, ^T^T, 2Pt^T may likewise serve that

purpose. Nothing, too, forbids quoting without using

any demonstrative at all.

384 § 496—497.

Examples: a.) of the direct constr. set forth by a demonstra-

tive other but ^fn. Pane. 18 faiiuid ei^ fa(i^ p?rar (my master

speaks thus: »it is long ago since I saw you"), ibid. I, 302 5^ft &mt jtw( zr ^a- *rei£r gwh 1 sicHid< : sr fawir fatrnmrfprFsfr:- R. 2, 61,

1

zifervZT JiS^t gmf Hrlf^Pl^clcri'

Hj vs. 2-26 contain the very words

of the queen, vs. 27 ^tt ffff" ^u i itl^l^rii f^siRr fT?r: sr sttcS

crfairsr mftfer:, here ^3^and ^rrm^point to the words spoken, not rf^-.

Rem. The pleonasm iihiOfj rra'ff etc. is frequent. See Mhbh.

1, 119, 38, Kathas. 35, 50, M?2,15" etc. etc.

J.) neither Tf^- nor any other demonstrative is used. So very

often in dialogues ^ =gr^.— srtecn^ and the like. Mala 8, 7 fttctt

Horf: Uchdifl fedtti y^Reirllii "Ud<iJ*l*4yHI =T ^ HrUrtH^H (Damayanti

informed Nala , that his officers had come to him a second time ,but

he did not care for it), Pane. I, 150 m qt^THRjTT ijet pit iw ch l fc-Tti

*T Hwr orarft f^FJr waRT, R. 3, 7, 15 noii^n ^si^r. MdVi l^H ^h:i

4JK°dlH giTM^pT (that you are etc., has been told by Qarabhanga).

As to such constructions as arPTf JT (or At^iffi) imfrr — or iqjjRT —HcfT^ (I wish you to eat), rr HUlgaifa rnWcTFTTO zpim mtim (I do

not believe, indeed, I do not, he will sacrifice for a cudra) etc.

see Kac. on P. 3, 3, 145, 153 and 157.

497. it is of frequent occurrence that the verb of speaking,

ticai. knowing, thinking, deliberating etc. is not expressed, butcon-| p>simc- i |r| alone is the exponent of the direct construction.tion. \

In this case , rtrT is of great importance for the sense

,

and its translation is various , according to the relation

which exists between the main action and the contents

of the direct construction inserted. For instance , if it hap-

pens that some motive is denoted by it , then JTrT may be

translated by because, since or by therefore, for this reason.

Another time the direct construction may be expressive of

something to be done, then ^M requires being ren-

dered by in order that, sim. Sometimes again this some-

§ 497. 385

what elliptical idiom serves only to enhance the vivid-

ness of the style.

In full , one says also 2[TtT ^(pIT (lit. „thus doing)" =„thus thinking, considering, reflecting."

Examples: R. 1, 55,11 ^q^^pr^jrcn^T^fq^gitrfw ^rymn

oMMdTUJM'yrl) here rfn i?raw = » with these words he appointed him". —Mrcch. I, p. 38 Carudatta apostrophizes Poverty 37ml sNrrf^' iTd.ri^d -

WJ-<^[1^ ygf^rdfyrdl (»in this way I mourn, Poverty, for thee, who

hast dwelled with me as a friend", lit. considering me your friend). —Mudr. Ill, p. 126 ^Ttn-sfiirT: wfcHdiTfers; sHfo rfRrrfq' 4)5f^fd mfft u:

ircrsr: i its;: fifT^ta vtsrm (the dissension you have plotted , thinking you

would easily vanquish Candragupta , if his faith in Canakya should

be shaken). Mhbh. 1, 153, 42 tprfirt &mkA fsp&d h^istst: iht SPS^:

SfpTCTCfrat a i HUli >T WsrfzlH' (again, the strong Bhima shook him [but in

such a way], that no noise might awake his brothers who slept

quietly), E. 3, 10, 3 ^ri^vfilH' =ErnTt -I lHW<s*0 Udi^fd (the warriors carry

their bows in order to rescue the distressed), R. 2, 52, 28 ^ -^l^-H grT-

=gr& vTWlft ^ =e( nri-dlH i ayWaTiiJriTMlH' oR oirWlM^ffT 5TT (neither

I nor Laxmana mourns for our having been expulsed from Ayo-

dhya or for having to dwell in the forest), Mrcch. I, p. 19 n^rretj^Jr

iTftnraferinFfa: H^danPrl (guests shun my dwelling , because wealth

has vanished from it), Pat. I, p. 99 ^r f| i^^fT: SRrtfFT &nwt rtRrS'-

ra ^ ^ jjjtt; SFrTtfH JISTT HlUj-rl (we do not abstain from cooking,

considering there are beggars, nor do we abstain from sowing,

considering there are antelopes) , Utt. I, p. 2 ai^fgraits J^rifH ti^liM

(as I am a stranger to this country, I question [you]), Malav. I,

p. 3 qrmiflwd r- srry srsf ^T ^rfc cRTcir ^d farads (not every old poem

is to be approved only for its age , nor is new poetry to be blamed

only because it is new) ; — Qak. II srrf^-UT ^trr: =5lrT ^nUchHU fFsri'

felrTT 5ifHf%^5r <T5Tf3r HroU (when she had gone some steps , she stopped

on a sudden feigning her foot was hurt by a blade of grass),

Kathas. 62, 49 qtrT RT FTsr &3H fens; 33?Jg;£jfh (a quarrel arose be-

tween them on account of the nest, lit. »[both ofthem saying] the nest

is mine, not yours"), and compare the altercation, which is found

35

386 § 497.

in the opening stanza of the Mudraraxasa, and is intended to

display the cunning of Qiva:

Iran fa J)h Pi-calf! In yj«i7ri 5n<i>iiHodiR41oi:

the last pada signifies: iimay the craft of the Lord protect yon,

[who] desirous of concealing Ganga from Devi, his wife, [acted] thus,"

how he acted is set forth in pada 1— 3, containing the questions

of Uma and the answers of Qiva.

Bern. 1. Among the most common applications of this freer con-

struction, note?miH to express consent, lit. » [saying] yes," fgrftfffjwhy ?"

lit. » [asking] what?" — Comments and glosses are marked by rf^

feffl' dldri , jfrr utst: etc.), quotations by ^fpr with the name of the

author or his work. Objections, which may be made, are repre-

sented by Tf?r g^ — in full jfpr g^a^ —, f. i. Say. on Ait. Br.

1, 20, 3 -iiiHiU'stioiharer srafilri %fT i rid -=dH (now, as one might ask

why it [the navel] is denoted by the word ndbhi , etc.) And so on.

Rem. 2. jfjj is also used when imitating sounds , as qQ,(H chilid -CP- p -6,

Nala 2, 4 q q#r ^ f^gT 5TH l|T |<H ^rft <fT!-

Eem. 3, Panini teaches: The 2a person sing, of the impera- p„3:4,

tive put twice with Tfo may be added to the narrative tense of

the same verb, in order to denote the action being done with

intensity or repeatedly ^prtffr spfirteiiT eprffrispH^ apT^rtir ^wfo-

Likewise this singular number of the imper. repeated may express

the performing of several actions at the same time. Kac. exem-

plifies it by this instance inj^IF ^JSn€ WfJ^fZ Wt^mv^Jbim reWi.Rn

CT5rriTOT:i rraiTOT) t° represent the hurry and bustle of people occu-

pied in the kitchen. Instead of the same verb put twice , also syno-

nyms may be used. Qicup. 1, 51 qflnd**h< cH-Xl f^ R^rf gctTOT JTflft

For the rest, it is not the repetition of imperatives alone, that

serves to bring forward the idea of tumultuary action. In such cases

as Pane. 62 ^er pr n=r f3iteiHH*-ii-MHsHirr mH5T «TfrfffH ddiun nt^m-

JT^jafafflr yU'rilrM^rlW:, the repeated words ^ qBpr serve the same

purpose. And so often.

498—499. 387

498. Since ^TrT quotes or pretends to quote speech orNomi-native thought , the direct construction , which is distinguished

Jj-_ by it from the main framework of the context, is a

sentence or a complex of sentences , not a mere complex

of words. Yet, these sentences are not always given

in full, they are sometimes elliptical and may even

consist of one single word. When a noun, this is of. c

course a nominative. So f. i. Nala 16, 8 FIT rT^TT-

TTCT ^TTTrFT (her she guessed to be the daughter of

Bhima, lit. she guessed [thinking: „she is] the daughter

of Bhima"). There is a predilection for using such a no-

minative with JTcT, in order to express the predicate of

the object of verbs of calling, styling, considering, holding for

and the like (32 , c). Nala 2, 20 fn^ftpcrr j;ftrrr <m)4)f^ fsrsrfTT,

Pane. 1 ;tct 3*T: q3iT: tn M<t"m<yl ®irittl[*^ JJwf*H'^w'*^R'11^ 1 '^ ^Wor:,

Mhbh. 1, 155, 9 s^rfe <mt 5iH irfir *Tf5rr JTEffT (stow mercy to

me, think I am out of my wits), Prabodh. VI, p. 1 15 fq-jj^; ^srmm dnm^U . t^ztft (it is of punishment you ought to have spoken

and you ask about her reward), Kumaras. 5, 28 sr^rtlMiorfH ^ fTTT^they

call her Aparna), Pane. 103 <m ^ rrzTra^ swfisf^fir (tow can I

know him to be evil-minded?), Mhbh. 1, 34, 3 smfit ^toTT FT *&k <tbV

srsrrerf FsraT (— ^ut considering you as my friend , I will tell it

you in reply to your question), cp. ibid. 1, 77, 17.

499. Similarly nominatives with 2[H may specify general

futhon" terms (cp. 493 , c). Pat. I, p. 411 the essential qualities of a

brahman are thus enumerated pm iftr: srarraT^: R^t): *Rtrfchui

Now, as according to 496 ^frT may be wanting here,

we get also a kind of anacoluthon, nominatives

agreeing with oblique cases. Kam. 2, 19 jrrsrmHrrqrc- srir f&srsnr

dHCTfii ^fewftt STTf^rf sTOa PuW: here the nom. uts^thinm and

q^jj^: are the specification of the accus. ^f^TJUj. Pane. Ill, 220 j^f

%sTPT

etc. in.

388 § 499—500.

^ ot^ ?r frtotTT ^ forcrr ^ fork ^f ggsnrai^raTOrr^ttr fSPSWti zjn ar^rr

5ra-;,M. 5, 133 qfdchi fcnjGrs^TOT Trr^sEr: uu^twii: i^iff Jjoil^^fTiiij sqgf ^wrPr

PP^uiH - A. similar character is displayed by the nominatives , which

periphraze a partitive case. One instance has been given in the

chapter on the genitive (117, 1°), here is another: Mhbh. 13, 22, 14

^SoPtto^w w ?nir w Fr^raT sgrPTMiPisiwlft yyut yrtiyjia^tgiiir^^

» these two pat in a balance, a hundred acvamedhas and Truth,

I am not sure whether the sacrifices would reach half the weight

pf Truth."

500- Some verbal forms as 1~M (I think), sTFT (I know,

' I think), STf (1 guess), W5T% (I trust),W (look)

often have no influence at all on the sentence evenserted. wheil pUt in the midst. Likewise such phrases as

^T t\W<, RTsT HST^ v, a. „undoubtedly, no doubt."

Kathas. 25, 166 gin iTPT %JTT Sepj chilliadi l RM QoUm (a heavenly

woman, methinks, spoke to me, when asleep), Nagan. II, p. 35 chMMHm

flraH zft =T "W Whi*t?Ul(rt ^T cFfef ^ <TOPT2[5P*RnT (this [hand] of

yours , which hardly I think would gather even a flower, how can it

serve to put a halter round your neck ?), K. 2, 84, 18 a \ i\ k\ Aroi i f5lH

I

^TT

drmrti =Ti f&HToT^L @ trust tne army being well supplied with food,

will stay [with me] for the night), Qak. VI srf H^ft "^rftsfq =gf^7T-

smrrracRE' srpr_(even Kama, I believe, draws back his arrow), Kathas.

26, 13 Bl^Pd^lWctilorTl^tf ifoWymchiJUIHIIil^ehWIrtlcl^lj'l QTOoT Hd l rtltJ :,

Fane. 48 the. wife of the barber cries milHHH WJ STST^rrafrklT:

Bern, it^t, ?tr and the like not seldom express irony, in which case

may be applied what is taught by Panini (1, 4, 106 and 8, 1, 46)

about ^ iri with the 2a person of the future H^ t&x a^r irtera

snow, indeed, you will eat rice," if the meaning of the speaker is

:

»you think you will, but it cannot be, there is no rice to be eaten. 1)"

1) The explication of Pacini, iRf is used instead of qrjjg-, cannot be

^accepted. The idea »you think falsely" is not purported by q^T< but it

is Isnojied by the ironical form of utterance. In sentences of the kind *mhas almost got the character of a particle.

INDEX OF SANSKRIT WORDS.The numbers refer to the paragraphs.

5T° negation 403 , 404 ; — 211

,

223, 225* E.

£sr 301.

°TO 359;- 52.

mm: 176, 177.

mr 150;- 176, 178 N.

aj 418.

ajfpr the verb — trans. 42.

^fr: uthen" 439, »therefore" 444.

•Erfrr 155, 225*, 313 N.

srfftf^siH 105<

SHfer 202.

aynai^ 260.

OT 425, 426; 437, 459; —

—

»now," fr. or 437 K. 1 ; — ad-

versative 441, espec. b)\ — in

the apodosis of a condit. sen-

tence 484; — in the protasis

of the 2d member of an alter-

native 486; — amfq1

, ?rer getc. 426.

=^qoTT 426, 440; — in interroga-

tions 414, 1°; — in the pro-

tasis of the 2d member of an

alternative 486.

gy; and smSfTTTT 165.

srfy 186.

srfer 105.

af&cgRr 201.

afirrfH with loc. or gen. Ill E.

sgfysnr, murcr, af&f^iH 43.

srfirero 202.

mawu fc with two ace. 46.O

5r^ s e e ^ .

g-qsr with gen. 129.

tM*rt(*i_ 174.

^^202 E.

^'164.

gg*(1fri with gen. 120 c.)

Kxmvf with gen. 129.

^sfitsr with loc. 148.si

^jropiT 106 E. 4.

sp^q- with gen. 82, 129.

srjf^r 120 c.) E. 1.

a^opr 45 E.

^-tui i Rh with two ace. 46.

iM*Hl}l!r 196.

o^^r 120c.) E.l.

g-^rrr with gen. 129.

Wft: 165.

grprr at the end of compounds

190; -r- 229, 9°.

390 INDEX.

gTrT^T and w^qiir 166; 183.

sg'f^T^f serves to periphrase noun-

cases 188, 189; — aMchu °5T

°g?m how construed 98 E. 2.

sr^r 283, 285 ; — with ablat. 105

;

217> 1 j — in disjunctive sen-

tences 440.

sgrzrg- ^moreover" 421, 437, 459.

^jr^when used adverb. 106 E. 3.

*l^i45T 183.

vxim 288 E. 6.; 485 E. 1.

SFJJW269.

#P=id 58.

im<h(\[d with gen. and loc. 131.

gtmH 198 E.

^ 285, 285; — with abl. 105;

— in comparisons 450 E. 3 ; —in disjunctive sentences 440.

=5jq|T^ j>moreover" 421, 437, 439.

atn rtj^(verb) with gen. and loc.

131.

°wmz 220 E. 2.

aq^j Id with abl. and gen. 126 a.)

srir? 423 R.; — part, of copulation

423, 437; — part, of interro-

gation 412, 415; — adversa-

tive 441, espec. 6.); 442, 3° ; —with optative 345 6.) and 545c.)

5°; — with cardinals 298 ;—

^...STft etc. 458; srft?j442,

2 ;-5dtrrrpT412E.;545 6.)

sift 158.

setR^ and npjfaft with gen. and loo.

124, 1°; 142.

sftrr: 186.

sfiiiTW 199.

=ffpT5msr with loc. 148.

srwrqf 188.

mpi270—274; 279, 1 and 2.

^419 with N.

^294.S&419.

wH at the end of compounds 194;

— qftser: with instr. s e e gf.

sm-84, 87, 193.

smfel93.

=gf§*75E. I; 216 Hid)^84, 195.

=gy »the side" 188.

gy apart" and m "half" 215 c.)

withE. 1; 501.

arrafjr see gj.

u&m 175 E. 2.

^r with ace. 52 E. 2 ; — with gen.

129.

a^JH (verb) when periphrazing the

imperative 550.

^nr with instrum. 76, 555; —with gerund and infin. 555

E. 1 , 579, 584 E. 1 ; — with

dative 85.

s=r225*.

aoRTT with loc. 148.

asrfv 229, 7°.

tloMlsJrl ' with ace. 159, c.)

srawsr 202.

ssrewr 202 E.

asr: and gorcrffiT^ 1 65 E. 2.

ayiyrW 589 E. 2.

JH^tifn (verb) with dat. and ace.

"85, 4°.

INDEX. 391

isrsfr 270,271; 279, 1° and 5°.

5% verb substantive 5 ; 10— 12

;

311; — perf. =grn periphr. 553 ;

— afs?T whena particle 311,2°;

— srsrT 311 N.; — -with instr.

76.

*% 397 E. 2 N. and K. 3.

sr^ 416.

n^r 416, 417.

m 168.

^TTohi-oidr with ace. and gen. 1 20 d.)

WTsficrfH 74, 5 R.

iimanepada 314; 517, 518.

irmi , the reflexive 265, 264, 267;

— ^WHtDu etc. 500.

nTSf with locat. 148.

msm 58, 202.

°*TfK228;229, jo.

^TffsrfTT construction of — 47;

152, 5°;— 90; 146 b.)

ETST 150; — wtij moTt^459.

°wki see °5TTf3>

Win with gen. 124, 2°.

jj l ttfl! with gen. and loc. 124 N.

sttvih' with inf. 584.

srrp^ 170.

WTTtfffl' with loc. and ace. 154

and 134*.

gTSTSH' with dat. and ace. 89; —with loc. 159 c); — with irfjr

or *nr 481; — i-nm »I trust,

I guess" 500.

3iWm4l6.

^T^TFZT 201.

wt: 416.

5T^ (verb) expresses continuous

action 578, 581.

^twht 202.

=ett^ with two ace. 46;— perf. doing

duty as a present 351, 532.

=5^414, 1°;415.

t (the verb), n^ with ace. 59, 256;

— a means for periphrase 578

R. 3.

°t. Aorist in — 5 1 5, 3 1 6.

J^fflT (verb) with ace, dat, loc.

89, 146; with infin. 584; 590

N. 5.

^ 285, 4°; — with abl. 105;

— at the end of compounds

217, 2°.

269.

^fir 14, IV; — 292-299.

o^r_(krt).B2, 559; — (tddh.) 227.

^sr, part, of comparison 450, 563

;

— — salmost" 451 ; — in in-

terrogations 409, 3°; 412 R.

°^tjt52.

fsr (the verb) with gen. and loc.

"ll8; — with infin. 384.

fgsrr with gen. and loc. 1 1 1 R.; —with infin, 584; — with infin.

in "rifc 592,

3 adversative 429, 441 R. 2; —expletive 397 ; — in interroga-

tions 409, 5°; 412 R.; 414, 1°.

°3 (krt) 52, 359.

°3S?(fcrt)52R. I.

392 INDEX.

3f%FT with gen. 82; 124, 1°;

129.

3(j° in compounds 225 *.

3H copulative 424; — expletive

597 with E. 2; — in interro-

gations 412; 414, 1°; 415; —3H- • • • 3JT 438 R. 1 ;

— 3H with

opt. 345, c.) 5°.

3rn^t414, 1°;415.

irchUArl with ace. and gen.

120 d.)

StT^- and its derivatives 98 R. 1

;

125.

3fTOH see srrciH.

37g5r 142 R. 2.

^192;-355wetc. 200.

ifed?) with abl. and gen. 97, 3°

;

12Gc).

37ipr 43 R.; 199.

3^ 159-

-i<4*n& 188.

dUchrifrl how construed 131.

3<Jd)dR 45.

dqji-lfri with abl. 96.

3^171.3trffBMl72.

sq^Twith gen. 120 R. 2.

3qrar20.1.

3MJT(T; 186.

3W174.

*H 183.

^Ff none" and »a" 281, 285; —

in disjunctive sentences 289,

440; — ^cff fTtafr459.

ydnt\{ and ^*hm 284.

^«hl-H ISO.

m^when adv. 279, 4°.

q-m, ippr etc. 261, 274.

ra 398; — subjoined tog 277;

with g, FTm, ^ftr 427.

^sr 270—272; 279, 1°.

rrf^ used almost as a particle 418.

<jr interrog. pronoun 280, 281

, 408;

— when indefin. 281; — part

of compound 408 R.; —'^-ijiir

409, 4°; - eftsh and f* „fr

srjt 7S. For the rest see fgsq.

5if%rr412, 415 R.

gifrr and grFPT 280 with R. 1

.

cfiffT291;292,5°-

*(dMii 292, 5°-

chqsd-i and chvifaH 288, 4° with R.

3 and 5.

5^410.chq^fa how construed 47; 81, c;

152,2°.

5WT- 5iT — 2 R.

grfrfn (verb) general verb for peri-

phrazing 310, 312; — facti-

tives made with it 508, 509; —with gen. 151, with loc. 154

R.; 145.

^sfjr in periphrastic perfects

333.

chi^tH 49 N.

KarmadMraya. 211.

er^ 59 R. 2; 216111c).

INDEX. 393

W 229, 5°.

ch^iiT (verb) with dat. 85 ; 88

;

239 E.

ara^ and chf^irf with their deriva-

tives 281; — in disjunctions

285, 440; — n: cjrfeetc. 287;

— =7 chPuH »no, none" etc. 282,

288 E. 5.~

cFT^TT 4 I 6.

grfT- Infinitive compound with —585.

5FTiw399; 442, 1°.

<mjTXt 193, 194; — qq cfrr^T

etc. 467 E.

fam- — Fzk prq- etc. 75, f% FraT^^r

etc. 150; — fer with gerund

579, with inf. 584 E. 1 ; —^feq 396; - fife" 408 E.; -ftFftfH »why" 408.

f%q- particle of interrogation

412—415.

f&PJ, f#f jj, f%FJ ere: »how much

more (less)" 442, 4°.

f^rg »and" 457.

fifrg » but" 441; 442, 2°.

f§fcm 291 ; 292, 5°.

f3K?r395, 596; 442, 1°-

°&Z 220 E. 2.

girT: 408; 410; — — »how much

more (less)" 442, 4° ; — cprfSlfT

288, 2° with E. 3.

c^mfn (verb) how construed 85, 4°

withE.; 152,8°.

SfSTST with gen. and loc. 124 N.;

142.

cfj^jretc. 77, 104.

mrm with instr. 76, 355.

5& when a prepos. 195, 84.

Krtyas 557 ; how construed 66 E.

cFftrr with loc. I 48.c

JRsraw 399;442, 1°; - *.... fersm

442 E.; — q- ERST^m srfa FT

etc. 442, 5°; — ^ ^5R?w.

CTraf^480E. 1.

efftsfa etc. see cfrf^nr.

«RHt 294.

cRtfsrs; 124, 1°.

aghriS 74, 5° E. 2.

jffHrfH (verb) how construed 85, 4°

with E.; 1 32, 8°.

I?408; — gj^.... |>^ 410 E.

zffiZH 288, I° with E. 5.

a -*

TriUlirT, :5Tin^T 99.

^m?( (verb) how construed 82; 1 27,

5°; 151.

fgrriH (verb) transit. 45; — with

dat. and loc. 79, 134 and

154*

^ 595, 596; 442, 1°;

gerund 379 N.

!3TT see 5T5-

with

rr^frr (verb) with ace. 39, 256; its

passive 41; — with dat. 79,

80; — with locat. 154.

rTrT = being, (he) is 3 ;— in,

on etc. 197.

°mn 502.

jTgjrfw and compounds with loc. »to

seize by" 1 59 d.)

26

394 INDEX.

JT^lroTT 202.

tr 422, 457; — with adversative

force 441, esp. &.); 442, 5°.

^ g- etc. 458, with R. 2.

s» frl (verjb) with ace. 42; — ex-

pressive of continuous action

578 R. 3.

f%=re with zi^or ?H^ 48 1

.

H-TKh 46 R., cp. Introd. p. VI.

fir^292, 2°; - f%^, f%^-rjr 99;

f%^r 1 28.

%H 484, 485; 488, 489; - * ^^485; -^^485;-;^^497 R. 1.

sTEPR 175 R.

;r19R.;- Vr213&.).

jniiH (verb) with two ace. 46.

"sTm* 229, 4°.

sjth 599 R.; — 543- c.) 5°; — :r in??

Iftg; 402.

ami fa (verb); its medial voice with

gen. 121 R.; — apr (methinks)

500.

stTOJT (verb) how construed \00, 1°;

156.

sHHMH (verb) with abl. 97 R.

°ft. Participles in — 560; — when

expressive of the present 361,

578. R. 1 ;— when doing duty

as finite verbs 9, 528, 557.

TC192.

rtjT adverb 2^79^ 4°; — — » there,,

fore" 444, 445>; — correlative

to jjrT 463, to nfz. ana "aRT 484.

FTrT: »then, further''' 439, 439;— —»therefore" 444; — in the apo-

dosis of a conditional sentence

484.

rbWoll-^260.

Tatpurusha 210 foil.

fTOT 395; 497 R. 1 ;— when co-

pulative 427; — Tfrim jtct

470 R. 1.

rTsnfa 446.

fT57 474; — in the apodosis of a

condit. sentence 484.

FT^hr 262 R. 2.

?ro*rr432.

rpjArW: 319 R. 2.

°Hpj andW 249.

ft^ temporal 288, 5°; — conclu-

sive 444; — in the apodosis of

a condit- sent. 484.

fml92.

%ToRj- Participles in — 558, 557;

— when doing duty as finite

verbs 9, 528, 536, 357.

°<r: 95, 105, 1,04, 108? — prono-

minal adverbs in °rr : 289.

H^jiH conclusive 444.

°rrr. Abstracts in — 135—239l

"fTtrT. Imperative in — 551 R.

fdairi 5.99; — in enumerations 459;

— = Greek phi, 442, 1°; — ^

HlolH;- • • OT5lr^480 R. 1.

fnp 160.

jj 42-9, 44 1; — fjjrg see fS^f—

ifjsee cqrr; — zr^. • • §484 R. 2.

INDEX. 305

FTOtfr oftti- in'stead. of pisr gen.

86 d)

fT^rat if 74, 8° R.

rTor^T 61.

rtmfcf (verb) how construed1 125.

«FT. Nouns in — 52, 559.

rpifc (vdrb) wffil m^trl, gen., loc.

125, 156.

°;j. Pronominal adverbs" in1 —289.

°f5T. Abstracts in — 255— 259.

°sfT. Pronominal adverbs in — 288".

5^142.

^RHUIrl i, ^FglUH etc. 9&' B. 1;

125.

^iij'dlfT tfiifa two accl 4'6;

33jfrT with its compounds and* sy-

nonyms, how cbiistrWd' 81,

151', 14tf; — employed for

periphrazing*' verbs 510 R(

.

zwrfci see yr.

Zjjff with gen. of ace. 120 b.)

;m[|iU(h how construed 51,81 S.')

°57. Pronominal adverbs' in — 2881

zvxr^ with! g'e"n. orloe. l'l'l'E.

f^TT 416.

.[iealri how construed 42 E! 5 ;74',

9°; 122.

S^Tir aQd 2[K3>^ 1 29 E. 2.

"J:211, 2%1

J&t77.sir, ^ffy'with'twu ace. 46; — j^tf's

"""iHMfc&fl'of ^ih 310 1 E^ 1 •

°

and 2 ;- °?^f.i.^^^292,

2°; — |jf^»by fa¥" 10*Rv

°^k, °$m 229, 5°.

3TT

£pf?f 85, 4° with E.

Dvandva 205—208.

CTfter 202.

srii^ 196'-

Dvigu 299.

f^TfTta" with gen. 124, 4° E.; — a*

the end1

of cbmpbund's 58;

Rv

iff, ^vTfFr 310 E.

yT^rfir with d'at 851

,2°!

fycF 416, 417 with R. 1.

7T negative 401, 402, 405' E. 2;

52'5%

;— p^t'wiee'4dB; —put1

onfee though belonging to two

connected sentfehfces' 407; —incompounds 4'05 K; _ in' inter-

rogations 415; — ' with inde-

finites 282, 288 E. 5 ; — wikH*

connectives' 44!

7, 44#; — rr'

%H s'e'e" ^in.

R', =T FT, =T ^ after1

cdniparatiVes"

r^»than" 2501

^596, 415; — 325.^ 45; 7'tf,5°."

7rrrf?r how construed' 42;' 8 l', 2s ;—

qqn instead of vfizfa 3 1 § E. I1

.

TO ^3, 3°.

!TOftf?r 42, 9°.

'qtftW witti'twb'acc. 40 ,

E;;"4f)

l' E:

RT^,°fe'(Ve'rb)''l,

2(3W.); 12<l:

.

396 INDEX.

7rm 1 82 R. 2.

rrrir ace. 55 ; — particle 596 ; 409,

3°; 412 R.

f^i?r 188.

fSrcFTSTT 186.

fqtr 266, 267.

f^rrfrT 134 and 134*.

f^rfirw serves to periphraze 87, 193,

194.

piyH^395.

frg3?£ fjfcfenrfa 90, 146 6.)

farpr with loc 148.

frp&TfY and mf^-tniT 97 R., 1 26 R.

fern with abl. 96 d.).

fHd^afd with dat. or gen. 81

;

132, 2°.

FQw i Ih 134 and 134*.

ft: 225*.

q part, of interrogation 409, 5°;

412 R.; 414, 1° and 3°; —:t rr 414, 2°; 415; - rr

when expletive 39"; — with

present 325.

:ra^595, 396.

Sth555R. 1, 402 R, 2.

=ft402R. 1,447; -;rfgH 485.

srerirr 134 and 134*.

;*nKr589R. 1.

qfrfn with loc. 134 and 154*; —tn^Tff: — 139 e.).

qjg* 74, 9° R.

cq- and cr^whr 283, 3°.

Tpr: 173.

crpr prepos. 175;— limitative 399;

' ~442, 1°; ^ ^484 R.2;tt

erpr_ 442, 3° and 480 R. 1 ;-

adversative 421, 441 ; qr ft and

q| f*g 441; 442, 2°;^....

q^442R.q^T°251,2°.

«T^rprr 196.

qid^H with instrum. 75 R. 2.

qj: and q^FTIH 160; 173.

q^r^r 269.

Parasmaipada 314; 518.

qijl58.

qf^T 70 R. 2.

qijfT: 186.

qf^rar202.

qf^fhlFT 105.

qynr 173.

q(T?mor %177R.

qjrfq with dat. or gen. 85 with R.

q5TTr^l75.

qgjl (look) 500.

qT, *TTf?T with abl. 97 ; — qrFT act.

and pass. 224 N. 2.

qT, tqsjffT 136, 1°.

qTj; »a fourth" 301.

qr^TTH 386.

qiUol 188, 189.oqT5r220R. 2; 229, 6° N.

enr: advers. 441 with R. 1.

Jjh: 176, 177.

qj-. 176, 177.

qjt^i«T 201.

q^fTTfTl76, 177;cp. 98 N.

^229, 2°.

qrr prepos. 161; 395; — adverb

324 R. 1 ; 527 R.; — conjunc-

tion 477 R., 524 R. 1.

INDEX. 397

<TMUi(flT or ii^fn 42 R, 2.

qjjrfn and qjrf 74, 6°; 125.

^ with abt 105: — °<j£ 229, 2°

and 5°.

qcPj^prepos 178.

cr-c^fc with two ace. 46.

^182 E. 2.

<pyH: 177 K.

try 175 E.; 177 E.; - °<t£ 192.

cr° 309 *.

crtt 19 E.

UU l ijfH how construed 42; 81, 2°;

152, 9°.

crfH 179, 180.

triHcfKfr 129.

mIh^MiIh with gen. dat. loc. of the

person 81 c); 132, 6°; 145; —with dat. of the purpose 90.

nfHU with gen. or loc. 1 1 1 E.

crfiroufiT with abl. 97.

!4 filch' 175 E.

Hr?raiT 177.

ZTtm 442, 2° and 3°.

trail 246; — irair fTTBrn 459.

jmsrfTT with dat. 85; — with gen.

118; — with inf. 584, 586.

jru with dat. 85; — with gen. 112;~~ — with inf. 584.

cwfH 170; - og^ 229, 1°.

OTKiFr 96 E. 2.

cra^fH see ^i(h.

juftsFra^ see fsm.

traHH with dat. 90;— with inf. 584.

ufllU l td 134 and 154*

CTCFT, UHl^fa, crtts; • 31.

Eri^rl42E. 2.

itwr 1 1 1 B.

qi^l78.

°m^ 229, 5°.

ffratir 77.

graVfa 46.

fer with gen. 82, 129; — with

locat. 148; — in compounds

224 N. 2.

STfT 416

srirrfn and its compounds, with loc.

1 59 a); — srerrfor a means for

periphrase 5 1 E.

srcTra^and sr^rc 1 95.

srffc"l81.

5T|° 251, 2°.

Bahuvrihi 222— 226; _ 564 E.

1 ; — 68.

5rTOT^395.

srfs grfrin with dat. and loc. 89

;

146.

sjdlfn with two accus, 46; — with

dat. gen. loc. etc. of, the person

addressed 8 1 c); 132, 4°; 145;

179 &.

5T& with two nomin 35.

iTST and ufai with loc. 1 48.

HjrffT with ace. 42 E. 2.

irrrrfFf see spg.

ng-fr 2E.

mr see iff.

u^^H = "to be" and »to become"

5; 510— 512; — employed as

a means for making periphrastic

tenses 577, 378, (sfirsr) 355; —

398 INDEX.

iToTH 511 N; — inchoatives in

"W?T 308, 509.

iTor^hr 262 E. 1

.

W5TPT expressive of the 2d person

259, 260.

urn 501.

°WT5r- Abstracts in — 255— 239.

fir^TH with two ace 46; — with

abl. 95, 5°.

Pitt with abl. 105: 285 E. 1.

iff, filirffr with abl. or gen. 97, 5°;

126 c).

iT5T vedic constr. 74, 9° E.

°htt 214; cp. inchoatives in irsrfw.

jprfn with ace. 42.

jrarfn with abl. 95, 2°; 96, 62.

irfrr arftfTr with dat. and loc. 89;

146.

qgr^ 46 E.

qWTfT, wA 190, 191, cp. 1 16 E. ?..

mu$irii 201.

TfiziTt 1 67.

orpq-; . Infin. -j 385.

otro 214.

rpjir with two nomin. 55; — with

dat. or ace. 88 E. 5 ; — tjtu

»methinks" 500 with E. — For

the rest see ^wi dti fH

jrajir instead of rjrr 86 d.).

m negative 405 ; with f^and fut.

353 E. 4 ;— with imperative

and aorist 555—554 ;— with

imperfect 555 E. 5; — rrr'^T

with aorist 353.

-msr 229, 4°.

°tnf^214.

Tmnr 196.

fm: 269.

ftf^rT 60,

fewfH 60.

^202.ywifjj 2^r 196,

jj^fH 96, 62 ; — rrajar reflex. 5 1

9

E. 1.

jpnrffr 46 E.

gipfcr, °FdfT, °tot 99; 128.

°^rl94.^

ijkzjh '27, 5°.

tj the relative pronoun 286; — its

employment 456, 457, 459, and

of the whole relative system

451—454; — g- with causal,

final, consecutive force 458; —jt after ^pr, nipr etc. 458 E.;

460 E. 5, ; 466; 480 E. 2.

*r put twice 287 a.);— q-; spfigrT

etc. 287 6.), 288 E. 1 ;-^

a: * 287 c); 288 R. 4; 458N.

jjsrfH 45 R.; 1 19 E.; — its medial

518 6.).

grT particle 462— 466; — almost

"-dit466E,zjfih with dat. 89; — with loc.

1 46 a.); — with inf. 586.

UrT: causal 467 (cp. 445); used as

jth 464 and 465 E.

UrHrU^ 595; 459, 1°.

ztot part, of comparison 450, 470;

— »as if" 470 E. 3;— final

and consecutive 471; -

INPJSX. 399

475; — g-ert paraphrases the

the object 472; — n^jr rR

wfcr 470 E. 2.

jraT°219.

YatMsamkhyam 253.

JT5T474.

0^ 481, 482, 484—486, 488,489.

jl^fr »as far as" 470 R. 4.

iHM \H causal part. 467, cp. 443.

m, q"rirr "to go" with ace. 59; 256;

— with dat. 79, 80.

lUI-dtn how construed 46; 95, 5°;

1 26 a.).

arpr 460, esp. R. 2.

jrrafT prepos. with ace. and abl. 54

R. 2; 169; — particle 475—480; — with present 524 R. 1

.

U loiH -\- :t — priusquam 477;

q- cqTT^ or 7j $ETc<W- t • • OToPj

480 R. 1.

aran 219.

arasr480*.

tlld-H relat, pronoun 4.60, esp. R.

2 ;— its neuter gran 460 R. 1.

a-ar »apt, fit, proper" 129; 146; 82;

— with infin. 589; — — ^ador-

ned with, with" 58, 198.

a^r with instr. 60; — tfsOH »it is

'"fit, proper" 129.

Jtsiafa wi*n instr. 60 R. 1 ..

3«rf?r 42 R, 1.

ect relative particle 468, 469; — =oh 465 R.

jffnTfT, ?fl?PT 196.

a^r 129.

^grf?r with abl. 97.

^pj% with loc. 159 6.)

°pr 220 R. 1 and 2.

jwi with instrum. 74, 5° R. 2 ;—

with loc. 1 48.

^%T— » without" 62, 198.

^Tariff 85.

^g- with dat. or gen. 81, 2°;152, 7°.

^46R.V 220 R. 2 ; 229, 6°.

^q-gj 53.

^ 419.

*m 294.

^rnrrfS' with loc. 1 59.

Lat or present tense 521; 525

—

527; 542; 544; 556; 468,

471, 476, 489 1 stcat-

Lan or imperfect 521; 528— 550.

Lit or perfect 521; 528—535.

Lin = optative or potential 521;

542— 545; — ligishilin orpre-

cative 546.

Lut or periphrastic future 521;

540—541 *; 544**.

Lull or aprist 521

; 328; 554— 555.

cftct, tywfH 45.

tfTwrfS 89.

Lrt or future in °^h 321; 540—541**; 342; 544; 550 R,; 489

19t

cat.

Lrii or conditional 542; 547.

Let or conjunctive 542; 555.

^fter 19 R.

400 INDEX.

Lot or imperative 542; 344; 548

— 555; 555; — its 2d person

of the sing, repeated 497 E. 5.

et? with two aoc. or with dat., gen.,

"afi* 46; 81, c); 127, 1°;179 6.)

oM-IIHj °^T 196.

g-dtlitT with abl. 96 R. 1

.

°snT24t.

a^ see 5pg.

SfTO with abl. 1 05; — with tt, :t ^etc. 250;— with infin. 589 E. 2.

orpin see ajnfrfTT.

5^202, 2°.

ddfLii 202.

aTTH »to be" 5, 510; 567; — with

partic. of the present 378; —with gerund 381; — with locat.

158.

cWfFT 42; 74, 9°.

Brarnj) asnr 195.

cmfd with locat. 157.

affJrolOR.

ar disjunctive 428, 440; — in in-

terrogations 409, 39; 412 E.;

414, 1°— 5°; - ar.... srr 414,

2°; 428; — * 6TT, m * aT 4 1

4

R-; — srr ht^ srr 428 E., 440.

ar = =>397E. 1.

c5rr^292E. 2.

a litifri with abl. 97.

aTcr 397 R. 5.

f&° Compounds with — 225 *; —construed with instrnm. or abl.

62, 96.

fasfft with looat. 145.

fcTJT?T 198 R.; 225* R.

f&CTioFH, fgrarf^ 450 R. 5.

isrf its construction with gen. 121;

— its perf. a«; 551, 532; —its caus. see a^Trffi.

faqn »to be" 3; 567.

°faf&229, 10°.

fam 182.

fcW5rf^45.

faiprl29.

femr 62.

fddrtJH, [autdufrf 62; 96.

fapaF59; 148; 179 5.).

fcjoiui 245.

(dftlWH, fa Rite etc. 105, 3°; 62;

141.

"fSTSfisr 229, 8° and 9°.

fasmr 139 c.) and 148.

fasET280R. 1.

f&safnfH and fasaw tow construed

151; 139 c); 148.

ToI'&izt 192 B.

fairer 186 R. 2.

fa^202.ak 198 E.; 225*.

Vtpsa 252.

auPlId with two accus. 46;— with

abl. 95, 5°; — with dat or loc.

90, 146 6.)

a^tlfd and its compounds, how con-

strued 47, 51; 81c); 132, 2°.

a 397 E. 1.

|j 58, 59; 148; 179 6.)

oUl^fd see &q.

INDEX. 401

srafH 39, 236.

srar with dat., loo., inf. 90; 146 c);

384; — jfERjn' and sisr with

infin. 587, 588.

ST?fT 85 E.; — sfsr and >±\f$,ri

587 E. with N.

3T^ with ahl. 97; — sj| (it seems,

methinks) 500.

<mfo 74, 2° and 9°; — 85, 5°.

srsan 597 B. 5.

V 242.

STPFW2E.; 416.

fsra*l42.

5p?toh86c.);126 6.)

«&4S;74B. 1.

ststt, ?T£[>rTf?f 86 c); 152 E.

fir? ^itifri "with ace. 40; — with

loc. 139 c.)

3T, sjuflffT with acc, gen., abl. 95,

4°; 126 6.); — with gen. of the

partic 1 26 E"; — srTsraiH 5 ' •

s^rraH 74, 5°; 83, 5°.

ffew with compounds and deriva-

tives 139 c.)

g- demonstr. pronoun 271; — its

employment 275—278; 279,

1° and 2°; — its relations to g-

286 and cp. 451, 455; — ^the general pronoun 12, 276;

— g- g- 276 E.; — ga means

for connecting sentences 455;

—ST with conclusive force 445.

g-°58;60; 185.

ydHH 310.

wr:. q ...., srra-.... 500.

sranw 188, 189.

?T3i with gen. 124, 2°; — with loc.

see ST3JH.

y<euiu 201.

STTfT 58.

>3raH or HirtrT 139.

HaTfT, srjrrarr 310.

#?tt (verb) 60 E. 2 ; — 259 E.

W£rq595;— 442, 1°.

g<rsr with instrum. or gen. 61, 129.

sr^ participle of ^f% 564 with

E. 2; 567.

Jfrf2rf& 188.

^T5rR260.*° [= wjj 60.

grr with instrum. or gen. 61, 129.

grraiT 177.

gqir prepos. 58, 184, 185 E. 2.

jftott 186.

grpq- with dat. or loc. 90; 146 c);

— with inf. 584.

grrFT with instrum. or gen. 61.

spttt 188.

Hq^i-i "t° become" 510; with

dat. 85, 88.

^Uti-c^rl60 E. 2.

jforairtfT 52, 237; - with gen.

127,2°.

dr 281, esp. E. 2.

srsrrT; 186.

STolfriHT 77.

^58, 60, 184, 185.

^%r »with'' 58, 198.

402 itfDEX.

srrew 58, 184.

MI-dl fT in similes 4 Si)1

R.- 5.

°mH509.

smr adjective with loc. or'fiffflil4*9;

— particle 4 1 6.

5TTOT58, 184, 185 R. 2.

h° 2H, 225.

J^129R.2.gw=T 77.

gsw 1 29 R. 2.

$g£ 14-8.

*ZIT> ffl^fH With loc. 1381,'—'=: »to

be" 3, 310; — fefT express; 69

the predicate 567; -<- IPmEV

with partic. of the pSSfe. 57&,

with gernad1 581.

f^w with dat. 85, 5°; 2o9fR.

wnk = »as" 452?.

WTOrifrl'54*,.l46Jf.y

H319R. 1-

^tj'ffir with dati acci gen; 89}

1 20 d.)

9T 597; — pufrtd'tnepredentftenbB?

526, 527; — put to qt Setf'ifp

Hlifd with gen. or alec. 120'; —with infin. 584 R. 2 with N.

»sr 265, 2*65, 267.

et#, ssn#ta-' 265 R, 1,

55TUT 85, 5°-

sgtrn 2^8; — in simifes 450' K. 5.

StTfelH R-

JjdT^T 85, 5 .

fern 409, 5°; 41 4, 1°; 4f&

^ 597 with R. 2.

^fT418.

^r particle 416, 41-7 R. 2'.

ifrprlw 49 Iff.

1% 429-, 445.

% with da*. 83; 1°; 2l'6; Nb.f^62, 198.

$£'*.

I3I194-.

fcfc 193.

*"83; 5°: