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    SOME NOTES FOR A HISTORY OF THERELA TIONS BETWEEN LATIN AMERICA,THE ARABS A ND ISLAMThe notes which follow are based on the authors continuing in-vestigationof Arab-Islamic relations with Latin America,1 a researchproject which, we hope, wll lead ultimately to the publication of amore systematic contribution to a relatively little explored field ofstudy. These notes have been arranged under three categories: The

    Journeys of Discovery, Islam and Latin American Literature, andBlack Islam in Latin America.I. The J ourlteys of Discovery

    A. Arabic-Islamic Contributions to Navigation and GeographyThere is no opportunity to deal in the scope of this article with themany unresolved problems around the issue of possible Muslim pre-decessors of Columbus,2 and the thesis of an immigration of Visi-gothic Christians fleeing from Arab troops to Cozumel and Yucatan.3I t is rather our intention to point briefly to the first Muslim map ofAmerica, and to Arab contributions to the accomplishments of Vascoda Gama and Columbus.In October, 1929, Khalid EdhemBey discovered by chance in theLibrary of Serrallo, in thecity of Istanbul, a map in parchment madein the holy Muharram of the year 919 (March, 1513) . The rare andvaluable geographical letter contained, among other legends, the fdlow-ing note: This chapter explains how this map has been made. Suchmap nobody owns at present. By the hands of this poor man it hasbeen composed and now elaborated.The discovery was important. As already stated, it had to do witha parchment, inTurkish writing, painted inseveral colors, with dimen-sions of 0.85 X 0.60. It represents the western zone of the world. Itcomprises the Atlantic Ocean with America and the westernrim of theOld World. The other parts of the world, which undoubtedly the mapalso included, have been lost.The author of the map, Firi Muhyi 1-DinRe+ is not unknown.He was a famous navigator and map-maker who died about 1554-1555.He wrote a handbook on navigation in the Aegean and the Mediter-ranean Seas, which was known as Piri Res& Bahriye. Perhaps the1 Cf. the authofs article, Muslim Immigration to Spanish America, MW,LVI (19661, 173-187.See Appendu.3 A theory defended in the eighteenth century by, among others, Solormo

    Pereyra, Politica Indiana, I , ch. 5, p. 10 (Amberes, 17oa) and Antonio de Herrera,DesCripCidn de las I n d k Occidentdes, I , ch. 10, p. 21 (Madrid, 1730). C. alsoLlano Zapata, Memorias H istdkco-F isicas-A fdogtticas (LmW ). pp. 518-520, on the crosses of tin found by the Spani sh conquerors in Mexico.284

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    LA TIN AMERICA, THE ARABS AND ISLAM 285map found by Khalil EdhemBey was a part of this handbook whichhad been presented to Sul tan Selim I in 1517, which would explainhow the mysterious parchment was found in Serrallo.4Arab geographical information reached Vasco da Gama not only inwritten form, but also through his consultations with A d . Msjid,whom he met on the west coast of Africa. Arab stories say that thi sIbn MPjid was intoxicated by the Portugueseso thathe would showthem the way to the Indies. He is regardedasthe author of a handbookon navigation on the Indian Ocean, the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf,the Sea of Southern China and the waters around the West IndiesIslands. (Some West Africans consider him also the inventor of thecompass.) 5 But Vasco daGama must have met many other Muslimnavigators as well. According to Lusitano, Vasco da Gama, who wasthe first one to discover the Eastern Indies, met in the MozambiquePassage several Moorish navigators who used the magnetic needlewith which they sailed in those seas; but no one states explicitly fromwhom they learned it. 6While it is impossible to state with certainty whether Columbus haddirect contacts with Arab sailors and merchants, therecanbe no doubtthat Arabic science reached hi m in an indirect way, partly, perhaps,through the works of Pedro de Ally and Regiomantano.7 Accordingto one of his contemporaries, Columbus started his enterprise impelled,among other reasons, by al-Fargh5nis thesis that the earths circum-ference was much less than [estimated by] the other authors andcosmographers.8 How he knew al-FargM s book Q is difficult todecide, since the translation by Juan Hispalense, dating from 1135,was not published till 1493.The Admiral may have read the manu-script, or hecodd have received information about it through JohannesSacroboscus, in a similar way as he knew AvicennasDeComplexioni-bus through St. Albert0 Magno. 10

    .

    4 Of special importance are the vari ous articles on this map written by PadK ahle and E ugen Oberhummer: cf. the bibliography of Franz Babingers articlePiri M&$ 1-DnReis: Encyclopuedio of I slam, 111, ro;rof.6 See on Ibn MHjid the interesting study of T. A . Shumusky, Tri Neimesttketotsii Akhmada I bn Maakhida Arabskogo lojsmana Vasko du-Gamui, MOSCOW,

    1047. and Gabrid Ferrand Zntrodwtion d lartronomie n a u t w des Arabes(PGis: Geuthner, I@), p.247.Osorio L usitano. De Rebus Gestis, I . I& quoted by Gregorio Garcia, Origende 10s Indws en el N-o M d o e Ind& Ocdentales (Ma&id, I 729), p. 21.7 Columbusmay have read also Aristotles De Coelo in the edition by A v em s,published in Venice in 1483 and 1484; cf. Don Fernando Cokh, Histork delAlmironte, ch. 6, 7 and 8.

    8 Bartolome de LasCasas, Historia de la Indiar (Buenos A ir es-M e~ko,1951),I , 38.9 Abfi I-CAbb5s Ahmad b. Muhammad b. K athir al -F ar gm, Kitiib fi d-harakdt al-sam6wiyya wa j a m % m C 4lm d-nujtim (T he Book of the heavenlymovements and complete science of the stars).10 De Las Casas, H k t h , , 40.

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    THE MUSLIM WORLDB. TheReconquista and the Discovery of Lati n America

    When Spain began the great task of American colonization, therewas a burning in the hearts of all Castillians, Aragmians, and Bas-ques: the firm purpose of extending theReconquista beyond the seas.Ths might well have been the reason why Hernan Cortks (a formersoldier in Africa), when he arrived at Y ucath, named that area ElCairo. 11 His eyes were used to the high, white buildings of the Maghriband of his native Spain. And when he embarked upon the conquestofthis new land, he did not feel that he was coming to a new world,but to a part of the Islamic Empire, worthy of being incorporatedinto the Christian dominions of Spain. 12Indeed, the whole Spanish colonization process of the Americancontinent is closely related with this peninsular phenomenon, theReconquista.Thatgreatand overpowering river of anti-Islamic feelingsoverflowed the European boundaries and flooded the American lands.The deeds of the CortCses and the Pizarros can be judged, in someway, as an extension of the Cid-ian struggles. The conquerors weremen movi ng to the New World in order to complete the catholicity,or ecumenicity, of the Christian faith, according to medieval theologicalideas. Thi s transcendental mission was confirmed by a Spanish Pope,Alexander VI, who offered to the Spanish Monarchs the title ofCatholic King. The Treaty of Tordesillas came to confirm this mis-sion. 13The reconquista motive played a role, also, in the activities of Co-lumbus.14 This adventurer had in mind the reconquest of Jerusalem,possibly as an echo of the Granada Reconquest. He was sure thatbeyond the unknown seas was the way to Cathay, Cipango, to India11 Cf. Eligio Anwna, H utor ia del Yucatcin, desde la i j o c a mos remota hart0nuestros d h Barcelona, 188~),1,222; and Pedro M artin de Angleria, Dfcadardel N WO Mundo (Buenos Aires, rw),, 308.12 Centuries later, another illustrious and adventurous Spaniard, Don F h d ndel Valle I nch , sawin the Gulf of Mexico something Arabic, something similarto North A frica. See Bajo 110s Tr6picos in Publicaciones Periodisticas de DonRam& del Val le Incldn mteriores a 1895, Estudio preliminar y notas de WilliamL. Fichter (El Colegio de Mexico, 1952), p. 170.1s On the relationship between America and the Middle A ges see, besides thewell-known works of Sanchez Albornoz, Charles Verlinden, Les InfluencesMCdi6vales dans la colonisation de BAmCrique, R&a de H&Oria & A d a ,30 (M exico, December 1950) and reprint; and Colomb et les influences medie-vales dans la colonisation de 1AmCrique in Studi Colombiani, I1 (1951) ;Genea,Covegno Internazionale d Studi Colombiani).14 See, among others, G. Ritter, Die Neugestaltung Europas im 16. J ahr-hunderf, Berlin, 1950(who states that the Conquhta of overseas territories began

    as a continuation of the Reconquista of Spain, and that Crusades ideas playedan important role in the early history of European expansion; p. 41) B. Bier-mann, Das Requiriemento in der Spanischen Conquis@ N.ZM.W., VI (1950).w-115;A. S. Atiya, The Crusade i n the later Middle Ages (London, 1938), pp. 7258 ff.; J. Hashagen, Euroja im Mittelalter (M unchen, 1951), pp. 406f. ; andE. Staehelin, Die Verkundigung des Reiches Gottes k der Kwche J esu.Chnstr(4 vol.; Basel, 1951-1957), I V , 1-16 (on Columbus desire to contribute towardsa new crusade to capture Jerusalem).

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    LATIN AMERICA, THE ARABS AND ISLAM 287(and to the Indies), and ultimately to the always mysterious land ofArabia. For this reason he took with himtwo Jewish converts,Rodrigode Triana and Luis de Torres, the latter an expert in foreign lan-guages, primarily in Hebrew, Chaldean and even in Arabic, as Co-lumbus himself notes inhisDiario.

    11. Islam and Latin American LiteratureA. Arabs and Muslims as themes in Latin American Literature

    The Arab and in general theMuslim world has exerted a char monmany Spanish-American writers, in past and present. To begin withsome more contemporary ones, mention shouldbemade of the Argen-tinian Enrique Larreta, who composed a magnificent description of theMoors during the reign of Philip I1 in his novel La Gloria de DonRamiro. Another example is R6mulo Gallegos, who in one of hi s mostbeautiful books, Los Inmigrantes, chose an Arab from Lebanon ashis principal character.A very special caseis that of the Chilean writer Pedro Prado, whoin 1921came to imitate the tone and the nuance of the Islamicpoemto the extent of publishing, under the pseudonym of Karez-I-Roshan-suggesting an Afghan poet-four series of short and delicate verses(La Flor Roja, * L a s Baladas de Kabul, De la Noche a1 ama-necer, De la Llava Eterna). The Spanish-American critics lavishlypraised the newly discovered works of this mysteriouspoet who sud-denly situated himself in the line of Omar Khayyam. The fraudsucceeded widely. The pamphlet had as epigraph two unimpeachablejudgments: that of Kahlil Gibran (Jibr5.n Khalil J ibrk), and that ofGeorge Bernard Shaw. The first one said: This unknown one (Ro-shan) is the sweetest song of dawn, and the most sonorous trumpet ofthe Orient. On his side, Shaw affirmed: Hisoriginality and poweris as obvious as Tagores, but like myself, Karez-I-Roshan emphasizesincendiary possibilities.As introduction, the writer PaulinaOrth (a name behiid which DonAntonio Castro Leal, who at the time was the Secretary to the Em-bassyof Mexico in Chile, hid himself) presented a biographical sketch,which, although short, was rich in data and news for the orientalists.15Looking back to the nineteenth century, we find Don Rufino J OSCCuervo, the illustrious Colombian philologist. in whose works one canfind many quotations in Hebrew, Syriac, and especially in Arabic, alanguage which he had learned in Bogoti around 1877from his helpful compatriot, the Arabic scholar Don Ezequiel Uricoechea. 16Another Spanish American writer who showed an iinniistakable

    16 See August0 Iglesias, Gabrielcr M istral y el Modernismo en Chile (Ensaya16 Rufino J . Cuervo. Obras, I (Bogoti: Institub Car0 y Cuervo, rgs), pp.de Cnficu Subjetha) (Santiago de Chile, I ~S O) , pp. 88-89,lxxxv f. and xciv f.

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    288 THE MUSLIM WORLDfavor towards things Arabic was Domingo Sarmiento. In hisRecuerdosde Provincia, he dedicated some pages to the supposed Arab lineage ofthe Albarracin family, to which this distinguished Argentine politicianand educator belonged. In his Facundo he makes interesting obser-vations on the life of the Gauchoandof the Arab and about thegeog-raphy of Palestine and that of La Rioja.17Sarmientos special pride in his (supposed) Arab lineage madehimthe object of gross satire, such as that found in the anonymous libel(which is falsely attributed to Jose Hernhdez) La Repiiblica de 10sCanallas (Buenos Aires, 1868) I am a Moor, that is, I am fromSan Juan, but of Moorish lineage: my grandfather was the famousTurk AX Kaka Ben al-Bazin, msfrode contrabujo of the ProphetMdpmmad. 1sAlthough he deserves much fuller discussion, at thismoment wecanonly make a brief reference to the outstanding figure of the Vene-zuelan Don Rafael de Nogales y Mend& (born in 1878)who in theauthors opinion is comparable, both in his literary products and hi smilitary career, to Lawrence of Arabia.B. Arabic-Islamic Literary Influences

    I t is not difficult to trace the Arabic origin of several Latin Amer-ican stones. The story of the goats, for example, in Cervantes DonQuixote (I , zo), was derived, via the L i br o de 10s Enxiemplos andthe Novellino, from an Oriental story of Disciplina Clericalis. Avella-neda, in turn, transferred it intohis pseudo-Quixote, where the goatsare changed into geese (XXI ), and in this form the story became,after the Spanish conquest, part of the Chilean, Argentinian and PuertoR i m folklore.In Peruvian literature we find Don Ricardo Palmas theme of dogood without noticing to whom, which is unmistakably analogous to

    17 Domingo V. Sarmiento, Recuerdos de Prmncia (chapter ZOS Albarra-cines). Lugones and Daireaux believed that they discovered the Arab etymol ogyof the word Gaucho. Cf. LeopOado Lugones, Voces Americanas de procedenciaarabiga, Lo NaciOn, rnarzo 4 25, abril 2 ~ ,923; febreroa marzo g, junio I,1%; marzo I , abril 5, 195; NuevasEtimologias&bigas, La Nocidn, febrem13, abril 3, noviembre27, rgq. Emilio Daireaux, El abogado de si mismo, 1887,p. xi ; Lo vie ef Ies murs d la Plafa(1888), I, 31. -Seelso A. Monia Figueroa,El gaucho argcnfino ( I ~ Z) , p. 13and the bibliographyon the Gauchoin Homer oSeris, Bibtwgrafia de la L ingiiistica Esparlola (BogotA, I*), pp. 718-720. Una-muno, La Literatura gauchesca, La Ilustracidn EspaEola y Americana, 22 dejulio 1899, p. 46, compares the fight between the Gaucho and the Indian wththe struggle between the Castillian and the Moors.18 Quoted by Emilio Carrilla, La Rephblica de10s Cadas, Bolefin de L ite-ratwm Hkj&kav (Facultad de Filosofia y Letras, Universidad Naciaal delLitoral), 1963, no. 5, p 4. Another ironical treatment of the Arabic lineageclaim (which seems tobe accepted in Mary Manns biographical sketch of Sar-miento, following the English translation of the Facccndo; L i f e in the ArgentineRepublic, New York, 1868) is found in Vicuiia Madcenna, Pagina de un DiariOdurmte tres oiios de Vbjc-1853, 1854, 1855, Santiago de chile, 1856.

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    LATI NAMERICA, THE ARABS AND ISLAM d3ga tragic episode in the life of Prince Ibrshim, ancestor of the Umayyadruler Marwk 11. In the two stones, the son of a murdered man offersasylum to the murderer of his father, and he forgives him, when thetrue identity of the guest is discovered.19 Ths could be Seen as aliterary coincidence. But both episodes present so much simdaritythat it is not possible to deny the dependency on theMuslims t o r y .Another example is the story of The Mark of the Li on, admirablystudied by Gonzales Palencia, a story which, with few variants, hasachieved great popularity in Argentina. 2QPerhaps largely through JibriinKhalil J ibrsn, Arab-Americanpoetr yisa well-known phenomenon. At thispoint we wish to draw attentionbriefly to the presence of some Arab poets and writers of prose inSouth America, where the two principal centers for Syrian, Lebaneseand Egyptian poetry are Brazil and Argentina. Outstanding membersin the Brazilian group include Fawzi Ma%f (d. I 930), Ilfis Farhit(b. 1893) and al-Qarawi, while we find in the Argentine Republicthe Egyptian Sayf al-Din Rahhd, a very fine poet in Arabic and anelegant prose writer in Spanish. He undoubtedly is the most distin-guished figure of La L i p Literaria Argentina. I n VenezuelaGeorge Sayd& deserves mentioning, and in Chile, Benedicto Shawqi.Thanks to thisactivity, which facilitates interchange betweenAmer-ica and the Arab world, a South American author, Pablo Neruda,had the honor of seeing work of his translated in Arabic by Mu-hammad CAytiini.

    111. Bkrck Islam in L atin AmericaI n a previous article mentioned already21 we discussed the many

    ways in which Spain tried to prevent Lutherans, Moor s and Jews fromcoming to the New World. By a rare paradox of history, the firstChristian to see the American land, Rodrigo de Triana, or Rodrigode Lepe, on his return to Spain became a Muslim, abandoninghisChristian allegiance because Columbus did not give him credit, northe King any recompense, for his havingseen-before any other manin th e crew-light in the Indies. 22In this section we intend primarily to makea few brief remarks onindigenous Islam in Brazil and Haiti, as an invitationto further studyrather than pretending to have reached final conclusions. (The ex-pression indigenous Islam i s used to indicate that we shall not di scuss1s Ricardo Palma, Tradiciones PeruonaJ (Madrid, 1946), 11, 115- 119. See

    Vulney, V k j e a Egipto y Si& (Paris, 1830), I , 434, and Quatrem&~ b f d asobre 10s asilos entre 10s arabe~M emwios de la Academ. de I mmpf . y BellarLetrasde Park, XV,344-346.20 Juan Alfonso Canizo, Antecedentes hispano-medioevdes de la poesh frodi-c i d argentina (Buenos Aires, 1 9 4 9 , p. 3221 See above, note I .22 Cf. the data fromGomara and Gonzalo Funandu deOvido, in H*Christophe Colomb (Paris, IW), , 412.

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    290 THE MUSLIM WORLDthe presence of Syrian, Lebanese and other Muslim immigrants inthese

    With the comng of the Republic, which led to the separationbetween Church and State (188g), I s l a m in Brazil began to benefitfrom the guarantees of religious freedom. It is of interest to noticethat Brazilian Black I sl am has preserved many dear traces of thedivers origins of these Muslims. Most of the slaves came from amongthe areas of Bornu and Adamawa, and from among Hausas, Fuiani,Nupeand Yorubas.All of these Muslims are referred toas Musmlumi(and variants; Hausa: M d m i ) . Not only Alldh, but also Olorun isused as the name of God. A priest (limune; HausaZimun(i), limumi,from Arabic d-imdm) leads the sara (Arabic sokzt),while a choir ofwomen repeats the bismillahi. In addition to the;d&t,hese Muslimsobserved arsumy (Hausa azumi, from Arabic al-putn, fasting). Thecounselors of the Zimune are called xerifes (Arabic d-shyif).Muchuse is made of the rosary (tecebu; Hausa cuzbi, from Arabic tosb$!z),and the spirits (uligenum; Hausa uljun, pl. uZjan(n)u, from Arabicd-jinn) play an important role in the daily life of these Muslims. Anexampleof the survival of Yorubaphrases is the inscription found ina meat shop of the Baixa dos Sapateiros, in the Bahia area:Kosi ObaKun Afi OZorun (There is no King but God. One of the variousHausa attempts to render the shahdda is identical: Bubu Sarki SaiAlhh, There is no King but God.)In Haiti, Dahomeyan and Senegalese slaves were instrumental inbringing Islam to th is part of the world, notwithstanding the strictSpanish laws aimed at preventing thispenetration. The Haitian nativelanguage still shows unmistakable African influence, up to ten percent of its vocabulary. F. Ort i z Glossario de Afro-negrismos includesa large number of Afro-Arabisms, mostly of Sudanese origin. Aninteresting field of study awaits to be explored, and through such aresearch, wider attention will be drawn to such figures as the famousMackandal, bor n in Guinea and educated among the Muslims of NorthAfrica. He was burned in 1758, after a bloody episode in Haitianhistory.

    countries.)

    Epilogue: a sixteenth-century Christian defense of IslamThroughout the history of Muslii-Latin American relations we comeacross examples of religious fanaticism and lack of tolerance on theside of the Christians. It would not be difficult to offer a long listof

    persons who were ridiculed, persecuted, driven away and punished ina variety of manner s. But we rather concludewth an exceptionallypositive sound, although it seemed to be a rather lonely voice. A s i x-teenth-century Franciscan,PedrodeAnuaga, defended the convi cti onthat the Moor could be saved in his Law. The price which th ismodernist had to pay was expulsion, ordered by the Inquisitors. But

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    LATIN AMERICA, THE ARABS AND I SLAM 291it was the foreshadowingof more friendly relationsbetween Muslimsand Christians which we, now, are privileged to see developing.Lima, Peru RAFAEL A. GUEVAFLAUAN

    APPENDIXOf special interest is thestory of Ibn Farriikh, as narrated by AbiiBakr b. CUmaraI-Qiitiyya (not to beconfused with the author of theTarikh I f ht@z al-Andalw, Ibn al-Qiitiyya), translated and publishedby Etienne. A summary of it was translated in Spanish by Don Ma-nuel Osuna y Saviiion, in Resumen de l a Geografia Fisica y Politicay de la Histork Naturd y Civil deh I s h CanoricrS, Santa Cruz deTenerife, 1%. Ibn F adkh landed, according to this story, in Feb-ruary ggg in Gando (Great Canary), visited King Guanariga, and

    continued his journey westwards till he found the islands of Capraria(which some identify with Fuenteventura) and Pluitana. In May ofthat year he arrived back in Spain. Similar adventures of Arabicspeaking adventurers reaching the islands inhabited by goats aretold by al-Idrisi in hisKitdb al-Rtljdr ( ed. by Jaubert), 11, 2627 (cf.I, 200). On the question of the historical reliability of the Ibn Far&story see, for example, Buenaventura Bonnet, La supuesta expediabnde ben Farroukh a las Canarias, Revistade Historia de l a Facultadde F ilosofio y Letras de la Univemidad de la Laguna de Tenerife, X,There is no reason for denying radically the possibility of somecontact between pre-ColombianAmerica and Islam. Onecan thi nk inthis connectionof some remarks by Ibn Khaldiin in hisd-Muqaddima

    (Arab. tqxt, publ. by Quatremke, pp. 93f . ;de Slanestransl., I , 112-113) and the many extensive voyages of Arab travellers, among whomKhashkhHsh of Cbrdoba journeyed over the Bahr d-Muhif (AtlanticOcean), as reported in Mabiidis Murdj al-Dhuhub, I , 258. Cf. al soBekri s Description de PAfrique Septentrionale, ed. by M. G. deShe,p. 36 and no. 3, and Livi-ProvencalsL a pbnin.de Ibdrique au moyenage daprks le Kit6b d-Raud al-Mic.far dlbn CA bd d-MunCimd-Himyar;, Leyden, 1938 (cf. on Masciidis story also Livi-ProvenplsHistoire de PEspagne Musulmune [3 vol.; I gM I 953] , I, 351 and111,342). Cf. also DAvezac, Nofice des dkcouvertes fuites au M oyenAge dam Pockan Adantique antkrieurement aux grades explorationsdu quim2me sikcle, Paris, 1845; W. H. Babcock, Legendary Islandsof the Atlontic, American Geographi cal Society, Research Series, No.8,New York, 1922;LeoWiener, Africa and the Discovery of AmericalPhiladelphia, ~gzo- ~gzz . n contacts between the Arabs and theSpanish colonies in South America, see esp. I. Kratchkovski, Lapremi6re description arabe dun voyage en Amirique du Sud, In-stitute of Oriental Studies in MOSCOW,V (Moscow, 1947), 8993;and Muhammad Hamidullah, LAfrique dicouvre IAmirique avant

    68 (Oct.-Dec., I ~M) ,26-338.

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    292 THE MUSLIM WORLDChristophe Colomb, Prtsence Africaine, 17- 18 (1958), 173- 183.Reference should be made, finally, to the many authors who cI ah aSemitic origin for the inhabitantsof the New World.A classic exampleis HornsDe Originibw Americunis (The Hague, 1652). From recentcontributions we mention only Benigno Ferrarions articles La In-vestigacion Linguisticay el parentesco extra-continental de la Lenguaqheswa,Revista de l o Sociedad Amigusde l a Arqueologb/ (Mon-tevideo), VII (1933), 89-120, nd Della possibile parentela fra lelingua altaiche ed alcune americane, Atti del Congress0 Internano-mle degli Orientalisti, Romo 1935, (Roma: 1938), XVI, 210- 223, ndtwo articles by Georges Dumezil, Remarques sur les six premiersnoms de nombres du Turc, Studia Linguistua (Lund and Copen-hagen), VIII, I 1(1g54), 1-15, and Remarques complhentaires surles si x premiers noms de nombres du Turc et du Quechua, J ournalde l a Sociitk des Amtricanistes (Paris), now. sCrie, XLIV ( 1g55) ,17-37.