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SOME GRAECO-PHOENICIAN SHRINES. [PLATES III., IV.] WITH but two exceptions, no trace now remains of the shrines with which this paper deals, or at least no trace has been revealed by excavation. Practically the sole record of these buildings is to be found on the coins struck in the district during the period of the Roman Empire, and more especially during the third century of our era. The earlier coins, from the beginning of the coinage towards the end of the fifth century B.C., tell us something about the cults, but little of their furniture. But in the Roman age, especially during the time of the family of Severus and Elagabalus, there was a considerable outburst of coinage, which, in its types, reveals certain details interesting to the student of the fringe of Greek and Roman culture. The evidence thus provided 1 is necessarily disjointed, and concerns only the external, official aspects of the Phoenician religion. The inner truth of these things, it is safe to say, is hidden for ever: even the development from the primitive religion to the weird syncretistic systems of the Roman age is hopelessly obscure. One can only see dimly what was the state of things during the period illustrated by the monuments. In an article published elsewhere three years ago,2 I dealt with certain matters bearing on this subject, and endeavoured to establish the thesis that the Phoenician Baal and his consort, who is conveniently if loosely called Astarte,3 served their worshippers in a sort of dual capacity, celestial and I In order to avoid overloading this article with references, I may refer generally to the British Museum Catalogue of Greek Coins, Phoenicia (1910), where all the Phoenician coins here discussed are described and illus- trated, and where numerous other details in the argument, omitted here for lack of space, may be found by anyone interested in the subject. The 34 coins, all for which space could be found in the plates to this article, must not therefore be taken as representing all the available evidence. The periods to which they belong are as follows: 1, 2-late V. to IV. cent. B.C. 24, 33-IV. cent. ii.c. 4- II. cent. B.C. 21-9/8 B.C. 26, 28-Domna. 11, 27, 30-Caracalla. 6, 16-Macrinus. 10-Diadumenian. 3, 5, 7, 9, 13-15, 17-19, 29, 31, 32-Elagabalus. 12-- Soaemias. 22-Paula. 20-Severus Alexan- der. 23-Trebonianus Gallus. 25-Valerian. 8, 34-Gallienus. Nos. 9, 29, and 30 are at Berlin; 33 at Paris; the rest in the British Museum. 2 Church Quarterly Review, 1908, pp. 118- 141. 3 Cumont (in Pauly-Wissowa ii. 1777 f.) may be right in supposing that the name Astarte was often used by the Greeks loosely for other goddesses; but in the age with which we are chiefly concerned there can be no doubt that the inhabitants of the Phoenician towns were no more precise themselves. To deny the name Astarte to the consort of Adonis at Byblus may be correct in theory, but is misleading in fact. Cp. A. Heisenberg, Grabeskircheund Apostel- kirche i. p. 203.

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SOME GRAECO-PHOENICIAN SHRINES.

[PLATES III., IV.]

WITH but two exceptions, no trace now remains of the shrines with which this paper deals, or at least no trace has been revealed by excavation. Practically the sole record of these buildings is to be found on the coins struck in the district during the period of the Roman Empire, and more especially during the third century of our era. The earlier coins, from the beginning of the coinage towards the end of the fifth century B.C., tell us something about the cults, but little of their furniture. But in the Roman age, especially during the time of the family of Severus and Elagabalus, there was a considerable outburst of coinage, which, in its types, reveals certain details interesting to the student of the fringe of Greek and Roman culture.

The evidence thus provided 1 is necessarily disjointed, and concerns only the external, official aspects of the Phoenician religion. The inner truth of these things, it is safe to say, is hidden for ever: even the development from the primitive religion to the weird syncretistic systems of the Roman age is hopelessly obscure. One can only see dimly what was the state of things during the period illustrated by the monuments.

In an article published elsewhere three years ago,2 I dealt with certain matters bearing on this subject, and endeavoured to establish the thesis that the Phoenician Baal and his consort, who is conveniently if loosely called Astarte,3 served their worshippers in a sort of dual capacity, celestial and

I In order to avoid overloading this article with references, I may refer generally to the British Museum Catalogue of Greek Coins, Phoenicia (1910), where all the Phoenician coins here discussed are described and illus- trated, and where numerous other details in the argument, omitted here for lack of space, may be found by anyone interested in the subject. The 34 coins, all for which space could be found in the plates to this article, must not therefore be taken as representing all the available evidence. The periods to which they belong are as follows: 1, 2-late V. to IV. cent. B.C. 24, 33-IV. cent. ii.c. 4- II. cent. B.C. 21-9/8 B.C. 26, 28-Domna. 11, 27, 30-Caracalla. 6, 16-Macrinus. 10-Diadumenian. 3, 5, 7, 9, 13-15, 17-19, 29, 31, 32-Elagabalus.

12--

Soaemias. 22-Paula. 20-Severus Alexan- der. 23-Trebonianus Gallus. 25-Valerian. 8, 34-Gallienus. Nos. 9, 29, and 30 are at Berlin; 33 at Paris; the rest in the British Museum.

2 Church Quarterly Review, 1908, pp. 118- 141.

3 Cumont (in Pauly-Wissowa ii. 1777 f.) may be right in supposing that the name Astarte was often used by the Greeks loosely for other goddesses; but in the age with which we are chiefly concerned there can be no doubt that the inhabitants of the Phoenician towns were no more precise themselves. To deny the name Astarte to the consort of Adonis at Byblus may be correct in theory, but is misleading in fact. Cp. A. Heisenberg, Grabeskirche und Apostel- kirche i. p. 203.

SOME GRAECO-PHOENICIAN SHRINES 57

marine; there were either two pairs of these deities or, more probably, two aspects or hypostases of a single pair. If some of the same ground is covered in this paper, the excuse must be that few readers of this are likely to have come across its predecessor. There is less excuse, perhaps, for

repeating much which will be found in the introduction to the Phoenician volume of the British Museum Catalogue of coins; but what is collected and summarized here is there scattered about and considered from the point of view of the numismatist rather than the student of ancient religion.

It is well perhaps to state at the outset that, in the Phoenician lands, the lion, as an inhabitant of the mountain rather than the plain, is naturally sacred to the mountain deity. The figures of lions dedicated to the Mountain Zeus, Adt 'Opelk, mentioned in an inscription read by Renan at Halalieh,4 are typical. Further, the mountain-top being in antiquity the nearest approach man could make to the sky, the mountain-deity and the sky-deity are closely allied, if not one and the same. The eagle of course is another natural attribute of the sky-god; curiously enough, however, though there is a certain amount of Syrian evidence for his employment as such, there is

comparatively little from the places which we shall deal with.5 We shall take most of our illustrations from the coins of the great

Phoenician coast-towns; and we may begin with the most northern, Aradus. Here we have the good fortune that in its territory, at Husn Suleiman, the ancient Baitokaike, the remains of a sanctuary have been excavated." In the poit of Aradus itself, Baal Arvad is a sea-god. In the fifth and fourth centuries B.c. he is represented as a fishy monster (P1. III., 1, 2, Hellenism civilized him and translated him into a sort of Poseidon. But up on the higher ground, at Baitokaike, the Aradians worshipped no marine god, but eo(v (or arytov) ovpdvtov Zevt. One of the reliefs here shows an eagle holding a caduceus, between figures supposed to represent the morning and evening stars; a similar subject is seen on the lintel of the 'Jupiter' Temple at Baalbek; but the caduceus may possibly be held to connect the eagle which holds it rather with the Hermes of the Heliopolitan triad than with Zeus. The Poseidon and the Zeus are represented on two sides of a rare coin of the year 174/3B.c. Zeus had as consort a goddess to whom, as to the Syrian goddess,7 the cypress-tree and lions and oxen among other things were sacred. All three sacred things are represented grouped together on a coin of Aradus (P1. III., 3). The celestial nature of the god to whom they are dedicated is marked on some specimens of this coin by a star and crescent. Doubtless the Poseidon of Aradus also had a

4 Renan, Mission de Phdnicie, p. 397. 5 For the eagle and lion as solar, see especi-

ally the remarkable coins of Euagoras II of Salamis, on which is represented a lion with an eagle on his back, and a sun in the'field (B. M. C. Cyprus, p. cv).

6 See especially Dussaud, Rev. Arch. 1897,

xxx. pp. 319 ff. On the relief mentioned in the text, see Perdrizet in C.R. de l'Acad. 1901, p. 132; also Jahrb. xvii. p. 98; Rev. Arch. 1903, i. p. 130.

7 Lucian, de Syria dea, 41 : Bdes e-ydhoL Kcal WTroL Kal •ETO2 Kai C pKTOL Ktal hAeOYES.

58 G. F. HILL

consort in a marine goddess. She may be the Tyche-like goddess who is

represented riding upon a rudder; but if so she has nothing to distinguish her from an ordinary Tyche.

This difficulty of distinguishing between Tyche and Astarte confronts us in nearly all the cities of the Phoenician coast. The TvXrX qrokewo on Greek coins of the Imperial age took two main forms in statuary: either the statue was copied from the famous figure by Eutychides of Sicyon at

Antioch, seated on a rock, with the personification of the Orontes at her

feet, or it was merely a figure holding a cornucopiae and rudder. Neither of these forms penetrated unmodified into Phoenicia, saving at Ace-

Ptolemais, a place which does not fall regularly into line with the other cities, and, exceptionally, at Aradus, the most northern of the Phoenician cities, and therefore most liable to influence from Antioch. The Phoenicians, however, adopted for the chief goddess of their cities certain of the attributes of Tyche, such as the mural crown, and sometimes the cornucopiae; and there can be no doubt that the Tyche-like goddess whom we see endowed in all the maritime cities with maritime attributes, such as the prow of a vessel, a naval standard, or an aphlaston, is Astarte or Baalath, or simply 'the

goddess,' serving both in her original capacity and as the city-goddess, the latter in accordance with the requirements which had grown up since the rise of the conception of the TvX

W•XerSo in the fourth century B.c. The

identification of Tyche with the celestial goddess is also expressed on a coin of Sidon by placing a crescent on one of the towers of her mural crown.

What the temples at Aradus itself were like we do not know; but the coins of the other cities are more communicative. At Berytus we meet

again with a similar and more completely symmetrical contrast between the marine and celestial pairs of deities. The Baal of Berytus is again a sort of

Poseidon, but instead of terminating himself in a fishy tail, we find him -doubtless because there are no early representations, owing to the coinage beginning late-content to ride in a car drawn by hippocamps (P1. III., 4). The name Berytus seems to be connected with words meaning 'fish' or

'water.' The eponymous Beroe, whose connexion with Poseidon (P1. III., 7) was assimilated in local legend to the story of Amymone, was a water

nymph.9 Berouth, who we are told was a Phoenician goddess known at

Byblus,10 was probably the same as, or analogous to, Beroe. Here then we have the local marine Baal and his consort. But in the higher land behind

Berytus, at Der-el-Qal'a, is a sanctuary of the celestial pair." The god is

8 Steph. Byz. s.v. BnpvU7rs; Eustath. ad Dion. Perieg. 912.

9 For Bepd~l see especially Nonnus, Dion. bks. xlii, xliii. The quantity of the first syllable in Bepln, Bnpurds may be different, but there can be no doubt of the connexion between the two in legend and in popular

etymology. 10 Eusebius, Praep. Evang. i. 10, 14, quoting

Philo of Byblus; she is sister of Elioun, i.e. the 'Highest,' i.e. the Baal of Byblus.

1, Renan, pp. 355 f.; references to later literature in B.M.C. Phoenicia, p. xlviii, n. 3.

SOME GRAECO-PHOENICIAN SHRINES 59

Baalmarcod-Jupiter O. M. Balmarcod, O6Ee i/ytow BdX, Kpto4r Pefvatio4, etc. Of his consort we do not know the native name: in the inscriptions she is called O&h "Hpa, luno Regina. The epithet revvadoS is not merely ornamental. We know it elsewhere, as applied to a Heliopolitan deity, whom one Eusebius of Emesa 1 said he had seen descend as a lion-shaped mass of flame upon a mountain. When the flame disappeared, there was left a round stone with which Eusebius appears to have held a conversation. It told him that it belonged to the god Gennaios. Obviously an aerolite. At Kafr Nebo, some twelve or thirteen hours' riding from Aleppo, M. Chapot 13

found a dedication lEtLJ 'cal vJeT7;"ra v cal' Aeovrt, OEOLV 7'raTrpotsx. Leon is the lion-god; Symbetylos a baetyl, doubtless of meteoric origin.

eqlztow is unexplained; but one of the deities at Der-el-Qal'a was 06eh a' /a. All these seem to belong to the same celestial group; and on the coins of Berytus we find our lion deity represented, with a globe on his head (P1. III., 8). Whether the globe is meant for a round baetyl, such as was so complaisant to Eusebius, I do not know: it may be merely intended to indicate the heavens.

But on the coins of Berytus itself the great city-temples of the marine pair naturally figured more prominently than those of the deities of the hills. Thus we have a large temple (P1. III., 5) of the marine city-goddess, with cupids on dolphins and two large vases-like the great lavers of Solomon's temple, perhaps-in front; and as the central akroterion, a group of Poseidon ravishing Beroe. The temple of Poseidon is a more ordinary building (P1. III., 6). We have also a representation of a temple of the goddess with her bust shown inside. We cannot argue from this that the cultus-representation 14 was here a bust, not a figure; probably the artist, if we may so call him for politeness' sake, thought he could do better in detail with a bust than with a whole figure. But we shall see that the portable shrines in Phoenicia sometimes contained busts.

At Byblus-where dedications attest the worship of Ze'b Opdavtos and

Oe' Obpavfla 15-Egyptian influence was strong, and Astarte, or Baalath- Gebal, was inextricably confused with Isis. It would take us too far afield to go into this contamination. But the Byblian coins are of some interest as showing certain details of the temple or temples of the goddess. In one of the temples, the statue stood in what appears to be a shell-niche (P1. III., 9-12). In another, the roof seems to have been pyramidal (P1. III., 13-15). It is interesting-and a warning against judging from a single specimen-to note the progressive slovenliness of the rendering of details. The indications of the peculiar roof almost disappear on some of the coins; and yet they were all struck in the short reign of Elagabalus. Heisenberg 16 has used these

12 Damascius ap. Phot. Bibl. 1064 R., 348 Bek ker.

13 B.C.TH. xxvi. 1902, p. 182. 14 On cultus-busts see H. von Fritze, Maiinzen

von Pergamnon (1910), p. 90.

15 Renan, pp. 162, 201, 230, 234. 16 Grabeskirche und Apostelkirche i. pp. 201 if.

I owe the reference to this book (as well as many other suggestions) to Miss Gertrude Bell Small points requiring correction in Heisenberg's

60 G. F. HILL

coins of Byblus in connexion with others of Aelia Capitolina to show that the Holy Sepulchre was a building more or less of the same character as the Astarte temples at Byblus and Aelia Capitolina. He explains the type in which Astarte is seen under an arch with a sort of shell-pattern (nos. 9-12) as belonging to the temple with the pyramidal roof (nos. 13-15), but showing, instead of a perspective view, only the two foremost columns with the arch above them. Of this I feel doubtful. The mere fact that in the pyramidal-roofed temple Astarte is represented with other attributes, and without Nike on a column crowning her, seems to indicate that this is a different cultus-figure from the one under the shell-pattern arch. Secondly, when this arch is represented in its full setting, there are always to be seen six columns and an elaborate roof which in no way indicates a

pyramidal structure. The two buildings must be distinct. Peculiarly interesting-and one of the very few representations of a

Phoenician temple which have made their way from coin-books into more

widely read volumes 17_is the type of a coin of Macrinus, with a precinct or cloister containing a sacred cone (P1. III., 16). The cone is fenced round, and

placed between horns of consecration, as Dr. Evans has pointed out. The star marks the deity as celestial. We know from Lucian that the orgies of Adonis were celebrated in the great temple of 'Aphrodite' in Byblus. At

Paphos, the other great centre of Adonis-worship, the god's consort was

represented by a cone. Does the cone here and on the various other

'Adonis-graves' of Phoenicia represent the god or the goddess ? Tacitus' answer is still the safest: ratio in obscuro. Whatever be the truth, it seems clear that we have here yet a third Byblian temple of the Adonis-Astarte cult.

At Sidon Astarte-with i;whom Europa was contaminated 8--was evidently much more important than her male consort. Zeus or Baal has

only a sort of minor succas de scandale; he is only represented on the coins in connexion with the Europa affair. (As coming from the sea,

OaXdicr•to,, Hesychius tells us he was worshipped at Sidon.) But of the goddess we have first the ordinary marine representation-holding a naval standard and

aphlaston, and as usual raising her skirt to step on to the prow of a vessel

(P1. IV., 22). Also we have her in her celestial character, riding on a lion

(P1. IV., 20). I have already mentioned the fact that a head which might other- wise be described as Tyche is differentiated as the celestial goddess by placing a crescent on her mural crown. Among the temples there is one, which-since it occurs in association with the type of Europa on a bull-is perhaps the special temple of Europa (Pl. IV., 21). It stands on a high podium and is flanked by two isolated pillars, which remind us of another feature of

account of the coins are : that the pyramidal- roofed temple does not occur on coins before the time of Elagabalus (his nos. 3 and 4 are rightly catalogued by Babelon under the latter emperor), and that the object held by Astarte on his nos.

4 and 8, which has puzzled him, is an aphlaston. 17 A. J. Evans, 'Mycenaean Tree and Pillar

Cult,' J.H.S. xxi. p. 138; Heisenberg, op. cit.

pp. 208 ff., and many other works. Is Lucian, de Syr. dea 4.

SOME GRAECO-PHOENICIAN SHRINES 61

Solomon's temple, Jachin and Boaz. A pair of sacred pillars of elaborate type stood in the wings of the temple of the Paphian Aphrodite.19 But we need not be ashamed of being doubtful whose temple this is, since Lucian- who mentions the Sidonian coin with Europa riding upon the bull-Zeus- says the authorities could not agree whether the temple at Sidon belonged to Astarte or to Europa.

But the most remarkable of the Sidonian shrines is one on wheels (Pl. III., 17-19). Philo20 describes a vao'

,v/yooopotteVvov, used by the

Phoenicians for one of their deities at Byblus. We may remember also the tepariy'r or arnlvy iepa,21 in which the figure of the Ephesian Artemis was taken in procession, or the 'Hpabcketov Eppa which served a similar purpose for the Heracles of Philadelphia in the Decapolis.22 At Sidon, Egyptian influence is seen in the disk and horns decorating the top of the car in some specimens (P1. III., 18). The slanting lines in front are perhaps meant to indicate carrying poles for taking the sacred object in and out of the car. The object itself is very puzzling. Sometimes it seems to rest on a draped base, between horns of consecration; sometimes it has a cap or caps, like the cone at Paphos; sometimes it is flanked by supporters which look as if they were meant for sphinxes, like those which flanked the stone of the Artemis of Perga.23 Most probably the object is a circular baetyl. On one coin the car has a sun and moon beside it, and the whole is surrounded by the zodiacal circle.2" Nothing could more clearly express the celestial claims of the deity represented.

At Tyre the chief god was Melqarth, whom the Greeks called Heracles. One hears of a temple of Zeus Olympios there25; but what is more interesting and important is the bare mention of the fact that Heracles was known and had a temple as Heracles of the Starry Robe (acr-poX1rwv). Thus we have a celestial Melqarth; but the Melqarth on the coins, especially on the earlier coins, is a maritime Heracles (P1. IV., 24), riding over the waves on a hippocamp, and armed with a bow. (In the Hellenistic age, Melqarth is watered down into a mere Heracles with lion-skin knotted round his neck.) Here then are the pair of Melqarths, lords of the sky and sea. For the consort of one of them there is the marine Astarte in the usual conventional form; but just as the record of the Heracles Astrochiton is obscure, so we have some difficulty in finding the celestial Astarte on the coins. Still, we are told in legend that Astarte actually picked up and consecrated in a Tyrian shrine an aerolite, an

depo•eT•r9 ado'ryp.26 And on one of the coins (P1. IV., 25), in a portable shrine depicted with extreme rudeness, we find an object which, so far as it is to be made out, seems to be

19 B.M.C. Cyprus, p. cxxxii. 2o Ap. Euseb. Praep. Ev. i. 10. 2. '21 J.I.S. xv. pp. 87 f. The form with u for

v seems to be certain. 22 B.M.C. Galatia etc. p. xc. 23 B.M.C. Lycia etc. P1. XXIV. 15.

24 On the significance of the zodiac in con- nexion with Astarte see Macrobius Sat. i. 21. 2.

25 See references for this and Heracles Astro- chiton in B. M.C. Phoenicia, p. cxxiii.

26 Euseb. Praep. Ev. i. 10. 31.

62 G. F. HILL

a stone of some kind. The shrine is represented in rude perspective, because the die-engraver was anxious to show that it had a sort of apsidal back. This shrine has no wheels, but only carrying-poles. Another one contains

merely the bust of the goddess (P1. IV., 23); and here, I think, since the shrine is portable and therefore small, we are justified in supposing that the bust represents the actual contents of the shrine, and is not the part for the whole.

Tripolis-a city generally supposed to be a foundation with no history dating before the Greek period-nevertheless certainly falls into line with its neighbours in respect of the worship of the celestial deity. It had a marine city-goddess who was evidently closely connected in cult with the Dioscuri. She is represented standing between them (P1.IV., 26). Sometimes instead of her complete figure we see a small shrine containing only her bust

(P1. IV., 27). Sometimes again we find the Dioscuri standing with only a crescent between them (P1. IV., 28). There is thus a curious parallel with the groups of Helen and the Dioscuri which are found on coins of various

Lycian and Pisidian cities." At Pednelissus, Prostanna, and Verbe, for

instance, Helen is replaced by a crescent. The same symbol is thus used in Pisidia and in Phoenicia in the same connexion to indicate the celestial nature of the sister or companion of the Dioscuri.

But of more importance than this group of the goddess and companions is the temple and great altar of Zeus Hagios, conveniently identified for us

by the legend AIOC AI-IOV. This is the only instance of the appearance of

this title on the Phoenician coins, although, as we have seen, it occurs in

lapidary inscriptions. On some of the Tripolitan pieces (P1. IV., 30) we see two buildings; one is a temple, the other has always been supposed to be a

temple also, but is certainly a great altar, standing beside and outside the main temple, like the altar at Baitokaike. Its details are clearest on coins on which it appears alone, except that there, for some reason, its curious battlements are omitted (Pl. IV., 29). These battlements remind us a little of

some of the Persian fire-atars.28 It has a flat roof; or possibly it was a roofless enclosure, the pediment which is represented being a false one. In the tympanum is a radiate bust of the god Ze'q I~ytol or oupdivto. The altar

proper is seen in the middle intercolumniation; in the side spaces are two

figures, representing the sun and the moon. A coin now lost, but described

by an old writer, apparently represented these two figures on a larger scale, labelled HAIOC and CEAHNH.

I have now given, from all the chief Phoenician cities, a summary- necessarily of the briefest-of the evidence of the way in which the celestial

27 B. M.C. Lycia, etc. Ivii. Besides the refer- ences there given for this cult of Helen and the Dioscuri, see Perdrizet in B.S.A. iii.

p. 163. 28 But, as Miss Bell points out, this may be a

mere coincidence. A closer parallel is afforded

by the battlemented motive on the rock-cut tombs of Petra and Medhin Saleh, which show similarly a half-battlement at each end of the

facade (Briinnow u. Domaszewski, Pror. Arabia, i. pp. 137 ff.; Jaussen et Savignac, Mission Archdol en Arabie, (1909), pp. 308 ff.).

SOME GRAECO-PHOENICIAN SHRINES 63

and marine deities work side by side with each other. The relation or opposition between them is most strikingly expressed by a coin of the fourth century B.c. which is certainly Phoenician, but which has not yet been satisfactorily attributed to any mint (P1. IV., 33). On one side is the sea-god, in the form familiar to us from the coins of Aradus. On the other is a lion on rocky ground, evidently the sacred animal of the mountain-god. This coin is, we may say, a sort of epitome of Phoenician religion.

We have left aside so far what are perhaps the most interesting, certainly the most pleasing, of the coins illustrating the worship of Astarte. These are coins of Arca. Under the Empire this city received the title of Caesarea of Lebanon, and eventually became a Roman colony. Among its sacred places was a temple dedicated to Alexander the Great, in which the emperor Severus Alexander was born. The goddess was worshipped here, but not as sea-goddess, for the place is far from the sea. But as city-goddess she stands with her foot upon the half-figure of the local stream-god. The great sight of the place, however, was a peculiar image of the goddess (P1. IV., 31): it has been described for us by Macrobius,29 with an accuracy which should fill with joy the hearts of those who-as most archaeologists do-have to spend their time in fruitless efforts to reconcile literary evidence with the actual remains of antiquity. 'There is,' he says, 'an image of the goddess in Mount Lebanon fashioned with veiled head and sorrowful countenance, leaning her face on her left hand within her cloak; if you look on her, it seems as if the tears were flowing down her face.' The tears-which the engraver of the coin has quite honestly left to our imagination-remind us of the rock-cut Niobe of Mt. Sipylus. Macrobius' words indeed--simulacrum huius deae in monte Libano fingitur--suggest that here, as elsewhere in Phoenicia, we have to do with a rock-cut figure. Then the arch above, supported by curious iconic pillars, and the balustrade in front, if that is what it is, were built round the figure for its protection. The wide-spreading polos and the sceptre topped by a bird -a cuckoo or a dove probably-are interesting features omitted by Macrobius. On some varieties of the coin a star and a crescent appear on either side of the goddess's head.

We may close with a note about a city which takes us from Phoenicia proper farther southwards, where other influences and forms of religion begin to come into play. There were more than one strange deity to be found by the curious worshipper at Ace-Ptolemais (St. Jean d'Acre). The coins of this place are unfortunately almost always badly preserved, so that some of the details on the two specimens which illustrate one of the deities are obscure (P1. IV., 32, 34). He seems, however, to hold a double-axe in one hand and a iaprrq in the other. He stands between two bulls; or perhaps

29 Sat. i. 21. 5. This passage has been quoted a propos of sculptures at Ghineh and Mashnaka, with which-except that Astarte is mourning-it has no connexion. It is inter-

esting to note that Selden, wishing to connect the passage with the Astarte of Aphaca, un- warrantably emended 'Architis' into 'Apha- citis.'

64 SOME GRAECO-PHOENICIAN SHRINES

they are only bucrania. Egyptian influence in the shape of uraeus-decora- tion seems to be visible on the architrave. We also see two carrying poles projecting in front of the shrine. The cults of Gaza bear witness to the close relations between the coast of Palestine and the Aegean basin. Is this another instance in point ? The association of the double-axe deity with the bucrania is suggestive; but the question may perhaps be left until a better preserved specimen comes to light. That he is not meant for the Zeus of Heliopolis is proved by the fact that that god is represented in his usual form and with his usual attributes on a coin of Ptolemais in Col. Massey's collection.

G. F. HILL.

J.H.S. VOL. XXXl. (1911). PL.

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