Sociology of Sport lournal, 1991, 8, 228-238

Sociology of Nostalgia: Sport Malls of Fame and M[useums in America

Eldon E. Snyder Bowling Green State University

Nostalgia is an important emotion in society that also has significance for the analysis of sport. Two types of nostalgia are discussed: collective and private nostalgia. The data for this paper were qualitative and collected at sport halls of fame, museums, and archives. Data collection procedures included people's responses and reactions to the displays, notes of people's conversations, analysis of sound tracks associated with the displays, photo- graphs, and printed material from the halls of fame and museums. Nostalgia is defined in terms of the remembrance of the past that is imbued with positive feelings such as pleasure, joy, satisfaction, and goodness. These feelings may also be mixed with feelings of sadness. Some implications of nostalgia for the meanings associated with sport are considered.

Most writers who consider sport halls of fame and museums emphasize the religious parallels of these "shrines." For example, Kirshenbaum (1971) used religious terminology to describe a "pilgrimage" he made to a number of sports halls of fame where he offered his "devotions" in these "holy places" to the "revered figures" who are "enshrined" on commemorative plaques "graven in marble." Kirshenbaum notes, "Where the ancients built temples to their gods and gave them human attributes, the current practice is to honor humans by making them god-like" (pp. 69-70). While sport halls of fame honor the athletes, sport museums and archives contain the "symbols of faith''-the artifacts, documents, and relics-the trophies, game balls, bats, gloves, headgear, nose guards, or socks of these immortal personages of sport (Edwards, 1973, p. 262; Redmond, 1973, p. 43).

The implication of this religious imagery is that sport is functionally equiva- lent to traditional religion. This religious model provides one interpretation of sport halls of fame and museums. In this paper, however, the topic is considered from another (though related) perspective, the sociology of nostalgia. The use of this additional perspective provides a type of theoretical triangulation and a denser interpretation of sport halls of fame, museums, and sport in general (see Denzin, 1989, pp. 234-247).

Eldon E. Snyder is with the Department of Sociology at Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, OH 43403.

Nostalgia: Sport Halls of Fame 229

Methodology

The sociology of nostalgia presented in this paper is based on a detailed use of documentary, ethnographic, and historical materials from a variety of sport halls of fame, museums, and archives. Material for this paper was collected from visits to the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum, College Football Hall of Fame (three visits), Professional Football Hall of Fame, Basketball Hall of Fame, and the National Soccer Hall of Fame. These organizations are not only halls of fame that honor the famous of the sport world but they are also museums that include a variety of historical materials. During these visits people's responses and reactions to the displays were observed and taped, notes were made of their conversations, sound tracks associated with some of the displays were taped, photo- graphs were taken, and pamphlets and brochures of the various halls of fame were collected. Other sport archives and memorabilia stores were visited and discussions were held with administrators and spectators concerning their views about the materials. Additionally, student reactions to the university athletic archives on my own campus were obtained. The analysis and interpretation of these materials revealed the characteristics of nostalgia that are part of the collec- tive memories of a society as well as the lived emotion of individuals.

Sociology of Nostalgia

Like other emotions, nostalgia has meanings that are embedded in group life. It is learned and interpreted in social relationships and has implications for people's social behavior (Davis, 1979; Denzin, 1984; Hochschild, 1983). The sociology of nostalgia "is concerned with tracking down the sources of nostalgic experience in group life and determining what general relevance and meaning nostalgia has for our present life and, somewhat more abstractly, what conse- quences it has for society as a whole" (Davis, 1979, p. vii). As Davis notes, nostalgia is a remembrance or recollection of the past, a past that is imbued with special qualities. Specifically, nostalgic feelings are "infused with imputations of past beauty, pleasure, joy, satisfaction, goodness, happiness, love, and the like, in sum, any or several of the positive affects of being" (Davis, 1979, p. 14). Feelings of nostalgia may also be tinged with melancholy and sadness be- cause the positive feelings are mixed with negative feelings or because the pleasures are perceived as in a past that cannot be relived in the present (Turner, 1987).

The underlying theme of sport halls of fame and museums is the glorifi- cation of a sport heritage. Consequently, a sport must have developed a sufficient heritage and antiquity to warrant the establishment of a hall of fame (Redmond, 1973). By the second quarter of the 20th century, Americans were obsessed with sports, and there was also an increase in leisure time, mobility, and media attention to sports. It is not surprising that sport halls of fame soon emerged and became part of the tourism industry, beginning with the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum at Cooperstown, New York, in 1939.

On the surface it appears the halls and museums attract people because of their fascination with sport, including the idolized figures and memorabilia from the past. But this is only part of the explanation; the attraction may also be based on the contrasts and incongruity between past and present. This juxtaposition of the past with the present creates the context for feelings of nostalgia.

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Nostalgia is evident as a primary motif in the decor of sport halls of fame. At the College Football Hall of Fame, for example, the Time Tunnel contains displays of college life in the '20s, '30s, and '40s with the appropriate music of the period-"Hold That Tiger, Hold That Tiger," "Don't Sit Under the Apple Tree With Anyone Else But Me," "My Blue Heaven," and "Corning In on a Wing and a Prayer." This hall of fame also includes an authentic 1930s soda shop. At the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum, Norman Rockwell paintings are prominently displayed and "Take Me Out to the Ball Game" is played frequently on the audio system.

Likewise, visitors to the halls often express their personal feelings of nostalgia about sport:

I think the game was better then ['SOs] than now. It has gotten kind of boring. There are too many officials for one thing. I'd rather watch a good high school game. (heard in Professional Football Hall of Fame)

I think the athletes are better and bigger now, but I liked the game better in the past; now it's so scientific and specialized. (heard in College Football Hall of Fame) I'm still a fan of college football. Today the game is faster and the players are stronger, but platoon football doesn't bring out the all-around abilities of players-both offensive and defensive skills. (heard in College Football Hall of Fame)

These comments suggest the bittersweet feeling and melancholy that is associated with nostalgia. The present is good, the players are bigger and stronger, but the respondents also have positive feelings about the irretrievable past that they miss in sport today.

We may view nostalgia as part of the collective memory that people in a society have toward symbolic objects (physical things, persons, or events) from the past. Likewise, nostalgia may be a private subjective feeling about the past that is unique to the person's biography (Davis, 1979, pp. 122-124). These two categories often overlap; for example, an event that elicits a collective feeling of nostalgia, such as Hank Aaron breaking Babe Ruth's record of 714 home runs, may also be remembered idiosyncratically by individuals who reflect on where they were when they heard about the 715th home run. For purposes of analysis, nostalgia is dichotomized into collective and private types, with the sport halls of fame and museums serving as a setting for examining sport nostalgia and some of its social implications.

Collective Nostalgia

As people look at the displays and sport lore in the halls of fame and muse- ums, they often show feelings that are held in common with others; these feel- ings represent a collective nostalgia. For example, at the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum visitors generally show a collective admiration and awe when they pass through the Hall of Fame Gallery, look at the statues of Babe Ruth and Ted Williams, the canvas base from the field where Maury Wills stole his 104th base, the bat Maris used when he hit his 61st home run, and Ty Cobb's sliding pads. These are symbols from the past that are viewed positively, and often reverently, from the vantage point of the present.

Collective nostalgia is based on the collective memories of people in a

Nostalgia: Sport Halls of Fame 231

society. Several sociologists have studied aspects of collective memories. This is apparent in Durkheim's interest in the way totems and religious beliefs of the past are used to promote social solidarity and a collective consciousness in a society. Following in the tradition of Durkheim, Halbwachs described collective memories that are publicly shared and supported by the group. He also examined individual memories and the social frameworks that support what one has seen, done, felt, and thought (Halbwachs, 1980).

In 7he Living and the Dead, Warner identified the collective memories that commemorate past events and people that were significant in the lives of the people in Yankee City (Warner, 1959). More recently, Schwartz (1982) studied collective memories as chronicled in the events and persons commemorated in the works of art in the U.S. Capitol. Commemoration, Schwartz notes, "lifts from an ordinary historical sequence those extraordinary events which embody our deepest and most fundamental values" (1982, p. 377). Collective memories are also captured in the chauvinistic slogans of ' 'Remember the Alamo, ' ' ' 'Remember the Maine," and "Remember Pearl Harbor. " In a sport context, Americans remember nostalgically the U.S. track and field team with its star, Jesse Owens, at Munich in 1936, and the U.S. ice hockey team's 4-3 victory over the Soviet Union at the Winter Olympics in 1980.

While some collective memories (especially tragedies) may not elicit feelings of nostalgia, Davis suggests that collective memories of historical discontinuities and transitions such as war, depression, civil disturbances, and natural catastrophes will promote a nostalgic perspective. Indeed, nostalgia serves to soften the jolts of rapid historical change (Davis, 1979, p. 49). Davis also regards nostalgia as an important mechanism whereby generations are identified. That is, nostalgia selects, refines, and integrates scenes, events, personalities, attitudes, and practices from the past that "make an identifiable generation . . . e.g., the jazz age genera- tion, the children of the depression, the silent generation, and the turned-on genera- tion" (1979, p. 111).

Perhaps in the world of sport different generations cultivate their own distinc- tive repertoire of nostalgia. For example, sport generations might coincide with the historical eras of pre-World War I, the 1920s (the Golden Age of Sport), the 1930s, and so on, and there may be events, teams, and persons that epitomize or personify a period of time-Amos Alonzo Stagg, the Yankees, Babe Ruth, Red Grange, Knute Rockne, Joe Louis, Babe Didrikson, Oklahoma football, the Packers, Dallas Cowboys, UCLA basketball, John Wooden, and others.

Certainly visitors to the sport halls of fame and museums have multiple memories and nostalgic feelings associated with sport. Research on generational differences in remembering national or world events suggests that adolescence and young adulthood is the primary period for generational imprinting of political memories (Schuman & Scott, 1989). Consequently, sport events that occurred 50 years ago are likely to have less significance for the younger generation and perhaps also for some women than for the older generation and most men. Yet, because sport is closely linked to the media, many people experience sport events of an earlier era through televised sport's flashbacks and by commentators who define and interpret historic sport events. Furthermore, because we experience most collective nostalgia vicariously via the mass media, sports that are more thoroughly covered by the media have the greatest likelihood of developing a body of collective nostalgia.

Some sports also have a longer tradition and are more deeply embedded

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in the fabric of American culture than others. For example, Guttmann (1978) notes the unique appeal of baseball to elicit nostalgic feelings along generational lines:

Middle-aged and elderly men continue to be faithful to the game they once played because it brings back their own youth. No visitor to St. Petersburg can deny that nostalgia plays a role in the game's appeal for older fans. (1978, P 99)

Pictures and references to Babe Ruth at the Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum appear to be more evident than for any other individual. Perhaps Ruth represents the Golden Era of baseball, the "hot period" of its history (see Eliade, 1963) when the nature of the game was transformed by the appeal of the home run to mass audiences.

Some historical events are so surprising and emotionally consequential in their impact that they are termed flashbulb memories. Brown and Kulik (1977) state that such memories have a "primary, 'live' quality that is almost perceptual. Indeed, it is very like a photograph that indiscriminately preserves the scene . . . when the flashbulb was fired" (p. 74). The authors cite the assassination of President Kennedy as an example that fits their description of a flashbulb memory. Within the collective memory of sport, flashbulb memories might include the U.S. Ice Hockey Team victories in the 1980 Olympics, Joe Louis' defeat of Max Schrneling, and Don Larsen's perfect World Series game. Indeed, because of the affinity between sport, media, and photography many of these flashbulb memories are recorded on film and are often included in nostalgic reviews of sport.

The nostalgic attachments in the form of awe and reverence that are collec- tively associated with the behavior of sport heroes provide examples of socially appropriate behavior and role models. By eliciting nostalgic feelings associated with the acceptable behavior of the honored athletes, sport assumes a social control function. For example, a predominant theme of the halls is to honor the achieve- ments, sacrifice, perseverance, and character of great teams, players, and coaches in the collective sport heritage. The sport heroes are expected to be role models that exemplify these qualities.

It may be in this context that there is controversy regarding Pete Rose's acceptability for the National Baseball Hall of Fame. Rose's performances on the field were admired by many fans. There is widespread collective nostalgia attached to his record-breaking performances, his hustle, and his headfirst slides. He personified the desirable values of determination and aggressive play. Yet his gambling on sport events is contrary to the behavior expected of a Hall of Famer. Selection to the Hall is determined by the Baseball Writer's Association of America and is based on "the player's record, playing ability, integrity, sportsmanship, character, contribution to the team(s) on which the player played and to baseball in general" (Smith, 1952, p. 68). Presumably, gambling on base- ball, especially one's own team, would violate the criteria of integrity and character. Pete Rose's baseball performance is ideal, yet his behavior off the field threatens his being venerated at the level of a sacred figure.

Religion, as Durkheim (1915) noted, promotes social integration and the conception of collective representations through its sacred objects, beliefs, and practices. Similarly, Bellah (1980) argues that Americans are unified around public patriotic beliefs, symbols, and rituals that form a civil religion. Sport halls of

Nostalgia: Sport Halls of Fame 233

fame and museums at a national, regional, or local level provide these functions of shared images and collective memories for people. In sum, the halls of fame and museums are agencies of socialization wherein the memories symbolically transmit values and norms.

It is evident that among the visitors, the older generation is often socializing the young into this collective heritage and memories. Notations made at the Basket- ball Hall of Fame illustrate this point: A father pointed out a former player's plaque to his son and described-his free throw shooting style as follows: "I remember this fellow real well; he shot his free throws with a jump shot just like his regular field goal shots." Son: "Did he miss many?" Father: "Not many."

As a black father and his two sons were moving through the Honors Court, I noticed he was identifying the black players to his children: "That's Bill Russell; here is the Big 0, Oscar Robertson; this is Walt Frazier; there he is-Wilt Chamberlain, he once scored 100 points in a single professional game." This example is cogent because it represents an example of ethnic pride that was being transmitted from the father to his sons. (See Photo 1.)

Photograph 2 shows a father pointing out one of the enshrinees to his son at Cooperstown. The physical closeness and the father's arm on his son's shoulder suggests an affectionate feeling associated with the father's description of the former players.

Sport in America appears to be associated, even in television commercials, with motherhood, apple pie, and those other things that make us feel good about our past. Thus sport nostalgia can be socially integrating by transcending class,

Photo 1 - Father and sons at the Basketball Hall of Fame.

234 Snyder

Photo 2 - Father and son at the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum.

race, and religious denominations. People reflect on "the way things were" in sport and "how they've changed." Even these shared images of past events that are not personally experienced may have significance because they serve as symbols of admirable behavior and thus have a social control and integrative function for society.

On a national level, Rum1 (1946) argued that nostalgia cannot be dismissed as epiphenomenal, incidental, and accidental; it is important for the understand- ing and interpreting of political behavior, patriotism, and nationality. Certainly the Reagan Administration utilized nostalgia and feeling good about America's past for its political advantage. And withiisport, collec6ve nostalgia has signifi- cance for a deeper understanding of the sportlsociety nexus. At the local level, alumni and athletic departments use nostalgia when they promote their fund drives, booster club memberships, and ticket sales. In shopping malls baseball (and now football) card shows are popular, as are sport memorabilia in general.

There is a market for collective nostalgia in the media-on television, sport flashbacks, golden moments in sports, movies (Field of Dreams, 7he Natural), and books on sport heroes and teams. Even a modest university athletic archives can elicit nostalgia and a feeling of community and pride. The following accounts are portions of student responses after they visited a university athletic archives:

As I looked at the mementos I felt a sense of pride. In essence, all of the achievements were from my school. I also felt a sense of awe because I never realized how good the athletic program has been.

I enjoyed looking at the old pictures and old team uniforms because it made me feel proud of our sports' history.

Nostalgia: Sport Halls of Fame 235

Stepping back into time and observing the historical sport objects and learning about the success and achievements made by many of the teams here makes one feel proud. I found the archives to be more interesting than I had anticipated. As I looked through the remnants, I began to feel more a part of this university.

In summary, the exposure to historical remnants and memorabilia elicited feelings of awe, pride, and identification with the university and its athletic program, even for students who did not experience the original events represented by the materials on display.

Private Nostalgiu

In the preceding section the concept of collective nostalgia was considered as a condition in which symbolic objects from the past that are public and widely shared can trigger a nostalgic feeling in a large number of people. By contrast, private nostalgia ''refers to those symbolic images and allusions from the past that by virtue of their source in a particular person's biography tend to be more idio- syncratic, individuated, and particularistic in their reference" (Davis, 1979, p. 23).

As noted previously, the distinction between collective and private nostalgia is often overlapping. Halbwachs (1980, p. 50) also notes that collective and individual memories are intermingled. For example, the collective nostalgia asso- ciated with Billie Jean King and her defeat of Bobby Riggs in 1973 may also be part of one's private nostalgic memories associated with that event or time. While collective sport nostalgia is evidenced by visitors to the halls of fame and museums, little is known of private nostalgia.

Private nostalgia focuseson the micro rather than the macro level of analysis; these individual reflections on the past represent pieces of one's sport life history and may open up new avenues of inquiry into the meanings people attach to sport. A look at the private nostalgia of sport contributes to the study of sport from an interpretive perspective.

Examples of private sport nostalgia were obtained by listening and talking to people as they moved through the halls of fame and museums. Although these accounts are not lengthy, they represent segments of people's life stories- specifically their reflections and interpretations of their feelings and past experi- ences with sport. Furthermore, they give us examples of how people reflect on sport events at the macro level and relate them to some segment of their own life. The method of gathering examples of personal nostalgia was similar to the photo-elicitation method which employs photographs as a research tool to elicit people's thoughts, reactions, and feelings about some aspect of social life in the photograph (Denzin, 1989, pp. 226-227; Harper, 1984). Following are people's responses to the pictures, images, and memorabilia on display in the hall of fame or museum:

"I grew up during the '60s. I'm from Wisconsin so my reactions go back to the Packers. I grew up during their heyday. My dad had season tickets from 1962 to 1970. It was a wonderful time for the Packers." As the res~ondent was reflecting, he was pointing to a picture of Bart Starr. "I've seen him play so many times it's not funny." This respondent obviously felt a personal attach- ment to the "old Packers" and perhaps a dissatisfaction with the present team.

A response to the short shoe used by Tom Dempsey to kick a 63-yard field

236 Snyder

goal in a professional football game in 1970: "I remember that game and that kick. I saw that game on the TV in my mother-in-law's kitchen. The family was sitting around the table watching the game." An interesting aspect of this account is the connection between the athletic event and a personal reflection the respondent has about the family setting at that moment.

"I saw Night Train Lane play when I was in the service in '52 and '53. I was in the navy and I went to the professional games wherever I was stationed. I also saw Y.A. Tittle and Charley Choo-Choo Justice play an exhibition game in San Diego. I've been all over the world in the navy." In this account the respon- dent associates his navy experience with the reflected glory of watching profes- sional athletes.

A response to an observation about a football player from Duke University: "I grew up near Duke University; I wanted to go to Duke and play football but I couldn't afford it and I wasn't good enough to get a scholarship. I went to a small church school and played some. I wouldn't take anything for that experi- ence." Note that the hall of fame display triggered a personal reflection about the respondent's own academic and football experiences.

The following quotation indicates a sense of pride and identification when the respondent observed the plaque of Otto Graham in the College Football Hall of Fame: "He was also a good basketball player. I played basketball against him in Preflight School in World War 11. He was an all-around athlete. He was a real competitor. "

The response of a man who was looking at a plaque of Sam Huff. "When I was in high school, our high school football coach would make us do Sam Huff drills. These were defensive drills, one-on-one with an opponent." In this quota- tion the man provides a subjective account of his own high school football expe- rience, his coach, and the probable strenuousness of the drills.

Comments of a middle-aged man from New York City who was visiting Cooperstown with his nephew; they were in a Cooperstown baseball memorabilia store: "I saw Babe Ruth play once and it was just like the movies. He pointed to right field, then he hit it out." Whether the man saw Ruth call his shot or not is irrelevant; he enjoyed identifying with and talking about the famous player.

A discussion with a middle-aged woman who was a lifelong resident of Cooperstown: "I remember when Babe Ruth used to come to Cooperstown. I was just a kid. He would walk down the street and kids would follow him. He was a big likeable fellow; the kids loved him."

The response of an elderly couple to a picture of Fenway Park in Boston: "There's the green monster." They also pointed out to me where they usually sit when they go to the ball park and the changes in the park during the years they have been going to Red Sox baseball games. This episode and several previous quotations demonstrate the way the displays in the halls of fame and museums stimulate people to reflect and reconstruct portions of their own sport life history.

The response of an elderly man to the plaque of Carl Hubbell in the Baseball Hall of Fame: "I used to hate him; he always beat the Brooklyn Dodgers, and the Dodgers were my team." The respondent is expressing feelings about the past, yet in discussing these feelings it was apparent that with the passage of time his hatred of Carl Hubbell has turned to admiration.

At the Basketball Hall of Fame three men were looking at the ball Bevo Francis used at Rio Grande College when he scored 113 points in a single game

Nostalgia: Sport Halls of Fame 237

in 1954. One of the men was reflecting and discussing with the others the maximum number of points he himself had scored in a game when he was in high school.

These examples indicate that people have a rich assortment of private nostalgic meanings they attached to the sport symbols displayed in the halls of fame, museums, and memorabilia shops. The respondents usually remember past sport experiences fondly, and their memories provide clues to the variety of people's involvement in sport. Several of the respondents indicated the importance of family in watching and attending games. Some related sport to a period in their life when they played, were in the military, or had the opportunity to see great players. Others seemed to achieve a measure of personal prestige and esteem by watching and associating with great athletes (basking in the reflected glory). In short, private sport nostalgia is linked to the benchmarks of people's sport involvement and identity at different times in their life cycle; these emotions are generally positive reflections on the past, yet there is also the feeling of pathos and yearning for the past.

Conclusion

Etymologically, a museum is associated with the muses, the Greek goddesses of song, poetry, the arts, and sciences. The sport halls of fame and museums are secular temples dedicated to the sport muses-gods and goddesses and the spiritual world of sport. They are also archives of sport material culture from an earlier time. The preservation of historical objects allows the observer to cross the barrier of change in time. The objects are not placed there by accident, however. They must be defined as desirable for display in the museum (Home, 1984; Stocking, 1985). Similarly, as noted previously, the individuals who are venerated in a hall of fame are defined by the museum establishment as socially acceptable.

The halls of fame and museums, like museums of anthropology, art, and science, "express and authenticate the established or official values and images of a society in several ways, directly, by promoting and affirming the dominant values, and indirectly, by subordinating or rejecting alternate values" (Ames, 1986, p. 9). In short, the halls of fame and museums selectively preserve and thus create the past that is appropriate for nostalgic feelings.

Nostalgia is an important emotion in our society. Political and religious attitudes and behavior are frequently mingled with nostalgia. Antique shops market it; homes, restaurants, and other places of business use a certain decor to provide a nostalgic look and promote pleasant reflections about the past. In this paper I have argued that nostalgia also has significance for the analysis of sport. My use of nostalgia is related to, and supplements, the religious model. Indeed, collec- tive sport nostalgia extends the concepts of the "sacred" and "collective represen- tations" explicated by Durkheim and of "civil religion" developed by Bellah.

Nostalgia seems to be related to social conditions of change and unrest (Davis, 1979, p. 104). The effectiveness of political nostalgia in the 1970s and 1980s may be a consequence of the social dislocations of the time. The significance of collective nostalgia is manifest not only within the tourism industry in the halls of fame, museums, and sites of sport memorabilia but also as a marketing device. Again, this dimension of sport nostalgia may reflect the broader wave of conserva- tism and the desire for a restoration of the past.

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Similarly, at the individual level private nostalgia seems to reflect one's search for continuity of identity. Nostalgia serves as a retreat, a haven, an oasis from personal anxieties (Davis, 1979, p. 107). It is often represented in a longing for simplicity and innocence. Thus, for many people sport triggers feelings of longing for the past when they had pleasant experiences associated with sport. This reflection is most evident for the middle-aged and elderly, who have had more sport experiences, but perhaps more important, this is a period of their lives when concern about their own mortality is salient in their self-reflections. Conse- quently, for those involved in sport, past or present, sport nostalgia may provide a source of consolation and a means of adjustment to the uncertainties of their lives. As Davis notes,

Nostalgia reenchants, if only for a while until the inexorable processes of historical change exhaust that past which offered momentary shelter from a worrisome but finally inexorable future. (1979, p. 116)

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