•fa W

SOCIO-CULTURAL ROLE OF MUSLIM WOMEN DURING THE SULTANATE PERIOD

DISSERTATION

SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF

jRasftcr of ^Ijilosfopljp

in

Jslamtc ^tubics!

By

Under the Supervision of

Prof. lafarul Islam

DEPARTMENT OF ISLAMIC STUDIES

ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY

ALIGARH-202002 (INDIA)

2009

> ^

:i:)iri \ / ^ e i

M /fWVinN

1 9 SEr 2012

DS4034

Phones : Ext. 2701131, Int. 1365,1366 Fax : 0571-2700528

DEPARTMENT OF ISLAMIC STUDIES ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY

ALIGARH-202 002 (INDIA)

25/9/2009 Dated

CERTIFICATE

This is to Certify that the M.Phil. Dissertation entitled "Socio- Cultural

Role of Muslim Women during the Sultanate Period" is an original work

done by Ms, Aliya Hasan under my Supervision. The Dissertation is fit for

submission for the award of M.Phil, degree in Islamic Studies.

(Prof Zafarul Islam) Supervisor

CONTENTS

Acknowledgement

Introduction

CHAPTER -1 Advent And Spread Of Islam in India 1-19

CHAPTER - II Social Structure In Sultanate Period

CHAPTER - III Socio-Cultural Activities Of Muslim

20-50

51-68

Women In Sultanate Period

CHAPTER - IV Role Of Muslim Women In Political And 69-124

Religious Life

Conclusion

Bibliography

125 - 127

128-134

ACKNOWLEDGEMEMT

Acknowledgement

First of all I thank the Almighty Allah, the most gracious

and merciful, who gave me the gift of impression and insights

for the completion of this work with a sense of utmost gratitude

and indebtness.

1 consider my pleasant duty to express my sincere thanks

to my Supervisor Prof. Zafarul Islam, Chairman, Department of

Islamic Studies who granted me the privilege of working under

his guidance and assigned me the topic "Socio and Cultural

Role of Muslim Women during Sultanate Period (1206 to

1526)". He found time to discuss various difficult aspects of the

topic and helped me in arranging the collected material in the

present shape. Thus, this dissertation would hardly have been

possible without his learned guidance and careful supervision. I

do not know how to adequately express my thanks to him.

I have always benefited from interaction v^th the scholars

and my learned teacher's such as Prof. Sayyid Ahsan, Prof. M.

Y. M. Siddiqi, Dr. Sibtey Hasan, Dr. Ahsanul Haq, Dr. Tauqeer

Ahmad, Dr. Adam Malik Khan, Dr. Obaidullah Fahad, Dr.

Gazanfar Ali Khan, Dr. Bilal Ahmad Department of Islamic

Studies, and Prof. Iqtidar Hussain Siddiqi, Dr. Sheereen Mosvi,

Dr. Shahabuddin Iraqi, Dr. Ali Athar Centre of Advanced Study

Department of History, A.M.U., Aligarh. I express my gratitude

to all of them because of their unhesitating support and

encouragement till the completion of the work.

I place an record my gratitude to my father Dr. Mehdi

Hasan, my mother Mrs. Tasveeran Jahan andmy brother Shriq

Kamal, Bhabi Nahid Kamal and sisters Rafia Hasan, Shazia

Hasan for all their love care, support, encouragement and best

wishes which helped me-and encouraged me to complete the

work in a right way, I am thankful to all of them for bearing

with me all the time while I was busy with my work.

I must accord my sincere thanks to my uncle Late Dr.

Waqarul Hasan Siddiqi, Director, Rampur Raza Library, whose

love and affection for me was purely himself. May his noble soul

rest in place in the highest quarters of Jannatul Firdaus.

I am deeply indebted to the help and cooperation of the

Library and Office Staff of the Department especially to Mr.

Kabir Ahmad Khan, Mr. Khalid Hamid, Mr. Anees, Mr. Muqeet,

Mr. Zakir Ali Beg, Mr. Zeeshan Ahmad Khan, Mr. Arif, Mr.

Saleem for their help and continuous co-operation towards the

successful completion of this work.

1 am also thanks sincerely to Librarians and staff of

Maulana Azad Library, A.M.U., Aligarh, Raza Library, Rampur

for their cordial cooperation and providing books and materials

for this dissertation.

In the course of its preparation I have received help from a

number of seniors, friends, colleagues and well wishers. 1 am

thankful Miss Razia, Dr. Parvez Ahmad, Mrs. Zarfisha, Miss

Suhaleha, Miss Nikhat, Miss Atia Farheen, Miss Mutahira, Miss

Razia, Miss Shahida, Miss Farhat, Miss Uzma, Miss Shabnam,

Miss Afsana, Miss Zoya, Miss Ibrat, Miss Sehar, Miss Ishrat,

Mr. Azeem Iqbal, Ali Mohd. Naqi who have helped me in various

ways.

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

The first part of Muslim rule in India, popularly known as Delhi

sultanate is quite well known for socio-cultural rule

development and academic progress. Many studies have

appeared about this aspect. But not detailed study was done so

for in the context of women especially the present work is

important for the point of view this related to the assessment of

the socio and cultural Role of Muslim women in the sultanate

period (1206-1526) of aocio and cultural contribution of Muslim

women During Delhi sultanate. The Dissertation is divided into

four chapter.

The first chapter tji? {Adver\t and spread of Islam in India)

gives a detailed account of introduction pf Islam in different

parts of India. In this connection 1 have examined the role of

Arab trevellers, Ulema Sufis and rules and have attemped to

assers the contribution to the spread of Islam. It leaves quite

clear from the present study t^at credi); for propagate and

spre&d of l^lm-pi could not be gfven to evny singlo oection of

Muslim society. The second chapter which deals with "social

examines the division of structure in sultanate period" Ex^m

influenced Muslim society of those days into different classes

takes the Indian life in various ways into account the respective

position of the people of each class in the society the discussion

is mainly concentrated on the position of nobles, Ulema, sadat,

Sufis traders, artisans, presents and masses. The discussion

shows that through the Muslim society was not leased on caste

system but it was not free from division into different classes or

sections and in this division main considered was give either to

political power or socio economic status.

In third chapter socio cultural Activities of Muslim women

was studied in detail in sultanate period taking into account

the social position of different sections of Muslim women, it was

also diseased that how for they enjoyed freedom in cultural life

and what was their contribution in development of the cultural

activities. The chapter also examines interest of category rules

in the elevation of social states of Muslim women.

The fourth chapter is related to the role of women in

political and religious life. It is generally assumed that the

Muslim women had no role to play in political matter or state

administration or that they are not given opportunities to

render religious service. In this chapter it was proved with

reference to authentic sources that many of the women of the

sultanate period had played veiy active role in the political life.

In the same way it was also shown that how some of them took

keen interest is the promotion of Islamic learning and passed

pious and saintly life infusing religious sprit within others.

This M.Phil work would be quite relevant to the present

situation when interest is rising in the study of position of

women in the light of Quran and Hadith or provision of Islamic

law as well as with references to actual condition that existed in

different periods of Islam history.

On account of lack of source material the present

research work can not be claimed to be very comprehensive one

But it would give a direction to understand the problem and

carry on further research on this subject. It would, of course,

demand a through and investigative study of relevant sources.

CHAPTER -1

ADVENT AND SPREAD OF ISLAM IN INDIA

CHAPTER-I

"ADVENT AND SPREAD OF ISLAM IN INDIA"

To, examine the contribution of Ulama and Sufis to the

propagation of Islam in India it is necessary to study the socio-

religiou-s condition of Indian people during 7^ and 8^

centuries. The people were generally idol worships. Almost

everything that possessed some power and authority or had

utility had been vested with divine attributes. Trees, Plants

Rivers and Mountain, Animals and even organs of procreation

were adored as gods.i Society at that time was divided into

several castes and four of them were well known-Brahman,

Kshatriya. Viasihya and Sudra. Conduct of religious affairs was

the exclusive monopoly of the Brahmans. He not only

administered the religious needs of the people but stood like an

intermediary between God and man. The idea of physical

contamination was prevalent among them. Every Brahman was

required to have his separate drinking Vssels and eating

utensils. If any other person used them they were broken. The

Kshatriyas were next to the Brahmans in the social hierarchy.

They ruled over the people and defended them as according to

the principles of caste system they were created for this task.

The vaishyas and Sudras were had very lower place in the

social hierarchy.2 in such situation, Islam was introduced by

the Arabi merchants in India and it was propagated later by

ulama and mystics on a large Seals. They tried to bring about a

religious and social change in Indian society in which they had

been successful to some extent. The spread of Islam in India is

largely indebted to the untiring efforts of ulama and saints who

had left deep impression in the heart of the Indian due to their

religious and missionary work.3

Advent and spread of Islam in South

The Muslim entered India through three open doors the

sea route, land route, leading through Persia into Sind and

Khaybar pass. Through the same routes the Arab merchants.

Ulama, Sufis and other travelers would have also entered India.

Islam was first introduced in South India by the Arab traders,

who also worked as the preachers of their faith as they

demonstrated Islamic teachings and values through their

practices in their daily life.

The Arab vessels set out towards India either from the

coast of the Red sea or from the southern coast, and their

objective was to disc mark either at the mouth of the Indus and

in the Gulf of Combay by sailing along the coast, or on the

Malabar coast. The ships starting from the Persian Gulf

followed the same course and reached Koulam. According to

popular tradition, the first Muslim fleet appeared in Indian

waters in 636 A.D. during the caliphate of Hazrat Umar (R.A.)

Usman Saqfi the governor of Bahrain and Oman, sent an army

across the sea to Thana.5 The Caliph expressed disagreement

with this development and directed not to repeat this

experiment. About the same time expeditions were sent to

Broach and Debal but the caliph's opposition temporarily

suspended the activities of the fleet. During the caliphate of

Hazrat Usman (R.A) and the subsequent period the Arab

soldiers, advanced several times towards Indian coasts and

certain officers were also posted in border areas to keep watch

on the situation and collect information. These development

helped too much for further advancement and starting military

campaign in this region, particularly for the conquest of Sindh

in the 8^ century by Mohammad Ibn Qasim. Meanwhile,

commercial transaction continued by the sea route, and

Muslim made their settlements in three towns along the South

Indian coast and in Ceylon. Rowlanson says "That the Muslim

Arab first settled on the Malabar coast about the end of 7th

century'.e in the 8th century the Arab fleet advanced towards

Broach and other parts on the Kathiawad coast. Their trade

and settlements continued to flourish. Henceforth Muslim

influence grew rapidly. For over a hundred years the Muslim

had established their colonies on the Malabar coast. They were

welcomed as traders, and provided all kinds of facilities to settle

and do their business. They were also allowed to Proffess and

practice religion. They must have ventured upon missionary

efforts also after settling down, as Islam is essentially a

missionary religion and every Muslim is considered a

missionary of his faith. These Muslims were undoubtedly held

in high esteem by the local people. The south India was then

greatly agitated by the conflict of religions, for Neo-Hinduism

was struggling with Buddhism and Jainism for the upper hand.

Politically, too, it was a period of unsettlement and upheavals.'''

The cheras were losing power and new dynasties were emerging

to capture power, the minds of the people were perturbed and

they were prone to accept new ideas from whatever quarter they

came. Islam appeared upon the scene with a simple formula of

faith, well defined Principles of social organization. It produced

a tremendous effect and before the first quarter of ninth

century was over, the last of the Cheraman Perumal kings of

Malabar who reigned at kodungallur had become a convert to

I slam. 8

As a result of rising number of Muslims mosques were

built at eleven places in the Malabar Colonies. In the following

centuries the influence of Islam continued to increase as

informed by travellers and geographers. Masudi who visited

India in the beginning of the tenth century (1916 A.D.) found

over ten thousand Muslims of Siraf, Oman, Basra and Baghdad

at Seymore (The modern chaul) beside numerous others who

were children of Arabs born there.^

They had their own chief whose title was Hazama

(Probably Hunarmand) and who received his authority from the

Hindu king. Abu Dulaf Muhalhil found mosques in he port of

Seymore. 10 Marco Polo noticed that the people of Ceylon got

Saracen troops from foreign countries whenever they needed

them.ii Abul fida^^ (1273-1303) mentions a fme mosque and a

square at koulam.

(ii) Advent and Spread of Islam in Sindh 8B Multan

There were numerous Muslim communities in south India

living under Hindu rule, they were prosperous and influential.

We are not certain if there were any Muslim trading community

in North-India before the establishment of Muslim rule. The

coast of Sind was inhospitable because of the policies of local

rulers. Being in close proximity to the expanding Arab power,

they were naturally not too keen upon creating centres of Arab

influence in this region. We, therefore, do not hear of any Arab

trader's Settlement in Sind on the eve of Muslim conquest. i3

There were many pirates on the sind coast who were strong

enough to disrupt the sea-journey and to make the ships

(Passing through the Debal) the target of their loote, and

plunder. The Umayyad government had, for some time, been

protesting to the rulers of Sind about the activities of Sindhi

pirates against the Arab travelers. Matters came to a head when

they intercepted a ship which had on board the family of some

Arab merchants and presents sent by the ruler of Ceylon to

Hajjaj, the Umayyad governor of Iraq. When the Umayyad

government demanded action, the ruler of Sind expressed his

inability to punish the pirates. On this the unsatisfactory

response governor decided with the permission of the caliph to

send military expedition toward Sind which resulted in its

conquest. This was achieved by Muhammad Ibn Qasim, a

young military commander who succeeded in the conquest of

Sind within less then two years (712-13). The young conqueror

was also successful in setting up an administration based on

just and on liberal principles.i4 The establishment of the

Muslim rule in this area opened a significant chapter in the

history of Islam and of the subcontinent.

The establishment of Muslim rule in Sind opened the way

for the propagation of Islam. During the conquest period there

had been many cases of conversion to Islam by local people.

This is evident from the account of historians that several

chieftains and tribes accepted Islam on invitation from

Mohammad Ibn Qasim.is it seems that these converts were

mostly Buddhist. Some of them might have accepted Islam with

certain motives but many must have changed faith through

conviction, because there was a good deal in the beliefs and

practices of the Arab Muslims to impress and attract the people

of the region. This is quite possible that with greater contacts

with the non-Muslim Islamic ideas attained greater currency

among them. Muslim Traders and others, who came in to close

contact with the populace, were in all probability as active in

Sind as they were elsewhere. However all this is conjecture

because the sources do not provide enough material about

these facts. There are merely occasional glimpses which the

sources give us about the cases of conversion which only show

that missionary activity was not dormant. The Muslim

missionary sometimes unturned even into areas where Islam

had not established its domination as some such cases have

been recorded by Baladhuri.i^

Similarly we hear of the Holy Quran having been

translated into the native language in 883 A.D. by a Muslim

scholar at the request of a Hindu ruler Raja Mahrug whose

capital was somewhere to the North of Sindh.i^ Debates

between Hindu and Muslims as well as between Muslims and

Buddhists have also been recorded even in Baghdad the seat of

the Abbasid Caliphate, is All these suggest different auenues of

relations between Muslims and followers of other religions

which obviously resulted in the introduction of Islam. There

was atmosphere of free discussion among advocates of various

religions irrespective of the religion of the rulers. It has already

been mentioned that Muhammad Ibn Qasim formally invited

the native popular to accept Islam. Another formal invitation

came from the pious Umayyad caliph, Umar Ibn Abd-ul-Aziz,

the response to this call was good, the large number of converts

came from among the followers of Buddhism.i9 Yaqut, the

famous Arab traveller complied his book Mujma-ul-Buldan in

987 A.D. and this book records that the ruler of Mansura at

that time was Yahya bin Muhammad and the Khutbah was read

in the name of Umayyad caliph.20 Most probably this yahya b.

Muhammad was the son of Muhammad bin Umar son of

Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz Habbari. This dynasty ruled over

Mansura about two hundred years (862 -1026 A.D). Then after

Mahmud of Ghazna became the ruler of this area Sind. But

unfortunately only scanty information is available about this

period.

iii) Advent and Spread of Islam in North India:

The Conquest of sind contributed to the spread of Islam

and Islamic culture in different parts of Sind but as regards

North India it was only with the rise of Ghazni Kingdom in the

10 ^ century that Turkish pressure on the north western

frontiers increased and prospect of the conquest of North India

by Muslims increased.

Sabuktigin, a Turkish slave of Alptigin, consolidated his power

around Ghaznin by conquering Lamghan a part of the

sprawling Hindushahiyya Kingdom and Seistan on the Persian

border. His son and successor Sultan Mahmud (999-1030)

continued the forward policy of his father and captured many

frontier forts and strategic places which facilitated his future

operations into the heart of the country.

During the thirty two years of his rule Mahmud invaded India

more than seventeen limes and though he carried his

successful military expedition up to Mathura, Qannauj, Baran

and Gwalior, he did not annex any area beyond the Ravi. Infact

he did not aim at ruling over India. His military expedition were

only a means to buled up the Turko-Persian Empire. However

his campaigns exposed the wealth and the weakness of the

Indian ruling class. And opened the door for further conquest.

The Punjab became a part of the Ghznavid Empire and as such,

the political frontier of Muslim power in India during the

century that followed attempts were made for the extension of

Muslim cultural and political influence towards the Gangetic

plains and the Rajput territories with the expansion of the

Turkish political influence there had been another important

development and that was settlement of a number of Ulama

and saints. They had peacefully penetrated the country and

settled at different places.

Through second route which leads from Mesopotamia and

south Persia through Baluchistan, South of the mountains of

Makran into Sindh. The Muslim made very early contact with

India but the third route through which the Turk Mangol and

10

Afghan forces invaded India, proved to be the main entrance for

Ulama and Sufis.21

Sultan Moizuddin Muhammad Ibn sam (popularly known

as Shahabuddin Ghori started his military campaign in the

second half of 12* Century22 and he conquered Multan, Delhi,

Gujarat, Lahore, Qannauj and some other regions of India.

Delhi was made capital in 1193-94 A.D.23 After the death

Qutbuddin of Moizuddin (popularly known as Shahabuddin

Ghori) his deputy Qutbuddin Aibak was proclaimed the first

sultan of Delhi. Delhi Sultanate continued to 1526. During this

period of the Sultans of different dynasties ruled over India.

Role of Suils in the spread of Islam:

As regards the work of propagation of Islam the Muslim

saints followed wherever Muslim armies led their campaign or

where in the traders settled. Our information about the

activities of Muslim saints in the early period is very brief and

sketchy. This is recorded by some historians that Abu Hufs

Rabi Ibn Sai'd al-Asad al Basari (776 A.D.) who was an ascetic,

reached Sindh in 9* century where he died in 160 A.H. Baba

Raihan came Broach from Baghdad with a group of saints in

the eleventh century. ^

11

Therefore most of the Sufis came from foreign countries

and settled in Sindh and Punjab. Later on they started their

missionary work. After the invansion of Sultan Mahmud of

Ghazna those Muslim Scholars and Sufis who arrived in India.

The names of famous Sufis are given below.

Shaikh Ismail

Sayyed Nathar Shah

Shah Sultan Rumi

Abdullah

Data Ganj Baksh

Shaykh Safiuddin Garzoni

Shaykh Yusuf gurvizi Multani

Sultan Sakhi Sarwar

Mohammad Ali25

Shaikh Ismail belonged to sayyed family of Bukhara and

was well versed in both traditional and rational sciences. He

migrated from Bukhara and settled at Lahore in 1005 A.D. He

devoted himself the propagation of Islam in the region.

Sayyed Nathar Shah. The converted Muslim (969 A.D. -

1039 A.D.) was the most famous of the early sufis in India. It is

12

said that the traveled many countries such as Arabia, Presia

and many parts of Northern India and at last settled in

Trichinopoly where he died in 1039 A.D.26

The Sufis as mentioned earlier came to India before the

establishment of the Sultanate of Delhi and that in later period

their number increased.

The main centres of the Chishti silsilah, the most popular

of all the orders were Ajmer, Narnaul Sarwal, Nagaur, Hansi,

Ajodhyan, Badaon and other towns of U.P. and a good number

of the followers of this order were found in Bengal, Assam and

the Decan. The Chisti order was very popular and it achieved

extra-ordinary success due to the liberal Catholic outlook of

many of its saints.

The Sufis played an important parts in shaping the

character of the people. Barani speaks of Shaikh Nizam-uddin

Auliya, Shaikh Alauddin, and Shaikh Rukh-uddin who adorned

the age by their noble practices and discourses. They exercised

immense influence upon the people and as a result of their

work for propagation teachings many people were put on the

road to righteousness and started devotional prayer. They were

engrossed in religious talks works and prayer became part and

parcel of their life.

13

The Chishti Saints made no discrimination between

people on the basis of their wealth, religious beliefs and family

status. At a time when the Turks had overlooked the Islamic

concept of brother hood and looked down on the ordinary

people including the converts. The sufi attitude of non

discrimination not only made them popular, but helped to

relieve social tensions. Thus, the doors of Nizam-uddin Aaliy's

Jamaat-Khana were always open to people for help, support

and advice. This attitude and behaviours was great appealing to

the common including non-Muslims.

Role of Ulama

With the establishment of Muslim rule in India, many

Muslim Scholars, Ulama and Sufis arrived in India. The Ulama

played very important role in the Society, there comprised

scholars, teachers, qazis, (Judges) jurists, muhtasibs (censor of

public morals) preachers, khatibs. Barani, the well-known

historian of the Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526 A.D.) furnishes us

a plenty of interesting information about the Ulama and their

contribution to the propagation of Islam and development of

Islamic learning. According to him the Ulama who rendered

remarkable services in the dissemination of Islamic learning

and development of Islamic culture they not only achieved

14

distinction in the study of fiqh, teaching of Islamic sciences.

But also contributed to the progress of these sciences, through

their works in Arabic and Persian. It is noteworthy that Ulama

known as Ulama-i-Akhirat made significant contribution in this

connection. Barani states that several of them delivered

religious discourses in public, attended by a large number of

people. Some of the contemporary rulers also showed interest

in their sermons and used to attend them. They were specially

known as mudhakkiran^s (preachers and sermonisers).

In the Khalji period (1290-1320 A.D.) there existed many

Ulama who upheld the standard of the faith and worked for the

development of Islamic Culture.

The Khairul Majalis, Malfuzat of Sheikh Nasiruddin

Chiragh-i- Delhi, also contains a good account of the religious

services of the Ulama in general and the Mudhakkirin

particular. They won the hearts of many people by their

religious discourses and preachings. Among the Mudhakkirin

Maulana Shihabuddin Awshi was very prominent.29 Siyarul

Auliya,30 Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahisi Masalikul Absar32, THE

other historical, biographical and hagiographical works of the

early period Mudhakkiruns contain valuable accounts of the

mudhakkirs and their propagation works.

15

They made conscious efforts of proselytising Hindus and

other non believers to Islam. Infact, the nature of their work

provided them with better opportunities of mingling with a

cross section of people, for they delivered their sermons in the

public where non Muslims could be attracted. Another factor

which further obliterates the proselytising contribution of the

medieval Ulama is the fact that they are often confused with the

Sufis, as no clear demarcation line is generally drawn between

the genuine 'Ulama and the true Sufis it was a religious fashion

in the middle ages, that the pious Ulama in their quest for the

purification of their soul and eventual salvation on the day of

judgment adopted several sufi traditions by becoming disciples

of sufis and in due course by turning into Sufis and pirs in

their own right, enlisting their own disciples and murids.

Peaceful missionaries who introduced Islam in this

subcontinent arrived almost simultaneously in west and south

India, especially in Sindh and Western Coast traditionally called

by the Arabs as Malabar. In their fore front were the traders

and merchants of both Arab and Indian Origin.

16

References

1. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Some Aspect of religion and politics

in India during thirteenth Century, Aligarh, 1961, p.67

2. Ibid, p.68

3. A. Subhan John, Sufism its saints and Shrines, Lucknow,

1960, p. 18

4. Ibid, p. 119

5. Elliot, History of India, Idarah-i-Adabiyat, Delhi, Vol.1,

pp.115-116.

6. Row lanson: Tuhfat ul Muhahidin, p.25, quoted by Tara

Chand, Influence of Islam on Indian Culture.

7. Ibid, p.26

8. Ibid, p.27.

9. Elliot, History of India, vol-I, P. 120.

10. Tara Chand, Influence of Islam on Indian Culture, p.29

11. Ibid, 29

12. Ibid, 29

13. Syed Sulaiman Nadwi, Indo Arab relations, Hyderabad

1962,p.l20.

17

14. I.H. Qureshi, The administration of the Sultanate of Delhi,

Lahore, 1942, pp.2-3.

15. Kufi mention at various places that Chieftains and others

accepted Islam on the invitation of Muhammad bun

Qasim (e.g. p.209).

16. Syed Sulaiman nadwi, Indo Arab relations, 1962, p. 131

17. Buzur b. Shahariyar, Ajaib-ul-Hind, E.J. Brill, 1883-

1886, p.3

18. Elliot and Dowsan, History of Sindh, Delhi, vol.1, p.26.

19. Ibid.

20. In this period Umayyids were replaced by Abbsides,

Yaqut, V. p.419.

21 . A. Subhan John, Sufism its saints and Shrines, Lahore,

1938, p.118-19.

22. M.N. Nabi, The Development of Muslim Religious in

Thought in India, Aligarh, 1962, p.6

23. Ibid., p.6

24. Ibid., p.7

25. Mohammad Inamul Haq, A History of Sufism in Bengal,

Bangladesh, 1975, pp. 5, 6, 7.

18

26. Ibid, p.26

27. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, Calcutta, 1891,

pp.341-342.

28. Zia-ud-din Barani, Datawa-i-Jahandari, pp. 154-55

29. The role of Ulama in the spread of Islam in the Indo-Pak

subcontinent. A Critical Appraisal M.Y.M. Siddiqi, Journal

of Objective Studies, vol.3, No. January, 1997, Chief

Editor, Dr. F.R. Faridi, Editor, Dr. M.M. Siddiqi

30. Ibid, 50

31 . M.Y. Siddiq, Journal of Objective Studies, op. c i t , p.55.

32. Ibid.

33. Ibid.

19

CHAPTER - II

SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN SULTANATE PERIOD

CHAPTER-II

SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN SULTANATE PERIOD

As regards division of the population. Baranii speaks of

persons of low birth and high birth, illiterate, wise and foolish,

artists, free born and abids, merchants, darveeshes, soldiers,

bazaris, cultivators employed and un-employed. In the Fatawa-

i-Jahandar2 he refers to religious scholars, mystics. Physicians,

astrologers, artisans, dancers, buffoons, tavern-keepers,

jugglers, story-recitors, wrestlers and jokers. The author of the

Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi^ speaking about the people of Delhi

and its vicinity refers to amirs, maliks. Sadat, mashikh,

artisans, merchants and the cultivators. These observations of

the chroniclers throw a significant light on the social and

economic life of the population. It was possible for an individual

to rise from the lower to a higher class even as high as a leading

position in the government. But still some distinction was

maintained though there was no rigidity about it.

The population was divided into three classes with. At the

top of the social order were the governing class or military

aristocracy and relatives of the King. In the next were men of

the pen, comprising theologians and literatures, Mashaikhs and

Sadat. At the bottom of the ladder were Awam-i-Khalaa or the

20

common people comprising peasants, professional clerks and

men of business like artisans, bankers, money-lenders,

merchants and professional people, homeless city-dwellers and

vagrant religious mendicants.

The composition of various social classes was more or less

simple. The Sultan considering that he was the leader of the

people and the main guarantee of peace in this world of strife

and chaos was at the head of society. The nobles and other

privileged classes were in some form of subordinate alliance

with him. The masses of the people (which term includes the

various classes of Hindus and the lower classes of Muslim) were

below them and divided from them by an almost impossible

barrier in ordinary circumstances'* just at the commenced of

the Muslim rule, there was an almost indiscriminate

commingling of the upper Muslim classes, which were mainly

composed for the Ulama and the religious class in general.

The Ahl-i-Qalam (what might be termed the intelligent)

and the Ahl-i-Tigh or Soldiers. All of them served in various

degrees in the great task of establishing Muslim rule and were

rewarded accordingly by the monarch^ with the growing

organization of the state and Muslim society, however, a certain

2]

amount of specialization began in the assignment of the

functions of various classes of Muslim.

MUSLIM SOCIETY

The position of the privileged classes in their broad

divisions :-

1. The umara or the nobility.

2. The ulama or theologians together with other religious

classes^.

Umara its Characters:

Immediately below the monarch come his nobles. They

usually supported him in power, but at times usurped his

functions and if a ruling dynasty grew weak. They stepped into

its shoes and founded a new ruling dynasty of their own. Even

if a noble was deposed or otherwise robbed of his position and

power. The traditions of former dignity and social honour were

unfailingly handed on to his descendants; and with the

approbation of the people, who tenaciously adhered to the

hereditary principle, restoration to former power and was only a

question of time and opportunity.

A noble usually began his life as a slave or a retainer of

the Sultan or of another noble and proceeded on a graduated

22

scale of promotion until a suitable opportunity brought to him

the dignities of an office and the rank of an Amir. Hence forth

he was treated as a noble and his social position, as well as

that of his descendants, was secure for ever afterwards. There

was no valid rule of succession to the throne or any peculiar

dignity which is associated with an ancient ruling house; there

was not even a law of primogeniture, a fact which made the

occupant of the throne very suspicious of the growing influence

and power of a noble and his assumption of an independent

attitude. A noble had no other choice except that of living as all

other subjects of the Sultan or as a rebel. Thus in comparison

with the privileges of their western compeers or nearer home

those of Rajput Chiefs, the privileges of the nobles of Delhi fill

short in one important respect, namely, that the state did not

encourage their independence or even allow their titles and

emoluments to descend to their children. Their dignities could

be snatched away from them during their lifetime and were

always at the mercy of the reigning Sultan. This did not,

however affect the social importance"^ of a noble or of his

decedents.

The Titles and Distinctions:

23

The highest among the nobles bore the title of Khan which

signified the uppermost grade of nobility^. As a special

distinction some of them were given the title of Ulug Khan-i-

a'zam^.

Next in rank came the title of Malik and lastly that of

Amir. There was no lower rank of peers in the court of Sultans

of Delhi.

The Khans, as has been sad occupied the highest rank

next to them were the Maliks who were usually raised from

among the Amirs on certain occasions, as for instance the

installation of new monarch, or on the discharge of some very

conspicuous services to the state^o.

The Maliks shared with the Khans some of their ordinary

privileges although a difference of degree was always retained.

They were similarly entitled to be addressed by their title of

Malik and any additional titles of honour a breach of the rule

being punishable at law^i it was the same with the last rank of

the Amirs.

The Nobility and the Sultanate of Delhi:

In the early period of the Sultanate, the 'Umara' or nobles

held very high position their significance was duly recognized

by Sultan Shams-ud-din lltutmish and other Sultans. The

24

establishment of the Kingdom had only been possible because

of the support and the devotion of there chiefs who came from

the same class as other monarchs of the slave dynasty, and had

no particular reason to subordinate themselves like other

common subjects for the state to will of the Sultan. As a result,

long before the region of Sultan 'Ala-ud-din Khalji, the power of

the nobles and their organization began to develop. They

organized themselves into a corporate body of nobles which was

better known as 'the forty' who were most powerful nobles of

early Sultanate period.

The composition of the JNTobility:

It is difficult to give the exact number of nobles of various

ranks under the Sultanate^^ in point composition. They were a

heterogeneous body, being composed of all sorts of foreigners

and Indians, whose character and number varied wiUb. every

ruling dynasty. In the beginning of the Muslim rule almost all

for them were of Turkish extraction. The Afghans came to be

incorporated gradually at a later date. They are said to have

come to, India from Roh, a territory between Hasan Abdal and

Kabul, and claimed to be descended from the Sultans of Ghur.

Firuz Shah Tughluq was the fist monarch who extended his

favours to the Afghans though the latter had come and settled

25

in India long beforei3 the Mongol invasions introduced a small

element of Mongols who accepted Islam and were favoured by

the state in the beginning. They were given the appellation of

Non-Muslims or new converts to Islam. The Tughlugs are

supposed to be of a 'mixed breed' being originally the slaves of

Sultan Balban who had intermarried with the Jats in

Hindustanis.

The Ulama or Theologians with other religious Classes:

The religious class of those days included the theologians,

Sufis, the Sayyids, and their descendants of these, the most

important were Ulama of theologians. Whose functions and

position in the state have been dealt with previously. The

theologians who occupied the judicial and religious offices in

the Sultanate were collectively known as T)iastas-bandan', or

turban-wearers, because they were their official head-dres

called Amama (lurban). The Sayyids were recognized by their

distinctive head-dress of a pointed cap or Kulahand were

known as kulah-daram or cap wearer^s.

Sadat, descendant of the Prophet Mohammad through his

daughter Fatimah, constituted a very respected section of the

Muslim society.

26

Sayyeds came to the capital during the time of

Iltutmishi6. It is difficult to assess the numerical strength for

the Sayyeds and non-Sayyeds, but a considerable number of

Sadat settled in different parts of the country^^. Sultan

Iltutmish is reported to have instructed his son to consider it as

a rule and basis of the Islamic faith to honour and severe the

descendants of Prophet^s. fhat great reverence was shown to

the Sadat is evident from the statement of Barani when he says

that he had the good fortune of meeting Syed Taj-ud-din and

Syed Rukn-ud-din. Barani speks very highly about Sadat in

general and those of Kaithal in particular Sultan Balban was

very particular in attending the funerals of Sayyeds i from the

very beginning the sentiment of respect for the Sadat was

strong in India.

The Sadat maintained their livelihood by adopting varied

types of Professions. Normally they took the work of teaching or

joined the judicial services^o the Economic position of the

Sayyeds as Gleaned from literature of the period cannot be

stated to be satisfactorysi. Afif says that owing to the generosity

of Firoz the Sadat married their daughters in young age. They

received stipends and scholarships throughout the period.

27

Their economic position fluctuated depending upon the

generosity of Sultans and Amirs.

In Muslim Society a prominent place is accorded to Ulama

as they had great influence over the common Muslim. They also

had very effective role remoulding the society of the time. They

occupied a commanding place both in secular and religious

affairs. The status enjoyed by the ulama in Muslim society can

be gleaned from the tradition of the Prophet which states that

"the ulama are the heirs of the Prophet. On the day of

Resurrection the ink used by the Scholars will bout weigh and

turn the scale. The world exists on account of the piety of the

learned. The laws of shariat are enforced by them, and they

attempt to stop unlawful practices and to eliminate innovations

for Muslim society it is natural if the people expected ulama to

be chaste truthful, science, adherent to the shariat and sunnah

and free from all worldly greed. The ulama were classified by

the contemporary historians into two major categories^s

Ulama-i-Akhirat

Ulama-i-Dunya

This classification was not according to the standard of

knowledge but in view of their approach to mundane affairs and

the maintenance of the high standards of conduct.

28

The ulama-i-Akhirat kept themselves aleof from worldly

greed. They put aside their own desires to render themselves

agreeable to all. They were respected.

Uama-i-Dunya held the world dear. They were experts in

explaining away their irresponsible statements and actions. A

worldly-minded Alim felt no scruple in finding excuses for the

Sultan jalal-ud-din Tabrezi once observed that the one great

ambition of such ulama was to become Mutawallis or Teachers

or Qazis and Sadr-i-Jahan their highest ambition of life was to

become Sadr-i-Jahan^s. At that time posts of Sadr-i-Jahan24,

Shaikhul Islam25, Qazi and Mufti ^ were filled in by the Ulama.

Some times the influence of the ulama was on the wane

due to the attitude of the reigning sovereign. This happened in

the time of Ala-ud-din khilji and Mohammad Tughlaq but

during the reign of Balbab, Firoz Tughlaq and Sikandar Lodi, as

also during the short reign of Sher Shah, the Ulama wielded a

tremendous influence and their voice was felt in matters,

political as well as religious27 it was the intrinsic virtue of the

individual ulama that gave them an effective reverenceand a

distinct place in the Muslim society. Whatever might be said

against those hypocritical, conceited and selfish ulamas, cases

are not rare of fearless ulama who gave their independent views

29

and their interpretation of the real spirit of Islam without any

consideration of the consequences that migh follow . There from

Shihab-ud-din28 called Haq-go (Truthful). Muhammad

Tughlaq's questioned justificationof assessing title of Adil.

Sikandar Lodi wanted to destroyed a temple and a tank of

Kurukshetra were the Hindus used to go for a holy dip ulama

were consulted over this matter. Mian Abdullah of Ajodhyan

stated that as it was against the spirit of Islam to interfere with

their the religious rights of muslims. Mian Abdullah was

threatened with death penalty for his view

At last the sultan had to bow down before his father29.

Merchants and Traders:

Another distinct class of the society was that of the most

prosperous were the three groups of Hindu merchants:-

(a) The bankers (Sarrafs and Sahus)

(b) The transport merchant (Tujjars)

(c) Wholesale merchants

With regard to bankers and money-changers. Barani^o

tells us that the Multanis and Sahus of Delhi provided loans on

interest to the extravagant and luxurious nobles of the time. As

30

a result of their money-lending business they became rich.

They used to get reward and presents from the nobility. The

creditor and money-lenders frequented the houses of the debtor

nobles3i. They also used to advance loans to foreigners who

came to India in order to purchase articles of presents32 for the

sultan.

Ibn Batuta says33 that the merchants of sindh and Hind

advanced a loan of thousand dinars to every new-comer

intending to visit the sultan. They provided him with all that he

needed for the purpose of offering presents to the King and to

facilitate the purchase of animals and goods for personal use.

They not only rendered monetary help but personal services to

such persons. Their debt was paid with the gift the Sultan gave

them. Thus they made enormous profit . The money lenders

some times relieved even the Sultan of their financial worry34.

The borrower was to execute a document and the creditor

was expected to keep the document the Multanis had

specialized in money lending business. Barani^s tells us that

often the death of Sultan Ala-ud-din Multani sold articles at

profitable rates. Under favourable circumstances the merchants

and shop-keepers became prosperous. We glean something

about the economic position of the mechants under Firoz Shah

31

from Barani36. According to Barani they became the rulers of

the market. They bought as they liked and sold as they liked

and thus as a result of absence of competition the prosperity of

the shop-keepers, merchants and bankers reached lacs and

crores.

We hear of Merchants, some dealing in horses some in

slaves and some in clothes^^ we are told that some articles like

wheat, gram, sugar-candy were carried from Delhi to those

places where these were not available^s the merchant went to

far off places and stayed there for two or three years^^. The

merchants also accompany the army, they had to seek

permission of the chief of all town. In order^o to get their

consent they used to offer giff i there were also some

restrictions on the movement of articles.

Sometimes the attitude of the officials was not

encouraging. Merchants brought grain, salt, sugar and other

goods laden upon beasts of burden into the city. The men of the

Diwani seized those animals by force and sent them to old

Delhi. It caused great inconvenience to the merchants. The

merchants had also to pay tremsit duty or toll tax42 Jbn Batuta

tells us that it was the custom at Multan that one-fourth of the

32

commodities brought by the merchants was appropriated by

the state and on every hoarse was levied a tax of seven dinars.

Later on these taxes were remitted'^s. In spite of all there

obstacles trade continued to develop and those who were

occupied with this profession became quite prosperous.

In addition to the merchants the artisans, the land a

important place in the society. There was different categories of

artisans such as:

Khabbaz (Bakers), Halwai (confectioners), Zarger (Gold­

smith), Ahangar (Black Smith), Darzi (Tailor), Kufshdoz (Shoe

makers), Kulah-doz (cap-makers), Moza-doz (makers of

stocking), Kamanger (bowbaker), Kuzagar (potter).

Amir Khusrau condemns those goldsmiths who took out a

portion of the gold by heating it and using borax. They were

masters of manipulation.^^. Yet their fine workmanship earned

praise."^5

Another important member of the artisan community was

the blacksmith. They manufactured various implements. Amir

Khusrau makes special mention of the fine flexible swords. He

refers to a certain blacksmith who made the sword as thin as

the leaf of a willow and shook even when there was no breeze.^5

Speaking about the needle-worker he says that the needle

33

worker had borne so much pain attaining such perfection in his

profession that his thorn like iron needle. He made golden

flowers to blossom.'^^

Beside the individual artisans there were those who were

employed in the emperors Kaskhana. Shihab-ud-din, the

author of masalik-ul-Absar, tells us that Sultan Muhammad

Tughaq employed five hundred manufacturers of golden tissue,

who wow the gold brocade.'^s We are about the existence of an

embroidery house of the Sultan in Delhi in which four

thousand workers in silk prepared different kinds of

embroidered royal robes and other clothes.'*^

Amir Khusrau has given a vivid account of different kinds

of artisans. His observation on the dignity of labour and the

lawful and unlawful professions of the different kinds of

artisans is interesting and important. He tells us that he

professional artisans earned their livelihood by lawful means.^o

Some historians are of the view that India had a large number

of skilled artisans who could be compared favourably with

similar people elsewhere in the world.

Domestic and Slaves:

At the lower level of the society there were domestic and

slaves who were a familiar feature of every respectable Muslim

34

home.51 The life of a Muslim nobleman was so much divided

between war (Razm) and pleasures (Bazm) that he hardly

foundany time to attend to his personal and domestic work. In

course of time the code of social behaviour began to view

domestic work as unworthy of a gentleman's dignity and

honour. The most important section of these domestics

comprised of male and female slaves. Many of them come slaves

were from other countries. Among the slaves of India origin,

those of Asam were especially valued because of their strong

physique and their powers of endurance. Their price being

many times that of slaves of other nationalities.52

A special class of slaves was employed for the care of the

female inmates of the harm. They were usually bought in

childhood and castrated. Trade in eunuchs was carried on in

Bengal in thirteen century. They were sometimes imported also

from the furthest Maly islands.53 No doubt, slaves were at

the bottom of the social ladder, but they could rise to the top in

fact he could be anywhere. With the mass of the

chandalaspayaks in the country, slavery could only be an

artificial institution. In ancient Greece and Rome the slave had

no right to life even.

35

In India slaves right to life and livelihood were

guaranteed. Slavery come to an end when the master was

unable to feed his slave. The position of a slave was better than

that of chandala slavery as an institution was so well

established that Barani records the advantages and

disadvantages of retaining slaves in Fatawa-i-Jehandari.

He observes: "Owing to a large number of slaves the king

looked powerful and dignified In order to maintain their

peculiar distinction and to establish their superiority in courage

and loyalty over the King's ordinarj' servants, the slaves enter

into battles and fort-sieges before the rest of the army; and they

strike with their hearts and souls for the success of every

enterprise The pride and arrogance of the army-officers

decreases at the sight of their organization. When the slaves are

numerous. No community or groups prefer of them can think of

over-powering the government. At the same time they could be

dangerous for the state "Most of the slaves are reckless and

shameless there can be no permanent security against their

revolt.54

Female Slaves:

Female slaves were of two kinds those employed for

domestic and menial work, and other who were bought for

36

company and pleasure. The former, wanting in education and

skill, and bought expressly for rough domestic work, were often

subjected to all sorts of indignities.ss The latter had a more

honorable and sometimes even a dominating position in the

household. Apart from the slave girls of India, female slaves

were also imported from China and Turkistan.^^

Slave were sold in market one such market was at Delhi.57

Ibn Batuta tells us that a slave from Kanru (Kamrup was in

Assam) was worth several times more than the slaves of other

stocks.58 He found plenty of slave girls in Bengal.^^ Even the

Hindu kingdom of Mithila served as emporium of slaves.

The owners of the slaves purchased females and united

them in wedlock with their male slaves.

Chroniclers refer to the price of slaves-male an female the

price as obtainable from the slave market of the time Sultan

Ala-ud-din may be noted. The price of a working girl was fixed

between five and twelve tankas and a good looking gir could be

had between twenty and thirty and forty tankas.

Male Slave:

Male slave of handsome appearance also were rated high

and good price was paid for them price of handsome slave boys

ordinarily varied from twenty and thirty tankas. Mulik Kafur is

37

called Hazar-Dinari because he is said to have been purchased

for a thousand dinar, but it was the work and the

accomplishments of the male slaves which attracted buyers. A

working slave was available at ten or fifteen tankas and ill

favoured boys and sevean and eight tankas.^o A good looking

boy of tender age could be purchased at a few gold dinars.^i

With regard Babary (Abyssinian slaves) and Ghulamm-i-

Zangi (Ethiopean or negro slaves). Amir Khusrau observed that

they were tall, stout-bodied and very fast runners. They ran so

fast like giants that even the shooting stars in the atmosphere

could not keep pace with them.^s

Relation between master and slave:

Vachaspati Mishra lays down conditions fo the

emancipation of slaves in the Hindu society.^s The liberation of

slaves in Islam was looked upon as the highest

In Islam slavery was allowed under some emergent

requirements, but it always encouraged their liberation and

considered this as on highest act of virture entitling its maste to

a special reward in the next world. They wre to be regarded as

members fo the family. A slave was sometimes preferred to a

son.64 There are many instances of intimate and happy

relations between the two slaves were taken in to the social

order of their masters and they shared their ideas and

contributed towards the growth of a homogenous culture and

also exercised a positive. Sometimes powerful, influence on the

direction of the affairs of the government. When once a courtier

expressed regret at the fact that Mohammad Shihab-ud-din

Ghori had no son. The Sultan replies "I have so many sons in

my Turkish Slaves. Qutb-ud-din as a slave read the Quran with

the Qazi's son and also learnt the art of riding.^s Balbon was

treated by his master, Khwaja Jamal-ud-din, like a son.^^ The

slaves were entrusted with responsible posts.^? Literary

evidences also testify to the manumissionof slaves.^s Ibn Batuta

tells us that Sultan Mohammad Tughlaq manumitted his slaves

on the fourth day of Edi evey year. 69 Slaves did numerous and

varied types of work. Domestic slavery was one of the prevalent

features during the period under consideration. The nature of

their household wok depended upon the economic status of

their masters.'^o

Some of the slaves engated by a Sultan used to work as

Chashni-gir (Tasterof Food), Saqi-i-Khas (special cup bearer),

Sar-abdar (incharge of drink). Khassa-dar (incharge of master's

meal) etc.' i

39

The best testimony to the trust of the Sultans on slaves

was their employment as informers. Sultan Ala-ud-din

employed slave boys to verify the market prices J2 We are told

by Ibn Batuta the Sultan Mohammad Tughlaq kept one of his

slaves with every amir. Great or small to watch his activities.

The slave-spy informed the Sultan about the activities of the

Amirs.73 Those who were brave, trust-worthy and loyal were

appointed as personal body-gurads of their master.^^

References are also found to the employment of slaves by the

merchamt class to ensure their personal safety. The slave looked

after the comfort of his master and transacted business also.' s

Valour, beauty and trustworthiness were not the only

qualities of the best slaves, some including female slaves, were

fairly educated. Some slave girls knew the Quran by heart and

were good swimmers and riders. They performed the five daily

prayers and observed the fasts regularly.^s Afif tells us that the

slaves were given training in different vocations. Many became

artisan and craftsmen.' '

Slavery during the period did not form a regular part of

productive work as was the case with contemporary European

counties. There was nothing like agrarian selfdom. The slaves

for the most part confined themselves to the house-hold duties.

40

Shariat enjoins that slaves should be treated humanely and

also guarantees them a more dignified position. The inner sense

of equality and a religious motherhood provided the slaves in

many cases with opportunities to rise in the social scale and

brought them to the very highest position in the state. Some of

them became the progenitors of ruling dynastic. Often talented

slaves acquired a position of intimacy with the rules and finally

they themselves occupies important positions in the state.

Hindu Society:

The distinctive feature of Hindu Society was its division of

into castes and sub-castes, as it is even today.^^ Let us make a

note here of the foet that, as a result of Muslim impact a

number of old social and legal functions had passed outside the

operation of caste rules. The position and the legal and formal

powers of the Brahman had undergone a considerable change

with the fall of the old time Kshatriyas or the ruling classes of

Hinduism. On the other hand with the elimination of the moral

rivalry of the Kshatriyas, the authority and personal influence

of Brahmans increased among the Hindu masses. This led to

even more restrictions of caste rules and a wider caste

jurisdiction in marriage and diet, and a few other sphres that

were left to them.

41

It is difficult to give the exact number of castes which

existed in the early Muslim period. Nicolo Conti puts the

number of groups wherein no man of one creed will drink, eat

or marry with those of others at eighty-four.^o The orthodox and

popular tradition of Hindustan counts thirty six such castes

which include, besides the subcastes of the Brahmans, the

Kshatriyas and the Vaisyas. Other separate occupational castes

namely those of brewers, goldsmiths, weavers, betel-leaf sellers,

tim workers, shepherds, milkmen, carpenters, smiths, bhats,

ahirs, kayasthas, dyers, flower-sellers, caloco-paintes, barbers,

oilmen, jugglers, mountebanks, musicians and still others,^^

A number of social and economic factors were operating

to modify the rigidity of the caste system and to change the

relative position and privileges of the old higher castes of

Hinduism, of these factors, one was the introduction and

spread of Islam in India. The essentially proselytizing nature of

the faith of Islam, and the Profession of social equality and

fraternity among its followers, opened its doors wide to receive

the lower castes of Hindu Society. Its offer had an additional

force because it came from those who ruled over India, and

possessed unlimited resources.

42

A popular liberal and catholic religion began to spread in

India deriving its inspiration from more democratic creeds

offering extraction. As against the older creeds of 'Deeds* and

'Knowledge' this new creed based itself on 'Bhakti' or devotion

of man to the Divine being, and demolished, as it were, the

whole view of life centering round caste and the Ashrama.82

In other respects, the alterations in the economic position

of the various classes went a long way to modify the social

positions of the erstwhile higher and privileged classes. Under

the new conditions of life, the Brahmans, whose former

privileges and occupations did not equip them for any socially

useful vocation were in a very unenviable position.*^ Some of

them qualified as physicians and astrologers, and managed to

earn a living but on the whole they lived in a miserable plight,

unless they migrated to the kingdom of a Hindu chief where the

old order existed in same sort of vigour. The lower classes of

Hindus, on the other hand, who lived under the Sultanate were

no longer hampered by the old restrictions, even when they did

not accept the new faith of Islam, in some cases they made

notable material progress which reacted on their status in

Hindu Society.84 However, as we have remarked, the

introduction of Islam effected a change in the concept of classes

43

that of their relative position, but this could not uproot the

institution. Infact, Muslims were influenced by same Sultans

and they forgot the message of Quran in this regard.

44

REFERENCES

1. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarik-i-Firuz Shahi. Ed. Maulvi Vilayat

Hussain, Calcutta, 1891, pp.74, 108, 570.

2. A. Rashid, Society and Culture in Medieval India,

Calcutta, 1969, p.

3. K. M. Ashraf, Life and Condition of the people of

Hindustan, Delhi, p.

4. Ibid.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid, pg. 55.

7. This rule however, does not hold god when the succeeded

informing independent ruling dynasties after Sultan Firuz

Tughluq.

8. Ibn Batuta, Kitab al-Rehla, Cairo, 1870-1, Vol. 1, Pg. 107.

9. K. M., Ashraf, Life and condition of the people of

Hindustan, p. 56.

10. Ibid, pg. 60.

11. Ibn Batuta, vol 1, p. 107.

12. Ibid, p. 65.

13. Ibid, p.66.

45

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid.

16. Ibid, 166.

17. Society and Culture in Medieval India, Calcutta, p. 18.

18. Ibid.

19. Ibid.

20. Ibid, p.21.

21. Ibid.

22. Society and culture in Medieval India, Calcutta, p.21.

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid, p.22.

25. Ibid.

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid, p.24.

28. Ibid.

29. Ibid.

30. Shams Siraj Afif, Rarikhi-Firuz Shahi, p. 120.

31. Society and culture in Medieval India, p.25.

46

32. Ibn Batuta, Eng. Tr. H.A.R. Gibb, Travels in Asia and

African London, 1957, p.25.

33. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, p.61.

34. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, p.385.

35. Ibid, p.554.

36. Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr. H. G. Ravety,

Delhi, 1970, Vol 1,2, pp. 138, 159.

37. Society and culture in Medieval India, p. 26.

38. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, p. 181.

39. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, ed. Maulvi Vilayat

Husain, p. 181.

40. Ibid, pp. 375-376. .

41. Ibn Batuta, p. 12.

42. Society of culture in Medieval India, p.28.

43. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, pp. 347-48.

44. Society and Culture in Medieval India, p.28.

45. Ibid, p. 28.

46. Ibid, p.28.

47. Elliot, H. M. (ed.) History of India as told by its own

Historians edited by Dowson, London, Vol. Ill, p. 578.

47

48. Society and Culture in Medieval India, p. 28.

49. Ibid.

50. Ibid.

51. Ibid, p.74.

52. Ibid.

53. Ibid.

54. Fatawa-i-Jahandari, of Zia-ud-din Barani, Eng. Tr. by

Afs£ir Begum under the title, The political theory of Delhi

Sultanat, Kitab Mahal, pp. 25-26.

55. Society and Culture in Medieval India, p.30.

56. Ibid.

57. Fatawa-i-Jahahdari, of Ziauddin Bareni Eng. Tr. by Afsar

Begum under the title. The political theory of Delhi

Sultanate, Kitab Mahal, p. 314; Society and culture in

Medieval India, p.31.

58. Rehla (G.O.S.), p.237.

59. Ibid, p.235.

60. Ibid, pg. 33.

48

61. Fatwa-i-Jahandari of Zia uddin Barani Eng. Tr. by Afsar

Begum under the title The political theory of Delhi

Sultanate, Kitab Mahal, p.3l4, A. Rashid, p.32.

62. Ibn Batuta, p.235.

63. Society and culture in Medieval India, p.34,

64. Ibid.

65. Ibid.

66. Ibid.

67. Ibid.

68. Ibid.

69. Fatawa-i-Jahandari of Zia uddin Barani pp. 134, 381.

70. Society and culture in Medieval India, p.34.

71. Ibn Batuta, p.63.

72. Ibid.

73. Ibid.

74. Ibid.

75. Ibid.

76. Ibid.

77. IbnBututa, p.105.

49

78. Society and Culture in Medieval India, p.36.

79. Society and Culture in Medieval India. P.36.

80. Afif, p.270.

81. Life and condition of the people of Hindustan, p.78.

82. Ibid.

83. Ibid.

84. Ibid, p .81.

50

CHAPTER - I I I

SOCIO-CULTURAL ACTIVITIES OF MUSLIM WOMEN IN SULTANATE PERIOO

CHAPTER-III

"SOCIO-CULTURAL ACTIVITIES OF MUSLIM WOMEN IN

SULTANATE PERIOD"

Women always played an important role in the social and

cultural life of a Society. They looked after the family and

managed the household. They had their own role in marriages,

religious ceremonies and festivals. Women lay and carry on the

customs and traditions in society with regard to education and

learning and various other cultural activities women made their

own contributions. A women as a mother occupied a pious and

honourable place in medieval society. The pain and suffering

which she undergoes at the time of the child birth and the

sacrifices which she make in the up bring up of her children

speaks of her selfless love. Amir Khusrau,^ Placed mothers on a

high pedestal by proclaiming that no child is born without a

mother. The first lesson of a child starts in his mother's lap.3 A

mother players a dominant role in budding up the character of

her children. She is the foremost teacher. If the mother is good,

gentle, and God fearing the children will naturally inherit these

virtues.4

Generally a mother's Chief concern revolves reduces

around the welfare and upbringing of her children in a proper

51

manner.5 This is also evident for the account of the poet

historian Amir Khusrau.^

In the Hindu Society, Sati was quite common but during

Muslim rule it was ordained that no widow could be ferried to

burn herself against her will. In the Muslim Society their

position was different. They were given due respect and honour

and their requirements were attended to with Sympathy. Sultan

Iltutmish is re-reported to have allowed widows to avoid the

enefit of "Iqta" (Land grant) given to their husbands.'^ But

Sultan Balban Stopped this practice and extended monetary

assistance to them.s Sultan Mohammad-bin Tughlaq also

worked for the welfare of the widows.^ Charity houses were

setup in him empire which were entrusted with the task of

providing relief and benefits, o Sultan Firuz Shah Tughluq was

also muchconcerned about the welfare of the widows. ^ During

the Lodi period Muhtasibs^^ were entrusted the task of finding

suitable match for the widow. 3 This is how the state attempted

to improve the status of widow. Thus, especially arrangement

for widow re-marriage proved to be boon for them Sultan

Sikander Lodi had great reverence for Niamat Khatun, the

widow of Qutb Khan Lodi ^ Niamat Khatun joined Sultan

Sikander Lodi's Camp while he was busy in the fortification of

52

Narwar fort in 1508 A.D.is The Sultan treated her with due

respect and honour. To show his reverence to Niamat-Khatun,

Prince Jalal Khan (Niamat Khatun was his foster mother) was

assigned the jagir of Kalpi,i6 besides 120 horses and 15

elephants. 1' He was provided with a huge sume of money and

was entrusted by Sultan Sikandar Lodi to take Niamat Khatun

to Kalpi where she was to be given all comforts. Sultan made all

these special arrangements inconsideration and s)mipathy for

the widow of Qutub Khan Lodi. ^

The seclusion of women continued to be inforce during

the Sultanate Period. The public appearance of women and

their equal participation along with men in various spheres of

life was not deemed congenial in the early medieval society.

Ismaili9 advocated for complete seclusion of women and

considered those women pure and moral who observed Purdah.

Amir Khusrau, harped on the same string with the help of

a number of metaphors and similies.20 The renowned poet

considered Purdah (veil) is the best ornament of women which

should be religiously observed.21 The place of women was home,

which provided the security and enabled them to lead a moral

life.

53

Such was the spirit of the age.22 In practice things were

slightly different, for we find women of the middle class without

purdah when they attended their duties. Ordinary women came

out to fetch water from tanks.23 well and rivers,24 women

generally moved in groups when they visited these places.^s

In the royal household purdah was generally strictly

observed.26 Raziya ardently followed this custom in the

beginning of her reign but in order to conduct the state affairs

she discarded her veil.27 The movement of women in places was

restricted probably to preserve the integrity and chastity of

women. It was with this aim that Sultan Firuz Tughluq28 and

after him, Sultan Sikander Lodi had put some restriction on

women for visiting tombs.29

Though a life of women was not free from seclusion and

segregation but they were not entirely confined to their house.

In order to participate in various activities women came out of

their homes. Their prime mode of transport was the palanqin^o

or the dola and chariots. A palanquin was used as a means of

transport by both men and women. But the one carrying

women had silken curtain.3i which symbolized that it was an

era of Purdah and seclusion for women.

54

Ibn Battutah, has vividly described the dola of

Makhdama-i- jahan, the mother of Sultan Mohammad-bin-

Tughluq.32 It was in the shape of a cot, knitted by Silken

threads, covered by bent sticks with bamboo projecting on

either sides.^^ The common women as well as women of royalty

used palan quin in order to move from one place to another.

Marriage was an occasion of Jubiation and celebration

during the sultanate also. Due to the dowry^^ system the

expenditure incurred at the time of marriage of a girl, marred

the very sanctity of the institution. To the royal household

marriage served political purpose too.^s In setting marriages

generally the parents played an important role and the

prospective bride and bridegroom hardly had any say?36 Even

in the royal household. The final verdict of the parents was

upheld the emotional set back which prince Khizr Khan had to

face in the beginning, and his marriage with Alpkhan's

daughter was primarily because of his mother, Malika-i-Jahan's

insistence.37

Efforts were made to provide financial relief to the parents

for the marriage of their daughters. During the reign of Sultan

Balban. Fakhruddin Kotwal made arrangement to provide

'\•^^^^ Azad 7^>^

dowry for the poor girls." o it was estimated that dowry of about

one thousand girls was provided by this benevolent noble.^i

In this context the contribution of Sultan Firuz Shah

Tugluq remains unsurpassed. The Sultan was greatly moved by

the sorrow and misery of the common masses especially on the

question of dowry. Thus he established a department known as

"Diwani-i-Khairat"'^2 under the supervision of Sayyid Amiri

miran, who was entrusted with the task of providing relief to

the financially handicapped parents. The needy parents sought

the help of this institution.'^^ The genuinely of the case was

examined and provisions were granted according to the needy

for this purpose. Three degree of grants were available-first,

second and third,'*^ after investigating the applicant's plea

grants were bestowed upon them which was either 50,30 or 20

Tankas.45

Divorce was instrumental in breaking the social contract

of marriage, women were divorced and often they were accepted

again as wives.^6 Qazi Nasiruddin divorced his wife, who was

later accepted by his disciple as his wife. ^ In Multan, the

period of waiting after divorce was not followed. A different

custom existed inMultan. The husband without divorcing their

wives, brought about matrimonial alliance of their wives with

56

other men.' s widow remarriage too were prevalent in the early

medieval society.49

Among the various means of amusement playing musical

instruments was quite popular with the Females. They were

skilled in playing instruments like vina, Sitar, flute, Majamir,

tabla and Sarangi^o Singing, painting, riding were the other

popular means of their entertainment-^^ Amir Khusrau^s

maintaining singing and dancing as items of amusement has

warned women not to patronize them, for it also bring illfame to

them. Women also took delight in playing polo, chess

chaupal.53 Swimming was also popular amongst women.54

The activities of the women mainly centred around

household choses. They took keen interest in spinning,

weaving,55 sewing, cooking and in serving food.56 Isami has

stressed that the place of women was the home " instead of

wearing the crown they should take interest in spinning and

weaving.58 Amir Khusrau, also considered spinning to be the

Chief activity of women. They should be able to spin "dupatta"

for themselves59 Even if they were wealthy women should not

abandon the task of spinning and weaving. Women went to

Hauz,60 rivers^i and wells^s to fetch water in pitchers for

household chores. Cooking and serving of food was another

57

duty of the females. Some of them prepared delicious dishes for

which they were often rightly rewarded. Asad Khan an

influential noble of Sultan Sikander Lodi, was so much pleased

after eating that tasty dish of fresh green leaves cooked by a

common women that he rewarded her with a plate full of gold

coins.^3 Hindu women who were well versed in household

duties sought employment at low wages in the house of

Muslims64. This depicts the pitiable condition to which they

were reduced and were called upon to earn their livings in a

hard way. They often helped their husband in the fields where

they especially looked after cattle.^^ a part from the household

chores women also worked in different capacities. As guard

they looked after the harem's security^^ whereas they were

employed inside the Harem to keep a record of its income and

expenditure. 67

The dresses of women were governed by the social status

and individual taste. The Muslim women dress comprised of

kurta along with shalwar (or lungi) and had a will the women of

Doab were seen wearing lahanga angiya and chola.^s

The garments of women were generally made of cotton,

wool, silk69 and leather.^o The women of Malwa wore

transparent clothes^i which generally had fme work of gold.72

58

Paicha-i-shalwar Khastak-i-Izar, Niganda, Dotah, Kulah, Dastar

were also popular dresses amongst the females J3 The public

women generally wore tight and transparent clothes J^

EDUCATION

Education has been deemed to be a radiant light which

illuminates the inner hidden qualities and talents of man.

Education was considered important in every period for men

and women for result of its building up their personality as well

as for making them useful for the society at large. This is also

required for socio economic development of the people.

In the first verses of the Holy Quran reading and writing

are mentioned and there are source of seeking knowledge as

well as transmitting it to others.^s

According to a tradition seeking knowledge is obligatory

on all the (Muslims man as well as women).

He is also reported to have said' ^

"Seek knowledge right from the cradle up to grave"

He used to inspire his companion every now and to seek

and develop their knowledge which may be useful for them and

others.

He is also reported to have said :

59

"No present or gift of a parent to a child out of all the gifts

and presents is superior to a good education".^7

There is also no bar in Islam for women to acquire

knowledge infact men and women both are exhorted to seek

and develop their knowledge in this is well known Education.

That Fatima Zohra, the daughter of the Prophet (SAW)

and Aiyasha his most favourite wife were the highly educated

ladies of the time. They were so effectively equipped with deep

knowledge of the Holy Quran, Hadith and Fiqh that can even

the contemporary leading learned men used to consult them

with regard to important issues. Besides there had been many

Muslim ladies in Muslim society in different periods including

medieval India.

There are historical evidence to suggest that during the

sultanate period many women were educated, though they

mostly belonged to upper class family,78 and the princesses of

the royal families were educated by learned teacher. But the

details regarding the mode of Education is insufficient. Amir

khusrau asserted that the women of royalty should be well

versed in the use of arms,^^ the emergence of Razia as an

accomplished sultan indicates that princesses were subjected

to military training along with primary education.so She was an

60

accomplished poetess and could recite the Holy Quran

correctlysi. Thus being a women of literary taste, she stood for

the cause of its propagation. She patronized men of letters82

and Madarsa-i-Nasiriya at Delhi became the centre of learning

during her reign.83

Prior to Raziya, Mah Malik popularly known as Jalalud-

Duniyauddin, the grand daughter of Alauddin Jahansaz created

a place for himself in literary field. She earned fame specially

because of her excellent writing.^ Bibi Razi, the wife of Sultan

Mahmud Sharqi of Jaunpur contributed much in the literary

field. She extended patronage to learned mean^s and opened a

number of Madrasas and colleges. Provision of stipend for

students and teachers were made by her to encourage the

cause of education.^s The Sharqi Sultanate of Jaunpur become

an important Centre of Education during her life time.

Except the reference of Ibn Battutah of separate

institution (in the Southern Coastal Hinwar) for girls. There

does not seen to be any such arrangement during the Sultanate

periods? n appears that the task of educating girls was

entrusted to private tutors.ss Still another evidence of Qanun-i-

Islam (by Jafar Sharife) indicates the presene of female

Maktab.89

61

An elaborate procedure was laid down when girls

commenced their schooling before attending the "Maktab" Idi a

sort of blessing for the students on coloured paper called

"Zarfishne^^o was inscribed. The relationship between the

teacher and pupil was based on love and cooperation. Gifts

from students and their parents were accepted by the teacher

before starting a new lesson and especially when the Holy

Quran was read out once.^i The day was the occasion of

jubilation and celebration. Holiday for half a day was granted in

the whole maktab when any student completed the reading of

the Holy Quran.92

Varous subjects were taught to the girls which included

the use of shields^^ wrestling and musical instruments along

the dancing, sewing, weaving and crafting. Sultan Ghiyasuddin

Khalji (1463-1500 A.D.) of Malwa was particular about

educating the women of his harem. Tutors were engaged to

educate the royal princesses.^4 During his reign about seventy

women were so well versed in the Holy Quran, that they recited

the whole of it, at a stretch, while the Sultan wore his

garments.

62

Notes:

1. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate,

Allahabad, 1989, p. 164

2. Ibid., p. 165

3. Abdul Haq Muhaddis Dehlwi "Akhbar-ul Akhyar, Delhi,

1914, p.283; Rizvi, S.A.A., A History of Sufism in India,

New Delhi, 1978, Vol.1, P.403.

4. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate,

Allahabad, 1989, p. 165.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid.

7. Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi, Tr. Elliot and Dowson III, p. 107

8. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, 1989,

p. 170.

9. Narendra Nath Lawm Promotion of learning in India

during Mohamamdan Rule, London, 1916, p.45.

10. Ibid

11. Women in Delhi Sultanate, p. 171

12. Ibid.

13. Ibid.

63

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid.

16. Ibid.

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid.

19. Ibid.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid.

22. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, p. 181

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., p. 182

26. Yusuf Hussain, Glimpes of Medicual Culture, p. 129.

27. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot and Dowson II, p.335.

28. Fatuhat-i-Firuz Shahi, Tr. Elliot and Dowson II, p.380.

29. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, p. 182

30. K.M. Ashraf, Life and conditions of the people of

Hindustan, New Delhi, 1970, p.208.

31. Ibid, p. 173, Rashid, Society and culture, p.59

64

32. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, p. 183

33. Ibid.

34. Rashid, Society and Culture, p. 131

35. U.N. Day, Medieval Malwa, Delhi, 1965, pp.89-90.

36. Lokesh Chand Nand, Women in Delhi, p.201

37. Ibid.

38. Rashid, Society and Culture, p. 131

39. Lokesh Chand Nand, Women in Dlehi Sultanate, p .201.

40. K.S. Lai, Twilight of Sultanate, Bombay, 1963, p.280

41 . Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, p.203.

42. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (A) Tr. Elliot 8& Dowson III, p.361

43. Rashid , Society and Culture, p. 131

44. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (A) Tr. Elliot & Dowson III, p.361

45. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, p.202.

46. Rashid , Society and Culture, p. 134

47. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot and Dowson II, p.335 K.A.

Nizami, Religion and Politics in India during thirteenth

Century, p. 137.

48. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot and Dowson II, p.338

65

49. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, p.206.

50. Rashid , Society and Culture, p. 131

51. A.B. Pandey, Society and Government in Medieval India,

Allahabad, 1965, p.202.

52. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, P.206;

53. Ibid, p.207

54. Rashid, Society and Culture, p.35, M. Mujeeb, the Indian

Muslims, London, 1967, p.210.

55. Isami, The Futuh-us-Salatin, ed. A Mahdi Husain Agra,

1983, EngTr. Agha Mahdi 1976, 1977, p. 129 Vol. II.

56. Hamid Qalander, Khairul Majalis, ed. K.A. Nizami,

Aligarh, p.93, Lokesh Chandra Nand, women in Delhi

Sultanate, p. 207

57. Isami, The Futuh -us Salatin, ed. A. Mahdi Husain, Agra,

1983, Eng. Tr. Agha Mahdi, 1976, P. 129, vol-II

58. Ibid, p.255

59. Loksh Chandra Nand, women in Delhi Sultanate, p.207

60. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (A) Tr. Elliot 85 Dowson, p. 163

61 . Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, p.207.

62. Ibid.

66

63. Ibid., p.208

64. Ibid.

65. K.M. Ashraf, Life and Condition of the People of

Hindustan, p.214.

66. Abdul Haleem, History of Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra,

p.229

67. Ibid.

68. Ibid.

69. Lokesh Chandra, Women in Dlehi Sultanate, p.219

70. Ibid.

71. Ibid.

72. Ibid.

73. Ibid.

74. Ibid.

75. Lokesh Chendra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate,

Allahabad, 1989, p. 198.

76. Rahid, p. 144, opsit.

77. S. M. Jaffar, Education in Muslim India, Peshawar, 1936,

p.291.

67

78. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Raverty, Delhi, 1970, vol. 1, p.637.

79. Ibid, p.392.

80. N. N. Law, p. 101.

81 . Yusuf Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian culture,

Bombay, 1957, p.77.

82. Rashid, Society and Culture in Medieval India, p. 144.

83. S. M. Jaffar some cultural aspects of Muslim Rule in

India, Peshawar, 1939, p.85.

84. S. M. Jaffar, Education in Muslim India, Peshaar, 1936,

pp.290-291.

85. Ibid.

86. N. N. Law, p.200.

87. Ibid.

88. Kishori Prasad Sahu, Some Aspects of North Indian Social

Life, Calcutta, 1973, p. 144.

89. N. N. Law, p.97.

90. Ibid, p. 98.

91 . N. N. Law, p.200, Sahu, p. 143.

92. Ibid.

93. Ibid.

94. Ibid.

68

CHAPTER - IV

ROLE OF MUSLIM WOMEN IN POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE

CHAPTER-IV

ROLE OF MUSLIM WOMEN IN POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE

KHUDAVANDA-I-JAHAN SHAH TURKAN IN ILBARI DYNASTY

The earliest reference of a lady who participated in

political activities in the Sultanate period is that of

Khudavanda-i-Jahan Shah Turkan.i She was originally a

Turkish female slave^ who rose to the status of chief queen of

Sultan Iltutmish by dint of her merit and charm.^

During the reign of her husband, Sultan Iltutmish she

patronized men of letters and gave liberal gifts and grants to

Maliks, and to Ulama and Sufis."* This made her popular not

only in the Social circle but valso made her effective in the

political arena. She enjoyed the support of a section of nobility.

It was with their co-operation that she succeeded in setting

aside the Vill of Sultan Illutmish thereby, securing the throne

for her son, Ruknuddin Firoz who was elevated to the throne on

6th June, 1236 A.D.s

Apart from her ambitions and intriguing nature she

stepped into prominence because of the incompetence and

pleasure loving temperament of her son. Sultan Ruknuddin

Firoz.6 The Sultan threw himself in merry making activities

69

ignoring completely the affairs of the state. This led Shah

Turkan to interfere in the day-to-day administration of the

Sultanate. She concentrated all power in her hand'^ and even

issued royal orders (Farman) in her name.^

Shah Turkan's prime objective was to keep the throne

safe and secure for Sutlan Rukhnuddin Firoz. This brought her

in conflict with the son of Sultan Iltutmish Qutbuddin, a

promising young prince of talents and merit. It was at her

instigation that prince Qutbuddin, was blinded and finally put

to death,9 in order to suppress any opposition from his side

against sultan Ruknuddin Firoz.

Thus further antagonized not only the state officers but

also the provincial governors of the Sultanate who broke out in

revolt against the tyrannical and oppressive rule. Malik

Ghiyasuddin Mahmud the governor of Awadh. Malik Izzuddin

Mohammad Salari The Governor of Multan and Malik Alauddin,

the governor of Lahore presented a united opposition to the

Sultan. 10

In order to secure her position she had to deal with

Raziya. The eldest daughter of Sultan Iltutmish. Raziya depend

the crisis by inciting the masses of Delhi against the oppressive

measures of Shah Turkan. The latter sought to imprison Raziya

70

to curb her activities, ii Unfortunately Shah Turkan's

conspiracy against the princes failed miserably. The people of

Delhi at Raziya's instigation brought an end to Sultan

Ruknuddin Firoz's short reign by taking Shah Turkan in

confinement 12 when the Sultan was busy in suppressing the

revolt at Kilukhari. The Sultan's return could not revive his

power, for Raziya was already elevated to the Thome.

Razi3rya Sultan

Raziyya Sultan (1236-1240) played a significant role in

political during the Sultanate period. Her accession to the

throne in the year 1236 A.D.i^ marked a new era in the history

of Delhi Sultanate. The elevation of a lady to the throne Delhi

Sultanate has importance mainly in view of the fact that those

days society was considered quite conservative. No Raziya, was

elevated Moreover, She was nominated by his father (Sultan

Altamash, as his successor because of her merits and talents. ^

He found his sons incompetent and saw in her the quality

befitting a ruler. Sultan iltutmish was confident that she would

shoulder the responsibility of the state in a better way than his

sons. Her major achievement lay not only in quelling the

opposition or curbing the disruptive forces but in creating an

71

atmosphere of peace and tranquility. She toned up the

administration and provided a new vigour to the Turkish rule.

She took charge of the government in a situation M hen

Delhi Sultanate was facing internal as well as external crisis.

The power of the nobility reached to tits height, after the

creation of 'core of forties' by Sultan iltutmish. This group

intervened in every issue of political importance, especially in

the question of succession, it was this class which became an

impediment in the accession of Raziya. The financial condition

of the Sultanate was deplorable as Sultan Ruknuddin Firoz had

drained out the state treasury by his extravagance. 5

The provincial nobles, taking full advantage of the weak

Sultan (Sultan Ruknuddin Firoz) grew rebellious and threw off

their yoke. 16

Note; Some of the who revolted against Sultan Ruknuddin

Firoz were Malik Ghayasuddin Muhammad, Malik Izzuddin

Muhammad Sulari, Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan, Malik Saifuddin

Kochi and Malik Alauddin plunging the entire Sltanate into a

state of civil war. The menace of the Mongols was always felt on

the frontiers of the Sultanate.

Even during the rule of her father Raziya showed signs of

courage and ability and used to participate in the state affairs, i''

72

When the Sultan left for Gwalior expedition in the year 1231

A.D. He entrusted Raziya the task of administering the

Sultanate. During the interim period she carried out her duties

in the most appropriate manner, is

Sultan iltutmish watched all this with admiration. In his

hearts he was happy in grooming Raziya for the throne he even

struck a coin in Raziya's name to lend her popularity among

the masses. 19

Finally after returning form Gwalior expedition Sultan

iltutmish directed Tajul Mulk Mahmud, the Mushrif-i-Mumalik

to issue a farman declaring Raziya as heir to the Sultanate.20

This is notable that the validity the nomination of Raziya

was not questioned by the Ulema,2i on religious ground. But

the opposition came from the nobility and the close associates

of the sultan. Their man grudge was that in presence of sons

why should a daughter be clavated to the throne.22 The Sultan

pacified them by stressing upon the competence and merit of

Raziya with respect to other princes who took refuge in worldly

pleasures and showed no signs of taking interest in the state

affairs.23 However the moment sultan iltutmish breathed his

last, The tussle for crown gained momentum. The nobles easily

brushed aside the wishes of the sultan^-* and Ruknuddin firoz

73

was exalted to the throne with the efforts of his ambitious

mother Shah turkan25 who enjoyed unanimous support of the

nobles. But the sultan's indolent, luxurious nature coupled

with the administrative inefficiency of Shah turkan caused

turmoil in the sultanate.26 Even during the reign of Sultanate

Ruknuddin Firoz, Raziya remained and active force. Shah

turkan's (who practically run the administration in the name of

her son).27 Prime concern was to keep the throne safe and

secure for her son. Unfortunately her conspiracy to imprison

and kill Raziya failed.28

Raziya dressed in red robes addressed the masses on

Friday near Juma Mosque at daulat khanah to gain popular

support. 29

She sought the support of people against Shah Turkan

and Sultan Ruknuddin firoz who let loose a reign of terror in

the sultanate.30

She reminded them of her father's (Sultan Iltutmish) will

and pleaded them to be rational and compassionate to one who

would relieve them of such an oppressive regime.^i She even

resolved to abdicate the throne if she failed to conduct the state

affairs effectively. It appears that a sort of understanding

74

reached between Raziya and population of Delhi who extended

their support in elevating her to the throne.32

Thus gaining the support of a section of nobility, army

and that of the population of Delhi Raziya^s occupied the throne

of Delhi in 1236 A.D.

The sultan took prompt action and sent a contingent to

Kilu Khari with the instruction of taking the deposed sultan

into captivity.34 Sultan Ruknuddin Firoz was over powered,

taken in confinement and brought to Delhi where he died in

captivity later on.35

This did not clear the path of the Raziya. The biggest

opposition which threatened her to capture the throne came

from Nizam-ul-Mulk Junaidi^e Malik Alauddin Jani, Malik

Kochi, Malik Kabir Khan and Malik Izzuddin, Mohammad Salari

who besieged the city of Delhi.37 Raziya was not unnerued by

this grim situation. She crushed the insurgents with courage.

Among the nobles who extended their support and stood for

Raziya's cause was Malik Nusrutuddin Tayri, the governor of

Awadh.38 He marched to Delhi along with his supporters but

the insurgents took him in to captivity thereby preventing him

from extending military help to Raziya.27 but Raziya became

more assertive and bold in times of crisis she did not loose her

75

balance of mind, pitched her tent along with the army on the

banks of river yamuna to face the nobles.^o

Subsequently the two nobles Moammad Salari and Malik

Izzuddin Kabir Khan'n who were the pillars of the opponent

group secretly joined Raziya's camp and came out openly

against the erring nobles.' 2 This act of theirs paralysed the

whole resistance which shattered in no time. Malik Jani was

killed near a village called Payal whereas Malik Koochi and his

brother, Fakhruddin were taken into captivity and finally put to

death.43 Nizam-ul-Mulk, the arch and stubborn opponent of

Raziya took shelter in the sirmur hills, where he met an

unheroic death.^^

Finally Raziya's path was cleared not only by providence

but by her endurance, valour and tactfulness she now turned

into consolidate her position by making herself aware of even

minute details of administration. In this respect her first task

was to appoint her confident nobles in important offices so that

when ever necessary in times of crisis she could depend in their

loyalty and support. Thus Malik Kabir Ikhtiyaruddin Aitikin

was assigned the province of badaun.^s who later occupied the

post of Amir-i-Hajib.' 6 Malik Izzuddin Kabir was entrusted with

the province of Lahore.47 whereas Hindu Khan was appointed as

76

the governor of Uchch'*^ and Malik Taysi, as the governor of

Awadh. Khwaja Muhazzabuddin was bestowed the title of

Nizam-ul-Mulk and was entrusted the office of vazir.^Q Malik

Saifuddin Aibak was appointed as the commanden-in-chief of

the army v^dth the title of Qutlug khan, so After his demise Malik

Qutbuddin Hasan Ghori was entrusted with this office.si

Another important consideration which Raziya appears to

have in her mind while making these appointments was to

avoid the concentration of power in the hands of a particular

section of nobility. This aimed to prevent them from forming a

clique in the court for their selfish ends. Raziya embarked upon

the policy of enlisting and patronizing non-Turkish nobles on

whom she could bank upon in times of political crisis.52 thus

she patronized non-Turkish nobles to create a new force to

serve her political ends. Jamaluddin Yaqut, the Abyssinian

slave, received special consideration for being a non-Turk. He

occupied the prestigious office of Amir-i-Akhur.53 (The master of

horses) which according to tradition was enjoyed by turk

nobles. This act of Raziya faced great opposition from Turkish

nobles who were being deprived of their privileges and rights by

the Sultan.

77

The next step of Raziya was to establish place and order

within the Sultanate. She turned her attention towards

Ranthambhor,54 a region which was a constant source of

trouble since the days of Sultan lltutmish. After the demise of

Sultan lltutmish the Chauhans under the leadership of

vagbhatta.55 Threw off the royal yoke and besieged the fort of

Ranthambhor. Raziya dispatched Qutbuddin Hasan Ghori to

fight the rebellious Rajputs.56 The royal army broke the seige,

and freed the Muslims held up in the fort.57

Raziya while conducting State affairs set a new pattern

she gave up Purdah^s and wore long robe) turbon.^s instead of

using traditional feminine dress. She openly rode on

elephants.60 Raziya presided over the proceeding of the court,^!

and dispensed justice in on impartial manner.62

Another Important campaign during the reign of Raziya

was undertaken against Gwalior in March 1238 A.D.63 The

seige proved to be a long drawn out affair without any results.

During the combat, Minhaj along with other prestigious

personalities joined Raziya's Camp. On 19 ^ March 1230 A.D it

was through the Mediation of Min haj al-Siraj that a settlement

was finally reached between the two combating parties. The

Sultan thereby assigned the post of Qazi of Gwalior.^^ to Minhaj

78

who was also given the charge of the Madarsa-i-Nasiriya, at

Delhi.65

Raziya was soon called upon to deal with Malik Izuddin

Tughril Tughan Khan.^^ who defied the royal authority. Being

an ambitious noble, he broke all his connections with the

Sultanate and declared himself as an independent ruler at

Lakhnavati. Raziya failed to bring this defiant noble under

control due to her involvement in many other problems.67

In 1239-40 A.D. the governor of Lahore Malik Izuddin

Kabir Khan^s came out in open conflict with Sultan.^s Raziya

crushed his uprising and the erring noble once again accepted

her authority.'^o

Turning to the province of Multan, She appointed Malik

Izzuddin Kabir KhanJi This arrangement clearly showed that

Raziya had pardoned the noble for his misconduct and

attempted to ensure peace in the Sultanate. After making this

arrangement on 15^ March 1240 A.D.72 She returned back to

the capital.

Hardly, she reached Delhi once again she had to set out

to suppress the revolt of Altuniya, the governor of Tabarhindah.

On Srd April 1240 A.D a she moved ahead to meet the rebel. But

she had to face unfavorable situation air arch supporter was

79

slained74 and her nobles and state officers secretly helped the

rebel Altuniya'^s against these heavy odds Raziya could not

stand for long she was finally defeated and imprisoned in the

fort of Tabarhendah/fi Her imprisonment proved a boon for the

ambitious and intriguing nobles who elevated Bahram Shah/' '

as the new Sultan on 21*^ April 1240A.DJ8

Razia exhibited skill and competence in handling day to

day administration. She was well versed in the art of warfare.

She led the armed forces to battlefields and exhibited valour

and skill. Realizing the significance of well organized army, she

took full care in recruiting men of courage in the army. The

Khokhars and Jats of the Punjab too were recruited as soldiers

in the army.79 The office of Naib-e-Lashkar in the army received

prominence but after her death it lost its significance.so It was

the Naib-i-Lashkar who led the contingent with the same zeal,

courage and enthusiasm in the absence of the Sultan. Raziya

was very particular about the welfare of the soldiers. She often

rewarded the soldiers generously in order to keep them happy

and contented.81 Malik Saifuddin and after his demise,

Qutbuddin Hasan Ghori occupied the office of Naib-i-Lashkar

and carried out their duties with perfection.^2

80

She dispersed justice without discrimination along with

Qazi.83 Raziya issued silver coins at Lakhnavati bearing her

official title Jalaluddin,^^ This was her maiden contribution in

the realm of numismatic. Indeed, Raziya was a talented and

intelligent lady.^s She seems to have taken keen interest in

education also. She was fond of music and gave musicians

royal patronage. She herself composed verses under the

nomdeplume of Shirin.86 Raziya could recite Quran and all

other prayers in the proper manner.^7 Thus, being a woman of

intellectual aptitude she stood for the encouragement of

education during her regime she patronized men of letters.^^

Minhaj was entrusted the task of supervision of Madarsa-

i-Nasiriya^^ which became a centre of learning in her reign. The

Delhi Sultanate was besel with numerous problems when

Raziya took up the reigns of the state, through her tact and per

severance she overcame her difficulties and controlled the

situation she succeeded in establishing peace and order in the

sultanate. 90

Her feminine sex in no way was an impediment to her

success,9i for Raziya achieved her objective because of her

determination and courage. True, in certain spheres she could

not achieve complete success as in the case of the defences of

North - West frontier or campaign against Gwalior and

Ranthambhor. But for these failures circumstances were also

responsible to a great extent and Raziya cannot be blamed

alone.

Role of Malik -i-Jahan Political Life in the Khalji Dynasty

During the Khalj Dynasty, Malik-i-Jahan, the wife of

Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji s wielded authority as wife, mother

and mother in law. As wife of Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji, she

enjoyed complete influence over her husband.^s Not only this

amongst the nobility also Malika-Jahan Commanded a

respectable status. The extent of her influence can be

illustrated by the episode.

Once when Sultan Jalaluddin Khaliji expressed his wife to

adopt the title of "Al Mujahid fi SabiullahQ* (The fighter in the

path of Almighty) he sought his consort's (Malika-i-Jahan)

advice. Not only this he also requested her to speak on his

behalf to the nobles to propose the title to him in the court.

Since Malika-i-Jahan commanded a lot of respect amongst the

nobles she found no problem in gaining their consent, it was at

her persuasion the nobles proposed the Sultan to accept the

title^s (Al Mujahid fi Sabiullah) but later on the Sultan himself

declined to accept it.^e

82

She played an Important role in straining Sultan Alauddin

Khalji's relations not only with his wife but also with his father

in law, Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji. She poisoned the Sultan's ears

against Alauddin and also convinced him of his intriguring and

ambitious nature who aim at carving out an independent

principality for himself.^^ Perhaps, it was her insistence, upon

this fact, which created a feeling of suspicion in the mind of

Sultan Malik-i- Jahan made things worse for Sultan Alauddin

Khalji whe she incited her daughter (Sultan Alauddin Khalji's

wife). To ignore her husband. She was responsible for creating

misunder standing between Alauddin and his wife. Alauddin

was placed in a miserable condition but her never complained

the Sultan the misdeeds of Malika-i-Jahan, it seems that he did

not want to hurt the sentiments of his humble father inlaw. But

Sultan Alauddin's earnest desire was to settle down at a far of

peace so that he could remain away both from his wife and his

mother-in law.^s

Malika-i-Jahan played the most treacherous role of a

mother in politics especially after the death of Sultan Jalauddin

Khalji, laying aside the claims of Arkali Khan (her edler son) for

throne who was then at Multan she supported Qadr Khan and

enthroned him, with the title of Ruknuddin Ibrahim.^^ This act

83

caused dissatisfaction amongst the nobles who were opposed to

Qadr Khan. They preferred a mature, experienced and brave

heir, like Arkali Khan.ioo Blinded by ambition and desire for

royal authority Malika-i-Jahan. Who lacked both patience and

Intelligence completely ignored the power of the nobles, o

She concentrated all powers in her hands and practically

ruled in the name of her son. She heard petitions and issued

decrees. 102 To gain support of a section of nobility Malika-i-

Jahan provided them with important offices and assigned

territories to them. ^ But this liberal attitude of her's could not

case the situation. She did not possess the requisite intelligence

and skill to handle the political crisis smoothly. Sultan

Ruknuddin Ibrahim became a puppet in her hand who too was

incompetent to handle the situation. Not only did the nobles

oppose the royal authority but her son Arkali Khan too watched

his mother's actions with dread and stayed back at Multan.io^

The nobles whom she had attempted to win over to her side

changed their camp and extended their support to Alauddin

Khalji.105

Hard pressed from all corners Malik-i-Jahan was left with

no alternative but ask help from her elder son Arkali Khan. She

84

accepted her mistake in elevating Qadr Khan to the throne^oe

and asked to be pardoned for her foolish act. lo

Her petitions had no effect upon Arkali Khan who did not

respond to her every of help. The situation had gone beyond his

control and it was not possible to check Alauddin's action. ^

Taking advantage of the strained relations between Malika-i-

Jahan and arkali Khan, Alauddin Khalji marched forward with

case. 109

The strained relations between Sultan Alauddin Khalji

and his wife.iio Were further complication by the incharitable

attitude of his mother-in law, Malik-i-Jahani^i Afraid of Public

disgrace and reluctant to hurt Sutlan Jalaluddin Khalji,

Alauddin Khalji did not openly protest against undersirable

activities of his wife and mother-in-law. But in his heart of

hearts Sultan Alauddin Khalji felt very dejected. 112 This was the

main cause of his remaining away from his wife and mother in

law. 113 The fact that Sultan Alauddin Khalji himself had a

haughty and uncompromising temperament can also not be

over looked in this context, n^

Role of Makhdama-i-Jahan and Khudavandzada in Tugluq

Period.

85

The Tughluq Dynasty witnessed the political influence of

Makhdama-i-Jahan and Khudavandzada, the mother and

Sultan Mohammad-bin Tughluq respectively.

Makhduma-i-Jahan, the wife of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughluq

(1320-25 A.D.) and mother of Sultan Mohammad-bin-Tughluq

(1324-51 A.D.) was a virtuous, benevolent and charitable

woman. 115 she was held in great esteem by her son, Sultan

Mohamamd-bin Tughluq who took particular care in looking

after her welfare. The Sultan sought her able advice not only in

the management of the royal household but also on various

political issues. 116 it was through her timely intervention that

the marriage of Raasti, daughter of Sultan Mohammad-bin-

Tughluq was saolemnized with Shaikh FathuUah-bin-Shaikh

Auhaduddin Nagori, the grandson of Baba Farid in 1327-28

A.D. atDaultabad.117

Makhduma-i-Jahan enjoyed considerable influence in

political spheres. She received envoys and royal guests at

court. 118 Amongst them one was Ibn Battutah, the African

Traveller. In the absence of the Sultan, she welcomed Ibn

Battutah, hosted a lavish banquet to grace the occasion, n^ She

received gifts and presents from the guests and distributed

them to others with an open hearts with an open heart. A

86

separate department was organized which kept an account of

her gifts and grants. Being a women of charitable disposition. 120

She maintained a number of inns for the comfort of the

Travellers which were run by state exchequer. 121 Her acts of

charity were a boon for several families which survived merely

because of her help. 22 Sultan Mohamamd-bin Tughluq's death

(20th March 1351 A.D.) plunged Delhi Sultanate into great

confusion and chaos it was further aggravated when the

deceased Sultan's eldest sister Khudavandzadai23 intervened in

the matters of succession. Being in the royal lineage she put

forward the claims of her son, Davar Malik to the throne

against Firuz Shah Tughlug.124 she dersired to achieve her

ends by being harsh to the nobles. This hostile attitude of

Khudavandzada infuriated the nobility who opposed her

claims. 125

The nobles made it clear to her that at such critical hour

there was need of a competent person on the throne who could

save the sultanate from disruption. 126 por this purpose Davar

Malik seemed too immature in comparison to Firuz Shah. 127

But Khudavandzada was firm in her stand and pressed the

claims of her son for succession. She cared for his interest more

and was least concerned about the welfare of the Sultanate.

87

In order to avoid a civil war, Malik Saifuddini22 an

influential noble of the court, made efforts to pacify

khudavandzada's Stabborn attitude. 129

He succeeded in his attempts and she withdrew her

agitation. 30 Thus she could not procure the throne for her son.

The nobles assigned him the office of Naib Barbak.i^i

Khudavandzada yielded to the wishes of the nobles, in favour of

Firuz Shah, yet in her heart of hearts she longed to place her

son on the throne. 122

Firuz Shah left no stones unturned in maintaining cordial

relationship with his aunt, Khundavandzada, he considered it

proper to be coroneted by her.^^s Since then Sultan Firoz Shah

made it a point to pay visit to Khudavandazada every Friday

after evening prayer. i34 Thus the Sultan continuously expressed

his gratitude's and paid his respect. During these visits Sultan

Firuz Shah and Khudavandzada sat on the same carpet and

discussed issues of importance. i35

It was after taking betal leaf from her that the Sultan

came back to his palace. During these meeting

Khudavandzada's husband, Khusrau Maliki36 stood besides

them and her son Davar Malik Sat behind her mother. 37 jt

shows that she enjoyed great repect and privilege. It appears

88

that she asserted herself in presence of her son and husband.

As noted earlier Khudavandzada had never abandoned the idea

of placing her soon upon the throne. i38 she was just looking

after the right moment. She along with her husband organized

a conspiracy against the Sultan to get rid of him at the time

when he visited her.^^g por this purpose the armed guards were

asked to stay in the nearby chamber and at Khudavandzada's

signal they were to attack the Sultan, i- o Firuz Shah was

completely unaware of this whole plot. As usual he went to visit

Khudavandzada but the timely gesture of Davar Malik upset the

plan and Firuz Shah escaped unhurt, i^i The armed guards

were arrested and they confessed their guilt, i' ^ Even though

her attempt to kill firuz Shah ended in failure the Sultan

continued to treat Khudavandzada with consideration and

granted her a fixed allowance. Her scheming husband, Khusrau

Malik was deported^^s while davar Malik was ordered to visit

the Sultan every month attired in a robe and slippers. 14 His

property and wealth was confiscated to the state treasury. I' s

The ambitious and conspiring Kudavandzada met an

unhappy end.i^e Perhaps if she had not schemed against sultan

she would have had a smooth and luxurious life. But her

unwise act undid her better prospects.

89

The Role of Bibe Raji in Sharqi Kingdom of Jaunpur:

A lady who played a significant role in the politics of the

Sharqi kingdom was Bibi Raji. She was the guiding force not

only during her husbands reign but also after his death. She

was the daughter of Sayyid Sultan Mubarak Shah^'*'' and was

known for her intellecti'^s and charitable disposition. During the

reign of her son (Sultan Hussain Shah Sharqi) she assumed all

powers in her hands and looked after the welfare and well being

of her subjects.

Bibi Raji was married to the crown prince. Mahmud

Sharqi this marriage was solemnized to strengthen the bends of

friendship between the Sayyid rulers of Delhi and the Sharqis of

Jaunpur in 1427 A.D.149 when the Sayyids were over thrown by

the Lodis, Bibi Raji felt humiliated and wanted to avenge the

defent by acquiring the throne of her ancestors. For this

purpose she compelled her husband, who was earlier reluctant

to undertake the expedition against lodis it was on her behest

that Sultan Mahmud Sharqi Marched against the army of Delhi

and faught the battle of narela in the year 1452 A.D.iso

Luckily, the tables turned in the favour of Sharqis who

defeated the Lodis. Qutb Khan was taken captive and brought

to Delhi, where he was treated generously chiefly because of

90

Bibi Raji. Ultimately, Thus brought about the peace treaty

between the two conflicting parties.

On the sudden demise of Sultan Mahmud Sharqi in the

year 1457 A.D.i^i a vacuum was created in the political sphere

with the support of the nobles Bibi Raji elevated prince

Bhikhan Khan under the title of Mohd Shah Sharqi 12 to the

throne 153 soon Bibi Raji realized her mistake because the new

Sultan was a crafty and self-interested person. He had no love

either for his mother or for his brothers. 14 He ordered the

Kotwal of Jaunpur to kill Qutb Khan Lodi and Hasan Khan^^s

who were kept under the careful Supervision of Bibi Raji. The

Kotwal expressed his help lessness in carrying out the orders of

Sultan Mohammad Shah Sharqi as the two enjoyed the

patronage of Bibi Raji.ise

The Sultan could go to any limits to accomplish designs.

Thus he requested his mother, Bibi Raji to Negotiate terms for

peace between him and other princes. 57 When she went for

negotiation, Hasan Khan was killed by the Kotwal of Jaunpur at

Sultan Mohammad Sharqis orders, iss On reaching Kannauj the

received this news and realized the wickedness of Sultan

Mohamamd Sharqi. While she was plunged in untold grief at

the loss of Prince Hasan Khan, the Sultan asked her to wait

91

further to mourn the death of all her sons in quick

succession. 159 This was the turning point in Bibi Raji's

behaviour she now brought about a coup degraceiso (peaceful

revolution with the support of the nobles by elevating Husain

Shah Sharqi to the throne.

Malik Mubarak Gung and Malik Ali Gujarati accompanied

the new Sultan to oppose Sultan Mohammad Sharqi who was

killed in the most dramatic manner's, i i

It was Bibi Raji, who had planned his fall cleverly. She

bribed one of his guards who removed the head of the Sultan's

arrows. 162 Thus rendering him handicapped he could fight only

with his sword, so was easily killed. ^

Sultan Husain Shah respected his mother and acted on

her experienced advice. Who she died at Etawah in the year

1477 A.D. The Sultan felt very sad. Even Sultan Bahlol Lodi

mourned at her demise for she enjoyed great respect in his

heart.

Originally belonging to the Sayyid dynasty. Bibi Raji

became a renowned queen in the Shaqi Kingdom by the dint of

her wisdom and tact she was instrumental in getting a peace

treaty signed thereby enabling Item to live in peace. After her

husband's demise the manoeured to depose the tyrant Sultan

92

Mohamamd Sharqi with great skill. She was then responsible

for elevating Sutlan Husain Sharqi to the throne i '* such was

the influence of Bibi Raji in the political areas of Sharqi

Kingdom of Jaunpur .

The Role of Bibi Khunza

During the reign of Sultan Husain Shah Shrqi, his Chief

queen Malika-i-Jahan Bibi Khunza^^s was an ambitious and

intriguing women. She also wielded political authority. i e The

Sultan passionately loved his wife and she often persuaded her

husband to fulfil his desire, i ? Bibi Khunza threatened husband

that in the event of his failure to pursue Sultan Bahlol Lodi she

would herself lead the army against Delhi to over throw Sultan

Bahlol Lodi. 168 it appears that she could not put up with the

idea of Sultan Bahlal Lodi ruling Delhi Sultanate because she

was the daughter of Sultan Alauddin Alam Shah, the last

Sayyid Sultan (1445-51 A.D.y^^ As such she considered it her

right to occupy the throne of Delhi. For this reason she

continuously instigated Sultan Husain Shah Sharqi to

overthrow Sultan Bahlol Lodi to retrieve the throne of her

ancestors. 170 Discussing the situation with Malik Shams Sultan

Husain Shah Sharqi avoided a war against Sultan Bahlol Lodi.

93

However it was Bibi Khunza's persuasion which

ultimately led Sultan Husain Shah Sharqi to undertake the

campaign against Sultan Bahlol Lodi.i^i With a strength of

140,000 cavalry-men and 1400 elephants he went to capture

Delhi in the year 1473 A.D. this armed conflict ended in

disaster as Sultan Sharqi's army was defeated. 12 A large booty

fell into the hands of Sultan Bahlol Lodi which also included

Bibi Khunzai73 who had accompanied Sultan Husain Shah

Sharqi to the battlefield.

The influence of women in the political sphere during the

Sultanate period varied according to their personality, family

connections, political situation and the character of the sultan.

As Sultan's wife, mother or sister they often played an

important role in matter of succession, was and peace. By

virtue of their tact, intelligence and diplomacy, they often

strengthened the Sultanate. But sometimes impelled by their

ambition, intriguing and self seeking nature, their participation

in political issues created more problems for the Sultanate.

Role of Shams Khalun under the Lodis

During the Lodi period a number of women influenced the

political affairs of the time, the first lady who participated in

politics during the Lodi period was shams Khatun, the chief

94

wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi.i''4 she commanded a place of honour

in the Sultan's harem. The Sultan loved her and always tried to

fulfil her desires.

During Sultan Bahlol Lodi's struggle with Mohammad

Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur, his brother-in-law, Qutb Khan was

taken as captivei'^'^ soon sultan Bahlol lodi sought for peace

treaty and after entering into terms with sultan Mohamamd

Sharqi returned back to Delhi. On reaching Dan Kaur he

received a letter from his wife shams Khatun urging him not to

opt for a cease fire and not to relax until and unless her brother

was freed from the clutches of Sultan Mohammad Sharqi. ' ^

These words provoked Sultan Bahlol Lodi who at once retraced

his steps back to wards Jaunpur to meet Sultan Mohammad

sharqi with greater force, i' ' Now his prime objective was to free

Qutb Khan, his brother-in-law from captivity.

Thus it was the intervention of Shams Khatun which led

Sultan Bahlol Lodi to march once again to Jaunpur . She

became the cause of re-opening the war with Sharqi ruler,

though the Sltan had earlier entered into a peace treaty to end

it.

During the Lodi period, Bibi Ambha, the daughter of a

Hindu goldsmith and the wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi also played

95

a significant role in the political life. She was an accomplished

woman known for her charm and pleasant manners. ' ^ Her

long black hair and rosy cheeks stole the heart of Prince Bahlol

Lodi who was then the governor of Sir Hind ' ^ Though She was

a Hindu girl but after his occasion to the throne Sultan Bahlol

Lodi married her.^^o

Along with beauty Bibi Ambha^si had a sharp intellect. She

took part in politics by pressing the claims of her son to the

throne after the death of Sultan Bahlol Lodi (July 1489 A.D.)

she opposed Isa Khan Lodi (son of Tater Khan Lodi), and

pleaded the nobles to extend their support infavour of her son,

Nizam Khan.

However, Isa Khan, openly rebuked her saying that what

a gold smith's son had to do with the throne. 12 This hurt the

nobles and khan-i-Khanan Farmali especially objected to such

a harsh treatment towards the Sultan's widow, i ^ Not only did

this subdue Bibi Ambha's opponents but also made the nobles,

extend full support to her enthroning Nizam Khan Sultan under

the title of sultan Sikander Lodi.

Thus it was through tact and perseverance that Bibi

Ambha got the support of the nobles. She easily suppressed the

opposition and won the throne for her son. In the year 1452

96

A.D. when Sultan Mahmud Sharqi, the ruler of Jaunpur,

besieged the fort of Delhi, 14 at the instigation of his wife (Bibi

Raji)i85 to defeat the lodis.ise Bibi Mattu (the wife of Islam Khan

Lodi)i8v played an important role in that critical situation, it

was her tact, intelligence and presence of mind which out

witted Sultan Mahmud Sharqi. She made a wise plan to deceive

the enemy as Sultan Bahlol Lodi was in Sirhind^ss and the

number of males in the fort were few.i o She ordered the women

in the fort to dress up like men and asked them to take their

position on the rampart of the fort.i^i

Role of Ladies in Religions Life

During the period under review reference are found of a

number of ladies who were known for their piety and religious

out look. Some of them had even developed Spiritual powers

and could perform acts of miracle.

i) Bibi Zulaikha

Bibi Zulaikha, the mother of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya,

was renowned for the piety and Saintly life. She had full faith in

her prayers and always depended upon the mercy of Allah, 12

Once she had nothing to eat for herself and for her son but she

was not perturbed and calmey said "we are Allah guests

today. 193 The next day she received a huge quantity of grain in

97

gift from a generous person. That is low her prayers were

granted. When once her female servant fled away, she found it

difficult to employ another one.i ' As usual she prayed to god

for her return. Saying that she would not place her clock

(daman) on her head till god listened to lH^ wocsi** She wailed

a waited for a Divine miracle. Surpifisingly enough, the

whereabouts &( the maid was traced and the very next day she

returned back to resume her services.^^e

Paying tributes to his mother, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya

remarked that there was a unique relation between her and

Allah because, Allah always fulfilled her desires and wishes.

She possessed unique intuition of foreseeing the future in her

dreams. 197 it was by virtue of her initiation that she prophesied

that one day her son would earn great fame and honour as a

saint. These words came true after the demise of his mother^^s

When she was on her death bed. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya

was very much disturbed because he was still too young to face

the life all alone, when he expressed his concern that after her

death who would look after him, she took his right hand into

hers, and said to God "I am handling him over to you''.i99

These events show that Bibi Zulaikha had full faith in

God who in return always granted her prayers. Whenever she

98

desired anything, or faced any crisis she recited an eulogy

(Durood, special praises of Prophet) Five hundred times in

prayer and her needs were fulfilled.200 it was Shaikh

Nizamuddin Auliya's mother who had sown the seeds of God's

love in his heart.201 The had great reverence for her. After her

death he used to visit her tomb regularly and recited 'Fatiha'

'Darood' and prayers for the place of her soul.

Sultan Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah Khalji disturbed the

routine of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya by asking him to came

and pray in the royal mosque.202 Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya

refused to abide by the royal orders as he loved to offer his

prayers in the mosque, near his house. The Sultan who

threatened him of dire consequences. Hardly, was this event

forgotten when the Sultan again ordered Shaikh Nizamuddin

Auliya along with others to come and boy obeisance to him on

every first day of the new moon.203 This placed Shaikh

Nizamuddin Auliya in a fix because it clashed with his regular

visit to his mother's grave.204 Sitting by the side of his mothers

grave, he prayed for being rescued from the ruler.205 Amazingly

enough, his prayers were answered when there occurred a

Sudden political turmoil which brought the assassination of

Sultan Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah Khalji.206

99

These events show the mustic power which both the

mother and the son possessed. They always turned to God for

his mercy in times of crisis.

ii) Bibi Auliya

Another famous lady of the period was Bibi Auliya who

lived during the reign of Sultan Mohammad bin-Tughluq. She

was a gentle and a kind hearted lady. 207 The Sultan held her in

great Esteem. Sufis also had deep regards for her. Thus due to

her piety and virtues she became a cherished personage.208

She had a number of Children who owned their leanings to sufi

doctrines to their mother. Foremost among them was Shaikh

Ahmad.209

iii) Bibi Sara

Bibi Sara, was the mother of Shaikh Nizamuddin Abul

Mund who was known for her genial and religious bend of

mind.210 She observed strict Purdash and it was well known

that no male had ever seen her in her private life.211 Devoted to

prayers and religious pursuits she was believed to have

possessed miraculous mystic power. It did not rain in Delhi for

long and the inhabitants of that place prayed to Allah for relief.

But there was no respite. So the Shaikh took the help of his

100

motJier and holding her "damaan prayed to the Almighty to

send rain.212 in no time a miracle happened. There was sudden

showers of rain which provided relief to the agency of the people

of Delhi.213

iv) Bibi Raasti

Bibi Raasti was the wife of Shaikh Sadruddin Arif and

mother of Shaikh Rukhnuddin Abul Path. She was a pious and

religious minded woman.2i4 She used to read the whole Quran

daily.215 Her strong faith in sufi doctrines incited her to become

the disciple of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya.2i6 Once when she

was pregnant she visited the sheikh who treated her in an extra

ordinary manner than ever before. Bibi Raasti was quite

surprised at his behaviour and enquired about the cause of it.

The Shaikh explained to her that it was a humble tribute to her

because she was going to be the mother of a great saint too.2i7

v) Bibi Jamal

The daughter of Shaikh Muinuddin Chisti,2i8 was also a

pious lady who passed saints life but further details about her

are not available.2i9

Khadiya Wife of Shaikh Hamiduddins

The wives of the Sufi also played an important role and

their influence upon their husbands cannot be undermined.

Khadija was a kind hearted religious and a humble woman, she

led an ideal life looking after the household chores and helping

her husband in earning their livelihood by spinning and

weaving.220 in spite of their hard work their earnings were not

enough to make both the ends meet, they lived almost on the

verge of starvation and penury. Sultan iltutmish wanted to

bestow royal patronage on Shaikh Hamiduddin.221 A governor

was sent by him to confer upon Shaikh Hamiduddin a Jagir

besides presenting Five hundred Silver Tankas.222

Shaikh Hamiduddin could not decide whether to accept

the gift or not. He consulted his wife and got a satisfactory

answer which had a profound impact upon him.223

Though driven to this pathetic condition of poverty she

was not tempted by the royal offer and politely asked her

husband to decline its.224 Consoling her husband she said that

she had spun two sears of yam which would be enough to

provide her a 'dupatta' and the 'Shaik' a lion cloth. She

emphasized that a royal patronage and affluence would be

impediments in their spiritual pursuit. 225 The Shaikh was

102

visibly moved and impressed by the moral courage and

determination of his wife.226

He admired her honesty and hard work to earn a modest

livelihood and refrain from worldly temptations,

Khawaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kakis neighbour

Sharfuddin, was a green grocer. They were quite intimate and

their wives visited each other's home, very often Sharfuddin's

wife even provided financial help to Khwaja Kaki's family.

Unfortunately, this generous act of her's was undermined

by her nagging disposition. Once there occurred a difference of

opinion between the two women. During the altercation the

green grocer's wife sarcastically remarked that had she

abstained from helping them they would have been reduced to

starvation.228 After this incident Khwaja Kaki asked his wife

never to seek any assistance fro their neighbour but to turn to

the mercy of Allah.229 He told her to recited 'Bismillah' in times

of need which would be enough to provide her bread.23o This

just indicates that Allah helps his followers silently, on the

other hand people boast loudly their act of charity.

There were some other women who were known for their

kindness and generosity. They served the Sufi Saintswith care

and devotion. There lived a pious and a hard working woman in

103

Ghiyaspur who earned her living23i by spinning and weaving.

With the money she earned she bought barley flour of which

she prepared bread and ate it without salt just to satisfy her

hunger. Once it so happened that Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya

and his disciples were camping near Ghiyaspur but had

nothing to break their fast with.232 When the lady heard this

she immediately sent all the flour she had to the Shaikh, who

instructed Kamaluddin Yaqub, one of his disciples to add equal

amount of water in it and prepare something for the "Fakirs''233

Due to the generosity of this women the Sufis were able to

break their fast with s imple porridge of barley. 234

The daughters of Baba Farid were also virtuous and

religious mindut. Syed Mohammad Mubarak Kirmani has given

the account of the virtues and qualities of the three daughters

of Baba Farid. The eldest, bibi Mashurah, observed Strick

Purdah,235 and led a pious life Bibi sharifah, beacem widow at

an early age. After which she devoted all her energies in

devotion to God.236

Her faith in prayers was immense, if Khilafat or delegation

of spiritual authority was allowed to women, Perhaps Bibi

Sharifah was fully qualified for it. She would have no doubt

became the Sajjadah (Successor).237 About the pious life of Bibi

104

Sharifah it was remarked that if all women followed her mode of

living, it would unquestionably enhance the status of women

with respect to men.238

Bibi Fatimah, the youngest daughter of Baba Farid was

married to Maulana Badruddin Ishaq.239 She became a widow

quite early and was left all alone to face the ups and down of

life along with her two sons - Khawaja Mohammad Ishaq and

Khawaja Muss. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya was much disturbed

at the Sudden demise of Bibi Fatimah's husband. To console

her and provide some relief he asked Sayyid Mohammad

Kirmani tobring her along with her children to Delhi. ^o

This led to the remour that Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya

wanted to marry Bibi Fatimah, but when the Shaikh reached

Delhi Bibi Fatimah had already passed away.2^1

Thus it seems that the ladies during this period were free

to pursue and develop a life of religion devotion.2'*2 They could

visit mosques, perform prayers and keep fasts. So me of them

even rose high and developed mystic powers, their piety and

generosity no doubt brought them fame and respect.

105

References

1. M. Aziz Ahmad, Political History and institutions of

the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, New Delhi, 1972,

p.191.

2. Lokesh Chandra Nand Women in Delhi Sultanate,

Allahabad, 1989, p.57.

3. Mohd. Aziz Ahmad, Political History and institutions

of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, New Delhi,

1972, p. 188.

4. S.B.P. Nigam, Nobility under the Sultans of Delhi,

Delhi, 1969, p.27

5. A.B.M. Habibullah, The foundation of Muslim Rule in

India, Allahabad, 1976, pp.97-98.

6. Ibid.

7. K.A. Nizami, Some Aspects of religion and Politics in

India During Thirteenth Century, Delhi, 1975,

pp. 135-136.

8. Ibid.

9. Ibid.

10. Ibid., p. 136.

106

11. S.B.P. Nigam, Nobality under the Sultans of Delhi,

Delhi, 1969, p.29

12. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Raverty I, pp. 635-636.

13. Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi, tr. Basu, P.23; badaoni I,

p. 119; Ferishta 1, p. 121; religion 85 Politics, prof.

Nizami, p. 136

14. K.A. Nizami, op. cit, 136.

15. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Raverty I, pp. 637: Tabaqat-i-

Nasiri, Tr. Elliot 86 Dowson, II, pp. 232.

16. Ibid., p.302

17. Ibid., p.32

18. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr, Raverty I, p. 638; Isami II, p.251;

Ferishta I, p. 121; Aziz Ahmad, p. 145; Habibullah,

p.97.

19. Ibid.

20. Habibullah, op. cit., p.97

21 . Ibid., p.97

22. Religion 85 Politics, Prof. K.A. Nizami, p. 172; Muslim

Civilization in India, S.M. Ikram, p.89.

23. Qureshi, op. cit., p.54

107

24. Ibid.

25. S.B.P. Nigam, Op. cit., p.44

26. Ibid.

27. Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi, Text, p.23; Ferishta I,

p . l 2 1 .

28. Prof. K.A. Nizami, op. cit., pp. 135-136.

29. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot 85 Dowson II, p .331.

30. Ibn Battutah, Tr. Elliot 86 Dowson III, p.592, Isami, II,

p.250.

31. Prof. K.A. Nizami, op. cit., p. 136.

32. Isami, Text, p. 127.

33. HabibuUah, p.99

34. Prof. K.A. Nizami, Op. cit., p. 136

35. Ibid., p.636.

36. HabibuUah, op. cit., p.99.

37. Tabaqat-i-nasiri, Tr. Elliot 8B Donson II, p.334.

38. Ibid.

39. HabibuUah, op. cit., p.99.

40. Tabaqat-i-nasiri, Tr. Elliot 8& Donson II, p.334.

108

41. Mohd. Aziz Ahmad, Political History and institutions

of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, New Delhi,

1972, p. 199.

42. Tabaqat-i-nasiri, Tr. Elliot 85 Donson II, p.334.

43. Habibullah, op. cit, p . lOl .

44. Tabaqat-i-nasiri, Tr. Elliot 85 Donson II, p.334.

45. Prof. K.A. Nizami, op. cit., p. 135

46. Mohd. Aziz Ahmad, op. cit., p. 199.

47. U.N. Day, p. 147

48. Mohd. Aziz Ahmad, op. cit., p.200.

49. Ibid., p. 195

50. Ibid.

51. Isami, p.342.

52. Habibullah, op. cit , p. 151.

53. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot &, Donson II, p.335.

54. Ahluwalia, pp.66-67.

55. Ibid., pp. 66-67.

56. Tabaqat-i-nasiri, Tr. Elliot & Donson II, p.337

57. Aziz Ahmad., pp. 193.

109

58. Ibid.

59. S.B.P. Nigam., pp. 31.

60. Ibid

61 . Habibullaha., pp. 99.

62. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot 86 Donson 11, p.335.

63. Prof. K.A. Nizami, op. c i t , p . l40 .

64. Ibid

65. Isami, p.352.

66. Ibid., p.360.

67. Prof. K.A. Nizami, op. ci t , p. 147.

68. Ibid., p. 151.

69. Habibullah, op. cit., p . l l 5 .

70. Ibid., pp. 120.

71 . Ahluwalia, pp.70-71.

72. Ibid., pp. 74.

73. Isami, p.352.

74. Habibullah, op. cit., p. 157.

75. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot 86 Donson II, p.345.

76. Ahluwalia, pp.75.

77. Ibid., pp. 77.

78. Tabaqat-i-nasiri, Tr. Elliot 86 Donson II, p.340

79. Aziz Ahmad., pp. 197.

80. Ibid.

81. S.B.P. Nigam., pp. 35.

82. Ibid

83. Habibullaha., pp. 105.

84. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot 85 Donson II, p.341.

85. Prof. K.A. Nizami, op. cit., p. 151.

86. Ibid

87. Isami, p.367.

88. Ibid., p.369.

89. Prof. K.A. Nizami, op. cit., p. 160.

90. Ibid., p. 163.

91 . Habibullah, op. cit., p. 125.

92. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi (B), T. Elliot and Dowson III,

p. 156; Khaizain-ul-Futuh Tr. Habib, p.38.

93. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shah (A) T. Elliot 85 dowson III, p. 156.

11

94. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (B), Tr. Elliot and Dowson Ilird,

P. 143; Tabqat-i-Akbari I, p. 140; History of the Khalji,

K.S. Lai, p.21

95. Tabaqat-i-Akbari I, p. 140; Histoiy of the Khalji's K.S.

Lai, p.21.

96. Tarikh-i-fimz Shahi (B), Tr. Elliot 86 dowson III, pp.

143-144; Tabaqat-i-Akbari I, p. 140.

97. Ibid.

98. Frishta I, pp. 171-172; History of the Khaljis, K.S. Lai,

p.43.

99. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi (B) Tr. Elliot & Dowson III,

p.143-144.

100. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (B), Tr. Elliot 85 Dowson III,

p. 156; Khaizan-ul-Futuh, Tr. Habib, p.38; Tabaqat-i-

akbari I, p. 152; Histoiy of the Khaljis, K.S. Lai, P.70.

101. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (B), Tr. Elliot & Dowson III,

P.156.

102. Histoiy of the Khaljis, K.S. Lai, p.70.

103. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (b), Tr. Elliot 85 Dowson III,

p. 156; History of the Khaljis, K.S. Lai, p.70

12

104. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi (B), Tr. Elliot 8B Dowson III,

p. 156; Tabaqat-i-akbari I, p. 152.

105. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi (B), Tr. Elliot 85 Dowson III,

p. 156; Khaizain-ul-Futih, Tr. Habib, P.38.

106. Ibid.

107. Ibid

108. Barani calls her "Sillies of the Silly; Tarikh-i-Firoz

Shahi (B) Tr. Elliot 8B Dowson III, P. 156, 159; Khalji

Kaleem, p43; Tarikh-i-firuz Shahi (B), Tr. Fuller 8B

Khallaque, P. 13; Khaizain-ul-Futuh, Tr. Habib, p.38.

109. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (B), Tr.EUiot 8B Dowson-III,

pp. 159-160; Farishta I, p. 182.

110. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (B), Tr. Elliot 8& Dowson, P. 140,

149; History of the Khaljis, K.S. Lai, p.60.

111. Ibn Battutah, Tr. Mahdi, p.40; History of the Khaljis,

K.S. Lai, p.42.

112. Isamil II, p.395.

113. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shah (A), Elliot 8B Dowson, p.60.

114. Zafar-ul-Ilali, p . l54.

13

115. Tarikh-i- Firuz Shahi (A) Tr. Elliot and Dowson III,

p.274, Ibn Battutah, Rehla, Eng. Tr. Mahdi Husain,

baroda, 1953, p. 118.

116. Quraunah Turks, p.318, I. Prasad - through no

historical accounts relates a direct political

indulgence of Makhaduma-i-Jahan, upon the

measures and acts of Sultan Mohamamd bin

Tughlaq.

117. Hameeduddin Nagori, Sarus-us-Sudur, M.S.S., AMU,

Aligarh

118. Quraunah Turks, I. Prasad, p. 130.

119. Ibn Battutah , op. sit, p. 121

120. Lokesk Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate,

Allahabad, 1989, p.81.

121. IbnBattutah, op. cit, p.l80.

122. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (A) Ellior and Dowson, p.276.

123. U.N. Day, Some Aspects of Medieval Indian History,

Delhi, 1971, p . m .

124. Tarikh-i- Firuz Shahi (A) op. cit., p.276

125. Ibid.

14

126. Ibid.

127. Ibid.

128. Ibid.

129. Ibid.

130. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (A) Elliot aj>d Bmrson III, p.276.

131. Ibid.

132. R.C. Jauhari , Firuz Tughluq, Agra, 1986, p. 15.

133. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (A) Elliot 85 Dowson III, p.276.

134. Ibid. p.291

135. Ibid.

136. J.M. Banerjee, History of Firuz Shah Tughluq, Delhi,

p .23 . '

137. Habib Mohd and K.A. Nizami, A comprensive History

of India, Bombay, 1970, p.81, Vol-V, writes that

Khusrav Malik was Khudavandzada's son

138. R.C. Jauhari , Firuz Tughluq, p.38

139. J.M. Banerjee, History of Firuz Shah Tughluq, p.23.

140. J.M. Banerjee, op. cit., p.23.

115

141. H. Mohamamd and K.A. Nizami, comprehensive

History of India, Vol. V, p.581, writes that Khusrav

Malik Khudavandzada's another son signated Firuz

Shah of the calaminity.

142. J.M. Banerjee, op.cit., p.23

143. Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi, Eng. Tr. K.K. Basu, Baroda,

1932, p.133.

144. Ameer Ali, Islamic History and Culture, Delhi, 1978,

p. 197, writes The Davar Malik was elevated a

respectable place in the court.

145. Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi, Eng. Tr. K.K. Basu, p. 133

recorded that Devar malik, Khudavandzada son (from

the other husband than Khusrav Malik)

146. Tarikh-i- Firuz Shahi, Elliot and Dowson III, p.292.

147. Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahmad, p. 198- asserts

that she was the daughter of Sayyid Alauddin

Badayoni. Muslim University Journal, Oct. 1938.

Harem influence in the Fifteenth Century Politics,

S.A. Halim, p.52.

148. NaiamatuUah, Tr. Dorn, P.48; Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur,

Iqbal Ahmad, p. 199.

149. Muslim University Journal, Oct. 1938 Harem

influences in the fifteenth century politcs, S.A. Halim,

p.52

150. She Sharqi Sultanate of Jaunpur , S.M. Mohammad,

Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahamd, p.201.

151. Tarikh-i-daudi, Text, P.M.; Tarikh-i-Daudi, Tr. Rizvi

Uttar Timur 1, p.249; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, Tr. Rizvi,

Uttar Timur I, p.249.

152. Tarikh-i-Daudi, Tr. Rizvi, Uttar Timur I, p.249;

Naimatullah Tr. Dom, p.48; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, Tr.

Rizvi, Uttar Timur I, p.204, The Sharqi Sultanate of

Jaunpur , S.M. Mohammad, p,78.

153. Feri^hta, Tr. Rizvi, Uttar Timur II, p.20.

154. Iqbal Ahmad, Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur , p.203.

155. NiamatuUah; S.M. Mohammad, The Sharqi Sultanate

of Jaunpur , S.M. Mohamamd, p.80 Sharqi Rajya

Jaunpur , Iqbal Ahmad, p.203.

156. Twilight of Sultanate, K.S. Lai, P. 140, The Sharqi

Sultanate of jaunpur, S.M. Mohamamd, p.80; Sharqi

Rajya Jaunpur Iqbal Ahmad.

117

157. History of Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Abdul

Halim, p.28; the Sharqi Sultanate of Jaunpur , S.M.

Mohammad, p.80

158. Twilight of the Sultanate, K.S. Lai, p. 140; Sharqi

Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahmad, p.204.

159. A.B. Pandey, The First Afghan Empire in India, p.75

160. The First Afghan Empire in India, A.B. Pandey, p,75.

161. Tarikh-i-Daudi I p.349, Tarikh-i-Shahi, 1, p.314;

Twilight of the Sultanate, K.S. Lai, P. 141; History of

Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Abdul Haleem, pp.

29-30. The Sharqi Sultanate of Jaunpur , S.M.

Mohammd, p.82; Rajya Jaunpur , Iqbal Ahmad p.206.

162. Lokest Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultan, p. 102.

163. A.B. Pandey, The First Afghan Empire in India, p.80;

Twilight of the Sultanate, K.S. Lai, P. 147; Sharqi

Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahmad, p.216.

164. S.M. Mohammad, The Sharqi Sultanate of Jaunpur ,

p.112.

165. Ferishta II, p.310 named her as Halila, Cambridge

History III, p.255, names the wife of Sultan Husain of

Sharqi as Jaliala.

118

166. Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahamd, p.209; The

Sharqi Sultanate Jaunpur , S.M. Mohamamd, P.88;

The proceeding of India History congress, patna 1946.

Husain Shah the last of the Sharqis, A. Halim, p.246.

167. Sharqi Rajya of Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahmad, p.211,

168. Twilight of the Sultanate, K.S. Lai, p. 1356; History of

Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Abul Halim, P.39;

P.I.H.C. Patna, 1946; Husain Shah the last of the

SHarqis, A. Halim, p.246.

169. Sharqi Sultnate of Jaunpur , S.M. Mohammad, p.88;

Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahmad p.214.

170. Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahmad, p.211; The

Sharqi Sultanate of Jaunpur , S.M. mohamamd, p.88;

The first Afghan Empire in India, A.B. Pandey, p.70:

Hostory of Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Abul

Halim, pp. 39-40.

171. The Sharqi Sultanate of Jaunpur , S.M. Mohammad,

p.87; Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur , Iqbal Ahmad, p.211.

172. Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahmad, p.211.

173. Niamatullah, Tr. Dorn, p.52; tabaqat-i-Akbari, Tr.

Rizvi, Uttar Timur II, P. 11; The Sharqi Sultanate of

19

Jaunpur , S.M. Mohammad, p.90; Sharqi Rajya

Jaunpur , Iqbal Ahmad, p.213.

174. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate,

p.97.

175. Ibid.

176. Ibid.

177. Ibid., p.98

178. Ibid., p.98

179. Ibid., p.98

180. Ibid., p.98

181. Ibid., p.98

182. Abdul Halim, History of Lodi Sultans of Delhi and

Agra, Delhi, 1924, p.59.

183. Ibid.

184. Ibid., p.21

185. A.B. Pandey, The First Afghan Empire in India,

Clacutta, 1956, p.63.

186. Lokesh Chandra Nand, women in Delhi Sultanate,

p.99.

120

187. Abdul Halim, History of Lodi Sultans of Delhi and

Agra, p.21.

188. Lokesh Chandra Nad, Women in Delhi Sultanate,

p.99

189. Ibid., p. 100

190. Ibid.

191. Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S., p.75, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar,

p.282.

192. Siyar-ul-Auliya, p. 113; Akhbar-ul Akhyar, p.282;

Religion and politics. Prof. K.A. Nizami, p.201: Society

and Cuture, p. 138.

193. Ibid.

194. Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S., p.76

195. Ibid.

196. ibid.

197. Ibid

198. Akbar-ul-Akhyar, p.283.

199. Ibid, p.282

200. Fariduddin Ganji Shakar, Prof. K.A. Nixami, p.IS;

Sufism in India, Vol.1, p. 139 - bibi Qarsum, the

121

mother of Baba farid and Motehr of Shaikh Bakhtiyar

Kaki played Similar roles in infusing spiritual traits

in their sons mined great women of India, R.C.

Mazumdar, p.340; Mohd. Noor Nabi, Development of

Muslim Religious Thought in India, p.51.

201. Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S. p.76; Sufism in India, Vol.1,

P.402

202. Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p.282

203. Ibid.

204. Siyar-ul-Auliya, p. 133; Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p.282.

205. Ibid

206. Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, pp.282-283.

207. Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, pp.282; Sufism in India, Vol. I,

p.403.

208. Ibid.

209. Ibid

210. Akbar-ul-Akhyar, p.280; Sifism in India, vol.1, p.401

211. Ibid.

212. Ibid.

213. Ibid

122

214. Siyar-ul-Arifm, M.S.S. pp. 116-117

215. Ibid.

216. Ibid.

217. Ibid., Sufism in India, vol.1, p.210, The Same details

are narrated without specifying the name of the

woman concerned.

218. Akhbar-ui-Akhyar, p. 110

219. Ibid

220. Saruz-us-Sudur, M.S.S., p.9; Religion and Politics,

p. 186; Society and Culture, Rashid, p. 139.

221. Ibid.

222. Ibid.

223. Suruz-us-Sudur, M.S.S., p.9; Religion and politics.

Prof., p. 186; Soceity and Culture, p. 139.

224. Siyar-ul-Auliya, pp.139-140.

225. Ibid.

226. Religion and Politics, p. 187, Indian Muslims, p. 151

227. Siyar-ul-Arifm, M.S.S., p.47; Sufism in India, Vol.1,

p. 137

228. Siyar-ul-Arifm, M.S.S., p.47.

123

229. Ibid.

230. Sufism in India, Vol.1, p. 137

231. Ibid.

232. Siyar-ul-Arifin, M.S.S., P.97

233. Ibid.

234. Siyar-ul-Arifm, M., p.97

235. Siyar-ul-Auliya, p. 191; Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S., p. 102.

236. Society and Culture, p. 139

237. Ibid.

238. Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S., p. 102

239. Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S. P. 102; Fariduddin Ganji

Shakar, Prof. K.A. Nizami, P.66; Religion and Politics,

p. 195 Sufism in India, vol.1, p. 150.

240. Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S.; p. 102

241. Siyar-ul-Auliya, pp. 191-193; Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S.,

p. 102; Fariduddin Ganji Shakar, p.66.

242. Development of Muslim Religions thought in India,

p. 103.

124

CONCLUSION

CONCLUSION

The period of Muslim rule in India has great importance

from different aspects including socio -cultural development. It

had marked great progress in academic field and cultural life.

The present M.Phil work examines this development as

especially in the in the context of women.

As a background of this study it was necessary to find out

how Islam was introduced in India and what has been main

factors for the development of socio-cultural institution of

Muslim in this country.

It is evident from the alone study that at the initial stage

it was contribution of the Aral traders who introduced Islam in

south India and it goes to the credit of ulema and Sufis who

worked for the Propagation and spread of Islam in different

parts of the country. The rulers have also their role in this work

through providing favorable atmosphere for the some

patronizing and encouraging Ulema and preachers of Islam.

The discussion under the present work shows that after

establishment of Muslim rule in India the Muslim population

came to the divided into different classes. This division not

based on the caste system, actually existed in view of either

political connection or socio-economic status. This findings of

125

the work showed out that every section of Muslim society

including women was given freedom to develop its faculties and

to contribute to socio-cultural life.

Special study about the position of women of the

sultanate period brings to focus the please of respect given to

them in Muslim society and the concern of the contemporary

rules and other section of the society for betterment of their

social position. It appears that they participated in socio-

cultural activities and contributed to academic life in their some

ways though there were some religious restrictions on their

activities outside their home. But it is established from the

present work that women of the sultanate period especially

those belonging to upper class family took part in political

matters and had also their say in state affairs. Many of the

ladies of period were not only educated, they also showed

interest in the promotion of learning and development of

academic activities.

The period was also marked by flourishment of such

ladies whose piety and religious life was even recognized by the

eminent saints of the period.

The present M.Phil work has great importance in a

situation where interest in the study of social-cultural activities

126

is rising day by day. This humble work has more importance in

view of the fact that Muslim society of medieval India was

considered more interest in the study of the contribution of

Muslim women to socio-cultural life with regard to medieval

period.

127

BIBLIOCRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources

M. A. Hasan: Awarif-ul-Ma'arif, Eng Tr. By H. W. Clarke,

Calcutta, 1891.

Abu Raihan Alberuni: Kitab-ul-Hind, Eng Tr. By E. Sachav

(Condon).

Abdul Haq: Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, Delhi, 1283, Hijri.

Ahmad Yadgar: Tarikh-i-Shahi or Tarikh-i-Salatin-i-Afghana.

Amir Hashan Dehlevi: Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Lucknow, 1894.

Kashf-ul-Mahjub, EngTr. By Ra. A. Nicholson, London, 1911.

Hasht Bahisht, ed. Maulana Sayyid Suleiman Ashraf, Aligarh,

1918.

Matlu-ul-Anwar. Amir Khusrau completed this poem the year

698/128.

Matlaul Anwar, ed. Murtaza Khan Shervani.

Nuh Sipihr, ed. Mohd. Wahid Mirza, Calcutta, 1948.

Firuz Shah Tughluq: Futuhat-i-Finiz Shahi, ed. by Sheikh Abdul

Rasheed, Eng. Tr. A. Rasheed and M. A. Makhdoomi.

Hameed Fazalullah Dervesh: Siyar-ul-Arifin, M. S. S., A.M.U.,

Aligarh.

Hameeduddin Nagori: Sarus-us-Sudur, M. S. S., A.M.U.,

Aligarh.

Hamid Qalander: Khair-ul-Majalis, ed. K. A. Nizami, Aligarh.

128

Ibn Battutah: Rehla, Eng. Tr. Mahdi Husain, Baroda, 1953,

Eng. Tr. H.A.R. Gibb, lYavets tn A^nct and Africa. London,

1957.

Isami: The Futuh-us-Salatin, ed. A. Mahdl Hui3am, Agra, 1983,

Eng. Tr. Agha Mahdi, Vol. II, III, 1976, 1977.

Minhaj-us-Siraj: Tabaqat-i-Mohammadi, Eng. Tr. Zaki

Mohammad, Aligarh, 1972.

Sachau E.G.: Al Beruni's India, Vol. I, II, Delhi, 1964.

Shams Siraj Afif: Tarikh-i-Finiz Shahi, ed. Maulvi Vilayat

Husain, Galcutta, 1891.

Sharife-Jafar: Qanun-i-Islam.

Yahya bin Ahmad bin Abdullah As Sirhindi: Tarikh-i-Mubarak

Shahi, ed. Shams-ui-Ulama, Galcutta, 1931, Eng. Tr. K.K.

Basu, Baroda, Oriental Institute, 1932.

Ziyauddin Barani: (i) Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, Eng. Tr. A. R. Fuller

• and A. Khallaque, The Reign of Alauddin Khalji, Galcutta,

1967. (ii) Fatawa-I-Jahandari, Eng. Tr. Prof, Habib and

Dr. (Mrs.) Afsar Umar Salim Khan, The Political Theory of

the Delhi Sultanate, Allahabad.

Secondary Sources

Ahmad, Basheer Muhammad: The Administration of Justice in

Medieval India, Karachi, 1951.

Ahmed, Manazir: Sultan Firuz Shah Tughluq, Allahabad, 1978.

Ali Sayeed Ameer: Islamic History and Culture, Delhi, 1978.

Ali Yusuf Abdulah: Medieval India, London, 1932.

129

Ashra, K. M.: Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan,

New Delhi, 1970.

Aziz Ahmad, Mohd.: Political History and Institutions of the Early

Turkish Empire of Delhi, New Delhi, 1972.

Banerjee, A. C. : The state and society in Northern India,

Calcutta, 1982.

Banerjee, J. M. : History ofFiruz Shah Tughluq, Delhi, 1967.

Baveja, Malik Ram : Women in Islam, Tr. M. Abdul Ali, Delhi,

1979.

Bhattacharya, V. : The Spirit of Indian Culture, Delhi, 1980.

Crooke, William : Religion and Folklore of Northern India, New

Delhi.

Day, U. N. : Some Aspects of Medieval Indian History, Delhi,

1971.

Day, U. N. : Medieval Malwa, Delhi, 1965.

Elliot K.C.B. Sir H. M. Prof. John Dowson : The History of India

by its own Historians, Vol. 11, III, IV, Allahabad.

Elphistone : The History of India, London, 1905.

Habibullah, A. B. M. : The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India,

Allahabad, 1976.

Habib, Mohammad : Hazrat Amir Khusrau of Delhi, Bombay,

1927.

Habib Mohd. and K. A. Nizami : A Comprehensive History of

India, Vol. V, Bombay, 1970.

Halim, Abdul : History ofLodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Delhi,

1924.

130

Hamidullah, Mohd. F - 16 : Introduction of Islam, Paris, 1969.

Hitti, P. K. : The Arabs - A Short History, London, 1948.

: History of the Arabs, London, 1953

Hussain, Mahdi Agha : Tugluq Dynasty, Calcutta, 1963.

: The Rise and Fall of Mohammad-bin-

Tughluq, Delhi, 1972.

Hussain, Yusuf : Indo-Muslim Polity, Simla, 1971, Glimpses of

Medieval Indian Culture, Bombay, 1957.

Ikam, S. M. : Muslim Civilization in India, London, 1964.

Jaffar, S. M. : Education in Muslim India, Peshawar, 1936.

: Some Cultural Aspects of Muslim Rule in India,

Peshawar, 1939.

Jauhari , R. C. : Firuz Tughluq, Agra, 1968.

Lai, K. S. : History oftheKhaljis, Allahabad, 1950.

: Twilight of the Sultanate, Bombay, 1963.

: The Sprit of Muslim Government, Nagpur, 1947.

: Studies in Medieval Indian History, Delhi, 1966.

: Growth of Muslim Population in Medieval India, Delhi,

1973.

Latif, Abdul Sayed : Bases of Islamic Culture, Delhi, 1977.

: An Outline of the Cultural History of India,

Hyderabad, 1958.

Law. Narendra Nath : Promotion of Learning in India. During

Muhammadan Rule, Delhi, 1973.

Major, R. H. : India in the Fifteenth Century, Delhi, 1974.

131

Mazumdar, B. P. : Socio-Economic History of Northern India,

Calcutta, 1960.

Mazumdar, R. C. ed. : Great Women of India, Calcutta, 1953.

Menon, Indu M. : Status of Muslim Women in India, New Delhi,

1981.

Mirza Wahid Mohd. : The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau,

Delhi, 1374.

Mujeeb, M.: The Indian Muslim, London, 1967.

Nabi, Noor Mohd. : Development of Muslim Religions Thought in

India, Aligarh, 1962.

Nand, Lokesh Chandra, Women in Delhi Sultanate, Allahabad,

1989.

Nigam, S. B. P. : Nobility under the Sultans of Delhi, 1969.

Nizami, K. A. : Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India

During the Thirteenth century, Delhi 1978.

: The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin

Ganjishakar, Delhi, 1973.

: Supplement to Elliot and Dowson's History of India,

Vol. II, III, Delhi, 1981.

: On History and Historians of Medieval India, Delhi,

1983.

Ojha. P. N. : North Indian Social Life, Delhi, 1975.

Pandey, A. B. : The First Afghan Empire in India, Calcutta,

1956.

: Society and Government in Medieval India,

Allahabad, 1965.

132

Prasad, Ishwari : A History of the Qaraunah Turks in India, Vol.

I, Allahabad, 1974.

Qurashi, I. H. : The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi,

Lahore, 1942.

Radha Krishnan, S. : Religion and Society, London, 1966.

Rashid, A. : Society and Culture in Medieval India, Calcutta,

1969.

: Jalaluddin Firuz ShahKhalji (M.U.J.).

Rizvi, S. A. A. : Muslim Revivalist Movements in Northern India,

Lucknow, 1965.

Roberts, Robert : The Social Laws of the Quran, Delhi 1978.

Roy, N. B. : Studies in Islamic History.

Saeed Main Mohd. : The Sharqi Sultanate ofJaunpur, Pakistan,

1972.

Sahu, Kishori Prasad : Some Aspects of North Indian Social Life,

Calcutta , 1973.

Saran, P. : Islamic Polity, Allahabad.

Sen, A. K. : People and Politics in Early Medieval India, Calcutta,

1963.

Sharma, Brij Narain : Social Life in Northern India, Delhi, 1966.

Shervani, H. K. : Early Muslim Political Thought and

Administration, Delhi, 1976.

Siddiqui, Mohammad Mazheruddin : Women in Islam, Lahore,

1952.

Srivastava, A. L. : Medieval Indian Culture, Agra. 1964.

133

: Delhi Sultanate, Agra, 1972.

Tara Chand : Influence of Islam on Indian Culture, Allahabad,

1963.

Thaper, Romila : Ancient Indian Social History, Delhi, 1978.

Topa, Ishwara : Politics in Pre-Mughal Times, Delhi, 1976.

Tripathi, R. P. : Some Aspects of Muslim Administration,

Allahabad, 1978.

Yadava B. N. S. : Society and Culture in Northern India in

Twelfth Century, Allahabad, 1973.

Zaidi, Syed M. H. : Position of Women under Islam, Calcutta,

1935.

: Quranic Purdah and Distinguished Muslim

Women, Calcutta, 1932.

: The Muslim womanhood in Revolution,

Calcutta, 1937.

Lai, Kishori Saran : Growth of Muslim Population in Medieval

India, Research Publication, 1973, Delhi.

Golati, Saraj : Women and Society North India in the IP^ and

12^^ centuries, Delhi, 1985.

Journal

Journal of the Aligarh Historical Research Institute, Vol. I, No.

2, 3 July-Oct., 1941.

Medieval Indian Quarterly, Vol. Ill, No. 1, July-Oct. 1957, Vol I,

Oct. 1950.

Muslim University Journal, March 1943, Vol. I, Oct. 1938. Vol.

V, No. 2

134