GIFTOFSHIVAJISHIVAJIAND HIS TIMESJADUNATHSARKAR, m.a.,Indian Educational Service(Bihar),SECONDEDITIONRevisedandenlarged.LONGMANS,GREENANDCO.39PaternosterRow,LondonFOURTH AVENUE AND 30TH STREET. NEW YORK1920WORKSBYPROF.JADUNATHSARKAR.HistoryofAurangzib,basedonoriginalsources.Vol. I.Reignof ShahJahan.,,II. WarofSuccession.III. NorthernIndia,1658-1681.IV. SouthernIndia,1645-1689.ShivajiandHisTimes,anoriginal lifebasedon anexhaustivestudy of Persian,Marathi andHindisources,andEnglishDutch andPortugueseRecords. 2ndedition,revised andenlarged.StudiesinMughalIndia,22 historicalessays.Economicsof BritishIndia,4thedition,broughtupto 1917.Anecdotes ofAurangzib,'.(Pfcrisfaitext ofAhkam-i-AlamgiriwithEnglish. ... . to&ans.,*notes,and a life ofAurangzib.)MughalAdministration,astudyof itsmachinery,officialduties,policy,procedure,achievements and failure.Chaitanya'sLifeandTeachings,translated from the saint's 16thcentury Bengalibiography.PREFACE.FirstEdition, (April, 1919.)Anew and criticalstudyofShivaji'slife andcharacter haslongbeendue,as the lastscholarlywork on thesubjectwascomposed, byCaptainJamesGrantDuff,acentury ago,and a vast massoforiginalmaterial unknown to him has becomeaccessible to the student since then. Toputthecasebriefly,thepresentwork differs from hiseminentlyreadable and still valuableHistory oftheMahrattas, (3 Vols., 1826),in therigid preferenceofcontemporaryrecords to latercompilations,and theexhaustive and minute use of the availablesources,bothprintedand MS.inPersian,English,MarathiandHindi,aswell astheDutchRecordsin the IndiaOffice,London.Thepresentwork marks an advance on GrantDuff'sHistoryin threepointsinparticular:First, amongPersian materials hisonlyautho-rities were KhafiKhan,who wrote 108yearsafterthe birth ofShivajiand isadmittedlyunreliablewhere he does not borrowfaithfullyfrom earlierwriters,andBhimsen,anincorrect and brief transla-tion of whoseJournal (by JonathanScott, 1794)alonewasthenavailable.Ihave,ontheotherhand,reliedontheabsolutelycontemporaryofficial histories44&U3&6 SHIVAJI. [preface.of ShahJahanandAurangzib,Muhammad andAli AdilShah, manyhistorical letters inPersian,the entire letter-books ofJai SinghandAurangzib,dailybulletins ofAurangzib'sCourt,and the fulltext of Bhimsen as well as anothercontemporaryHindu historian inPersian, viz.,IshwardasNagar,all of which were unknown to Grant Duff.Secondly,he relied too much on the uncriticaland oftendeliberatelyfalse ChitnisBakhar,written183yearsafterShivaji'sbirth,while I havepreferredthe work ofShivaji'scourtier, Sabhasad,and alsoincorporatedwhatever is valuable and abovesuspicioninthemassofMarathimaterialspublishedbya band of devoted Indian workers at Puna andSataraduringthe last 40years.GrantDuff,more-over,worked onsingle manuscriptsof the Marathichronicles;butwelive in ahappieragewhenthesesources have beencarefullyedited with variationsofreadingand notes.Thirdly,theEnglishandDutchFactoryRecordshavebeenmoreminutelysearchedbymeandeveryuseful information has been extracted from them.Two minorimprovementswhich,Ihope,willbeappreciatedbythereader,are the exactpositionsof all theplaces mentioned,traced with thehelpoftheextremelyaccurate GovernmentSurvey maps,and thechronology,which is the most detailedpossiblein theexistingstate of ourknowledgeandcorrects Grant Duff's numerous inaccuracies in thisrespectPREFACE. 7Fromthepurelyliterary pointofview,thebookwouldhavegainedmuchbybeingmadeshorter. ButsomanyfalselegendsaboutShivajiarecurrentinourcountryand theShivaji mythisdevelopingso fast(attendedattimeswiththefabricationofdocuments),that I haveconsidered itnecessaryin the interests ofhistorical truth togive every fact,howeversmall,abouthim that has been ascertained onunimpeach-able evidenceand to discuss theprobabilitiesof theothers.The Marathas wereonlyoneamongthemanythreads in thetangledwebof Deccanhistoryin theSeventeenthcentury.Therefore,to understand thetrue causes and fullconsequencesofShivaji*s ownacts andpolicy,it isnecessaryto have a detailedknowledgeof the internal affairs of theMughalempire, BijapurandGolkonda also. Thepresentwork is more than a merebiographyof Shiva;itfrequentlydeals with thecontemporary historyofthese three MuslimStates, thoughan exhaustivetreatment of thesubject belongstomy History ofAurangzib,Vol. IVSecondEdition, (June, 1920.)In the secondedition,occasion has been takentoenlargethe book andsubjectit to a minuterevision andcorrection,the most noticeableexampleof the last-mentionedbeingthepositionofPonda in Ch. X.Amongthe moreimportantadditions are a critical examination of the evidencefor theJavliandAfzalKhanaffairs,a full discussion8SHIVAJI.[preface.of the real nature of theMarathisourcesandacom-parativeestimate of the evidential value of theEnglish,Persianand Marathirecords,an account oftheveryfirst battle between theEnglishand theMarathas(here publishedforthe firsttime), Shivajfsletter ofprotest againstthejaziya,and alongnoteon hispersonal appearanceand extantportraits.Ihave also inserted at theproper placesnotes on theextent of his dominion in1648, 1655, 1660,and1674-5,whichtogetherwith their extent at his death(previouslygiven)willenablethereadertorememberthe broad outlines of his territorialexpansionandthus take abird's-eyeview of thegrowthof hispowerin successiveages.His most authenticportrait has, also,beenreproducedinthisedition.JadunathSarkar.CONTENTS.Preface ... ... ... vChapterI. TheLandandthePeopleI18Population speakingMarathi,1boundaries ofMaharashtra,2rainfall andcrops,3isolatedvalleysof the westernbelt,5hill-forts,6allpeopleworkhard,7character: lack ofeleganceandtaste,9pride, courageandhardiness,9socialequality,10religiousreformers,11literature andlanguage.12minstrels,14Marathasanation,15defects ofcharacter,17.ChapterII.BoyhoodandYouth ... 1954Birth ofShivaji,19neglected byfather,21lonely boyhood,21miserable condition of Puna,23DadajiKond-dev'simprovements,24love ofjustice,25Shivaji's education,25the Mavalsdescribed,27subduedby Dadaji,28Shivaji'sHinduspirit,29love ofindependence,30declineofBijapur,32ShivacapturesTorna,32seizesPunadistrict,33gainsforts,34invades N.Konkan,35Shahji imprisoned,37ShivaappealstoMurad,40nShahjireleased,why?41BajiShyamraje's expedition,42Mores ofJavli,43Moresmurdered,45criticism of Shiva'sconduct,46gainsfrom theconquestofJavli,47earlyofficers,48extent ofterritory,49AppendixI.Murder of theMores,evidencediscussed,50.ChapterIII. FirstWarswithMughalsandBijapur... ... 5581Shiva'searly negotiationswithAurangzib,55raidsJunnarandAhmadnagar,56Mughaldefensivemeasures,57Nasiri Khan defeatsShiva,56*10SHIVAJI.Aurangzib guardsfrontier,59Shiva makespeace,61Aurangzib'sdistrust ofhim,62BijapurGovern-ment sends Afzal KhanagainstShiva,63hissacrileges,65AfzaTsdoingsatWai,66Shiva'sperplexity,67envoyfromAfzal,68Afzal reachesplaceofmeeting,71theaffray,72Afzal'sarmyattacked,74locallegendsaboutAfzal,76the"Afzal Khanballad,"77Maratha view of theaffair,78AppendixII. Affair of AfzalKhan,evidencediscussed,79.ChapterIV. StrenuousWarfare ... 82110Shaista KhanviceroyofDeccan,82SiddiJauhar besiegesShiva inPanhala,83Shiva'sescape, gallantryofBajiPrabhu,84ShaistaKhan'smarch onPuna,85siegeofChakan,87FirangjiNarsala,89Mughalsin N.Konkan,91Netaji'sdisastrousretreat,91night-attackon ShaistaKhan,93Suratdescribed,98panicandneglectofdefence,99heroic action ofEnglish factors,101Shivaji'sfirst sack ofSurat,103attemptonhislife,106Jaswant's siegeofKondana,109Shiva'smovementsin1664,109.ChapterV.ShivajiandJaiSingh... Ill151Jai Singhsent toDeccan,1 1 1his character,1 1 2hisplanofwar,1 1 5unites all the enemies ofShiva,115theatre of wardescribed,118rMughaloutposts,120march onPurandar,121Purandarhilldescribed,124Mughal siege-positions,125Vajragarh stormed,126Daud Khan's faithlessconduct,127Shiva'svillages ravaged,126*Marathas makediversions,130outer towers ofPurandarstormed,132MurarBaji'sdeath,135Shivaopens negotiations,136visitsJai Singh,137treaty ofPurandar : itsterms,139Shiva visitsDilir,141fortsdelivered,142Jai SinghinvadesBijapur,145Shivacapturesforts forMughals,145vCONTENTS.Handfights Bijapuri army,146retreat fromBijapur,147Shiva sentagainstPanhala, why?148fails tostormit,150Netajideserts toBijapur,150.ChapterVI. VisittoAurangzib... 152179Shiva's reluctance togotoAurangzib'sCourt,152hopesheld out tohim,153hisarrangementsfor home defenceduringhisabsence,155assertshisdignityatAurangabad,156his audience withAurangzib,157isplacedunderguard,161appealstoprime-minister,162Aurangzib's changesofpolicytoShiva,163Jai Singh'sadvice,163ShivaescapesfromAgrabystratagem,166hue andcry,168Shiva atMathura,169adventuresduringflight,171returnshome,173Shambhuji'sreturn,174Jai Singh'sanxietiesduringShiva'sflight,175renewedMarathahostilities,176Jai Singh's plottocatchShivaji,178.ChapterVII. 16671670 ... 180212Death ofJai Singh,180disunion inMughalviceroy's camp,181Shiva makespeacewithEmperor again,183Shambhu sent toAurangabad,185causes of Shiva'srupturewithMughals,186capturesKondana,namedSingh-garh,188siegesofMahuli,189Daud Khan'svigorous campaign,190DilirdisobeysPrinceMuazzam,192investigationbyIftikharKhan,193Dilirpursued by Muazzam,195second loot ofSurat,198refugeesatSwally,201frequent panicand ruin ofcommerce atSurat,203Shivaji gainsbattle ofVani,205sack ofKarinja,208ShivacapturesSalhir,21 1ChhatraSalBundela visitsShiva,211.ChapterVIII.Strugglewith theMughals,16701674... 213237Largearmies sentagainst Shiva,213DaudKhan'scampaignin the Chandorrange,21412SHIVAJI.Mahabat invadesMaharashtra,massacre ofPuna,216defeat of Ikhlas Khan nearSalhir,217Mughals expelledfromPuna,217Marathas con-quer JawharandRamnagar,218chauth demandedfromSurat,219KoliRajahs,221MughalofficersdeserttoShiva,222raid intoBerar,223successfulpursuit by Mughals,223Pedgaon, Mughalbase,225Shiva fails atShivner,226gainsSatara andPanhala,227raidsBijapuri Kanara,226"battle ofUmrani,230defeat and death ofPratap Rao,231Hambir Rao'sraids,232Bahlolsvictory,234Dilir defeatedby Shiva,234Mughal powerweakened,235extent of Shiva'sterritory,236.ChapterIX. CoronationofShivaji... 238259WhyShiva wanted to becrowned,238GagaBhatta declares him aKshatriya,241preparationsforcoronation,241religious ceremonies,242Shivaperformspenanceandis "madeaKshatriya,"but is denied Vedicmantras,244lavishgifts,245bath on coronationday,247coronation halldescribed,247enthronement,249Oxindenpre-sented,250streetprocessionatRaigarh,250costofcoronation,252loot ofMughal camp,253raidintoBaglanaand Khandesh,254intoKolhapur,255BahadurKhan deceivedby pretended negotia-tions,255Marathaactivities,257Shiva'sillness,258MughalsinvadeBijapur,259.ChapterX. South Konkan &Kanara 260292Kanarauplandsandcoast,260tradeandports,261Rustam-i-Zaman's concert withShiva,262EnglishcollisionwithShiva atRajapur,264Englishbrokers and Mr.Gyffard imprisonedbyMarathas,264released,265Englishmen fight againstShivaatPanhala,266Rajapurfactorsseized,266AdilShah invadesBednur,268Shiva in S. Konkancoast,269disorders in thecoast,270Shiva'sCONTENTS. 13doingsinKanara,272loot of Barcelore and black-mailingofKarvvar,274Bijapurisrecover and loseS.Konkan,277siegeofPondaraised,280plottocaptureGoaby stratagem,detected,281rebellionofRustam-i-Zaman,282sack ofHubli,283BahlolexpelsMarathas from Karwardistrict,284Shiva'sgrandraid into Kanarafails,285Mian Sahib'srebellion inBijapuriKanara,286ShivacapturesPonda,288andotherforts,290Marathafailure inSunda and success inBednur,291.Chapter XL NavalEnterprises... 293321TheSiddisofJanjira,293Shiva'searlyconflictswithSiddis,295Shivacaptures Danda,296VyankojiDattoviceroy,297Shiva'snavydescribed,298hissailors,299his mercantilemarine,299doingsof Marathafleet,300revolution atJanjira:Siddis enterMughalservice,302PortuguesedefeatMarathafleet,304Siddis recoverDanda,305Shiva's effortsfail,307naval war1672-75,308battle ofSatavli,310grandassault onJanjira byMarathas,311naval war1676-80,312Marathasfortify Khanderi,315navalbattleswiththeEnglish,316Englishmakepeace,319SiddisfortifyUnderiandbombardKhanderi,320.ChapterXII. Invasionof theKarnatak322352Shiva's need ofmoney,322Karnatak: itswealth,323Vyankojiand his ministerquarrel,325Bijapurindisorder,327Shiva securesMughalneutrality,328and alliance withGolkonda,329strictdisciplinein Shiva'sarmy,330hisgrand entryintoHaidarabad,331audience withQutbShah,334treatywithGolkonda,335feasts andreviews,336pilgrimageto ShriShaila,338religious frenzy,339marchesbyMadrascity,339Jinjifortcaptured,340siegeofTiruvadi,341siegeofVellore,342defeat of SherKhan,342presents14SHIVAJI.from Madrasfactors,340 and 343blackmail fromNayakofMadura,344Shiva invitesVyankojitointerview,344flightofVyankoji,345Shiva atVriddhachalam,347asks forsiege-engineersfromMadras,347entersMysore plateau,348Vellorecapitulates,349value of Shiva'sconquestsinKarnatak,349Vyankojiattacks Shiva'sagentShantaji,350peace,Madrasplainsrestored toVyankoji,352.ChapterXIII. HisLastYears ... 353383Route of return fromKarnatak,353fightwithSavitriBai,354attempttogain Bijapurfortbybribery,355ShambhujiattacksGoaterritory,356PeshwaplundersTrimbak-Nasik,357the MianasofKopaldistrict,357annexationsbeyond Tunga-bhadra,358secondfailure atShivner,359disorderinBijapurandweaknessofMasaud,361Shambhujideserts toDilir,362Marathastratagemto seizeBijapurfort, detected,363MughalsandBijapurisagainstShiva,364Dilircaptures Bhupalgarh,364MarathasfightIkhlasKhan,365andcaptureaMughal convoyatKarkamb,366Shivaji'sletter toAurangzib againstthejaziya,366Dilir invadesBijapur,371Shiva arrives nearBijapurtohelp,372Dilirravagesenvirons ofBijapur,373sacksAthni,374Shambhujireturns tofather,375Shivajidefeatedby Dilir,376fortifies Panhala as arefuge,376raidsKhandesh,377sackofJalna,377curse ofsaint,378Shiva defeatedbyRanmastKhan,378escapeswithheavyloss,379anxietyaboutsuccession,380lectures toShambhu,380intriguesamongShiva'swives,382death ofShivaji,382was hepoisoned?383.ChapterXIV.ShivajiandtheEnglishmerchantsoftheWestCoast ...384404Rajapurfactorskeptinprison,384theirCONTENTS.15wranglewith SuratCouncil,386Englishthink ofnavalreprisal,386prisonersreleased,387EnglishnegotiateforcompensationforRajapur factory,389the secret aims of the twoparties,389delicatepositionof theEnglish,391Ram Shenvi'sreport,391MarathaenvoyatBombay,392mission ofLt.Ustick,393embassyofNiccolls,395Shiva'slettertoBombay,396hisevasiveness,397embassyofOxinden,398itsresult,399RajapurfactorsinterviewShiva,400Austen'sembassy,401indemnityinkind,403Rajapur indemnityhow farpaid,404.ChapterXV.Government,Institutions,andpolicy... ... 405426Extent of hiskingdom,405threeprovinces,405belt ofterritory subjecttochauth,407natureofchauth,407his annualrevenue,408hoardedtreasure,408strengthof hisarmy,409elephantsandartillery,410earlyadministrativeofficers,410ashta-pradhans: theirpowers,41 1their titles andduties,412Kayastha clerks,413Army: organisa-tion offorts,414cavalry,415infantry,416salaries ofofficers,416howhisarmysubsisted,417Revenuesystem,418nofarmingofrevenue,nomilitary fiefs,419districtadministration,420religious policy,421Ramdas,42 1practicaleffectofShivaji's regulations,423spiritofbrigandage,423Aurangzib's despairofsubduing Shivaji,424anecdotes,424Shiva'spersonal appearance,425hisportraits,426.ChapterXVI.Shivaji's achievement,characterandplaceinHistory... 427-449Shivaji'sforeignpolicylike thatofMuslimkings,427mulk-giri,428causes of his failure to build anenduring State,429revival of Hinduorthodoxy,429castequarrelsanddivisions,430no elevation16SHIVAJI.ofpeople,432evils ofautocracy,433neglectofthe economicfactor,433necessityof raids andtheir ruinouseffect,434excess oftrickeryandintrigue,435failureagainst Wellesley,436character ofShivaji,436-hispoliticalideal,438naturalinsecurityofkingdom,439readiness forwar a condition of hisexistence,439his relationswithBijapur,440his truegreatness,440the lastconstructivegeniusamongHindus,441his influenceon the Hinduspirit,443.AppendixIII. CharacterofMarathirecordsaboutShivaji,445.Bibliography... ... ... 449-459Abbreviations ... ... ... 459SHIVAJIANDHISTIMESCHAPTER I.TheLandand the People.1.Extent, rainfall,soil andcrops.To-day nearlyeleven millions ofmen,formingabout half the entirepopulationof theBombayPresidency(minusitsunnaturaladjunct, Sindh), speakMarathi, andanother nine millionslivingin theCentralProvinces,the Nizam'sDominions,andotherparts,claim the samelanguageas their mother-tongue.*Thislanguagehas beensteadily gaininggroundsincethedaysof thePeshwas,and itspeace-ful annexation of the children of ruder and lessliterary tongueshasgoneon unabated evenduringthe Britishperiod.Butthe Marathacountryis notcoextensivewiththe land where the Marathispeech prevails to-day.*The Census of 1911 showed a total of 19*8 millions asspeakingMarathi(against18*23 millions in1901.)Of thistotal 10*74 millions live inBombayand itsStates,4*8 millionsin the C.P.,and 3*5 millions in the Haidarabad State.Marathi isspoken byabove 86p.c. of thepopulationof theKonkan division,85p.c.of the Deccandivision, andnearly54p.c. ofBombay city.In the C. P. 31p.c. and in theHaidarabad State 26p.c. of thepopulation speakit.;2 SHIVAJI.[CH.I.Four centuriesagothe name Maha-rashtra was con-fined to the westernedgeof the Deccanplateau,i.e.,to a tract bounded on the northbytheTapti,on the southbytheuppercourses of the Krishna(probablytheWarna),andonthe eastbythe Sina.*The cradle-land of Maharashtrawas, therefore,formedbytheNasik,PunaandSataradistricts,partsofAhmadnagarandSholapur,andprobablythewestern corner ofAurangabad,aroughtotal of28,000 squaremiles. The Maratha race was alsosettled in Konkan or the narrow land between theWestern Ghats and the Indian Ocean. Here thedistricts ofThana,Kolaba andRatnagiriand theState of Savant-vadi,with a total area of over10,000squaremiles,are nowpredominantlyMarathi-speaking;but in the 16thcenturya consi-derableportionofthepopulation, probablyone-half,belongedto other races andspokeothertongues.FourcenturiesagothepopulationofMaharashtrawasverythin and forests coveredmuchof the land.The westernedgeof the Deccanplateauissubjectto a low and uncertainrainfall,cultivation ispoor*"The word DekkanexpressesthecountrywateredbytheupperGodavari and thatlyingbetween that river and theKrishna. The name Maharashtra also seems at one time tohave been restricted to this tract. For thatcountryis,in thePuranas and otherworks,distinguishedon the one hand fromNorthern Konkan and from theregionson either side of theNarmada and theTapti,as well as from Vidarbha" or Berar.{Bom.Gaz. i.pt.ii.p.134, 587;xxiv.81.)STERILE ROCKY COUNTRY.andprecarious,and it isonly alongthe narrowmarginsof the fewrivers that thepeasantis assuredof agoodreturn for his labour. Fromnearlythewhole of the Western Deccan theheavyclouds ofthe S. W.monsoon are either shut outbythe Ghatrange,or,iftheysurmount thisbarrier, theysailawayto the eastleavingthe land unwatered anduntilled,so that "theDeccan,generally speaking,yieldsto much labour a bare measure ofsubsistence."*(Moraland Mat.Prog. 1911-12,P. 10.)*The rain isprecipitatedon the coast-line[i.e., Konkan]at anaverageof 100 to 120 inches[intheyear.]Once thecrest[ofthe WesternGhats]ispassed,theprecipitationdecreasesvery rapidly,until a belt is reachedonly35 milesfrom the hills where the rainfall isvery precariousandaverages onlyabout 17 inches. Further eastagain,the S. W.monsoon isnearly spent,but the influence of the N. E.monsoonbeginsto be felt and the rainfallimproves...South ofKhandesh,wegetthe Deccanproperdivided into three tracts[running parallelto the Ghats andcalled]theDangor Mavalto thewest,the Transition in the centre,and theDesk,orblack-soilplainto the east. The soil, however,is not fertile,and there arerangesof barerockyhillsrunningeast and west,spursso tospeakof the Ghats,which neither store water forcultivation nor attract the rainfall...The Karnatak[i.e.,theDharwar, Belgaum,andBijapur districts]has a more certainand morecopiousrainfall and more fertile soil."(Census ofIndia,1911,vii.pt.I,pp. 4-6.)Thewesternhillybelt is calledDangin the north(i.e., Baglana),Maval in the centre(i.e.,theNasik,Puna and Sataradistricts),and Mallad in the south(i.e., Karnatak.)TheKonkan,on the other hand,is an area4SHIVAJI.[CH.LIn such a soil rice cultivation isimpossible,andwheatandbarleygrowinverysmallquantities.Thestaple cropofmostof thisregionis thehardymillet,jawari, bajraandragior maize. But even thesecannotalwaysbedependedupon.Oneyearthe rainwouldfail,thesprouting plantswould be scorchedbythe sunortheyoungheads ofgrainwould shrinkand wither beforetheycangrowto fulness andripen,and there would be faminethroughoutthelengthand breadth of the land. Thesoil,coveredwith bare rock atplacesand withonlya thinlayerofmouldatothers,wouldbebakedto abrowndust,not agreenblade would be seenanywhere,and inadditionto thehumanvictimsthecattlewouldperishbytens of thousand.2.IsolationofthePeople.The brokenrockynature of thecountryandits abundanceofforests,while itkeptthepopulation*down,also madetravellingdifficult andunprofitable.Therewerenorichcourts, populouscities orthrivingmarts to attract merchants. Norwere thereregularoccasions for the march oflargebodies of soldiers,as from oneprovinceof acompactandmightyempireto another. Thecountrywas cutup byof certain andheavy rainfall, with rice for thepredominantcrop,"andalongthesea-coast,wherever there isanysoil... afringeofpalms, mango-gTOvesandplaintainorchards add tothebeautyof thelandscapeand the wealth of the inhabitants,Thanaand Kanara are forest-clad districts."(Ibid.)SMALL ISOLATED DISTRICTS. 5Nature into smallcompartmentsin whichthe nativeslived isolated self-containedlives,the worldforgettingandbytheworldforgot.This was true in aspecial degreeof the beltlying immediatelyeast of the Ghats. Theempiresof the central and more levelportionof the table-land,both in Hindu times andMuslim,had sentforth theirconqueringhosts westwards,but theflood of invasion had beenbroken at the foot of thehills or their numerousspurs,or,where a thinstream of it hadpoured throughthepasses,it hadretired after a short andunprofitable stay.In theirruggedandinhospitablenooks the natives hadfoundsafetyandpeace,while the richerplainshadbeen the scenes of revolution andrapine.This natural isolation of the western belt was/no doubtoccasionallybrokenbythepilgrim,thetrader,andthe soldier of fortune. Across thisruggedtractlayall the routes from theocean-portsof ourwestern coast to the richcapitalsand marts ofCentral Deccan.Throughit alone could the streamof recruits fromPersia, Arabia, Turkey, Abyssiniaand even Central Asia reach thewelcomingMuslimCourts ofKulbarga,Bidar, Ahmadnagar, BijapurandGolkonda.ThroughMaharashtra alone could thecloth,metal-ware andspicesof theupperGodavariand Krishnavalleysreach theirportsof embarkationforEurope.Then,again,the sterile soildiscouragedits sonsfrom the thankless task oftillingit.Strongmuscles6SH1VAJI.[CH.I.and stout hearts foundgreaterrewards and ahigherposition by servingin the armies of themightymonarchies of the centralplateau.Anablepartisanleader was sure ofhigh pay,noblerank,and itmightbe theproud positionof aking-maker,atanyof theseCourts,which wereconstantlyat warwith theirneighbours,andpreparedto bidhighforthe lances of useful condottieri from the Desh tract.But such occasional visitorsonly broughtabreath of the outer world to thesequesteredvalesof Maharashtra;theydid not disturb the noiselesstenor ofthe life of thenatives,for the natives them-selves hadhardlyoccasion to move. Even whentheywentabroad assoldiers, they usuallysettledthere in the fiefsgivento them andrarelyreturnedto their barren ancestral homes.The Marathapeople'sinborn love ofindepen-dence and isolation wasgreatly helped byNature,whichprovidedthem withmany ready-madeandeasilydefensible forts close athand,wheretheycouldquicklyflee forrefugeandwhencetheycouldoffer a tenacious resistance. Unlike theGangeticplain,thiscountrycould not beconqueredandannexedbyonecavalrydash or even oneyear'scampaigning.Here the natives had the chance ofmakingalong struggle against superiornumbersand,itmay be,ofrecoveringtheir own when theinvader was worn out. "The whole of the Ghatsandneighbouringmountainsoften terminate towardsthetopin a wall of smoothrock,thehighest pointsNATURAL FORTS ON HILL-TOPS./of which,as well as detachedportionson insulatedhills,form natural fortresses,where theonlylabourrequiredis togetaccess to the levelspace,whichgenerallylies on the summit. Variousprincesatdifferent times have cutflightsofstepsorwindingroadsuptherocks,fortified the entrance with asuccession ofgateways,and erected towers to com-mand theapproaches; andthus studded the wholeof theregionabout the Ghats and their brancheswith forts.""Inmanyof them there aresprings^of the finestwater,and in all asupplycan besecured,in tanks orreservoirs, duringtheperiodicalrains fromMayto October." The softtrapdis-solvinghasexposedthe hard basalt insteep scarpedprecipicesand smoothtops,which form natural3. Poverty, simplicityandequality of society.In such acountryno man can afford to leada sheltered life. There was noparasiteclass inancient Maharashtra. Even thevillageheadmen,who neither sowed norspun,had to work ascollectors ofrevenue,localjudgesandparochialpolicemen,to earn the fee on whichtheylived.There washardlya richman,exceptthe traderwho was also theonlybanker of thisprimitivesociety.Even the landlords were rich rather ingrain-heapsand armed retainers than ingoldand*Elphinstone's History,6th ed. 615. Duff. i. 7. Bom.Gaz.,xviii.pt.1,pp.9-10;xix. 16.8SHIVAJI.[CH.I.silver. Sometemples, especiallyat the chief centresofpilgrimage,hadaccumulations ofwealth,buttheir income wasprecarious, entirely dependentonvoluntary gift,andincomparablysmaller than theriches of thegrandMadrastemples.yfIn asocietysocircumstanced,every man,andofteneverywoman,has to work and work with thehand.Eleganceand refinement cannotgrowhere.If culture can berightlydefined as theemploymentof the intellect inpleasure,then there is no roomfor cultureamongmenwhohaveto sacrificepleasureto the bare necessaries of life. Where Natureenforces aSpartan simplicity,there can be noluxury,nolearned leisure(exceptamongthepriests),no aestheticdevelopment,nopolishedmannerseven.TheMarathas,whentheyrose topoliticalpower,did notimpressthesubject populationfavourably.To theover-polisheddecadents of theMughal capitals,the warriors from the Southappearedas araceofupstarts,insolent inprosperity,andlackingingrace,refinement and evengoodmanners.Theyhad no taste for the finearts,noeleganceofaddress,noaptitudefor the amenitiesofsocial life. Eventheirhorsemanshipwasawkwardandgraceless, though eminently practical.Theperiodof Marathaascendencyhas not left Indiaricherbyasinglegrandbuilding,orbeautifulpicture,orfinelywrittenmanuscript.Even thepalacesofthePeshwasarelow,mean-looking,flimsystructures,with small rooms and narrow staircasesrelievedRACIAL CHARACTER OF MARATHAS. 9from utterinsignificance only bytheirrichlycarvedwoodenfacade.4.Maratha character.But such acountryand climate have theircompensating advantages,too.They developself-reliance,courage, perseverance,a sternsimplicity,arough straightforwardness,a sense of socialequalityandconsequently pridein thedignityofman as man. Asearlyas the 7thcenturyof theChristianera,a learned Chinese traveller thus notedthe character of the Marathapeople livingin themoreprosperousCentral Deccan: "The inhabitantsareproud-spiritedandwarlike, gratefulfor favoursandrevengefulforwrongs, self-sacrificingtowardssuppliantsin distress andsanguinaryto death withanywhotreated theminsultingly." (Watters'sYuanChwang,ii.239.)"Iftheyaregoingto seekrevenge, theyfirstgivetheirenemy warning."(Beal,ii.256.)This racial character was somewhat modified inthe course of the nextten centuries. Thedisappear-ance of theprotectiveinfluence of thelargeHindumonarchies of theprovince,thegrowing rigourofthe Muslimoccupationof thecountry,and theravagesof constant warfare between rival States,forced the remnant of the Marathapopulationto bemorecunningandless chivalrous.Shivajidid not"firstgive warning"to Afzal or Shaista Khan.**In 1880 anEnglishobserver wrote of the Maratha10SHIVAJ1.[CH.I.But the basis of their character remained thesame,activity, courage, self-reliance, self-respectand love ofequality.With the loss of their owncities andcapitalson the Godavari and the Krishnain the 14thcentury, theywerepressedback to thesterile westernedgeof theplateauand becamepoorerand more isolated. In thelonely strugglewith Nature andbeasts, they developed greatercunning,withoutlosingtheir valour and hardiness.Indeed,in their combination ofcourage,clevernessandpowerofendurance,in theirabilitytoplanandexecutesurprisesandnight-attacks,in the skill oftheir soldiers to extricate themselves from atightcorner orvarytheir tacticsaccordingto thechangingphasesof abattle,withoutwaitingforguidancefrom asuperior,the Marathas resemble theAfghansmostamongall Asiatic races.Social distinctions were fewer and much lesssharp amongthe 16thcenturyMarathas thanamongricher and more civilised communities. The richmanwas notimmeasurablyabove thepoorin suchasimple society;and even thepoorestman hadhis value as afighterorindispensablelabourer;atleast,hepreservedhisself-respect,because wherefewhadanythingtospare,none wastemptedtopeasantry (ofthe Kunbicaste), "Theyarehard-working,temperate, hospitable,fond of their children and kind tostrangers.At the same timetheyare cruel inrevenge,andseldomscrupleto cheat either Government or their creditors."{Bom.Gaz. xviii.pt. I,288.)RELIGIOUS REFORMERS.1 Ilead thepamperedlife of theprofessionalbeggarsandhangers-onofAgraorDelhi.Povertyand im-memorial custom alikepreservedthe womankind ofMaharashtra(except amongthose castes thataspiredto beKshatriyas)from seclusion in theharem,andthus the effectivestrengthofsocietywasdoubled,while lifegainedin health and sweetness.5. Religiousteachers.The same sense ofequalitywas fosteredbyreligion.TheBrahmans,nodoubt,tried to maintaintheirmonopolyof the sacred lore andtheir aloofnessfrom other castes as a sort ofspiritual aristocracy.Butstrong religiousmovements arose andsweptthroughthelengthand breadth of theland,teachingthesanctityofconductrather than merebirth,thesuperiorityoFaliving personalfaith to mereritual,and the oneness of all true believers before God.Thesepopularmovements were hostile to thehaughtyclaims of the Brahmanhierarchy,and theirchiefcentrewasPandharpur,oneofthemostfamousseats ofpilgrimagein the land."Like the Protestant Reformation inEuropeinthe 16thcentury,there was areligious, social,andliteraryrevivalandReformationinIndia,butnotablyin the Deccan in the 15th and 1 6th centuries. Thisreligiousrevival was not Brahmanical in its ortho-doxy;it washeterodox in itsspiritofprotest againstforms and ceremoniesandclass distinctions basedonbirth,and ethical in itspreferenceof apureheart,12SHIVAJI.[CH.I.and of the law oflove,to all otheracquiredmeritsandgoodworks. Thisreligiousrevival was thework also of thepeople,of themasses,and not ofthe classes. At its head were saints andprophets,poetsandphilosophers,whosparng chieflyfrom thelower orders ofsociety,tailors,carpenters, potters,gardeners, shop-keepers,barbers,and even mahars(scavengers)more often than Brahmans. Thenames of Tukaram[bornabout1568],of Ramdas[b. 1608],ofVamanPandit[b. 1636],andofEknath[b. 1528]still retain theirascendencyoverthe mindsof thepeopleof Maharashtra."(Ranade,10;alsoBom. Gaz. xx. 473; Sardesai,i.38-78.)The fairs held at the chiefplacesofpilgrimageonparticular holy daystended to foster a sense ofHinduunity,like the nationalgamesof ancientGreeceTthoughto a lesserextent,because caste hasalwaysremained with us adisintegratingforce.These shrines becamedistributingcentres of cultandculture,and broke down tribal orparochialnarrowness,though imperceptibly.6.Literature andLanguage.Literature afforded another bond of union inMaharashtra. Its themes were taken from theancientscripturesandepicswhich are theheritageof all the Hindus. Thedevotionalsongsand moralmaxims ofpopularteachers like Tukaram andRamdas,VamanPandit and MoroPant,madetheirwaytoeveryhome where Marathi letters could beOLD MARATH1 PROSE.13read. "Ineverytownandvillagein the DeccanandKonkan,especially duringtherains,thepiousMaratha will be foundenjoyingwith hisfamilyandfriends the recitation of the Pothi of Shridhar[b. 1679],andenjoyingit indeed.Exceptanoccasionalgentle laugh,or asigh,or atear,not asound disturbs theraptsilence of theaudience,unless when one of thosepassagesofsupremepathosisreached,which affects the whole of thelistenerssimultaneouslywith an outburst of emotionwhichdrowns the voice of the reader."(Acworth'sBallads, xxvii.)ThesimplicityanduniformityofearlyMarathasocietyare also reflected in thelanguage.Theirpoetryconsisted of shortjinglesandapopthegmsormonotonous metricalcoupletslike theepics,withnolyric outburst,nolong-flowingsonorousverses,nodelicateplayonthewholegamutofsounds. Likethe otherdaughtersofSanskrit,the Marathi verna-cular had noliterary prosetill well into the 18thcentury.Theprosethat was createdbythe officialclass in their letters andchronicles,wasa barbarousjargon composed nearlythree-fourths of Persianwords andgrotesqueliteral translations of Persianidioms. ThehighlySanskritised,elegantand variedprosethat isnowused,is a creation of the Britishperiod. (Rajwade,viii. Intro,fullydiscusses thePersianelement.)"Onthe whole itmaybe said that the written[Marathi] poetry, consistingas it does in suchveryAHSHIVAJI.[CH.I.largemeasure of moraldisquisitionsandreflections,and thepraisesof thisdeityorthat,is little knownto theryotsand the Mavalis ofMaharashtra,andthat it would not command their attention oradmiration if it wereknown... InMaharashtra,wherethe immensemajorityof thepeasantrycan neitherread norwrite,it is a mere truism tosaythat theliterature of theircountryisabsolutelyunknown tothem.* It is notto besupposed,however,thattheyare without apoetryof their own. With theMarathas,thefeelingsof the commons have takenshapein theballads,whichare thegenuineembodi-ment of national enthusiasm...Overtheplainsof theDeccan,and thedeepvalleysandboldridgesoftheSahyadris,fromvillagetovillage,the humbleGondhali(minstrel)stilltravels,and still toraptandexcited audiencessingsof thegreat dayswhen thearmed fathers of the menaround himgavelaws atthespear's pointto all theprincesofIndia,orretreated wounded anddismayedbefore the swordof thesea-dwelling stranger." (Acworthandhaligram,Powadas,i andii.)But this nationalballad literature was the creation of theageofShivajiandhis successors.Notonlywas their literaturepoor,but theirpopularspokentonguewasaroughpracticalspeech,*But the entire mass oflegendsand traditions of therace was the commonpropertyof all classes ofpeoplethroughoutthe land andgavethem culturalhomogeneity.COMMUNITY OF MARATHA LIFE. 15incapableofexpressingthe ceremoniouscourtesy,indirectness,and delicate shades ofmeaningof the?highly developedUrdulanguage.The democratictemperof the Marathapeopleis shownbytheirhavingnorespectfulmode of address like theap("your honour")of Northern India;all ranks aretheed and thoued.Thus,a remarkablecommunityoflanguage,creed,and life was attained in Maharashtra in the1 7thcentury,even beforepolitical unitywas con-ferredby Shivaji.What little waswantingto the]solidarityof thepeoplewassupplied byhis creation Iof a nationalState,thelong strugglewith the Iinvader from Delhi under hissons,and theimperial/expansionof the race underthe Peshwas.Thus,inthe endatribe,or rather a collection of tribes andcastes,wasfused into anation*andbythe end ofthe 18thcenturya Marathapeoplein thepoliticaland cultural senses of the term had beenformed,thoughcastedistinctions still remained. Thushistoryhas mouldedsociety.7.Maratha soldiers andpeasants of to-day.The backbone ofShivaji's armywascomposedof thepeasantry,whobelongedto two low castes,namedMaratha andKunbi. TheMarathacaste,a*MThe Marathas are anation, and from the Brahmanto theryot they gloryin the fact."(Acworthand Shali-gram's Powadas, iii.)16SHIVAJI.[CH.I.name which should not beappliedto all Marathi-speaking peopleingeneral,numbered five millionsand the Kunbis(oftheBombay Presidency alone),two and a halfmillions,in1911,andtheybear thefollowingcharacter in our times :"^s.jiclass,Marathas(i.e.,the caste socalled)aresimple,frank,independentandliberal, courteous,and,whenkindly treated,trusting. Theyare amanlyandintelligentrace,proudof their formergreatness,fondofshow,and careful to hidepoverty...Stronger,moreactive,and better made than theKunbis, manyof theMarathas,evenamongthepoorerclasses,have an air of refinement.(Theytake animalfood,inc]uding_fowls,and drinktoddyand otherliquors,like theKunbis.)No castesuppliestheBombayarmywith somanyrecruits astheRatnagiriMarathas. Othersgointo thepoliceor findemploymentasmessengers.Likethe Kunbis,orderly,well-behaved,andgood-tempered,theMarathassurpassthem incourageandgenerosity.Very frugal, unassuming,respectableandtemperate,... theyare avery religiousclass.""The DeccanKunbisare[now]allcultivators,steadyandhard~woTk'ffig...A very quiet, easy-temperedandorderlyclass, singularlyfree fromcrime, theyhavemuchrespectfor thegods.In theDeccantheyarestrong, hardy, enduringandmuscular, [butinKonkan, smaller,darkerandmoreslightly made.]The Kunbiwomen,like theirhusbands,arestrongandhardy,but the veiledMARATHA CHARACTERANALYSED. 17Maratha women aregenerallyweak...Widows aregenerallyallowed tomarry." (Bomb.Gaz.,xxiv.70;x.123,121;xviii.pt. i, 285, 307.)8. Defects ofthe Maratha character.We shall now turn to the other traits of theMaratha character. When a Governmentlives onplunderas aregularsource ofsupply,its officersnaturallysee noimmoralityintakingbribes forthemselves. The ethics of the servanteasilyslideoff into the ethics of the master. These IndianSpartanswith theirsimplicity,hardiness and senseofequality,were no moreproof against corruptionthan theSpartansof ancient Greece.Contemporarytravellers have noticed howgreedyof bribes theBrahman officers of the Maratha Statewere,evenunder thegreat Shivaji.The chief defect of theMarathas,which hasdisastrouslyreacted on theirpolitical history,is their^ack of businesscapacity.This race hasproducednogreat banker, trader,captainofindustry,or evencommissariatorganiseror contractor.Hence,ontheeconomicside,in the broadestsenseoftheterm,the Maratha administration wasveryweak. TriePeshwas,inspiteof thedazzling brilliancyof theirpoliticalsuccess,werebankruptsfrom thedaysofthegreat BajiRao I. onwards. EvenShivajihadrepeated moneydifficultiesduringhis shortreign,thoughin his case it was due not so much to real218SHIVAJI.[CH.I.insolvency,as to his aversion to touch his hoardedtreasure for the annualexpensesof hisarmy.But the Marathas have a historicadvantageofunique importancein the India ofto-day.Theirnear ancestors had faceddeath in a hundred battle-fields,had led armies and debated in the chamberofdiplomacy,hadmanagedthefinancesofkingdomsandgrappledwith theproblemsofempire;theyhadhelpedto make Indianhistoryin the immediateand notyet forgotten past.Thememoryof thesethingsis apricelessasset to their race. In thecombinationofintellectualkeenness, patientindustry,simplicityoflife,devotion to the nobler ideals ofman,in thecouragenecessaryfortranslatingthoughtintodeed,in thespiritofsacrifice,gritofcharacter,and a diffused sense of democraticequality,thevast middle class of modern Maharashtra have nosuperiorandhardlyanyequalamongthe other racesof India. Would thattheyalsopossessedtheorganisingskill,thepowerofco-operation,the tactin themanagementof instruments andcolleagues,theforesight,and thesavingcommon sense of theAnglo-Saxonrace !CHAPTERII.Boyhoodand Youth. 1627-1656.1. Shivaji*s birth andinfancy.ShahjiBhonsla,acaptainofmercenaries,belongedto aMarathafamilythathadmigratedfromDaulatabad and entered the service of the Nizam-ShahiSultansofAhmadnagar.Someof his kinsmenhadjoinedtheMughalswiththeir retainers andrisentohighrankearlyin5Kah~Jahan's reign. Shivaji,the second son ofShahji,was born in the hill-fortofShivner,which towers over thecityofJunnar,in theextremenorthofthe Punadistrict. HismotherJijaBai(a daughterof the aristocraticLukhji JadavofSindkhed)hadprayedto the localgoddess,Shiva-Bai,for thegoodof herexpectedchild, andnamed him after thatdeity.Ofthe exact date of his birth and the incidentsof hisboyhood,there is nocontemporaryrecord.EvenKrishnajiAnantSabhasad,writingin1694,issilentonthesepoints.Theearliest mentionofthemis found in workscomposed150yearsafter hisbirth,when theShivaji mythhad beenfully developedamongthe Marathas and baselesslegendsand deli-berate fabrications hadentirely overspreadthe fewhistoric truths about him that were stillpreservedin20SH1VAJI.[CH.II.unwrittenmemory. They placehis birth on 6thApril,1627 or near about that date.*The stories told in the later Marathibakharsabout thehistoryof hisparents duringtheyear pre-cedinghis birth and the events of his ownlifeuptotheageoftwenty,are inmany points contrarytoauthentichistory,andin othersimprobable, or,at allevents,unsupported byanyevidence.We know from thecontemporaryPersianhistories thatShahjiled arovinglife,subjecttofrequent changeofplaceandenemy attacks,duringmuch of theperiod1630 to 1636. Under thesecircumstances he wouldnaturallyhave left his wifeandinfantsonforsafetyin astrongholdlikeShivner.But,inreality,he seems to have deserted both. Alater traditional work asserts that at this time hiseldest sonShambhujiwas killed atKanakgiriandheconceived adeep-rootedaversiontoLukhjiJadavand hisfamily,and aftersayingthat hissurvivingoffspringfromJadav's daughterwould come to nogood,he desertedJijaBaiandShivaji. (T. S.9a.)Thisreasoningisunconvincingandfalsifiedbydates.Itis, however, beyond disputethatJijaBainowlost*T. S. 6a; Dig.53;Chit. 22. The ZedheChronology(inChaturtha Sam.Britta, 175)isclearly wrongabout theyearof his birth. The traditions aboutShivaji'sancestors : Chit.14-18, Dig.31-43,T. S.)a-4b,Sabh. 5(meagre.)Khan Khangivessomelegendsabout theoriginandmeaningof Bhonsla(:i.111-113.)I have narrated the correcthistoryofShahji'slifeupto 1636 in Modern Review, Sept.1917.1630] JIJABAI DESERTED. 21her husband'slove,probablywith the loss of heryouth,andShahjiabandoned her and her new-bornson and took ayoungerand more beautifulwife,TukaBaiMohite,onwhomandwhosesonVyankojihe lavished all his affection and wealth.(Chit.22;Dig.53 and 64;T. S. 9a;Shed.15.)It isexpresslystated in thecontemporaryPadishahnamah(I.B.150)that in March 1636Shahji's familywaslivingatShivngr.Thisshows^thatShivadid not reside at Punatill after 1636. Thisview issupportedbytheTarikh-i-Shivaji (8a),whichstates that afterentering Bijapurservice(October1636)andsecuringfrom that Government agrantof the wholecountryfrom Chakan toIndapurandShirwal, as hisjagir, Shahji appointed DadajiKond-devas administrator of the tract and told him,4'MywifeJijaBai islivingin the fort of Shivner andhasbroughtforth a son namedShivaji. Bringherandhersonandkeeptheminyourcharge [at Puna]andsupplythem withmoneyfor theirnecessaryexpenses." Shivajiwas, therefore,practicallyastrangerto his father for severalyearsafter his birth.Her husband'sneglectdrove the mind ofJij^Bai inwards anddeepenedher naturalreligiousspirit, whichsh?*IrrTrjartcd toheTsom Shivagrewupinsolitude,amatelessTcTiild,without brother sisteror father. The isolation of their life drew motherand sonveryclosetogetherand intensified his lovefor her till it becamealmostanadoration for adeity.From avery early age,he wasnaturallythrown on22SHIVAJI. [CH.II.his ownresources,and learnt tocarryout his ownideasunaided,and to take the initiative withoutanysenseofsubordinationorresponsibilitytosomehigherauthority.In the condition of the homes of theirboyhood,theirearlylife andtraining,and thedevelopmentoftheircharacter,evenas inthestepsbywhichtheymountedtothrones,theforsakensonofShahjiBhonsla was the exactparallelof theforsaken son of Hassan Sur.Shivajiand SherShahwerenotonlyalike in characterancTgeniusTtJutalsogrewupamidst like circumstances.2.ConditionofthePunajagir,1637.When,at the endof October1636,Shahjimadepeacewith theMughals,he had to cede to themShivner,Trimbakand four other forts. HeretainedinBalaghator the tablelandonlyhis ancestraljagirof PunaandSupa, formerlyheld under NizamShahandhenceforthunderAdilShah. Theestateincludedthe Puna district from Chakan toIndapur, Supa,Shirwal,Wai(? Walti)andJadgir, (T.S.8a),or atract boundedonthewestbytheGhats,onthenorthbytheGhodriver,onthe eastbythe Bhimaandonthe southbythe Nira river.Shahji,whenretiringtoBijapurin1636,placedthisjagirinchargeof aBrahman namedDadaji Kond-dev,who hadgainedadministrative skill andexperienceas the land-steward(kulkarni)of Malthan.*JijaBai and Shiva*Chit. 19 andDig.47 call him kulkarni of Malthan inPatas subdivision. But T. S. 8asaysthat he wasformerly1636]DESOLATION OF PUNA DISTRICT. 23werenowremovedfromShivnerto PunaandDadajiwasappointedtheirguardian.The Puna district thatDadajitook over was inasadlyruined condition. Sixyearsof warfare haddesolated theland,and the work of theinvadingsoldieryhadbeencompletedafter theirdeparturebyrobber chiefs who tried toprofit bytheanarchy.Indeed,theprovincehadsorecentlypassedfromtheNizam-Shahiownershipto that ofBijapurthat theauthorityof the newGovernmenthad notyetbeenestablished there. It wasonlythe rule of astrongjagirdarthat could havegiven peaceandprosperityto the district;butduring1630-1636Shahjihadbeenforced to lead a life of constantmovement,dangerand warfare. The Puna and Thana districts at theextreme north-western corner of thekingdomofBijapur,therefore,formed a No man'sLand,withnoneto administeranddefendthem.In 1630Shahjihadplunderedand seized theNizam-Shahicountryround Puna. Soon afterwardsaBijapuri armyhadlooted andburntPuna,Indapurand othervillagesofShahjiand"totallydesolatedthem."{B.S.227.)Nexthehad recoveredposses-sion of thembyforce. Then had followed thefamine of1631-1632,the most terrible in the sadkulkarni ofHinganiBurdi andDhuligaon.There is aHinganaBuzurg,3 m. s. w. of Puna.(Ind.Atlas,39 S.W.)A criticsuggeststhe emendationHinganiBeradi andDevalgaon,which1accept.24SHIVAJI.[CH.II.historyof the Deccan(Pad.I. A.362.)TheJunnarorNorthPunatractwasthesceneoffrequentMughalinvasions in 1634-'36.DuringKhan-i-Zaman'scampaign against Shahji (JulyOctober1636),hepenetratedtoPuna,but there wasprobably nothingleft for him toplunderor burn there.Duringthedissolution of theAhmadnagarsultanate,a revenuefarmer(deshpande)named MoroTandev,"aproudrebel,wellacquaintedwith thecountryround theBhima,hadraisedatumultandseizedtheneighbour-hood of Puna. These disorders had devastated thewholekingdomfromAhmadnagarto theboundaryofWaiandShirwal."(T.S.8a.)The desolation causedbymanpreyingon hisspeciesfavoured thegrowthof wild beasts. ThePunadistrict,especiallytheSahyadrihill-sideformingitswesternborder,wasnowinfestedbylargenumbersofwolves,whichthinnedthepopulationandhinderedcultivation.DadajiKond-devoffered rewards to thehillmen forkillingthe wolves and thus cleared thewhole tract of thesepestsin a short time. Heconciliated the hillmen andtemptedthem to settlein thevalleysandextend cultivationby offeringveryliberal terms. Leasesweregrantedto the effect thatthe newtenants shouldpaya rent ofonlyRe. 1 inthe firstyear,Rs. 3 in thesecond,Rs. 6 in the third,Rs. 9in thefourth,Rs. 10 in thefifth,Rs. 20 in thesixth andthesamerate as the older tenants from the7thyearonwards. Thus the wholecountrywasbroughtundertillage.M(T.S.9a; Dig.113;DADAJIKOND-DEV'SJUSTICE.25Chit.26.)WhenDadajitookchargeof the Punajagir,itspaperrevenue wasonly40,000hurt(orRs.1,60,000,accordingto the current rate ofexchange.) (Sabh. 102.)Butonlya fraction of thisamountwasactuallycollected.For the defence of the district heorganisedabodyof local soldiers(barqandazes)and setupout-postsat suitableplaces. (Chit. 26.)Thememoryof his able and beneficent administration waslongpreserved,and a later chronicle tellsus,"He didsuch strictjusticethat theverynameof robbers andusurpers disappearedfrom the district."(T.S.9a.)An anecdote illustrates hispunctilioussense ofjustice: "Heplantedagardenof fruit trees namedafterShahjiandgavestrict orders that ifanyonepluckedeven a leaf from thetrees,he would bepunished.OnedayDadajiwith his ownhandpluck-ed amangofrom a tree. For this offence he wasabout to cut off the hand when the otherpeoplepreventedhim. To show hisrespectfor therules,however,he wore an iron chain round his neck"(T.S.9b),or"kepttheoffendingarm confined inalong glove!" (Chit. 29.)3. Shivaji'seducation.OnthesubjectofShivaji'seducation,Sabhasadis silent. TheTarikh-i-Shivajitells us that"DadajitrainedShivajiandappointedan excellent teacherfor him. In a short time Shiva became skilled in26SH1VAJI.[CH.11.fighting, riding*and otheraccomplishments." (9a.)/Theweightof evidence is in favour of the view that^Shivajiwasunlettered,like three other heroes ofmediaevalIndia,Akbar,HaidarAli,andRanjitSingh.ThemanyEuropeanswhovisited himneversaw him writeanything;whenthey presented anypetitionto himtheRajah always passedit on to hisministers to be read to him. Nopieceofwritinginhisownhandisknownto exist.tButthoughhemaynot haveporedover books,hecertainlymastered the contents of the twogreat*Hinduepics by listeningto recitations andstory-tellings.Thenobleexamplesofdoingandsuffering,ofactionandsacrifice,ofmilitaryskill andstatecraft,which the stories of Ramaand the Pandavasafford,thepoliticallessons and moral maxims with whichtheseepicsarerilled,deeply impressedhisyoungmirid. Helovedto distractionreligiousreadingsand^songs (kirtan)andsoughtthesocietyof Hindu andMuslimsaintswhereverhewent. Thewantofbook-*No mention is made ofbook-learning. Chitnis, 28,vaguely saysthatShivajiat theageof ten becameverylearned(bahut vidvan.) Dig.85givesalonglist ofeveryknown artand science as masteredbyhim inboyhood!tAt the conclusion of a letter to Ramdas there are a fewwords which have been takenbythe editor of RamdasiPatravyavahar (Mr. Dev)asShivaji's writing.But this letterhas notyetbeencriticallyexaminedby any expertorindependenthistorian. Theseveryrecent "discoveries" inMaharashtrarequirecorroboration beforetheycan beaccepted.MAVLE PEOPLE OF W. GHATS. 274.TheMavalsoccupied.learning,therefore,did notleave his mindadull andsterilesoil,norimpairhisefficiencyasamanofactionin aworldthatwasmediaeval.ThewesternbeltofthePunadistrict, runningalongthe Western Ghats for alengthof 90 miles and abreadth of 12 to 24miles,is knowna^Mavalor theSunsetLand. "Itisextremelyrugged,aseriesoftable-lands cut oneverysideby deepwindingvalleysFrom-thevalleys,hills of variousheightsand formsrise,terrace aboveterrace,withsteepsides oftenstrewnwithblackbasaltboulders Wherethe treeshave beenspared, theyclothe the hill-sides with adensegrowthmixed with almostimpassablebrush-wood. Here and there arepatchesof ancient ever-greenforests Thepeoplein the northernvalleysare Kolis and in the southernvalleysMarathas.Theyhavea strongstrain of hill-blood andaredark,wiryandsallow... Theclimate isdryandinvigorating,the air islighter,andtheheatjessoppressivethan inmostpartsof Western or Southern India."(Bom.Gaz. xviii.pt.1,pp.2, 13,15.)Inpopular speech,thevalleysinto which thiswestern belt is divided arecollectivelyknownas thetwelveMavals,thoughtheir names end with thewords net andkhoreas well asmaval,and theirnumber exceeds twelve. A Marathi balladspeaksof 12 Mavals underJunnarand twelve others underPuna.28SHIVAJI.[CH.II.(Diadaji,establishedcomplete masteryover theMavals. The local chiefs(deshpandes)weremostlywon over. Those who defied hisauthorityweredefeated* and crushed. Thuspeaceandprosperitywereestablishedinthatregionanditbecameasourceofwealthandstrengthto theownerofPuna,insteadofbeinganunprofitableand evendangerouspossession. (Sabh.7;Chit.26.)From thisregionShivajidrew his bestsoldiers,his earliest comrades,and his most devoted followers.YesajiKank andBajiPasalkarwereMavlechieftains of his ownage;theygatheredroundhimveryearlyandwereenrolledas his firstcaptains.So, also,wasTanajiMalusare,ayoungdeshmukhofKonkan.(Chit. 32.)5. Shivajis choiceofa career.In theircompany young Shivajiwandered overthe hills andforests oftheSahyadrirange,andalongthemazesofthe rivervalleys,thushardeninghimselfto a life ofprivationand strenuousexertion,as well*Raj.xv. 316 and 393 records thestoryof one of hisreverses :"DadajiKond-dev came toShivapur. Amongthe12Mavals,Krishnaji NayakBandal, the deshmukh of HirdasMaval,had seized another man's lands and refused togivethemup. Dadajimarchedagainsthim,but was defeated andforced to retreat toShivapur.He then sentKanhoji NayakZedhe topersuade Krishnajiand other Maval deshmukhs tocome for an interview." Chitnis, 33,saysthat Bandal refusedto come and wait onShivaji,who marchedagainsthim,capturedandputhim to death. This is incorrect,as thesubjugationof the Mavals wascompleted by Dadaji.SHIVAJl'SEARLY IDEALS. 29asgettinga first-handknowledgeof thecountryanditspeople. Duringhis residence at Puna hisplasticmindwasprofoundlyinfluencedbythereadingsfromthe Hinduepicsand sacred booksgiven byhisguardianand otherBrahmans,and still morebytheteachingofhismother. Thedeeplyreligious,almostascetic,life thatJijaBai led amidstneglectandsolitudeimpartedbyitsexample,evenmorethanbyherprecepts,a stoical earnestnessmingledwithreligiousfervourtothecharacterofShiva. Hebeganto loveindependenceand loathe a life of servile"luxuryin thepayof some Muslimking.Itis,how-ever,extremelydoubtful if at this time he conceivedanygeneraldesignoffreeinghisbrotherHindusfromthe insults andoutragesto whichtheywere oftensubjectedbythe dominantMuslimpopulation.*Anindependent sovereigntyfor himself hecertainlycoveted; but>he neverposed as the liberator of theHindus ingen^raj,at all pvpnts nnt tillJnnprl^f^r-wards,(Chit.29;Dig.100-103,112.)Theinconstancy, intrigueand bloodshed whichstainedthe Court ofBijapurin thosedaysforebodedfor it a downfall like that ofAhmadnagar. Mughalservice was a no betteralternativetoShivaji.Theimperialistshad killedKhelojiBhonsla,hisgrand-*Basatin-i-Salatin,332 and 334,franklydescribes in detailhow the Hindus weredepressedas a deliberatepolicyof theState ofBijapurin thepalmy daysof MuhammadAdil Shah.30SHIVAJI.[CH.II.uncle,and theirsuperiorresources andorganisationmade itunlikelyfor the Hindus of the Deccan toenjoy greatertoleration orpowerunder them thanunder the weaker and smaller sultanates closeby.Moreover,to theDeccanis,both Hindu andMuhammadan,Delhiwasafar-offcity,withan alienspeechandanalienrulingrace,whowouldpitilesslydiscard their southern instruments after service hadbeen taken from them. Acareer ofindependencewasnodoubtriskytoShivaji,but it hadundreamtofadvantagestocompensatefor therisks,ifonlyhecould succeed.Onthequestionof his futurecareerhecameintoconflict with hisguardian. DadajiKond-devwas,nodoubt,anableandhonestland-steward,amanofmethodicalhabits,leadinga sober blameless andhumdrumlife,butquite incapableofloftyideals,daringambition or far-off vision.Shivaji'slove ofadventureandindependenceappearedtohisguardianasthesignofanuntutoredandwaywardspirit,whichwould ruin his life's chances. Heargued longwith/Shivaji,advised him to follow thefootsteps of his/ancestors and rise to wealth andpositionas an\ obedient vassal andcaptainof mercenaries underIAdilShah. Theyounglad's associationwiththe hillbrigandsandhisprojectsaboutrobberyandsurpriseof forts filledDadajiwithapprehensionsabout hisfuture. HecomplainedtoShahji,but withoutsucceedingineffectingareform.Wornoutbyanxiety1647]SHIVAjfsFIRSTCONQUESTS.31andage, DadajiKond-devdied, earlyin1647,*andShivajibecamehis ownmaster at theageoftwenty.6. Shioaji's early conquest of forts,1646-1647'.ThedeathofDadajiKond-devfoundShivaready?)for his task. Hehadalreadybeentrained in martialexercises and civil administration;he had fami-liarisedhimselfwiththetroopsofhis father'swesternjagirand thepeoplehe would have togovern.Initiative andpowerof command had beenfreelydevelopedin himwithoutcheckor interference fromhisguardian.Administrative orders had for sometime before this been issued in hisname,as hisfather'srepresentative,whileDadajiKond-dev hadstoodbywatchinghispupil. Shivajihad also takenpart,with his mother or histutor,in somejudicialinvestigationsandpublicdecisions oflegal disputes(mahzar.)fThebandof officersalready gatheredroundhimwere men of triedabilityand devotion to him.ShyamrajNilkanthRanjhekar(thecorrectformof thenameisRozefyar, accordingtosomemodernMarathascholars)was the Chancellor(peshwa);BalkrishnaDikshit was Accountant-General(majmuadar);*Letters and Sanads, 111,gives1647 as theyearofDadaji'sdeath. A mahzar issuedbyhim on 31May1646 isextant(Raj.iv.80;cf. xvi.36.)T. S. 10bsaysthat in utterdisgustatShivaji's waywardness, Dadajitookpoison,whenShiva was 17yearsold.Dig.119 asserts that he died in 1640(wrong.) Dig.113-117. Chit. 29-31.tI have missed the reference, and cannot make the abovestatement with confidence.(Try Raj., xv-xviii.)32 SHIVAJI.[CH.II.SonajiPant wassecretary (dabir)andRaghu-nath Ballal Korde waspaymaster (sahnis.)ThesefourofficershadbeensentbyShahjiabout 1639. TothemShivajinow addedTukojiChor Maratha ascommander-in-chief(sar-i-naubat)andNarayanPantas divisionalpaymaster.(Sabh.7 and8;Chit. 21;T.S.10b.)Theyear1646 marks a crisis in thehistoryofBijapur.Thekingfellseriouslyill,andforsometimehis life wasdespairedof.Thoughhelingeredonfortenyearsmore,theseyearswereby popularbeliefheld to be aportionof the life of the saint ShahHashimUluvi,given away bythatholyman to theking. (B.S.312.) Duringthistimenoseriousbusinesswas attended tobyMuhammad Adil Shah. Theexpansionofterritoryin theKarnatakwentonundersome of thenobles,but at thecapitalthekingwasinert,and the administration fell into the handsof thequeenBari Sahiba. The officialhistoryofBijapurissignificantlysilent about MuhammadAdilShah'sdoingsfrom 1646tohisdeathin 1656.ThiswasShivaji's opportunity.Evenbeforethe'death ofDadaji,he hadbegunhis annexations. In1646 he had sent hiscaptains Baji Pasalkar, YesajiKank andTanajiMalusare with a force ofMavle.infantrymenandoccupiedTorna fortby trickingitsBijapuricommandant. Here he seized Governmenttreasureamountingto 2lakhsof hurt. Thecapturedfort wasnewlynamedPrachandgarh,a namewhichit soon lost. Five miles eastofit,onthe crest of the1647]SHIVA GAINS PUNA DISTRICT. 33samespurofhills,hebuiltanewfortnamedRajgarh,withthree walledredoubts(machi)onthe successiveterraces of the hill-side.(Chit.30; Dig.117;T.S.126.)*TheseactsofaggressionwerereportedtoBijapur.ButShivajisecured friends at Courtby bribingtheministers,andtheysided with himagainstthe localjagirdarswhomhehaddispossessed. (K.K. ii. 114.)Shahjialso is said to have turnedawaytheking'swrathbysimilar assertions ofShivaji'sloyalintentions and thenegligentadministration of theformer owner of Torna. At the sametime he senta secret letter ofreprimandto his son and warnedDadajitokeepbetter control over him.(Chit. 31.)Shivaji's first act after the death ofDadajiwastobringallpartsofShahji'swesternjagirunder his-owncontrol,so as to form onecompactState ruledbyoneauthority. Shambhuji Mohite,the brother ofShahji'ssecondwife,had been leftbythat chief ashisagentin theSupasubdivision. Onthe death ofDadaji,he refused toobeyhisyoung nephewandwanted to take his orders direct fromShahji.ButShivajiimprisonedhimduringaholidayvisit, attachedall hisproperty, and,on hispersistingin his refusal*Sabhasad is silent about thecaptureofTorna. A. N.576,andfollowingit K. K.(ii. 115), saythat Chandan was thefirst fort takenbyhim. The date of thecaptureof Torna hasbeenconjecturally putas 1646. Shiva lootsBijapuri treasureon theway,Chit. 31; Dig.140.334SHIVAJI.[CH.II.toservehim,senthimbacktoShahjiwithhispersonaleffects. ThusSupawas annexed.(Sabh. 8,Chit.32,Dig.119,T. S. 12a&b.)The fort ofChakan,guardingthe road to Punain thenorth,had been entrustedbyhis father toFirangjiNarsala. This officer offeredobedience toShivajiand was confirmed in hispost. (Chit.32;T.S. 126;Dig120.)Thepettyofficersofthethanahsof Baramati andIndapuron the easternmarginofthejagir, peacefullysubmitted to Shiva'sauthority.The fort ofKondana,1 1 miles south-west ofPuna,wasnextsecuredbybribingits Adil-Shahigovernor.(Sabh. 9.)>-Thestrongfortress ofPurandar,18 miles s. s. e.ofPuna,was held forBijapur byan old BrahmannamedNilo NilkanthNayak,whosefamilyhadbeeninhereditary chargeof it and itsadjacentlands eversincethedaysoftheAhmadnagardynasty.Nilowasa sterngraspingman who denied hisyoungerbrothers,PilajiandShankaraji,anyshareofhispoweror emolument.Theyresented this exclusion fromtheirbirth-rightandappealedtoShivajito arbitratebetweenthem. Hewasadmittedinto the fort attheFeastofLamps(November)asaguest.Onthe thirddayof hisstay,the twoyoungerbrotherssurprisedandfettered NiloandbroughthimbeforeShiva,whoimprisonedall the three and tookpossessionof thefort for himself! TheNayak's retainers,"all faith-lessanddisorderlymen,"wereexpelledandaMavlegarrisonwasplacedthereby Shivaji.Accordingto1647]INVASION OF KALIAN. 35the Chitnis Bakhar andShivadigvijay,hegavethetwoyoungerbrothers estates elsewhereascompensa-tion.(Sabh.9;Chit. 40;Dig.121-122;T. S. 11b-12a.)Supa,BaramatiandIndapur,inthesouth-easterncorner of the Punadistrict,hadbelongedto himfrom before. AndnowtheoccupationofPurandar,Rajgarh,Kondana and Torna secured histerritorybyastrong chainof hill-forts onthe south. Anotherfortinthe same direction wasRohira,gainedsometime afterwards. North-west of Puna heacquiredtheforts ofTikona,Lohgarh,andRajmachi,thelastbeingon theSahyadri crest,6 miles north of theBhorpassandoverlookingthe Konkanplainon thewest.(Chit.33-36;Dig. 148,a merelist.)7.Shivajienters NorthKonkan.NextShivajicrossed the Western Ghats-andventured into Konkan. The northernpartof thiscoast-stripformedtheKalian(modern,Thana)districtand was then heldbyan ArabforeignernamedMullaAhmadoftheNawaiyatclan,oneof the lead-ingnobles ofBijapur.Theprotractedillness ofMuhammadAdilShahhad detained thisgovernoratBijapurfor alongtime,andduringhis absence thedefence of hisjagirhadgrownslack and inefficient.(A.N. 576;K. K. ii.114.)Aconsiderable amountof disaffection and disorder seems to haveprevailedamongthepettychieftains of thedistrict,whichwas36SHIVAJI.[CH.II..a recentacquisitionfrom the Nizam-Shahi State andwheretheauthorityofthenewGovernmentsatloose.AbodyofMarathahorsemenunderAbajiSondevraidedtherich townsofKalian*andBhiundy,whichwerethenwithoutwalls,andthencetheycarried offmuch wealth andcostlymerchandise. The fort ofMahuli,whichhadoncebelongedtoShahji,wasnextseized. ThecityofKalian,with some otherpartsoftheThanadistrict,thuspassedintoShiva'sposses-sion,andhegota firmfootingin NorthernKonkan,whichherapidlyimprovedinthe courseof theyear.Hisprogresssouthwards into the Kolaba districtjseemsto havebeen assistedbythepettylocal chiefswhowereeagerto throw off Muslimyokeandwroteinvitinghimtocome.(Chit.34,35and41; Dig.\75;T. S.13a.) Surgarh (8mileseast),Birwadi(5mileswest),Tala(10milessouth), Ghosalgarh (5m. s.w.),BhuraporSudhagarh,15 miles east of Rohatown,Kangori12 miles east ofMahad,and above all theimpregnablefortress of Rairi(Raigarh)whichwastobe his futurecapital,allpassedinto hishands,andthus theAbyssiniansofJanjiralost the eastern halfof the Kolaba district to him. At Birwadi andLingana(5mileseastofRaigarh)hebuiltstrongforts.*Shivaji's chivalryto acaptiveMuhammadangirl,Chit.34 and 41;T. 5. 14a; Dig.189(different story.)Chitnis callsthegovernorofKalian, MullaHayat.Tavernier(ii. 205)tellsus that Shiva discovered buried treasure atKalian;Chit(31)saysatTorna,T. S.(14b)atPradhangarh (evidentlya mistakeforPrachandgarhorTorna.)1648]SHIVA CHECKED IN N. KONKAN.37But he does not seem to haveoccupiedMahadorthecountrysouthofthattownatthis time.AbajiSondevwascreatedviceroyof theprovincethuswonin NorthKonkan,which included the easternpartsof the Thana and Kolaba districts. The Marathaforces here metwith agreatj:ejDulseat the hands ofthe Siddis(abouj: 1648),andShivajimarked his dis-pleasurewithhis defeatedgeneralShyamrajNilkanthRanjhekar by removinghim from thePeshwaship(Chit. 34)andconferringthatpostonMoroTrimbakPingle,while alarge armyunderRaghunathBallalKorde was sentagainstthe Siddis to retrieve theprestigeof his arms. Thehistoryof Marathaactivityin thisregionwill be described inChapterXI.8.Adil Shahimprisons Shahji,1648.Shivaji's annexations had reached thispoint bythe middle of1648,whenhis career ofconquestwassuddenlycheckedby alarmingnews from theKamatak. On 6thAugusthis father was arrestedand all hispropertyandcontingentattachedbytheBijapuricommander-in-chief,Mustafa Khan,theninvesting Jinjiin the South Arcot district. Laterhistorians have misunderstood the cause of this act.ThecontemporaryPersianhistorianofBijapurassertsthatShahjiwasimprisonedfordisplayingaspiritofinsubordination to the commander-in-chief.Theearliest Marathibakhar,that ofSabhasad,isentirelysilent aboutthe affair. ButChitniswriting160yearsaftertheevent,ascribes it totheBijapuri king'sanger38 SHIVAJI.[CH.II.atShivaji's usurpationsandShahji's supposedcon-nivance at them.Zahur,son ofZahuri,in his Muhammad-namah(pp. 371-372),writtenbyorder of MuhammadAdilShah,givesthefollowingearliest and most correctaccount of the incident :"WhenthesiegeofJinjiwasprotractedandfightingcontinuedlong,the cun-ning Shahjisent anagentto Nawab Mustafa Khanbeggingleave togoto his owncountryandgivereposeto histroops.The Nawabrepliedthat toretire then would beequivalenttodisturbing [thework of thesiege.]ThenShahjisent tosaythatgrainwasverydear in thecamp,that the soldierscould not bear theprivationand labourany longer,and that he would retire to his owncountrywithoutwaitingforpermission [fromthe commander-in-chief.]TheNawab,beingconvinced thatShahjimeant mischief and would showfight,had himarrested with such extreme cleverness andgoodarrangementthat nopartof hispropertywasplun-dered,but the whole was confiscated to Govern-ment."Alater butveryreliable PersianhistoryofBija-pur, viz.,Basatin-i-Salatin(309-311), suppliessomeadditional information:"Shahji, withdrawinghishead from obedience to the Nawab MustafaKhan,begantoopposehim,till at last the Nawabdecidedto arresthim. OnedayhemadeBajiRaoGhorpadeandJaswantRaoAsad-Khanigettheir forcesreadyand sent themvery earlyin themorningtoShahji's1648]SHAHJIARRESTED IN CAMP. 39camp. Shahji, having passedtheprecedingnightinmirthandrevelry,wasstillsleepingin bed. Assoonas the two Raos arrived and he learnt of theirpur-pose,he in utter bewilderment took horse andgallopedawayfromhis housealone.BajiGhorpadegavechase,caughthim,andbroughthim before theNawab,who threw him into confinement. Hiscontingentof3,000 cavalrywasdispersed,and hiscampwasthoroughlylooted...Adil Shah onhearingof it sent from his Court Afzal Khan tobringShahji awayand an eunuch to attach hisproperty,...Nov. 1648/*Shahjiwasbroughtin chains toBijapur,andaccordingto a late andverydoubtfulMaratha tradition the door of his cell wasslowlywalledup,in order to induce him tocompelhis sontogive uphis lawless career and come toBijapur.(Chit.37-38;Dig. 143-146.)Shivajiwas in a terrible dilemma: he could notsubmit toBijapurandtherebysacrifice all hisgainsandhopesof futuregreatness; nor,on the otherhand,could he leave his father indangerof tortureandstarvation.Bydiplomacyalone could herescuehisfather,anddiplomacy pointedtoonlyonepathasopento a man in hisposition.TheMughalEmperorwas thehereditaryenemyof Adil ShahAandeveryrebelagainst Bijapurwas sure togainthe!Emperor'spatronageifhecouldholdforththechancelofstrengtheningtheimperialcause in the Deccanby\the adhesion of his followers. TheMughalEmperor\alone wasstrong enoughto intimidate Adil Shah.40SHIVAJI. [CH.II.Shivajifirst wrote to Prince Murad Bakhsh,*theMughal viceroyof theDeccan, entreatinghimto securetheEmperorspardonforShahjispastcon-duct andprotectionfor him and his sons infuture,andofferingto comeandjointheMughalservice onreceivinga written assurance ofsafety (qaul.)Tothis Muradrepliedon 14th March1649,tellinghimto send first atrusty agenttoreporthis demands.This wasevidentlydone,and Murad afterreportingthe case to theEmperorandlearninghis wishes,wrote to Shiva on 14thAugust askinghim to cometo Court with his father andkinsmen,that hemightbe created a5-hazari,whileShahjiwouldgetbackthe rank he had once held in theMughal peerage.Stilllater,on 31stOctober,MuradwrotedirectlytoShahjito inform him thatShivaji's appealfor hisrelease had beenreceived,and that as the Princewassoongoingbackto theimperialCourt,hewouldtherereporttheprayersofShahjito theEmperorandtake his orders. Heasked the Marathachief tosend hisagentto Court to receive theEmperor'sjarmanand assurance ofsafety,and on his ownbehalfpresentedhimwitharobe of honour. In this*Shivajineither wrote nor sentany envoyto theEmperorat Delhi. All hisnegotiationsabout his father wereconducted withMurad,as the fouroriginalPersian letters ofMurad in Parasnis'spossessionshow.Rajwade,viii. 2-3,wrongly representsthese letters ascomingfrom ShahJahan.TheEmperornever interfered for the release ofShahji.i1649]HOWSHAHJIWAS RELEASED.41letterShambhujiandothersons ofShahjiarespokenof assharinghiscaptivity.Shivajithen sentRaghunathPant[Korde?]ashisenvoyto the Prince to ask for thedeshmukhioftheJunnarandAhmadnagarparganahs.Murad,on30thNovember, 1649,promisedtotryto securetheserightsfor him onreachingtheEmperors presence.WhetherShahJahanreallyconsentedtoputpressureonAdilShah to releaseShahjiisverydoubtful. Nohistorian mentions it.Indeed,activeMughalinterventiononbehalfofShahjiseemstomeveryimprobable . For onething,ShahJahan alwaystreateMuhammad Adil Shah with markedcourtesyandkindness,whileShahjiwasbitterlyhated at theMughalCourt for the trouble he hadgiventhem in1633-1636.Then,again,theMughal Emperorhaddefinitely promisedin his treaties withBijapurnotto take into his service or extend hisprotectiontoanyofficer of Adil Shah.I, therefore,hold thatMalhar RamRao,thehereditary secretary (chitnis)andrecord-keeperofShivajisdescendants,isrightwhenheascribes the release ofShahjito thefriendlymediation of Sharza Khanand the bail of RandaulaKhanT"twTrleadingnobles ofBijapur,andsaysnota wordaboutany Mughalexertion for his liberation.(Chit.39 ;Dig. 147.)Shahjiwasprobablykeptinprisontill thecaptureofJinji (17thDec.1649)madetheAdil-Shahipositionin the Karnatakabsolutelysecure,so that in theevent of his return there he could nolongerwork42SHIVAJl.[CH.II.anymischief. Onhis release heseemsto have livedfor some time in theTungabhadra region subduingthe rebellious chieftains of hisjagirin NorthernMysore.Here his eldest sonShambhujifell in anattack onKanakgiri,but he himself afterwardscarried the fortbyassault.(Chit.23;Dig.61-62;T. S.8b.)WhileShahjiwas inprison,or after hisrelease,anattemptwasmadebytheBijapuriCourt tocap-ture Shiva. For thispurposea MarathanamedBajiShyamrajewas sent into Konkan with10,000men.BywayofWaiandJavli,in the northern side of theSataradistrict,he reached the town ofMahad,hopingtosurprise Shivajithere. ButShivawasjustthen atChaul,lootingtheportandsetting uphisown administrationthere,and so he returned toRajgarhwithoutbeing caught.Adetachment fromhisarmyfell onBaji Shyamrajeand senthimquicklyback withheavylossbythe samewaythat he hadcome.*/*As the release ofShahjihad beenconditional,fehivakept quiet duringtheyears1649 to 1655. Heseems to have contented himself withconsolidating*Chitnis,36. But Shed.Bakhar,19,saysthat RandaulaKhan ofRahamatpurandBaji Ghorpadeof Datvad cameagainstShiva with8,000men and halted atWai,wheretheywere defeated andputtoflight bya concerted attackbyShivajiandNetajifrom two sides with 10,000men. But thissource of information isusuallyunreliable. Parasnis'sMahabaleshwar,19(legendary.)1655]JAVLlAND MORE FAMILY. 43hisconquestsandorganisingtheir administration,instead ofgivingtheBijapurGovernmentnewpro-vocationbyfresh annexations.9. Conquest of Javli,1655.At the extreme north-western corner of theSatara district lies thevillageofJavli,which wasthen the centre of afairly large principalityinclud-ing nearlythe whole of that district. Thesubdivision ofJavliis"throughout hillyandthicklywooded withevergreentrees... Trie narrowruggedandsteepcrest of theSahyadris, rising4,000feet ormore abovesea-level,forms its western wall;andin thevalleysthe treegrowthisluxuriant, forminghighforests."(Bom.Gaz.xix, 3.)Within alengthof 60 miles asmanyas 8passescross therange,two of thembeingfit for carts andnowtransportingalargetraffic from the Deccanplateauto Mahad inKolaba andChipluninRatnagiri.Thereare,besides,countlessgorgesand foot-tracksleadingfromJavlito Konkan.AMaratha family named More had receivedgrantof the State ofJavlifrom the first SultanBijapur earlyin the 16thcentury,and made theclaimgood bytheir sword. Foreight generationsthey conqueredthepettychieftains around andamassed a vast treasureby plunder. They kept12,000infantry, mostly sturdyhillmen of the sameclass as theMavles,and succeeded ingettingpossessionof the entire district of Satara andpartsJ44SHIVAJI.[ch.B.of Konkan. The head of thefamilybore thehereditarytitle of ChandraRao,conferredbyaBijapur kinginrecognitionof the founder'spersonalstrengthandcourage.Theyoungersonsenjoyedappanagesin theneighbouring villages. Eighthindescent from the founder wasKrishnaji Baji,whosucceeded to thelordshipofJavliabout 1652.*The State ofJavli, byitssituation,barred thepathofShivaji'sambition in the south and south-west. Ashefranklysaid toRaghunathBallalKorde,"Unless Chandra Rao iskilled,thekingdomcannotbe secured. Nonebutyoucando this deed.I sendyouto him asenvoy."The Brahman entered intotheconspiracy,and went toJavli,attendedbyanescort of 125pickedmen,on apretended proposalofmarriagebetween Shiva and Chandra Rao'sdauiKteT (babh. 10,Chit.41, Dig.128,Shed.20-21.)On the firstdaytheenvoymade a show ofopening marriage negotiations. Findingout thatChandraRaowas fond of drink andusuallylived ina carelessunguardedmanner,Raghunathwrote tohis master to come to theneighbourhoodin forceandbe in readiness to takeadvantageof themurderimmediatelyafter it was committed. The secondinterview with Chandra Rao was held in aprivatechamber.Raghunathtalked for some time on theendless details of a Hindumarriage treaty,and then*Parasnis Itih.Sangr.Sfutalekh,i. 26.1655]MURDER OF THE MORES. 45drew hisdaggerall of a sudden and stabbedChandra Rao to death and woundedhis brotherSurya Rao,who wasdespatched bya Marathasoldier. The assassinspromptlyrushed out of thegate,cuttheirwaythroughthealarmedandconfusedguards,beat back the small andhurriedly organisedband ofpursuersandgaineda chosenplaceof hid-ingin the forest.Shivajihadkepthimselfreadyto followup(^/hisagent'scrime;accordingto later accounts hehad arrived at Mahabaleshwarwith anarmyon thepleaof apilgrimage. Immediatelyonhearingof themurderof theMores,he arrived and assaultedJavli.The leaderlessgarrisondefended themselves for sixhoursandwerethenovercome. ChandraRao'stwosonsandentirefamilyweremadeprisoners.Buthiskinsmanandmanager,HanumantRaoMore,ralliedthepartisansof the house and held aneighbouringvillageinforce,menacing Shivaji's newconquest.Shiva found that "unless he murderedHanumant,the thorn would not be removed fromJavli."(Sabh. 10.) So,he sent a Maratha officer of hishouseholdnamedShambhuji Kavjiwith apretendedmessageto HanumantRao,whowas then stabbedto death at aprivateinterview, (aboutOct. 1655.JThe wholekingdomofJavlinowpassedintfolioweraf wereimmediatelyreleased. Onesection ofthe beatenarmy, consistingof Afzal Khan's wivesandeldestson,FazlKhan,escapedroundthesourceof theKoyna,under theguidanceofKhandojiKhopdeand his 300 Mavle friendlies.*Agrandreview was heldby ShivajibelowPratapgarh.Thecaptured enemy,both officers andmen,wereset freeandsentbackto theirhomeswithmoney,food and othergifts.The Maratha soldierswho hadfoughtsogallantlywere rewarded;if thefallenwarriorshadgrown-upsons,theywereenlistedin their fathers'places;ifotherwise,their widowsweregivenpensionsamountingtohalftheirpay.Thewounded received rewardsrangingfrom 25 to 200hunaccordingto theseverityof their hurt. Theofficers werepresentedwithelephants,horses, robes,jewelleryandgrantsof land.(Sabh. 25.)*Meetingwith Afzal Khan: Sabh. 19-21;Chit.60-62; Dig.165-169; T. S. 16a17b;A. N.577; Dilkasha, 19;K. K. ii.116-118; Rajapur FactoryRecords; Fryer,ii.61; Powadas,12-18;Shed. 29-30. Plunder of hisarmy:Sabh.23-24;Chit.62; Dig. 170;T. S.17b; Powadas, 19-20;Shed. 31-32.Escapeof Fazl Khan: Sabh.24;Chit.62; Dig.170-171.Tarikh-i-AliAdil ShahII., 76-81,contains a maximum of mere words andrhetorical flourishes but few facts. B. S. 352 is even moremeagrein details,but concise. Chit. 62saysthatKhandojiKhopdewas beheadedby Shivaji; Dig.171.76 SHIVAJI. [CH.HI.11.LegendsaboutAfzalKhan.Thetragicfate of Afzal Khan has mostpro-foundlystirred thepopular imaginationin his owncountryand in that of hisenemy.At hisvillageofAfzaJpura,close toBijapur city,thegloomy legendsprangupthatbeforestartingonthis fatalexpedition,he had apremonitionof hiscomingend,and killedandbungij^M^.^Lwives,lesttheyshould shareanother's bed after his death. Thepeasantsstillpointto theheightfromwhich thesehaplessvictimsof man'sjealousywere hurled into adeep poolofwater,the channelthroughwhich their drownedbodiesweredraggedoutwithhooks,theplacewheretheywereshrouded,and the 63tombs,of the sameshape,sizeandage, standingclosetogetherinregularrowson the sameplatform,wheretheywere laid inrest. Utterdesolationhassettledonthespot.Wherehis mansion once stood with itsteemingpopulation,the traveller nowbeholds alonelywilderness of tallgrass,brambles and brokenbuildings,the fittestemblem of his ruinedgreatness.Theonlyform oflife visible is thesolitarybird,startledbythe un-wontedpresenceofa humanvisitor.* Othertraditions/tell us thati|l-f>mfng doggedhisstepsfrom thevery^p^itsetof hiscampaign against Shivaji. (Shed.24;Powadas, 7,11.)*This was theappearanceofAfzalpurawhen I visited itinOct.,1916.1659]MARATHI BALLAD ON AFZAL.7712. BalladofAfzalKhan.Amongthe Marathas the destruction of AfzalKhan caused the wildest exultation;it marked thedawnof their nationalindependence.Thedefeat ofBijapurwascomplete: the chief hadfallen,hisarmyhad ceased toexist,andthevictory,both inrespectofcarnageand ofbooty,was the mostcompletepossible.Theincidentcaughthold of thepublicimaginationofMaharashtraasthemostgloriouseventin thehistoryof the race. Soon a ballad was coitPNposed bythewanderingbards{gondhalis)which ex-/pandedthe contest into a Homeric duel with allits)details andsupernatural adjuncts. Everyclass orMarathas,from the officers ofShambhuji'sCourt tothe soldiers in theircampsand thepeasantsin theirhamlets,welcomedtheminstrelandcrowdedtogetherto listen to thisstoryof the firsttriumphof theirnationalhero,set forth withgraphicdetails whichmade the whole scene live before theireyes.Theshortringinglines of the ballad(powada)almostreproducethetrampof thesoldiery,thejourneysofthe rivalchiefs,theirmeeting,theexchangeoftaunts,thedeath-grapple,and thetriumphof theMarathaarmy.As the bard's narrativepassesrapidlyfromstagetostageof the wholecontest,theaudience follow him with breathless attention;theirblood courses in unisonwith theverses,andtheyarewoundupto ahigh pitchof excitement as thespiritof the actual marchorfightcatchesthem.Tothe MarathasthefightwithAfzalhasalways78SHIVAJI.[CH.III.i/1 appearedas at onceawarof national liberation andacrusadeagainstthedesecratoroftemples.TothemAfzalKhantypifies__the-boldbadman,whocombinestreacherywith frightfulness,anddefiesGodandmanalike. Their historians from the earliest times haveseennoelementofmurderintheincident,butalwaysdescribed it as aglorious exampleof thesagacity,courageandagilitywith which their national heroaverted a treacherousplot againsthisownlife,madethetreacheryrecoil on theplotter'shead,andavengedtheoutragedshrines of theirgods. Shivaji'slaureate, Bhushan,calls theslaughterof Afzal arighteousdeedof retribution like theslaughterof thelicentious ruffian KichakbyBhim insinglecombat.Averylatelegend regardsit as ablood-feudwagedbyShiva for the treacherousslaughterof his elderbrotherShambhujibytheqiladarofKanakgiriat theinstigationof Afzal Khan.(Dig.61-62;Chit. 23;Powadas,15.)*Flushed with theirvictoryover Afzal Khan(September, 1659)and the destruction of hisarmy,the Marathaspouredinto South Konkan and theColhapur district,capturingthe fort of Panhala,defeatinganotherBijapuri army,andmakingexten-siveconquests (Oct.,1659Feb.,1660),which will*Is the remark "As he slewShambhuji,"ascribed toShivajiin Sabh.14,aninterpolation?Thathistoryis otherwiseabsolutelysilent aboutShivaji'selder brother andtotallyignoreshim.1659]CRITICISM OF EVIDENCE. 79.bedescribedinChapter X. ButintheAprilfollowing,Shivajiwa^_rjgcajled_byadangerous^attack onhisjowndominionsbyacombinationof enemies.APPENDIXII.AffairofAfzalKhan.Wastheslayingof Afzal Khan a treacherousmurder or an act of self-defence on thepartofShivaji?Nocareful student of the sources candenythat Afzal Khanintended to arrest or killShivaji bytreacheryat the interview. Theabsolutelycontem-poraryandimpartial English factoryrecord(Rajapurletter,10 Oct.1659)tells us that Afzal Khan wasinstructedbyhis Government to secureShivaji by"pretending friendshipwith him" as he could notbe resistedbyarmedstrength,and that thelatter,learningof thedesign,made the intendedtreacheryrecoil on the Khan's head. Thisexactly supportsthe Marathi chronicles on thepointthatShivaji'sspieslearnt from Afzal's officers of the Khan'splanto arresthimbytreacheryatthepretendedinterview,and that Afzal'senvoy KrishnajiBhaskar was alsoinduced todivulgethis secret of his master.Whostruckthe first blowattheinterview? Theold Marathachroniclers(asdistinctfromtheEnglish-educated20thcenturyapologistsofthenationalhero)80SH1VAJI.[CH.HI.all assert that it was Afzal. Thesegenuineoldhistorians never shrink fromcharging Shivajiwithmurder ortreacherywhenevertheyknowhim to bereally guilty. Theywrotelongbefore Grant Duff'sbook had rousedpublic indignation against Shivaji'sallegedmurder of an invitedguest.Itis, therefore,impossibleto contend that thestoryof Afzalhavingstruck the first blowwasaninvention of themodernMarathas afterEnglisheducation hadwakened theirconscience to theenormityofpre-meditated politicalmurders.Sabhasad(1694)and Chitnis(1810)at leastCannot besuspectedofany designto whitewashtheirhero's characterbyfalsifying history.Insaying/thatAfzal_jslruck-the first blow,they trulyrecord agenuineold tradition and not a modern nationalistV invention.^Thepointis furthersupported by Shivaji'sletterto Ramdas in whichhesaysthat hegained strengthbyutteringthenameofhisgurujyhilehewasfeelinghimselfbeing strangledin Afzal 'sgrip.A disem-bowelled man cannotgivehisadversaryadeadlyhug,and therefore Afzal was unwounded when heseizedShivajiin hisclasp.But I amnot atpresentsure about thegenuinenessof this letter.Shivaji'selaborateprotectionof hispersonbeforegoingto the interview and hisplacinganJambush round Afzal 's forces cannot be taken asproofsofatreacherousintention. Secretassassinationis thefavouriteweaponofdecadentmonarchies,andmany~YuchmurdersTiadtakenplacein the sultanates1659]WHYAFZAL WAS KILLED.81of the Deccanbefore thistime,as I showedin detailin the ModernReview, (vol.I.1907.) Shivajiwasfullyconvincedandwithgoodreason,asweknow,that Afzal meanttreachery.Hewouldhave beenwantingin commonprudenceif he had not takentheseprecautionsto save himself.Afriend(Prof.A.Rahman)has askedme,"IfAfzalmeanttreacherywhydidhenotkeephistroopsin readiness fordeliveringan assault or at least fordefendingthemselves?"Myanswer is that Afzalbelieved that the death ofShivajiwould lead to theimmediatecollapseof hisupstart powerand' noattack on his leaderlesstroopswould benecessary.Hewas, moreover,ignorantof thepositionandstrengthof theenemy'sforces and did notknowthattwo large Maratha_.armies_ had arrived...by_rapidmarches in hisneighbourhood.Theweightof recorded evidence as well as theprobabilitiesof the casesupportsheviewthat AfzalKhan struck the first blow and thatShivaji onlycommittedwhatBurkecalls,a'preventivemurder'.CHAPTERIV.StrenuousWarfare,1660-1664.1 . Shaista Khan sentagainst Shivaji.Amongthe administrativechangesmadebyAurangzibat his second coronation(July, 1659)wasthepostingof ShaistaKhanto theviceroyaltyof theDeccan,in theplaceof Prince Muazzam. This ableandspiritedgeneralhadalreadygovernedMalwaandthe Deccan and had taken adistinguished partinAurangzib'srecent invasion of Golkonda. ChiefamongthetasksentrustedtohimwasthesuppressionofShivaji.Andindischargingthisdutyhewas for-tunateenoughto secure thehearty co-operationofBijapur,which forced the Maratha chief to dividehisarmyinto two and therefore to be defeated inboth the theatres of war.AfterShivajihad followeduphisvictoryoverAfzal Khan's leaderlessarmyby defeatingthe com-binedforces ofRustam-i-ZamanandFazlKhan,andtakingPanhala in theKolhapurdistrict andmanyplacesinRatnagiri,AHAdilShah II. felt itnecessaryto marchinperson againstthe audacious rebel. But-'justat this time SiddiJauhar,anAbyssinianslavewho hadusurpedthe fief of Karnul and defied theroyal authority,wrotetoBijapur offeringto makehissubmission if hispositionWererecognised.The1660]SIDDIJAUHARAGAINST SHIVA.83Sultanagreed, gaveJauharthe title of SalabatKhan,andsenthimwithanarmytoputdownShiva. The^lcampaignwasopenedaboutMay1660,themonthinJwhichShivajialso lost the Puna district in the north Ito theMughals. Jauhar easily swept awaytheMaratha resistance in theopen,and droveShivajiintoPanhala,whichhecloselyinvested.2. ShivajibesiegedinPanhalafort.Thesiege draggedon fornearlyfour months;all thepathsofingressandegresswere closed tothegarrison. Shivajifound himself in a fataltrap.So,he wrote a secret letter toJauhar, deceitfullybegginghisprotectionandofferingto make analliancewithhim. Inordertonegotiatefortheterms^^heaskedforapassport. Jauhar,"whowasbothfoolandtraitor,"swallowed the bait;he assuredShivajiof hisprotection, gavehim a safeconduct,andflattered himself thatwithShiva foranallyhewouldbeable to create akingdomof hisowninindepend-ence of Adil Shah. Nextday ShivajiwithonlytwoorthreefollowersvisitedJauharatmidnight,andwasreceived in darbar. After oaths ofco-operationhadbeen taken on bothsides,Shivajireturnedquicklyto thefort,and thepretended siegewas continued.Whenthe news ofJauharstreacherouscoquet-tingwith Shiva reached the ears of Ali Adil Shah,thatkingburst intoangerand left hiscapital (5thAugust)"topunishboththe rebels." Anenvoywas84SHIVAJi.[CH.IV,sent tobring Jauharback to theright path,but themissionwasa failure.When, however,Ali reachedMirajand hisVanguardadvancedbeyondit stillnearertoPanhala,Shivaji slippedoutofthe fort onenightwith hisfamilyand 5 to 6 thousandsoldiers,andPanhalareturnedto AdilShah'spossessionwith-outablow(about25thAugust, 1660.)AstheBijapurCourt-poetsanginexultation,"AlitookPanhalafromSalabat in a twinkle."(Tarikfi~i~Ali,82-93;B. S.353-357;F. R.Rajapur, KolhapurtoSurat,dated5June,1660. Chit. 64;Dig.175-176;T. S.18b-19a.)Shiva'sescapefrom the fort wassoondetected,and astrong Bijapuriforce underJauhar'sson SiddiAziz and Afzal Khan's son Fazl Khan set out inpursuitof him. Onreachinga narrow ravine(probablynearMalkapur),Shiva left 5 thousandmen there underBajiPradhu(the deshpandeof HardisMaval)with orders to hold the mouthof thepassat all costs till the mainbodyofthefugitiveshad reachedVishalgarh.TheBijapurisdelivered threebloodyassaults on the heroicrear-guard,all of which were beaten off. Butwhen at last thegun-firefromVishalgarh gavetheanxiously expected signalthatShivajihadreachedsafetywithinitswalls,thegallantBajiPrabhuwaslyingmortallywoundedwith 700ofhisfollowers.The faithful servant had done hisappointed duty.TheBijapurisdeclined tobesiege Vishalgarh,andretired to theirownterritory,afterrecoveringPavan-garhand some other forts in addition to Panhala.1660]MUGHAL INVASION OF PUNA. 85Shiva retained in thatquarter onlythe forts of Ran-ganaandVishalgarh.*In the samemonth,almost in the same week,in whichShivajilost Panhala in the extreme southof hisdominions,his arms met with another disasterin the extreme north. On 15thAugust,his Fort ofjChakan,18milesnorthofPuna,wascapturedbytheMughals.Toexplainhowithappened,weshallhaveto trace the course of the war in thatquarterfromits commencement.3.ShaistaKhanoccupiesPuna.Earlyin1660,ShaistaKhanopenedthecampaignagainst Shivajifrom thenorth,afterarrangingfor anattackuponthe MarathadominionsbytheBijapurisfrom the south at the same time.LeavingAhmad-nagarwith a vastarmyon 25thFebruary,the Khanmarched southwardsalongthe eastern side of thePunadistrict,methodically capturingandgarrisoningall thestrongholdsthatguardedtheapproachestoPunaorTTtie"~east and south.TheMarathas at first retreated before him with-outriskinga battle.By wayof Sonwadi(closetothe Dhondrailway station)andSupa (16miles s. w.Chit.64-65; Dig. 182-185;T. S. 19a &b;the name ofSiddi Aziz isgiven byDuff(i. 181) only,while T. S. readsSiddi Halal. The Persian works areabsolutelysilent aboutthis retreat.Vishalgarhis 27 miles from Panhala viaMalkapur. (Ind.At. 40 S.W.)86SHIVAJI.[CH.IV.ofDhond),he reached Baramati(18miles s. e. ofSupa)on 5thApril.At the last twoplacesweremud-fortswhichtheenemyhadevacuated. Henextworked hiswaywestwardsupthevalleyof the Nirariver,by wayofHoi,reachingShirwal,26 milessouth ofPuna,on 18thApril.Like a wisegeneral,Shaista Khan left detachments at all theseoutposts,toguardhislineofcommunicatiorra!iSTh"6idtheforts.AflyingcolumnsentfromShirwalsackedthevillagesroundRajgarh (22miles duewest.)FromShirwaltheMughalarmymovedalongtheNira river 16 miles northwards toShivapur (nearKhed),and thence due eastwardsthroughGarara,arrivingat Saswad(13miles east ofShivapurand16 miles south-east ofPuna)on 1stMay./Upto thispointtheMughaladvance had beenXmopposed,the Marathas_^)trily .hoveringat a distance/to cut offsuppliesandskirmishingwith theforagingIparties. Theymade their first stand near thepassleadingfromShivapurto Garara. On30thAprilabodyof3,000MarathacavalrythreatenedtheMughalrear-guardunderRaoBhaoSingh,butwereattackedandrouted after alongfight.FromSaswadasmallMughaldetachmentraidedthevillagesat the foot ofPurandarfort.Theywereattackedby3,000oftheenemy,butheldtheirgroundbyfighting desperatelyat closequarters, thoughtheylost 50 in killed and wounded. Reinforcementsarrived,routed theenemy,andpursuedthem to thepasswhichwascommandedbythegunsofPurandar.1660]SHAISTA khan's SUCCESS. 87The