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 http://jos.sagepub.com/ Journal of Sociology

 http://jos.sagepub.com/content/9/2/66The online version of this article can be found at:

DOI: 10.1177/144078337300900214

1973 9: 66Journal of Sociology Rowland and D.J. Walmsley

David Biles, Brian F. McCoy, Leslie N. O'Brien, M. Goot, R.A. Schermerhorn, D.T.Research Reports

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 What is This?

- Jan 1, 1973Version of Record>>

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66

RESEARCHREPORTS

SURVEY OF THE RESIDENTIAL

ENVIRONMENT OF CANBERRA

The aim of the survey was to investigatethe assessment of the physical and social

aspects of the residential environment byCanberra citizens. The survey represents partof the process of monitoring and evaluatingurban planning in Canberra.

Residential Environment

The residential environment was assumed

to be related to the following elements:

. dwellings and groundsenvironmental factors (such as noise,

safety, aesthetics)convenience or accessibility of the

dwelling location.

the people living in thearea.

SurveyStructured interviews were carried out

with heads of households covering a 5%

sample of residential locations in January1971. The overall response rate for the

survey was 87%. Excluding non-effective

selections and non-contacts a co-operationrate of 95% was achieved, with 1,432effective interviews.

The population was stratified beforesampling was carried out, as it was

considered that there might be significantdifferences between the environmental

assessment of inner Canberra, the developedareas of Woden and Belconnen, the

developing areas of Woden and Belconnen,and flats.

FINDINGS

DwellingsThe quality of dwellings is considered to

be very high although it was felt that there is

a lack of variety in housing types and to

some extent the dwelling size was considered

to relate poorly to needs. Flats are assessed

lowest in dwelling quality particularly with

respect to privacy, size and arrangement of

rooms and the size of outdoor areas.

Convenience

Overall convenience is rated highlyalthough nearly a fifth of the residents assess

convenience to entertainment to be below

average. The city centre, work and shopswere found to be most strongly related to

overall convenience. It is interesting to note

that a different aspect is considered to be

most important for each stratum, for inner

Canberra - the city, for developed areas -

the shops, for developing areas - the

primary school and for flats - work.

Local Environment

 Although most Canberra residents

generally assess the local environment very

highly, flat dwellers are experiencing

problems with maintenance of the building,traffic noise and traffic congestion.  A

significant number of households in all strata

consider pedestrian safety to be below

average in their locality.

PeopleCanberra residents seem well satisfied

with the type of neighbours living in their

area and assess the environment very highlyin this respect. There is not an active sense

of community at the neighbourhood scale

except for some sense of ’mateship’ or

’frontier bond’ in the developing areas.

Canberra residents seem to respect and to

feel little pressure from or conflict with their

neighbours rather than being activelyfriendly toward them.

General Residential Environment

Canberra residents considered all aspectsof their residential environment superior to

that of other cities. Tidiness, provision of

trees and lawns, convenience and quietnesswere considered considerably better than

elsewhere, while friendliness of neighbours,road safety, variety of dwellings and mixture

of people were considered only marginallybetter. Factors most important in improvingthe residential environment of Canberra

were considered to be increased variety in

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67

housing types, more open space and safer

road design.

City Environment At the larger urban scale the survey

indicates that the residents rank Canberra

more highly than other cities in open space

provision, tidiness, design of central area,

shopping and parking facilities and absenceof road congestion.

However Canberra’s cost of living is

assessed to be much worse and publictransport and provision of entertainment

facilities here are assessed as being worse

than that of other cities.

General Assessment. The results of the survey overall indicate

a high level of community support for

present residential planning policies. There is

a high level of satisfaction with the qualityof the residential environment which is

considered by the majority of Canberra

people to be superior to that of other cities.

Of the four environmental factors

examined in depth ’convenience of location’

is assessed highest and ’the quality of the

current dwelling’ lowest. Studies of the

relationship between the four factors and

the overall assessment indicate that thestrongest relationship is with ’the people in

the area’ and the weakest with ’convenienceof location’. This seems to indicate that

convenience is important but that concern

for residential areas as places in which

people interact and co-exist needs to bemore strongly incorporated in the Commis-

sion’s planning philosophy. The quality of

the residential environment is assessed

highest by those in developed and

developing areas and lowest by those livingin flats.

Reflection

Since the survey is a study of values,attitudes and preference rather than of

actual behaviour the results need to be

carefully interpreted if they are to be used

predictively. However surveys of this kind

can be used to assist the decision making

process by makingthe social values more

explicit.National Capital Development

Commission,November 1972.

POLICE ATTITUDES TO DEVIANCEIN VICTORIA

The question of whether or not

policemen have substantially differentattitudes to social deviance to those of thenormal community is one that may have

profound consequences for the operation of

criminal justice systems, and has conse-

quently prompted much research andspeculation. A recent comprehensive review,for example, of the evidence for and againstthe existence of a distinct and identifiable

&dquo;police personality&dquo; concluded that &dquo;the

controversy over the police mentality will

probably persist for some time to come

[and] there is simply not enough goodevidence to support or refute any side of the

controversy&dquo; (Balch, 1972). Notwith-

standing this

unsatisfactory conclusion,Skolnick (1966) argued from the basis of his

participant observation study that policemenare characteristically suspicious and authori-

tarian, and McInnes (1962, p. 74) has

dramatically written, &dquo;The true copper’sdominant characteristic is ... an ingrainedconservatism, an almost desperate love ofthe conventional.&dquo;

In the light of these comments it is

hypothesised that policemen are more

conservative, cautious and suspicious thannon-policemen, and, these characteristics

should- be reflected in their attitudes to

deviant behaviour. At a secondary level, if

such differences are found to exist, the

question of why they are so remains

unanswered. Police attitudes may be

different from those of the public as a

function of either social pressures within the

police organization or of selection of

particular personality types. This can be

tested by comparing the attitudes of policerecruits and those of older, more expe-rienced policemen. A questionnaire was administered to a

group of policemen, about a third of whom

were recruits, and to a control group (with a

similar mean age) from two adult education

classes who were predominantly white collar

workers, professionals or housewives.

Because of the lack of blue collar workers

thisgroup

is

heavilybiased towards the

middle class but it may be seen as typical of

the law-abiding section of the community on

whose behalf police action is often taken.

Nearly all of the 40 items in the

questionnaire revealed marked differences

between the police and the control group,but only those items specifically related to

deviant behaviour are analysed in detail,eight focused on punishment or correction

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68

(Table 1) and six dealing with sexual

behaviour (Table 2). -

Table 1 indicates that in each case the

police favour a more punitive approach to

the treatment of offenders than do the

control group and all differences are

statistically significant. The most strikingdifference is seen where 74% of the

policemen agree with the proposition that

deliberate murderers should be hanged,compared with less than 25% of the control

group.  All items support the view that the

policemen are not only more punitive but

also have considerable faith in the traditional

application of law as a means of controllingdeviant human behaviour.

TABLE 1

 Attitudes to Punishment and Correction

N = 227*

* Nine questionnaires (3 police, 6 control) where discarded on the basis of inconsistency,judged in terms of positive responses to both propositions ’deliberate murderers should be

hanged’ and ’capital punishment should be abolished’.

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69

TABLE 2

 Attitudes to Sexual Behaviour

Table 2 indicates that the police tend to

be more conservative than the control groupin their attitudes to sexual behaviour. Onlyitem 8 does not yield a significantdifference, and this may be due to the fact

that the statement evokes ambivalent

emotions. Placement in an institution is

generally regarded as punitive but the words

&dquo;for their own protection&dquo; are positive and

supportive. It is possible that different

subjects were responding to differentelements of the statement. Notwithstandingthis one non-discriminating item, the overall

results provide strong support for the

concept of a distinct &dquo;police personality&dquo;,with policemen being’ more punitive, more

conservative and less tolerant of deviance

than the control group.When the attitudes of older and younger

policemen are compared we find that onlyfive of the fourteen yeild statisticallysignificant differences and these are at a

lower order of probability than that found

in the broader comparisons. Also these few

differences are not all in the same direction.

 As no clear pattern of difference emerges

from Table 3 it must be concluded that the

&dquo;police personality&dquo; is more a result of

selection than of socialization within the

police force. The only other possibility is

that acceptance of police attitudes occurs

very rapidly in the first few weeks of initial

training although this seems rather less

feasible. Not only are police attitudes more

punitive and more conservative but they are

held with more confidence. This is shown bythe fact that unly 7.7 per cent of the police

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70

TABLE 3

Differences in Attitudes between Recruits

and Older Policemen

responses are in the &dquo;don’t know&dquo; category,compared with 13.5 per cent for the control

group.To the extent that it is legitimate to

generalize from this small study, the

differences in attitudes shown to exist mustbe a cause of grave concern. It is ultimatelythe individual policeman who, defines who is

a criminal. The distinction between unusual,unconventional behaviour on one hand and

unlawful behaviour on the other is, in

practice, often blurred, and the policeman is

required to make this distinction on a

routine basis. If he is more conventional and

conservative than the general community he

will make this judgment in a way which is

often likely to cause resentment andhostility, and the ultimate consequence may

well be a lowering of public respect for the

police.

REFERENCES

BALCH, R. W.

1972 ’The Police Personality: Factor

Fiction?’Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology and Police

Science, 63:106-119.

McINNES, C.1962 Mr. Love and Mr. Justice. London: New

English Library.

SKOLNICK, J. H.

1966 Justice Without Trial. New York: Wiley.

David Biles,Brian F. McCoy

Department of CriminologyUniversity of Melbourne.

THE HARE KRISHNA MOVEMENT

IN AUSTRALIA

Since its origins in 1966 The Hare

Krishna movement has formed 67 centers

around the world and claims 2000 devotees

in the U.S. alone. In  Australia centers inSydney with 45 devotees, and Melbourne

with 30 have been established. This report is

based on observations made as an observer-

participant in the Sydney Temple and inter-

views with seven devotees.1

The Hare Krishna Devotee

 All seven expressed extreme unhappinesswith their life prior to joining the sect and

all had used drugs to some degree. Five

stated their parents were either separated or

divorced.  Aside from one male who had

completed training in a trade, they all had

poor educations and dim prospects formaterial success.

Julie is a typical case. She comes from a

middle class family in Sydney. Her parentsargued frequently while she was young but

later became reconciled to marriage. Julie

says she was spoiled and was never

disciplined.  After leaving school at the

minimum age she worked in various office

1Copies of the paper on which this report is

based are available from the author — 57

Cobran Rd., Cheltenham, N.S.W. 2119.

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71

jobs before marriage at nineteen. By this

time she had three times received intensive

psychiatric treatment for nervous break-

down.

Soon after marriage Julie and her

husband joined a hippie commune in

Melbourne. Here they experimented with

free love and communal marriage but found

it led to continual quarrelling and conflict.On the verge of separation, they read some

Hare Krishna literature, visited the templeand joined the sect. Julie’s husband is now in

the Melbourne Temple while she and her

child are in the Sydney Temple. She believes

Krishna will soon decide for them to come

together and that their relationship will be

successful. This will be because sex will be

limited to procreation and &dquo;sex and lust will

no longer come between us, and my husband

will be able to return to the Godhead.&dquo;

Ritual & IdeologyKrishna Consciousness, in common with

other Eastern religions, promises oneness

with Krishna or God, The Supreme Being.Krishna Consciousness teaches that every-

thing is controlled and minipulated byKrishna. There is no other reality than

Krishna. The doctrine rejects rational

planning. The devotees relied on the

movement’s dogma in interviews. Vyasa Dasstated &dquo;what you know is nothing, and youare nothing, until you learn something, and

all that is worth learning is Krishna

Consciousness&dquo;. While perhaps meaninglessto the reader its significance may lie in its

very meaningless, for by meaning nothingthe ritual and ideology are not questioned.

Similarly while the ideology is full of

descriptions of utopia derived from Indian

conceptionsof ascribed

status,the devotees

seem to have given little thought to how this

applied to them.

This ideology is backed by a powerfuland time consuming ritual. The Doll-like

deities in the temple are fed six times a dayin half hour rituals. Devotees must also

chant the Hare Krishna mantra 200 times a

day. This involves a full two and a half hours

of sometimes disinterested chanting. It is

claimed to cleanse the spirit and commu-

nicate through transcendental vibraticrnswith Krishna.

Roles and IdentityInitiation into the sect takes place when a

person decides to join permanently. The

initiation is a complex ritual which gives the

person a new identity as a devotee and

dispels a former, life which is dismissed as an

illusion under the influence of Maya (evil).

The devotee receives an Indian name like

Vyasa Das and begins his journey back to

Godhead.

Within the temple there is great emphasisplaced on the tasks necessary to sustain its

existence, and the devotees seem to enjoytheir work. This co-operation and the

supportive social structure it engendersseems to play a significant part in integratingthe devotee to his new life style. Similarlythe distinctive clothing, shaven heads, andthe performance of Sankirtana - (thepractice of chanting in the street) - while its

intention is to tune people into Krishna

Consciousness, helps consolidate groupconsciousness. Devotees acknoweldged the

difficulty of handling public ridicule, butthis and frequent official harassment alsoreminds them how much the world is in an

age of Karli Yuga (sin and anxiety), and how

important their role is.

Interactions with Wider SocietyThe sect survives through donations and

literature sales during its Sankirtana

performances and via business activities. It

manufactures and sells incense, runs a store

at its temple where Indian clothing, perfumeand literature is sold and most recently has

begun small contact

printing jobson its

printing press.

Obviously the sect is capitalistic. Ques-tioned about the conflict between their

ideology of renunciation of materialism and

these business activities devotees stated that

this was permissable because &dquo;we are doingit for Krishna&dquo;. Further that people were

blessed by giving money to Krishna, makingit easier for them &dquo;to know Krishna and

return to Godhead&dquo;.

Conclusion At present the sect is increasing (from 6

in December 1971 to 45 in June 1972).Perhaps a pattern will emerge wherebyalienated individuals after a short time in the

sect, regain their self esteem throughproductive work and then return to the

wider society.On the other hand the sect does seem to

offer a life style which supplies an answer to

some

peoplewith little

prospectswithin the

wider society and who feel deeply alienated

from that society. The highly structured life

style, the integration of work, worship and

family life, and the indoctrination in an ideo-

logy proclaiming the individual to be one of

the enlightened, all contribute to the creation

and consolidation of a new and more

satisfying identity.R. Breckwoldt.R. Breckwoldt.

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73

FOOTNOTES1

See H. Taylor Buckner, ’Deviance, Reality and

Change’ (1971) for an elaboration of this

concept.2

See H. Toch (1965) for further elaboration.3

For example Adams & Fox ’Mainlining Jesus:

The New Trip’ (1972) and Robbins &  Anthony’Getting Straight with Meher Baba’ (1972).

REFERENCES

 ADAMS, R. L. & FOX, R. J.

1972 ’Mainlining Jesus: The New Trip’. Trans-action Society, Vol. 9, No. 4.

BUCKNER, H. T.

1971 Deviance, Reality and Change. New York:

Random House.

GOULDNER, A.1970 The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology.Heinemann.

MERTON, R. K.1965 Social Theory and Social Structure. New

York: Free Press.

ROBBINS, T. & ANTHONY, D.

1972 ’Getting Straight with Meher Baba’. Journal

for the Scientific Study of Religion, Vol. 11, No.

2.

ROZAK, T.

1969 The Making of a Counter-Culture. New York:

Doubleday.

TOCH, H.1965 The Social Psychology of Social Movements.

Bobbs-Merrill.

Leslie N. O’Brien

Department of Anthropology and

Sociology,Monash University.

UNIFORM SWINGS AND THE MEANING

OF THE CLASS VOTE

There is clearly a contradiction between

interpretations of class voting in terms of

opposing interest (e.g. Burns, 1961:77;

Pringle, 1958:47) and the existence of a

swing of uniform direction across electorates

varying widely in their class composition. In

1966, to take one of the most notable

examples, there was a swing to the

Government in the Liberal stronghold of

Wentworth and in the inner-city Labor

fortress of East Sydney.  Again in 1969,when the swing was away from the

Government, it was felt not only in Sydney(which included parts of the dismantled East

Sydney) but also in the adjacent electorate

of Wentworth (Mackerrass, 1972:204-249).To what extent is the ecological analysis

underscored or refined by survey data? An

examination of pre-election Gallup poll data,

coveringeach of the states between 1946

and 1955, led Davies (1964:136) to the

conclusion that the minor tidal swings in ’fat

and lean years’ wash ’evenly across the

board’. On closer examination, however,such a judgment on these data seems

difficult to sustain. In Victoria, for instance,in three successive pairs of elections, there

were swings to the non-Labor parties within

three strata but swings away from the

non-Labor parties within a variety of four

others.Better data, with the work-force simply

divided in two, are furnished by  Alford

( 1963 :184-187). These, covering Labor

support alone, derive from Gallup surveysbetween 1946 and 1961.

 Alford’s figures certainly do suggest, for

most of the states and at the national level,that when the manual workers move one

way the non-manual side moves with them.

Onlyin

Victoria,where the D.L.P. bit

deepest, and where doctrinal politics may ormay not have flourished best (Rawson,1967), have the two halves tended to swingin opposite directions.I

What of the period since 1961?

Fluctuations in support for the Government

and Opposition are charted by the GallupPoll between July 1966 (when detailed

tabulations were first published) and

February 1972 are summarised in Table II.

The results are striking. Firstly, almost all

the relationships are positive.2 If the manual

are divided from non-manual workers the

rank-order correlations are .71 (L.C.P.) and

.73 (A.L.P.). Even more dramatic is the

correlation between the polar categories: a

solid .54 (L.C.P. or  A.L.P.) between

professionals and owners or managers of bigbusiness on the one side, and the semi-skilled

and unskilled workers on the other.

Secondly, the figures are not interchangeablebetween the parties. Rather than switch

from one major party to another voters

may prefer one of the minor parties (notablythe D.L.P.) or remain undecided. Swings are

more uniform when computed in terms of

Government support; more independentwhen stated in terms of Oppositionsupport.3

3

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74

TABLE I

Rank-Order Correlations of A.L.P. Support Among Manual and Non-Manual Occupations

1946-19611

TABLE II

Rank-Order Correlations of L.C.P. and A.L.P. Support by Occupation:1966-1972

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75

Thus, while Davies’ evidence did not

prove his conclusion, evidence over a longerperiod shows it is true, or at least that at the

national level there are few opposingmovements in contrasted occupationalgroupings. This fits in with other aspects of

electoral choice: e.g. the fact that analysesof swing in terms of  A.L.P. and L.C.P.

support do not fully accord; and the fact

that support for the Leader of the

Opposition does not rise as support for the

Prime Minister falls, or vice versa (Goot and

Connell, 1972:32).  All of this brings into

question the idea that oppositions of interest

and preference are the key to social patternsof political choice in Australia.

FOOTNOTES

* For his comments on an earlier draft I am very

grateful to Bob Connell.1

Neither Davis’ (1960:620) nor  Alford’s case

against the impact of ’regionalism’ on ’class

voting’ can be readily sustained. Davis’ claim is

hedged: each ’interest’ votes the same way in

every state ’... except, perhaps, in Queenslandand South Australia or in single elections.’ (butcf. Mayer, 1962:95).  Alford (1963:182-183),argues that the ’absence of political regionalismis confirmed by lack of sharp differences

between regions in patterns of class voting in

the Australian States.’ Leaving aside the resultspresented in Table I, his figures reveal that in

1946, 1960, 1961 and 1962 (i.e. on four

occasions out of nine) the index of ’class voting’was at least twice as great in some states as inothers.

2Gallup data are also provided by Webb

(1954:108-09). He gives the 1951 and 1949

preferences, by occupation, of those voting in

1949; and the 1953 and 1951 preferences, byoccupation, of those who voted in 1951. Onboth occasions swings away from the L.C.P.were across the board.

3

Mackerras’ (1972:275) concept of swing isclearly limited in not allowing for this

possibility.

REFERENCES

 ALFORD, R. R.

1963 Party and Society London: John Murray

BURNS, C.

1961 Parties and People Parkville: Melbourne

University Press.

DAVIES, A. F.

1964  Australian Democracy Second Edition,

Croydon: Longmans,Green.

DAVIS, S. R.

1960 ’Diversity in Unity’.pp. 557-713 in S. R.

Davis (ed.) The Government of the  Australian

States, Melbourne: Longmans, Green

GOOT, M. and CONNELL, R. W.

1972 ’Presidential Politics in  Australia?’ The

 Australian Quarterly 44 (June): 28-33

MACKERRAS, M.1972 Australian General Elections Sydney: Angusand Robertson.

MAYER, H.1962 ’Why Parties?’ pp. 77-100 in J. Rorke (ed)

 Aspects of  Australian Government Sydney:University of Sydney, Department of TutorialClasses.

PRINGLE, J. D.

1958  Australian  Accent London: Chatto and

Windus

RAWSON, D. W.

1967 ’Victoria, 1910-1966: Out of Step, or MerelyShuffling?’ Historical Studies 13 (October): 60-75

WEBB, L.C.1954 ’The Australian Party System’. pp. 84-117 in

S. R. Davis et al., The  Australian Party SystemSydney: Angus and Robertson.

M. Goot

Department of Politics

Macquarie University.

SEX ROLES AMONG THE

 ANGLO-INDIANS

 A series of interviews in the Anglo-Indiancommunity of Calcutta during May and

December revealeda

set of reciprocal rolerelations between the sexes that should be of

interest to students of family life. The

 Anglo-Indians are a racially mixed minoritygroup stemming from the off-spring of

British fathers and Indian mothers, mostlyconceived during the eighteenth and

nineteenth centuries.

 At the time of my field research I found a

widespread stereotype of  Anglo-Indianwomen as promiscuous. Pursuing the

historical reasons for this stereotype, Idiscovered that in a society where both

Hindu and Muslim women were strictlysecluded,  Anglo-Indian girls, more Euro-

peanized on the whole, entered three

occupations which other women shunned:

nursing, teaching and office work. Of these

three, office work became predominantbecause of its higher pay. During the British

regime, recreation and festivity outside of

office hours were available to English men

primarily with Anglo-Indian girls who had

more freedom to mingle with the oppositesex than their Indian sisters. Intrigues,entanglements and transient affairs resulted

from these encounters, quite enough to start

tongues wagging; such gossip was heightenedby the unfortunate visibility of the Kareyaquarter of Calcutta where bordellos were

noticeably Anglo-Indian.

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76

The simple fact, however, was that

 Anglo-Indian women were breadwinners in a

society where such a role was defined as

strictly male. To this day, the Anglo-Indianemployed woman pursuing this &dquo;deviant&dquo;role dresses in European style, is worldly-wise in the arts of make-up, has many and

continuous contacts with men outside the

home, and general freedom in social affairsdenied to Hindu or Muslim girls. Hence she

is under constant suspicion of being no

better than she should be. This stereotype is

diffused to Europeans as well as to the

indigenous population.Entrance of Anglo-Indian women into the

labor force was, more often than not, a

matter of necessity, since their men suffered

endemic unemployment from the 1920’s to

the 1970’s.

Though Anglo-Indianmales had

preferential employment in railway, tele-

graph postal and customs services duringcolonial days, they lost more and more of

these jobs with Indianization of the offices

before and after independence. Without the

nepotic advantages of family and caste, and

with no more than a high school education, Anglo-Indian males were slowly but surelyeliminated from the job market. This was

compounded by their self-image as too good

for menial work, and borrowed value-patterns from English gentlemen of leisure

whose interests centered in war and sports.With so many of their men taking leisure

at home, it has become customary for

 Anglo-Indian parents to pressure their

daughters to work, not to marry too soon,

and to continue support of the older

generation. Conversely,  Anglo-Indian girlsfrequently refuse marriage with men of their

own community, fearing that they will be

unemployed ne’er-do-wells who must be

supported, just as their parents were.

Since job opportunities for women are far

greater than they are for men, sex roles on

both sides are skewed away from the

traditional male dominance pattern. Amongthe Anglo-Indians it is the woman who playsthe role of competent, efficient achiever,while the male is a charming, convivial and

engaging host whose domain is the home

rather than the office. Such an

apparentreversal of roles throws interesting side-lightson the issue of women’s lib.

R. A. Schermerhorn

Department of Sociology,California State University,

Fullerton.

MAORI FAMILY STATUS AND

RESIDENTIAL DISTRIBUTIONS

Socio-economic status and family status

play major roles in determining the

distribution of Maoris in the Auckland urban

area. Differences between the relative

distribution of Maoris and Pakehas are

mainly attributable to the lower socio-economic status of Maoris, which has

obliged the majority of them to live in the

less desirable parts of the city, both old and

new (Rowland, 1972). Among the Maori

population alone, however, socio-economic

distinctions between people living in

different suburbs are not pronounced and

those that do exist, such as differences in

incomes and home ownership, are primarilya

productof life-cycle stage.

Familystatus

attributes have emerged as the principalitems differentiating the Maori populationsof Auckland suburbs, family status beingdefined as the degree of importance of the

family as a social and economic unit.

 A detailed study of spatial variations in

Maori family status was made using Guttman

scaling to obtain a ranking of fifty-eightsuburbs in terms of seven variables. These

variables were of two types: the first,

consisting of measures of marital status,fertility and female employment indicated

the relative importance of the family as a

social unit in each area, while the second,which included measures of income and

tenure of dwellings, indicated the economic

standing of the heads of Maori households.

Low family status was shown by highpercentages of women working and by low

values for incomes, fertility, proportionsmarried and home ownership. A reversal of

this pattern of values denoted high familystatus. Then analysis identified fourteen

types of suburbs ranging between these two

extremes.

Mapping the distribution of Maori familystatus revealed a quasi-concentric pattern,outer suburbs ranking ’high’, inner city areas

’low’ and intermediate areas ’medium’. This

pattern was in accord with information on

the cityward and intra-city migration

patternsof Maoris. For

cityward migrants,areas of old housing, especially those

adjacent to the central business district are

the main receiving areas for single peopleand childless couples. Outer suburbs on the

other hand, are the main destinations of

migrantt families (Rowland, 1971). Maori

intra-urban migration consists mostly of

sorting within similar residential areas or

centrifugal movement from inner to outer

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suburbs (Rowland, 1972). The centrifugalmovement is both prompted and facilitated

by family growth, since parenthood creates

new housing needs and also makes possiblethe purchase of a house through capitali-zation of the family benefit. Thus as Maoris

increase their family status, they tend to

gravitate to the outer suburbs. Most of the

central areas of medium family status are

least attractive to cityward migrants and are

generally ’leapfrogged’ in the centrifugalintra-urban movement (Whitelaw, 1971).

REFERENCES

ROWLAND, D. T.

1971 Maori migration to Auckland, New Zealand

Geographer, 27, 21-37.

ROWLAND, D. T.

1972 Processes of Maori urbanisation. New

Zealand Geographer, 28, 1-22.

WHITELAW, J. S.1971 Migration patterns and residential selection in

 Auckland, New Zealand. Australian GeographicalStudies, 9, 61-76.

D. T. Rowland;Department of Demography

Institute of Advanced Studies, Australian National University.

RESPONSE RATES IN FOUR SYDNEY SURVEYS

Response rates to structured interviews and

self-administered questionnaires were

studied in the course of four surveys in

suburban Sydney, three in Bexley (1.87 on

Congalton’s scale) and one in Killara (4.55on Congalton’s scale).’

IThe details are set

out in the following table.

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 Although the variety of factors involved andthe differences between the surveys make it

impossible to unravel the trends entirely,there are two main findings. First that the

pre-circulation of a letter advising potentialrespondents of a forthcoming survey may be

counter-productive in that it may tend to

lower gross and net response rates. Second

that response varies with social status to theextent that more people were found at home

in Killara than in Bexley. However

respondents in the high status suburb

returned fewer self administered question-

naires than their counterparts in the lower

status neighbourhood.

REFERENCE

1See Congalton, S.A. 1961, Status

Ranking of Sydney Suburbs. Sydney:University of New South Wales, School

of

Sociology,Studies in

Sociology,No. 1.

D. J. WalmsleyDepartment of GeographyUniversity of New England

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