samantha coates - edinburgh napier university - dissertation

This dissertation is submitted in part fulfilment of the regulations for theBA (Hons) Degree in Communication, Advertising and Public Relations

School of Creative Industries at Edinburgh Napier University

An analysis of the Yes Scotland campaign created by the Scottish Independence Movement, focusing on the utilisation of social media to

improve communications

Samantha Coates

40059413

Supervisor: Gary Lunt

EDINBURGH NAPIER UNIVERSITY2016

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ABSTRACT

The study looks at differing perceptions of the Yes Scotland social media campaign

created during the 2014 Scottish Referendum focusing on the thoughts and opinions

of a local SNP Councillor, as well as the local public of Dundee and surrounding

areas. The study compares the views of SNP Councillor, with those of the general

public and those found within literature, to add to the growing discussion around this

topic. Overall, the results of this study are interesting, concluding that the Yes

Scotland social media campaign was in the main successful. The results also prove

that the targeted 18 – 24 age range is the most active online, resulting in a rise in

political discussion on social media. Furthermore, voters are not heavily influenced

by celebrity figures with regards to their vote, but give more credence to political

figures. The study also identifies steps which Yes Scotland may put in place to

increase online scope and engagement.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to take this opportunity to thank my Dissertation Supervisor and module

leader, Gary Lunt, for all his time, guidance and ongoing faith in my abilities

throughout my two years of learning at Edinburgh Napier University.

I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to all the participants within the

different stages of my primary research, in particularly to local SNP Councillor, Mairi

Evans, who specifically offered her time to be interviewed for the purpose of this

dissertation. Her interview gave great insight to my findings and analysis.

I would like to give a massive thank you to my parents for their guidance and

support, I would not be the person I am today without them. Last but not least, my

closest friends who have been there for me and pushed me to continue with my

studies. I would not have persevered without you.

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ABBREVIATIONS

SNS = Social Networking Site

UK = United Kingdom

YS = Yes Scotland

BT = Better Together

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CONTENTS:

LIST OF FIGURES:............................................................................................................................7

LIST OF TABLES:..............................................................................................................................7

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................8

1.1 OVERVIEW...................................................................................................................................8

1.2 RESEARCH AIMS AND OBJECTIVES.....................................................................................9

1.3 METHOD.....................................................................................................................................10

1.4 STRUCTURE OF THE DISSERTATION................................................................................10

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW....................................................................................11

2.1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................11

2.2 HISTORY OF SOCIAL MEDIA AND ONLINE COMMUNITIES...........................................11

2.3 SOCIAL MEDIA AS A FORM OF COMMUNICATION..........................................................12

2.4 SOCIAL MEDIA AS A POLITICAL TOOL...............................................................................15

2.5 SOCIAL MEDIA AS A POLITICAL TOOL DURING THE SCOTTISH REFERENDUM....19

2.6 CONCLUSION............................................................................................................................22

CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY...................................................................25

3.1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................25

3.2 RESEARCH AIMS AND OBJECTIVES...................................................................................25

3.3 SECONDARY RESEARCH......................................................................................................26

3.4 PRIMARY RESEARCH.............................................................................................................26

3.5 RESEARCH PARADIGM AND METHODOLOGY.................................................................27

3.6 RESEARCH APPROACH.........................................................................................................28

3.7 DATA COLLECTION METHODS.............................................................................................29

3.7.1 QUALITATIVELY ORIENTATED QUESTIONNAIRE....................................................30

3.7.2 SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEWS...............................................................................31

3.7.3 STRUCTURED INTERVIEWS..........................................................................................32

3.8 ALTERNATIVE DATA COLLECTION METHODS.................................................................32

3.9 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS.................................................................................................33

3.10 LIMITATIONS OF THE METHODOLOGY............................................................................33

CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS.........................................................................................................35

4.1 INTRODUCTION TO FINDINGS.............................................................................................35

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4.2 DATA ANALYSIS METHOD: THEMATICS ANALYSIS........................................................35

4.3 QUALITATIVELY ORIENTATED QUESTIONNAIRE RESULTS........................................36

4.3.1 QUESTIONNAIRE - QUESTION 6...................................................................................36



4.3.4 QUESTIONNAIRE – QUESTION 9..................................................................................39

4.3.5 QUESTIONNAIRE - QUESTION 10.................................................................................40


4.3.7 QUESTIONNAIRE – QUESTION 12................................................................................43


4.4 SEMI – STRUCTURED INTERVIEW RESULTS...................................................................45

4.5 STRUCTURED INTERVIEW RESULTS.................................................................................47

CHAPTER FIVE: ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS................................................................................49

5.1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................49

5.2 ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS........................................................................................................49

5.2.1 IMAGE OF POLITICAL FIGURES AND CELEBRITIES................................................49

5.2.2 SOCIAL MEDIA AND ENGAGEMENT IN POLITICAL DEBATE.................................52

5.2.3 YES SCOTLAND ONLINE ENGAGEMENT....................................................................55

5.2.4 EFFECTS OF LOWERING THE VOTING AGE ON SOCIAL MEDIA ENGAGEMENT.........................................................................................................................................................56

5.2.5 SOCIAL MEDIA AS AN ARENA FOR POLITICAL DEBATE........................................57

CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION.....................................................61

6.1 CONCLUSION............................................................................................................................61

6.2 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR YES SCOTLAND SOCIAL MEDIA CAMPAIGN.................62

6.3 RECOMMENDATIONS TO FURTHER THE STUDY...........................................................63

REFERENCES:.................................................................................................................................65

BIBLIOGRAPHY:..............................................................................................................................71

APPENDICIES..................................................................................................................................80

APPENDIX A: Questionnaire Questions....................................................................................80

APPENDIX B: Semi – Structured Interview Questions............................................................81

APPENDIX C: Transcribe of Interview with SNP Councillor Mairi Evans.............................82

APPENDIX D: Structured Interview Questions.........................................................................87

APPENDIX E: Structured Email Interview with Kim Lawson..................................................88

APPENDIX F: Structured Email Interview with Megan Hughes.............................................91

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APPENDIX G: Structured Email Interview with Jessica Elliott................................................93

LIST OF FIGURES:

Figure 1: Question 6 Results






LIST OF TABLES:

Table 1: Question 11 Results


Table 3: Semi-Structured Interview Results

Table 4: Structured Interview Results

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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

“In the Scottish referendum campaign, social media usage reached levels of

visibility and influence never before seen in UK politics, influencing the shape

and tone of mainstream coverage and driving campaign tactics in new and

unfamiliar ways.”

(Brian McNair, 2015)

1.1 OVERVIEW

The Yes Scotland social media campaign was thought to be the most successful

online campaign during the 2014 Scottish referendum (Ridge, 2014). It was thought

to be a once in a generation event but if the United Kingdom (UK) votes to leave the

European Union there will be a material change in circumstances of Scotland within

the UK which would lead to another referendum for Scottish Independence

(Brocklehurst, 2016). Another Yes campaign would hope to encourage past No

voters to change to a Yes vote (Green, 2015).

The aim of this investigation is to analyse the Yes campaign created by the

Independence Movement for the recent Scottish referendum focussing on the

utilization of social media to improve communication. Now that the vote for Scottish

Independence has passed, this investigation will critically evaluate the social media

campaign that evolved during the run up to the referendum on the 18th of September

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2014. It will draw upon other political campaigns, such as the Barack Obama social

media campaign (Rutledge, 2013), to serve as a comparison. This comparison will

evaluate the Yes campaign’s efforts in this political campaign and determine which

aspects were successful and, indeed unsuccessful and even damaging.

Based on the findings of this investigation, recommendations will be made for future

Social Media political campaigns.

1.2 RESEARCH AIMS AND OBJECTIVES

The overall aim of this research is to identify the gaps in communication that

accompanied the Yes Scotland (YS) online political campaign, with the intent to

follow with recommendations. Furthermore, the study aims to uncover the attitudes

and opinions of those involved during the Scottish Referendum in order to gain

insight into exactly which aspects of the YS campaign were successful and which

were unsuccessful. Specifically, this research seeks to;

To review the extent the lowered voting age related to the rise in political

debate on social networking sites.

To evaluate the scope of influence celebrities have in influencing voters via

social networking sites.

To determine optimal strategies to improve the scope and content of

communication through social networking sites.

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1.3 METHOD

In addition to drawing upon the extant literature, the findings from my research are

based upon a semi-structured interview, several structured interviews and a

qualitative orientated questionnaire, which all contribute towards uncovering the

public’s perceptions of the YS online campaign.

The semi-structured interview was conducted face-to-face with a local councillor in

the Angus and Tayside region, who belongs to the SNP party. Furthermore, the

several structured interviews were conducted via email with the targeted ‘18 – 24’

age grouping.

1.4 STRUCTURE OF THE DISSERTATION

This study begins with a literature review on the correlation between social media

and politics, concluding with the effects of social media on the YS campaign during

the 2014 Scottish Referendum. The literature review gives a background into online

communities moving onto applying this concept to political engagement online.

The study then moves on to the methodology chapter which explains the qualitative

methods that were chosen under the interpretivism research philosophy. The

findings are then presented in Chapter 4, followed by the analysis of such data in

Chapter 5.

The study then ends with a conclusion and recommendations for YS and furthering

the study.

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CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter will review the prevailing literature focusing on three main aspects of

the chosen dissertation topic; social media; social media and politics; social media

and the Scottish Referendum.

2.2 HISTORY OF SOCIAL MEDIA AND ONLINE COMMUNITIES

The power of the internet has progressed immensely over the years, to the point that

people know instantly what is happening in the world. Whether this is invasive,

pervasive or informative, information takes different forms and presents itself a lot

faster than it did at the millennium (Leiner et al., 2016). As the lines of

communication through the internet have progressed, users have moved on to

exploring the world of social networking sites (SNS) in depth, allowing people to

communicate more than they ever have done before (Warschauer, 2001).

Scientifically, SNS are known as “Web 2.0”, this is because it is seen as the second

stage of internet development (Anderson, 2007). This stage includes the growth of

user generated social engagement such as social networking via the internet.

However, Ellison and Boyd (2010) define SNS as

“web based services that allow individuals to (1) construct a public or semi-public

profile within a bounded system, (2) articulate a list of other users with whom they

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share a connection, and (3) view and traverse their list of connections and those

made by others within the system”.

(Boyd and Ellison, 2010, p.26)

This shows that the terms “social networking sites” OR “social media” is the

generalised term given to such websites created under the purpose of Web 2.0.

When different forms of communication are then combined with the general public,

there is a creation of communities and social norms; SNS are no different. In relation

to online communities, Sproull & Faraj (1977 as cited by Preece 2000) state that;

“Groups benefit their members and vice versa by providing physical, economic,

cognitive, and emotional resources. Electronic groups do not provide direct physical

or economic resources but frequently offer information that may lend to them”

(Preece, 2000)

This in turn shows that online communication benefits those involved as it provides

an outlet for discussion and information, sometimes globally, which has not

previously been possible.

2.3 SOCIAL MEDIA AS A FORM OF COMMUNICATION

Samantha Goodyear (2014), a high school student, wrote an article for Huffington

Post Teen called ‘The Power of Social Media’ which gave an insight into exactly how

social media shapes the minds of teenagers. The article debates both the negative

and the positive connotations of social media, considering on one hand, that there is

a clear rise in cyber bullying with the ability to post anonymously; whereas on the

other hand, sites such as Facebook and Twitter give teenagers a voice, with a space

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to share their stories on matters of social interest by expressing their thoughts and

opinions. Furthermore, Goodyear argues that even though teenagers may not have

a full understanding on how to conduct and interact correctly about certain issues,

the basis to share opinions and ideas is there and should be encouraged (Goodyear,

2014). In agreement with Goodyear was fellow Huffington post blogger, Jay Scott

(2014). Scott acknowledges that it can be seen to be invasive or overused to the

point of saturation, overall is has the ability to contribute to worthy events

(Scott ,2014).

With this in mind, it is interesting to investigate the connection between the lowered

voting age for the Scottish Referendum 2014 and, the rise of political debate on SNS

(Bolton, 2015). Both authors, Goodyear and Scott, have identified key issues in

which directly relate to the rise in discussion on the topic of the Scottish Referendum

by teenagers. With regards to online communication, SNS offer teenagers the ability

to interact amongst each other on selected political issues that they may feel go out

with their immediate circle of friends and family. Furthermore, if teenagers felt they

had inadequate knowledge on political topics, they may feel that the internet would

be the best place to learn and interact with others as there is the opportunity to post

anonymously or under an online username (Mokeyane, 2006).

Pierre Omidyar (2014), founder and chairman of eBay was in agreement with

Goodyear and Scott (2014) on the encouragement of social media usage by

teenagers. Omidyar wrote an article in which he debates the ideas that arise from

the empowerment that social media gives the general public but also, the issues that

face the government with such freedom of speech. Omidyar clearly agrees with the

positive implications that are born from the ever growing use of social media, and

within his example later discussed in this literature review, he shows a clear

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understanding that this interaction is something to be encouraged. With regards to

SNS, Omidyar claims that “it provides for self-expression and promotes mutual

understanding”, proving that he believes such sites supply an outlet for people to

communicate views and ideas openly. This in turn allows for debate on a wider circle

than they would be able to normally.

This opportunity for a wider circle of communication is evident in the example

provided by Omidyar with regards to the protests in Tehran regarding the

presidential election of 2009. He described that;

“For the first time young people in America were connecting with young people in

Iran, and realizing they had far more in common than they had ever thought.

Americans became invested in the Iranian outcome because ties had been forged

through real time accounts on cell phones and laptops”

(Omidyar, 2014)

This connection was a result of the communication exchanges on sites such as

Twitter and Facebook, and provides an excellent example of integrated points of

view as a result of social media. Even though the Scottish Referendum votes fell to

those only living in Scotland, the same principles were applied. Teenagers from

across Scotland had the opportunity to take to their social media profiles and debate

about topics effecting their location, whether it was relevant to major Scottish cities

or, small towns. This widen circle, even within a couple miles, will affect the

discussion within each area as voters are obtaining information outside their

immediate circle of friends and family.

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Gillin (2007) argues that there are several factors which contribute towards this

increase in use of SNS; two particular factors being demographic shifts and

customer preference (Gillin, 2007). These factors identified are significant as they

offer imperative reasoning for the rise in debate on social media surrounding the

topic of the Scottish Referendum. Young online users are moving past using

traditional forms of media and are shifting towards online usage as an all rounded

means of viewing updated information (Lenhart et al., 2010). This is due to the fact

that they are connected with friends and family online, which gives an overall sense

of safety and reliability (Gillin, 2007). This means that it is vital for political parties to

ensure they too have an online presence as this is quite clearly the outlet where

voters are discussing important political decisions. In this case, political parties such

as YS must ensure that they are including themselves and offering information into

said discussions.

2.4 SOCIAL MEDIA AS A POLITICAL TOOL

As proven so far, the benefits of possessing an online presence are becoming

increasing evident amongst the public, and the same can be said for organisations.

This is due to the fact that online communities are forming and, organisations need

to ensure they are utilising these connections in order to reach their target audiences

directly (Rheingold, 2000). This is vital when considering political parties as non-

profit organisations; they need to ensure they too have an online presence in order

to promote their political message and party image to these online communities

(Fletcher, 2015). Research has now shown that organisations are increasingly

setting aside part of their overall budgets in order to improve this online presence on

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social media, and again, political parties should not differ (Kuchler and Bond, 2016).

This was evident during the Scottish Referendum considering that YS ensured that

they had a strong presence on SNS; as proven later during this literature review.

The first, and significantly successful online political campaign came from none other

than President Barack Obama, rightfully nicknamed the ‘Social Media President’

(Jerpi, 2016). Obama’s rise to power was due to his accurate use of social media

and connecting effectively with the public through such sites. ‘Tweeting to Power’ by

Gainous and Wagner, looks into exactly how Obama successfully implemented the

first successful social media political campaign. To quote Gainous and Wagner

(2013) directly;

“We have demonstrated that the increasing use of SNS changes how people interact

with politicians, each other, and state institutions. These changes are significant

since they result in shifts in everything from what people know, to who votes, to

ultimately how we understand and participate with the political system.”

(Gainous and M. Wagner, 2013)

Obama’s social political success can be pin pointed to its focus on creating a two

way connection with voters who wanted to know more, had questions to ask and

needed the support to get involved with politics. Gainous and Wagner (2013) make it

clear that there is an inevitable shift in the way in which we consume information and

this is down to the instillation of social media communication. Relating back to

Omidyar (2014), who previously stated SNS offer users to communicate thoughts

and opinions openly, the way in which politicians control this information is forever

being altered. The future of social media use for political gain brings to light two

factors; the ability for information to be easily accessed by the audience and, for

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users, including parties and candidates, the delivery of information in selected

formats and content (Gainous and Wagner, 2013).

At the time of Obama’s campaign, technologies were forever changing, with the

majority of online blogs being used for personal use and for problematic situations

looking for solutions. It was a completely new aspect for such technologies to be

used as resources of political employment; showing that political campaigns on

social media focused solely on advertising political messages. This meant that

information was very much one way; as campaigners did not see the power that

SNS had, in not only distributing information to electorates, but also receiving

evaluations on the success of campaigns.

‘The Social Media President’ by Katz, Barris and Jain (2013), concentrates on this

one directional way of thinking which was adopted by politicians, and demonstrates

how Obama manipulates this connection to form a two way line of communication.

He focuses on the directional flow of information, as already discussed, as a push

and pull factor, to and from the central information point. The push flow, “problem

identification”, is the factor where information coming in to the centre, which in this

case is the social media accounts, includes community problems and issues which

the public feel need addressed. Whereas, the pull factor, “propaganda and

information” aims to help the public reach certain goals and ambitions set by the

community. Katz et al. (2013) explain that sometimes the push factors are set out to;

“to enhance their understanding, or help them be more effective in reaching their

personal or community goals”; (Katz et al, 2013, p.17) the result of this is that the

public see a very interested, active government who aim to ensure that their

communities are valued. These issues however, usually fit the needs and

requirements of the government, as their hidden agenda. This was somewhat

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http://www.palgraveconnect.com.ezproxy.napier.ac.uk/pc/browse/advancedsearchresults?authorEditor=Anshul%20Jain

http://www.palgraveconnect.com.ezproxy.napier.ac.uk/pc/browse/advancedsearchresults?authorEditor=Michael%20Barris

http://www.palgraveconnect.com.ezproxy.napier.ac.uk/pc/browse/advancedsearchresults?authorEditor=James%20E.%20Katz

evident within the YS social media campaign as SNP leaders, Nicola Sturgeon and

Alex Salmond were known to be active on SNS and were seen to be effective in

replying to comments posted by the general public, as discussed further within this

chapter.

Opposing the use of SNS for political gain is author of ‘The Political Power of Social

Media’, Clay Skirky (2015). He argues that one of the broad arguments against the

use of social media as a political tool is that political parties are becoming more

versed in using such tools that they present more harm to democracy than good.

The argument presented relates to the harm in which political parties endure as a

result of slander on SNS, which was as a result of opposing parties. Skirky mentions

that the way in which political parties combat these negative comments is to shut

down all related discussions. Relating to the 2014 Scottish referendum, this was

evident within many comments and discussions on SNS by the general public. Both

sides during the course of the Scottish Referendum endured many negative

backlashes as a result of the comments of extremely passionate voters however, as

presented by an unbiased source, YS were recognised to have many more than that

of BT (Stevenson, 2014). Branded ‘cybernats’, Alex Salmond’s YS voters quickly

adopted a negative connotation for online bullying. As stated in an article by Alex

Stevenson, he claims;

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“Strength in numbers is obviously a factor – and it's important to note, too, that

trolling isn't done exclusively by one side. Salmond and his deputy, Nicola Sturgeon,

have been targeted by some vicious abuse. But the 'uni-trolls' have never really

come close to achieving the sustained level of hostility drummed up by their opposite

numbers”

(Stevenson, 2014)

Attempts to combat this negative energy were made from both sides of the

campaign, but as previously stated, this is somewhat difficult with such a passionate

subject and large online arena.

2.5 SOCIAL MEDIA AS A POLITICAL TOOL DURING THE SCOTTISH

REFERENDUM

Focusing on Yes Scotland’s use of Twitter during the Scottish Referendum, similarly

to the way in which Obama managed the equivalent social networking platform, it is

evident that Twitter as a campaign tool is exceptionally valuable. This is due to

advantageous aspect of distributing immediate campaign messages to the media

and activists. This was extremely useful for SNP leaders of the Yes campaign,

Nicola Sturgeon and Alex Salmond, who used Twitter to give a greater emphasis on

reinforcing their campaign messages, allowing the official YS account to distribute

campaign messages. Alex Salmond was among the most frequent tweeters

achieving 34,000 tweets overall, achieving 1.5 times the tweets of his opponent

Alistair Darling (Geary, 2014). Understandably, the amount of tweets generated from

YS do not equal success if the targeted recipients do nothing. This was not the case

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for Yes Scotland, keeping in mind the difficultly of fully establishing whether users

are in fact a Yes or No voter simply from Twitter posts. Researchers at Glasgow

University found that seven out of the ten most re-tweeted messages were in favour

of Yes (Langer, Comerford and McNulty, 2015). Researchers also found that Yes

supporters on Twitter were much more active in messaging, challenging comments

and implementing conversations giving evidence of Yes Scotland’s intent on

influencing the supporters to become individual ‘brand managers’. In comparison,

the Better Together (BT) supporters were active however, they were instead simply

acknowledging tweets by “liking” them or retweeting messages already created by

other BT supporters. This could identify the BT supporters as “not very active” on

social media, if at all, or alternatively that BT perhaps felt they did not have as much

to prove (MacDowall, 2014).

Homing in specifically on the use of Twitter amongst celebrity figures, similarly to the

comments broadcasted by online bloggers, it would be somewhat strenuous for YS

to scrutinise every social networking profile of every celebrity figure. Just like any

public online user, celebrity online profiles are theirs to control, making it difficult to

monitor the messages which are widely spread and the additional complexity of such

messages being distributed amongst a wealth of fans (Marwick, 2013). Taking Andy

Murray as an example, the Scottish professional tennis player decided to air his

support for an independent Scotland in the early hours of the morning on the day of

the vote (Buchanan, 2014). This was received negatively from both parties due to

the fact that the comment bowed too late in the eyes of YS and, the comment clearly

went against the efforts of the no campaign. Concentrating on the YS campaign

response, had Scottish supporters of Andy Murray known his vote sooner this

hypothetically could have produced more yes votes (Alexander, 2015). Among a

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group of fans to comment against Murray’s tweet was Andrew Clarke (2014) who

commented;

“@andy_murray Extremely ill advised move - polling day is sacrosanct.

Should have had the courage of your convictions long ago. Disappointed.”

(Clarke, 2014)

It is interesting to see the repercussions of such as esteemed celebrity, who is

recognised by both sides of the Independence movement, for being Scottish but

living in England, publicising his views on social media. This is something that the

campaign did not look for but should have considered.

As for Facebook, this became the arena for encouraging political debate but on a

different level. Much the same as Twitter, Facebook encountered many political

statuses, reports and discussions and was almost the hub for voters political profiles.

However, the SNS offered users the opportunity to add a life event to their timeline

which publically announced their vote. This is an option previously used during the

last three US elections, and proves its success with a reach of over 31 million people

with 4.3 million using the shared voting option. In an article by Sophie Curtis,

journalist from the Telegraph, she offers insight into the overall success of Facebook

and the Scottish Referendum with claims that there have been over 10 million

interactions on the SNS which were linked to the Scottish Referendum in the UK,

with 8.5 million of these being in Scotland alone. In an interview with Elizabeth

Linder, Facebook’s politics government specialist for Europe, the Middle East and

Africa commented to Cutris (2014) stating that;

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“Studies show that when people see their Facebook friends talking about voting,

they are more likely to vote themselves. We hope the ‘I’m a voter’ button will make it

easy for voters to share that they are taking part in the referendum at the end of

months of debate and discussion”

(Linder, 2014, as cited in Curtis 2014)

Applying this concept to the previous discussion by Goodyear (2014) around the use

of social media by teenagers, it would be interesting to see the impact Facebook’s

‘I’m a voter’ button had on friends within their SNS circle of connection. Goodyear

highlights that even though teenagers may not yet know how to publicise their

thoughts constructively, this is certainly something to be encouraged (Goodyear,

2014). This aspect would be useful to teenagers however as it offers a simultaneous

way of posting their opinion, one which would not make them stand out from the

crowd.

2.6 CONCLUSION

Through the evidence presented throughout the literature review, it has been

identified that there are areas in which need addressed and should be focused on

within the primary research.

Although there are extensive statistics provided throughout the literature review

which bowed in favour of YS as a successful online campaign during the 2014

Scottish Referendum. What these statistics have identified to be missing are

evidence towards the thoughts and opinions of Scottish voters, indicating a gap in

the literature.

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As previously discussed by Goodyear (2014) and Scott (2014), political interest and

discussion amongst teenagers on social media is something to be encouraged as

this is the outlet in which teenagers themselves have chosen to discuss these

issues. In addition to this, as presented by Omidyar (2014), SNS offer a wider circle

of connections, allowing users to discuss matters out with their direct circle of friends

and family. This in turn allows online users to interact with those, who they may not

have the liberty of meeting, but the chance to discuss with them which offers

opposing arguments and thoughts. Allowing for a much more rounded view on

political matters.

With regards to the scope and content on SNS, an implementation of a two way

process of communication, which reflects Katz et al (2013) push and pull factors,

should be considered to reach optimal levels of engagement. Political parties, such

as YS, should ensure that they are targeting these specific online communities

created on SNS and engaging with them. This should not be focus on broadcasting

their campaign messages, but to offer secure and correct content which then better

inform political discussions and answer questions. Furthermore, and where possible,

there needs to be the manifestation of SNS content; which could go out with the

realms of online communication. In addition to this, steps need to be taken to combat

the publishing’s of negative content on SNS as this is an issue against YS which is in

need of addressing.

From the example within the literature review, it can be assumed that most voters

were not motivated by celebrity endorsement. It is interesting to note however, that

comment published was specifically from Andy Murray’s personal account, indicating

his personal opinion. This is somewhat difficult to control however, it is an issue

which could be considered as developing an approach or strategy to combat said

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comments, would then reflect positive YS messages which would overall enhance

the campaign.

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CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

“A methodology shows how research questions are articulated with questions

asked in the field. Its effect is a claim about significance…”

(Clough and Nutbrown, 2002)

3.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter begins by identifying the research aims and objectives of this study, and

then moves on to discuss the underlying research philosophy and methodology. The

chapter then discusses the rationale behind the qualitative methods chosen for data

collection, before concluding by discussing the limitations born from the study.

3.2 RESEARCH AIMS AND OBJECTIVES

This study aims to uncover the attitudes and opinions of those involved during the

Scottish Referendum, using the research methods discussed further within this

chapter, in order to gain insight into exactly which aspects of the YS campaign were

successful and which were unsuccessful.

Specifically, this research seeks to;

To review the extant the lowered voting age related to the rise in political

debate on social networking sites.

25

To evaluate the scope of influence public figures have in influencing voters via

social networking sites.

To determine optimal strategies to improve the scope and content of

communication through social networking sites.

3.3 SECONDARY RESEARCH

A review of prior academic literature was conducted and then presented in the form

of a literature review; this would serve as the secondary research to the study and

inform the basis of primary research design. Webster and Watson (2002) state that

the aim of writing a literature review is to;

“conceptualize research areas and survey and synthesize prior research. These

articles will provide important input in setting directions for future research.”

The Literature Review unveiled the wealth of research under the topic of the YS and

its online campaign efforts during the course of the Scottish Referendum 2014.

Overall, the existing literature suggests that there is much quantitative support which

contributes to the success of the YS campaign on social media however; there is a

lack of qualitative information.

3.4 PRIMARY RESEARCH

Using the initial basis of information collated by the extensive review of literature

around the subject, a focal point for the primary research was then identified.

Primary research is crucial in acquiring the intensity of the entire research process,

as identified by blogger JenniferC (2014);

26

“Directly recording observations, feelings, thoughts and words from primary data is a

kind of depth that really solidifies studies”

(JenniferC, 2014)

The primary research will aim to collate information on the opinions and attitudes of

both Yes and No voters for Scottish Independence in order to compare and contrast.

From this, the secondary and primary research will combat in identifying the issues

within YS’s political campaign are in need of addressing; this will in turn further

enhance YS’s online campaign.

3.5 RESEARCH PARADIGM AND METHODOLOGY

Waite and Hawker (2009, p.685) describe philosophy as;

“A set or system of beliefs [stemming from] the study of the fundamental nature of

knowledge, reality, and existence”

(Waite and Hawker, 2009)

The aim of research philosophy is to make a contribution to the understanding and

interpretation of knowledge as opposed to solving a specific issue. Two research

philosophies which have been discussed by Hussey and Hussey (1997), these are

identified as positivist (scientific) and interpretivist (antipositivist). These two research

philosophies represent the extremities of a continuous line of paradigms. Guba and

Lincoln (1994) define the research paradigm as ‘the basic belief system or world

view that guides the study’ (Guba and Lincoln, 1994, p.105). As you move from one

side of the line to the other, you attributes of one paradigm are slowly replaced by

the other (Morgan and Smircich, 1980).

27

The philosophy behind this study is that of an interpretive paradigm, where the

‘social world has a meaning for human beings and is constructed by intentional

behaviour and actions’ (Blumberg, Cooper and Schindler, 2011, pp.17).

This research is driven by the feedback obtained by those involved in the Scottish

Referendum in order to improve the social networking aspects of the YS campaign.

This study will rely heavily on peoples own perceptions of events giving an overall

understanding of the campaign.

3.6 RESEARCH APPROACH

There are two possible research approaches they are; deductive and inductive.

Understanding both approaches and ensuring the right approach is taken is essential

for any form of research.

Gulati (2009) describes deductive approach as;

“deductive means reasoning from the particular to the general. If a causal

relationship or link seems to be implied by a particular theory or case example, it

might be true in many cases. A deductive design might test to see if this relationship

or link did obtain on more general circumstances”

(Gulati, 2009, p.42)

This is when the research begins with a hypothesis which is formed by the

researcher based on their own knowledge around the subject area. The researcher

will then gather together all relevant information to either prove or disprove the

original hypothesis (Gill and Johnson, 2010).

28

The difference between the two approaches being that; “Deduction begins with an

expected pattern that is tested against observations, whereas induction begins with

observations and seeks to find a pattern within them” (Babbie, 2010, p.52). With this

in mind, this study will adopt an inductive research approach, as it is closely

associated with the interpretive paradigm. Bernard (2011) describes inductive

approach as;

“involves the search for pattern from observation and the development of

explanations – theories – for those patterns through series of hypotheses”

(Bernard, 2011, p.7)

This research begins with no pre-determined reasoning and applies subjective

reasoning with the accompaniment of various real life examples (Benz and Newman,

2008). This approach was chosen for this reason, as the study will begin with the

outcomes collected after the 2014 Scottish Referendum and with this, seek to find

reason for such outcomes.

3.7 DATA COLLECTION METHODS

With regards to selecting the correct data collection method, Weber (2004) states

that;

“Excellent researchers simply choose a research method that fits their purposes and

get on with the business of doing their research. They understand both explicitly and

implicitly the criteria that their colleagues will use to evaluate their research.”

(Weber, 2004)

29

The research design to this dissertation took a three-phase approach:

3.7.1 QUALITATIVELY ORIENTATED QUESTIONNAIRE

A qualitatively oriented questionnaire was conducted and administered online via

social networking sites. Due to the topic of study being on the utilisation of social

networking sites, and the focus on seeking out the opinions of the online users, it

was evident that the questionnaire be administered on such sites; Facebook and

Twitter. Specific online communities on these sites were targeted such as, YES to an

Independent Scotland.

The questionnaire was designed in such a way that it would focus on collecting

qualitative information, however various questions did require quantitative analysis

and readings. This is an argument presented by Green and Thorogood (2004) in

favour of qualitative research methods, as they argue that it can; “reach the parts

that other [quantitative] methods can’t reach” (Green and Thorogood, 2004). During

the secondary research conducted for this study, it was found that there is an

extensive amount of quantitative data regarding amount of tweets, posts and

statuses, in the run up to the 2014 Scottish Referendum. Due to this, a qualitative

survey method was chosen as it helps to “describe what is happening or learn the

reasons for a particular” (Zikmund et al., 2012) and so, the questionnaire created

sought to undercover the thoughts and feeling of participants towards political

involvement on social networking sites.

Preference would have been to study the entire Scottish population, however, time

constraints made this impossible. With this in mind, the study then sought to gather a

sample of “opinions, facts, figures or the like in order to estimate the total overall

situation” (Delbridge et al, 2003, pp.1891, as cited in Bryman, 2015).

30

The study was originally designed to only conduct questionnaires due to focus being

on the opinions and attitudes of the public voters. This was later evaluated when two

separate opportunities arose to firstly, interview a local councillors in a semi-

structured format and, secondly, interview three individual 18-24 year olds in a

structured format.

3.7.2 SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEWS

A semi-structured interview was conducted with local SNP member, Mairi Evans,

who was a prominent figure in the rural SNP parties. According to Bernard (1988),

semi-structured interviewing is the correct course of action when there is only one

opportunity to interview a participant.

The key feature of a semi structured interview is its ‘flexible and fluid structure’

(Lewis-Beck, Bryman and Liao, 2004). This format allows the interviewee to offer

additional or secondary information to the primary data in the form of their own

explanations and experiences. The focus of such a structure also allows for the

examination of attitudes, values, beliefs and motives (Richardson et al. 1965, Smith

1975). Complementing the study as it seeks to uncover a much deeper

understanding of the YS campaign, identifying specific encounters of the events.

The interview process is then enhanced with the use of ‘probing’, which is; “the basic

technique that has increasingly come into favor by cognitive researchers” (Willis,

1999: 6). Probing allows the interviewer to gain, “clarification of interesting and

relevant issues raised by the respondents” (Hutchinson and Skodal Wilson, 1992).

31

The interview was conducted before the launch of the questionnaire; this was done

in such a way so that the information accumulated could then be used to influence

questions within the online questionnaire.

3.7.3 STRUCTURED INTERVIEWS

After evaluating the results from the questionnaire, it was interesting to see the great

detail in answers that came from three participants in the 18-24 age group. After

careful deliberation, it was decided that three separate structured interviews would

be conducted through email due to the time constraints of the participants.

Structured interviews were chosen as the questionnaires are based on

“predetermined” and “standardised” questions (Saunders, Lewis and Thornhill, 2009,

p.374). This will then allow for questions by the participants to be directly compared.

3.8 ALTERNATIVE DATA COLLECTION METHODS

In this study, it was planned to conduct four individual focus groups however, focus

groups were found to be unsuitable in obtaining the information required for the

study. This is due to the fact that said method would not give a wide enough scope

or a viable representation of the Scottish population of a large group, in comparison

to that of a questionnaire.

Focus groups are also prone to ‘group thinking’ or social conformity. Due to the

nature of the study, there are many extremely passionate voters for and against an

Independent Scotland and, it would be difficult to encourage individual thought if

such a voter would be in the group discussion (Smithson, 2000).

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3.9 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS

Saunders, Lewis and Thornhill (2009) stated that,

“Before the main data gathering and analysis stages can commence, some studies

require time for negotiating access and addressing ethical issues”

(Saunders, Lewis and Thornhill, 2009, p.54)

In the initial stages of deciding upon an appropriate research method, consideration

was given to ensure that the methods were paired with the suitable ethical

considerations. The following principles, as identified by Bell and Bryman (2007),

were put in place in order to apply by the ethical guidelines set out for the

employment of this dissertation study. These were privacy, anonymity and the offer

to participate voluntarily (Bryman and Bell, 2015).

These principles were applied for each research methods; the option to withdraw at

any point during the questionnaire or interview, the option to participate anonymously

and, participants were informed on the fact that information would only be published

for the purpose of this study.

3.10 LIMITATIONS OF THE METHODOLOGY

The limitation factors for this methodology were born from the fact that the study

focused on one small area of Scotland.

33

The focus for this study was on Dundee and the surrounding areas. This was due to

the fact that, when evaluated post referendum, Dundee was recorded to be one of

the largest areas of YS supporters (57.4% Yes Voters) (Jeavans, 2014).

Taking into consideration the broad topic choice, ideally this study would benefit from

employing a larger scope of participants from across the whole of Scotland. From

this the study could then replicate the primary research conducted.

With regards to the questionnaire, it would be beneficial for the study to attract

participants above 45 years as the majority of participants fell into the 18 to 35

categories. This would then give a clearer understanding of the YS public perception

across all age ranges.

34

CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS

4.1 INTRODUCTION TO FINDINGS

This chapter will focus on the presentation of the primary research. This study, as

previously discussed in detail, took form through three different sets of primary data.

These included a qualitatively orientated questionnaire, a semi-structured interview

with local SNP Councillor Mairi Evans, and three individual structured interviews with

18-24 year old, YS voters. Through the method of thematic analysis, themes were

identified in the data. It was interesting to see the findings from all three. The

different questions asked within the different forms of methods gave depth, and

scope, to the analysis of the results.

4.2 DATA ANALYSIS METHOD: THEMATICS ANALYSIS

Thematic analysis was the chosen methods for analysing the research data for this

study, due to the strong qualitative focus. Thematic analysis is a rarely

acknowledged, yet widely used analytical method for analysing research data and

should be seen as a foundational method for qualitative analysis (Boyatzis 1998,

Roulston, 2001). According to Dey (1993, p. 31) qualitative analysis is “breaking

data down into bits, and seeing how these bits interconnect, to a new account based

on our reconceptualization of the data”. By doing this, new connections arise from

the data that may not have been seen previously, offering the researcher to see data

in a new light.

35

4.3 QUALITATIVELY ORIENTATED QUESTIONNAIRE RESULTS

When evaluating the qualitatively orientated questionnaire results, questions 6 – 13

(see Appendix) were all filtered using the demographic questions at the start of the

questionnaire; questions 1 – 5 (see Appendix). This allowed the researcher to

compare answers effectively with the hope to uncover analysis factors.

4.3.1 QUESTIONNAIRE - QUESTION 6


For Question 6, the focus was to get participants to rate their political engagement

on SNS themselves; with 1 indicating never active, rating to 5 indicating extremely

active.

Looking particularly at the lowest response, yet highest rating in activity (5), it is

interesting to note that all 7 participants were YS voters. Furthermore, 3 of the 7

participants, 3 being the highest from one age category, were 18-24 years old.

Moving down the scale to rating 1, here it is interesting to note that 12 of these 18

participants were ‘BT’ voters.

36



Question 7 focused on moving towards gaining insight into the actual activities

participants felt they engaged with on social media. As predicted, most participants

wrote a status/tweet with regards to their political stance.

It is interesting to note however, that 12 of the 13 respondents to “Used tagging of

political leaders or public figures into a status/tweet” were YS voters and in the 18 –

24 age category. In addition, all 3 participants who answered “Wrote an

article/created a blog on my political opinions” were all ‘Yes Scotland’ voters and in

particularly, were all in the 18-24 age category.

37



For Question 8, this question sought to uncover how participants felt towards social

media as a tool for political mobilisation during the referendum.

As hoped, 79.2% of participants voted ‘Yes’ to this question, indicating that they

agree with this statement. With this in mind, and looking particularly at those who

answered ‘No’, it is interesting that 7 out of 8 of these participants were BT voters.

With regards to age, these varied sparse between the different categories.

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4.3.4 QUESTIONNAIRE – QUESTION 9


For Question 9, the answers gathered were to be compared with the voting

demographics gathered from Question 4 in order to see which voters were

particularly focused on engaging others in their campaigns.

Here it is interesting to see that 13 of the 14 participants who voted ‘Yes’ to this act

of influence were YS voters. Furthermore, the highest responding age range were 5

participants from the 18-24 category.

The results still show however that 63 participants (81.82%) voted ‘No’.

39



For Question 10, the aim was to uncover how participants felt the attitudes were from

those interacting on social media on the topic of the Scottish Referendum. The aim

was to seek out particular opinions on online bullying from either side.

It is interesting to note that out of the 38 participants who answered ‘positive’, 31 of

them were YS voters. Furthermore, the highest number of participants who voted

‘negative’, that being 16 in total, were BT voters.

40


Age

Categories

Themes

18 - 2425 -

31

32 -

38

39 -

45

46 –

51

52 -

Above

Social media encourages openness and

the chance to discuss matters with at all

ages

Offers information to a wider audience,

without the filters that broadcast media

have

Allows for an informed decision from both

sides

All information is in the one place and

easily assessable

Social media should only be for personal

use

Encourages too much online bullying and

personal attacks

Votes should not be so public


41

Question 11 was blatant in asking whether participants agree in the use of social

media for politics and, if they would turn to social media to gain information as

opposed to media articles and such like.

Of particular interest here it that, all six age groups agrees that SNS offer information

to a wider audience without the filters of broadcast media. Furthermore, focusing on

the two age brackets of 18 - 24 and 25 – 31, both groupings agree upon the more

sympathetic themes toward this use of social media agreeing upon the first three

themes within the table.

It is not surprising that participants in the 52 – Above bracket state that votes should

be private due to the way in which they were brought up where votes were

particularly private. It is also interesting to note that the more positive theme is in

relation to ease of access to information.

42

4.3.7 QUESTIONNAIRE – QUESTION 12


Taking into consideration that Question 12 and 13 are linked, Question 12 was

designed to get participants initial reactions before giving a detailed reason for their

answer. Overall, this question sought to uncover whether celebrity endorsement

was in fact beneficial for political campaigning.

The results showed a clear ‘No’ from the majority of participants. Interestingly

however, when examining the participants who voted ‘Yes’, 4 out of 5 of these

participants voted ‘Yes Scotland’ and all participants were from the 18-24 age

category.

43


Age

Categories

Themes

18 – 24 25 – 31 32 – 38 39 -45 46 – 5152 -

Above

Celebrities/public figures should

not influence an opinion which

should be based on personal

intuition and research

This may help those who are

voting for the first time

It all depends on the

celebrity/public figure and the

message they are portraying


Within this table of themes, none of the participants are in favour for the use of

celebrity/public figures to promote political messages in its entirety. It is interesting to

note however, that 4 out of the 6 age brackets feel that they perhaps would with the

correct figure and message. This is particularly interesting as it includes the 18 – 24

age range.

44

4.4 SEMI – STRUCTURED INTERVIEW RESULTS

Agree

X Disagree

50 % In-between

Interviewed

Participant

Themes

Mairi Evans (SNP)

There were in fact goals set out by YS on social

media – it just depended on the different areas

The rise in active on SNS was due to the lowering in

voting age

Voters were influencing each other and interacting at

all levels and ages

Changes need to be made to the clarification of

information on social media

YS got people engaged in politics successfully

Celebrity endorsement can benefit a campaign if

implemented correctly50 %

Cyber bullying on social media is something that

needs addressed and controlled50 %

SNS are a benefit to political campaigning and are

something to be encourage amongst politics

Table 3: Semi-Structured Interview Themes

45

Within the table, there are a few points worthy of noting. Firstly, Mairi Evans has

contradicting feelings towards the use of celebrities. This is represented on the table

as a 50%, due to the dual of information presented during the interview. Secondly,

Councillor Evans feels that the lowering in age of voting gave incentive to the rise in

political discussion on social media sites. Thirdly, cyber bullying is something in

which Councillor Evans feels needs addressed and something which happens on

both sides of the Independence campaign; however, she does not know how this

would be addressed. Lastly, agreement that interactions on SNS are something to

be encouraged for future success.

46

4.5 STRUCTURED INTERVIEW RESULTS

Participant 1: Kim Lawson (18 years)

Participant 2: Megan Hughes (22 years)

Participant 3: Jessica Elliott (21 years)

47

Table 4: Structured Interview Themes

Participants

Themes

Participant

1

Participant

2

Participant

3

Encouragement of political discussion on

social media

Positivity towards political figures using

SNS

Actively encouraging others to use SNS as

a form of gathering information on the

Scottish Referendum in 2014

Association with YS pages, events and

such like on Facebook

Comments on the accuracy, reliability and

access of information on SNS

Comments on the presentation of

information on SNS

Celebrity influence on voting

Within the table of themes identified from the three separate structured interviews, it

is interesting to see which elements the interviewees were in agreement with.

Worthy of noting, is that all three interviewees agree upon the theme

‘encouragement of political discussion on SNS’, with various positive comments

made towards political figures using SNS for political engagement.

Looking closely at the themes and directing attention towards ‘celebrity influence on

voting’, here it is interesting to note that none of the interviewees state that they

would be influenced by such a figure. Instead, and as previously stated, all 3

participants are in agreement upon political leaders using SNS.

Furthermore, it is interesting to see that participants 2 and 3 agree on two aspects;

youth engagement on SNS and association with YS pages on SNS.

Even though it was only mentioned by participant 1, a thought-provoking comment

made was towards the presentation of information on SNS.

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CHAPTER FIVE: ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS

5.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter is the indispensable part of this study, linking together the Literature

Review in Chapter Two and the Findings in Chapter Five. This chapter will focus on

analysing the findings of this study, with a focus on delving deeper into the findings

by comparing and contrasting the underlying themes and issues previously stated.

5.2 ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS

5.2.1 IMAGE OF POLITICAL FIGURES AND CELEBRITIES

As briefly discussed within the literature review (Chapter 2), the support which came

from celebrity figures, whether for or against Scottish Independence in 2014, was

somewhat unhelpful. This, combined with the current primary research, was evident

from the general public. Referring to the findings presented previously, 79.17%

(Figure 6) stated ‘No’, that celebrity endorsement would not influence their vote. This

was to some extent predicted, as participants indicated, the personal opinions of

celebrities should not influence such an imperative decision. This point was

replicated during the semi-structure interview (Appendix C) as Mairi Evans made a

personal comment towards the use of celebrities to sway votes, stating that;

“I personally wouldn’t bother if a singer came out and said whether they were going

to vote one way or another, like when David Bowie came out and said he was

50

against it, and it’s like ‘you don’t’ live in my country’ ‘you don’t know what it’s like to

live here’ and so, I’ve never come across one person that said they’d been

influenced by a celebrity coming out for one direction or another”

(Evans, 2016, Appendix C)

Within the same interview, Councillor Evans did offer an SNP political campaigning

side to the argument, taking into consideration that; “I think if someone high profile

lends themselves to a campaign then that’s always a good thing” (Evans, 2016). This

provides a contrast between the agenda of a political campaign, and actually

motivating votes. As Councillor Evans stated, on a campaign level this is seen as a

benefit to the campaign however personally it would not influence her.

Referring to the same findings, there are a small sample (6.94%) of participants who

voted ‘Yes’ to celebrity influence on voting (Figure 6); and of this percentage, 4

participants were YS voters and belonged to the ‘18 – 24’ age category. It could be

assumed that this is due to new voters, of 16 and 17 years, turning to those who they

recognise and trust to help them with a new life experience. The theme of ‘This may

help those who are voting for the first time’ appeared at several points during

Question 13, with one particular comment stating; “I could see it helping someone

who may be voting for the first time” (Table 2).

Taking into consideration the data previously discussed, and the small scope of

influence celebrity figure had on social media with regards to voting; it was however

stimulating to see the unexpected turn in which the questionnaire and interviews

took. When analysing the data, it was found that both the participants and

interviewees gave positive interpretations towards political figures instead;

particularly from those within the ‘18 – 24’ age range. This was evident more so

51

within the structured interviews conducted (Appendix E-G) as participants showed,

on more than one occasion, the theme of ‘Positivity towards political figures using

SNS for political engagement’ (Table 4). Referring specifically to the interview with

Kim Lawson (2016), she stated;

“When it came to the Yes campaigners I mostly steered clear of celebrities and

focused on the politicians involved like Alex Salmond and Nicola Strugeon”

(Lawson, 2016, Appendix E)

This was thought provoking as the interviewee fell within the age range of ‘new

voters’; she steered clear of celebrity messages and focused upon those who

harnessed a political background. Furthermore, she explained that;

“...SNP politician that influenced me and that was Mhairi Black. She was one of the

few politicians involved with the referendum that seemed to genuinely care about

what the vote meant to the regular people and didn’t just worry about status in the

house of commons”

(Lawson, 2016)

In addition to this argument, it was identified within the primary research that

participants did in fact use ‘tagging’ of a political figure within their tweets and

statuses (Figure 2). There were 13 participants who claimed to have ‘tagged’ a

political figure into their status/tweet, with 12 of these participants voting YS. This

indicates that participants are actively attempting to communicate with their party

leaders such as Nicola Sturgeon and Alex Salmond. This was also evident within the

structured interview with Megan Hughes, she mentioned that she followed; “YS

campaigns on Facebook and Twitter and I also followed the campaign leaders on

52

twitter” (Hughes, 2016). Taking into consideration that Megan Hughes is also in the

targeted ‘18 – 24’ age grouping, it is interesting to see that she is actively attempting

to engage on SNS with political leaders. Overall, the data presented provides

evidence towards the fact that celebrities may not have a great influence in votes for

one side or another; and that the targeted ’18 – 24’ age range are inspired more so

by political party figures.

5.2.2 SOCIAL MEDIA AND ENGAGEMENT IN POLITICAL DEBATE

Through the combination of primary research conducted, and the evidence provided

in the literature review, it can be concluded that a strong majority of participants use

SNS to gain insight into the referendum. The data in support of this largely came

from the answers given by participants within the questionnaire however, indications

were made within the structured interviews.

With regards to the structured interviews, all 3 participants agreed upon the theme;

‘Encouragement of political discussion on social media’ (Table 4). This is

encouraging, as already discussed within the literature review, this gives evidence

towards the fact that young voters are not going straight towards traditional forms of

media. Instead voters are turning towards SNS as a more accessible means of

viewing updated information (Lenhart et al., 2010). In agreement with this was

interviewee Megan Hughes, who gave evidence towards;

“Using social media to exploit the campaign to a lot of young people who have never

been involved with debates or had an interest in politics, it seemed to grab a lot of

the younger generations attention”

(Hughes, 2016)

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It is interesting to see the turn from traditional media, especially amongst the

younger generation, and begs the question ‘is this the new direction of news media’.

This question was in fact considered in a study by Mitchell, Rosenstiel and Christian

(2012), when taking into account the effects of SNS on news consumption. Within

this study, SNS are considered to be only small drivers of news however, they are

still stimulators for providing up to date new articles (Mitchell, Rosenstiel and

Christian, 2012). Relating back to the points discussed by Omidyar in the literature

review; Omidyar makes reference towards wider reach in which SNS offer in

comparison to that of the past (Omidyar, 2014). SNS are providing a ‘one stop shop’

for political discussion as voters are able to discuss and share views without the

filters applied within traditional news sources (Mitchell, Rosenstiel and Christian,

2012). This a common theme within Question 11 (Appendix A), for example; “yes. It

allows potential voters to gather information from both sides of the debate, out with

mainstream media sources”

As previously discussed within the literature review, Twitter allows for instant

messaging, making it a suitable form of communication for prompt political updates.

Furthermore, as discussed by Mitchell, Rosenstiel and Christian (2012), Twitter

provides a wider reach than Facebook, again allowing for a broader range of

information than close friend and family. Relating back to Katz et al (2013) ‘push and

pull’ process of communication, it would be beneficial for YS to adopt such a method

on Twitter. This was a point made by Kim Lawson in her interview, as she claimed

that if hypothetically put in charge of campaigning online, she would;

“…engage voters and encourage them to engage with me, I would answer genuine

questions and the worries people have publically and I would avoid using political

54

words so that everyone can understand what is going on even if they have never

been involved in politics in their life.”


This process of communication would in turn allow for interaction amongst the

general public and political parties, with addition of distributing correct information as

it would be distributed by political parties themselves.

With regards to Facebook, this is somewhat different, as this communication channel

allows for a multitude of updates and postings. One which was mentioned on

occasion within the primary research is the use of account pages. This was

mentioned by Councillor Evans as a benefit in the aftermath of the referendum; she

stated that when there were extreme flooding problems within her local area, the

activation of Facebook pages proved to be a useful tool in distributing information

efficiently amongst the public. Applying this to the referendum, this would be a

beneficial way of posting reliable information, if controlled by political parties, quite

similarly to their Twitter accounts.

With regards to the presentation of this information, an observation was made within

the interview with Kim Lawson that a graphic format would be easier to understand.

Specifically, she stated;

“I found that the best way to get a point across was through graphics, in the form of

informative videos or images because in reality the last thing anyone wants to see is

a page of words because it is off putting and therefore nobody reads it and important

information is never seen”


55

This is perhaps something that should be considered for presenting information on

SNS to younger demographics.

5.2.3 YES SCOTLAND ONLINE ENGAGEMENT

In addition to the statistics mentioned in the literature review, is fair to say through

the evidence provided, that YS participants were the most active on social media.

With regards to the literature review, it was shown the YS’s political leaders in the

run up to the 2014 Scottish Referendum, were the most active on SNS than their

opponent. This is with regards to Policy Scotland’s additional statistics which show

around 28,000 followers for accounts which focus on the YS campaign, and 16,000

for BT (Comerford, 2014). This proves that the initial online engagement from YS is

in fact there; if coupled with pro-active online activities could result in a successful

campaign.

With reference to answers given within the questionnaire, YS were much more active

in comparison to BT voters. This was firstly evident within Question 7 (Figure 3),

considering the three participants who claimed to have created a blog were all YS

voters. This act takes much more effort than writing a status on Facebook

considering general upkeep and deep interest within the subject. This in turn shows

the dedication to the YS movement by these 3 participants. Furthermore, referring to

Question 9 (Figure 5), 12 of the 13 participants were YS and answered ‘Yes’ to

influencing others on social media. Even though this is a sample of the participants,

this this does give support towards the fact that YS voters were actively recruiting the

public, compared with the BT voters, and SNS were their choice of tool for

mobilisation; showing that SNS are chosen by the demographic.

56

In addition, referring to Question 6, 12 out of 18 participants who felt they were

‘never active’ on SNS during the referendum were BT voters. Whereas, 5 out of 7

participants who felt they were ‘extremely active’ on SNS were YS voters. Even

when filtering down slightly, of the highest participation, ranking 4, 16 of the 20

respondents were YS. From these figures it can be assumed that YS voters were

indeed more active, taking into consideration that within this question they are

ranking their own involvement, showing they even deem themselves as active online

users during the referendum.

5.2.4 EFFECTS OF LOWERING THE VOTING AGE ON SOCIAL MEDIA

ENGAGEMENT

Through the various findings in the previous chapter, it can be assumed that the

lowering of the voting age from 18 to 16 years did in fact have an overall effect on

the rise in political debate amongst online users on SNS. This effect was accurately

identified in the literature review (Chapter 2) by Goodyear and Scott (2014). Both

authors gave positive associations towards SNS providing teenagers with a voice

and utilisation for information (Goodyear 2014, Scott 2014). This is evident within the

findings in the previous chapter as within the results from the questionnaire it was

found that the ‘18 – 24’ age bracket were politically active on SNS; relating to

Question 6 (Figure 1) where the highest ranking 4 and 5 categories were most

populated by the ‘18 – 24’ age group, in which they rated themselves. In addition to

this, and referring to Question 9 (Figure 4), of the 14 participants that claimed to

actively attempt to influence other votes on SNS, 5 of these participants were YS

voters in the ‘18 – 24’ age bracket. Overall, this gives evidence towards how active

the new voters and younger voters were considering that both questions relied upon

57

participants rating their own online activity; showing that they see themselves as

persuasive, and active, political online users.

The connection between the rise in online activity and the lowering of the voting age

was also commented upon by SNP Councillor Mairi Evans. When asked to comment

on this connection, Mairi stated;

“Oh, I think so because to be honest, I do think that was a huge thing. I mean (points

at large white board full of Yes Campaign statistics) I have been going out and giving

speeches on this across Europe because I think that, I was approached to do things

like that because there are so many places in Europe that youth involvement in

politics has been such a key issue across the different countries in Europe. They see

it as a crisis of democracy because so many young people aren’t turning out to

vote.”


Showing that the lowering in age of voting effected political engagement, so much

so, that Councillor Evans now conducts workshops around Europe on how to

engage younger voters effectively, she also states that she believes that this is true.

5.2.5 SOCIAL MEDIA AS AN ARENA FOR POLITICAL DEBATE

Voting in the past was a delicate subject, was considered a private matter. In the

aftermath of the 2014 Scottish Referendum, the question now is; “should we protect

voting as a private matter or are there cases where there is a legitimate public

interest in a citizen’s vote?”

58

In a journal by Daniel Sturgis (2005), he debates such an issue and argues the latter

of the two arguments (Sturgis, 2005). This was certainly the case with regards to

voters and SNS, as many felt this was a positive step forward in political debate

however, many disagreed and felt that votes should not be public on the internet.

This was evident within the additional answers given for Question 10, as such

answers included, “Don’t think it’s the right platform for chat like that” and “I did not

feel that votes should be so public”. With this in mind, it could be argued that this is a

change in generation, as both comments came from ‘46 – 51’ and ‘52 – Above’ age

categories; indicating that there is a difference in their voting etiquette.

This shift towards openly discussing votes on SNS however, did encourage much

debate. A common theme which is commented upon throughout the entire primary

research process was the negativity generated amongst voters on SNS. This was

certainly the case when 32.5% (Figure 5) of participants within the questionnaire

voted ‘negative’ to describe the discussion on SNS. Various comments were made

towards this negative, such as;

“Regardless of what side, if somebody posted an update about their views of shared

something they would have people commenting saying they’re wrong for thinking

that way.”

As stated within this comment, these acts of negativity were from both sides of the

campaign. This was made evident within the interview with Councillor Evans, as she

explained;

“You know, with the Yes campaign or the SNP campaign it’s easier to brand them

‘cyber-nats’ and put a tag on it and then suddenly it becomes this thing which to be

honest I think it happened on both sides to an equal measure.”

59


This may be the case however, this is certainly something in need of addressing as

within the structured interviews comments were made towards the reluctance of

getting involved in discussions on SNS as they were fearful of receiving negative

comments. For example, Kim Lawson commented;

“I was never involved with any of the online groups as being part of one usually

ended in a real life argument. The referendum and all that came with it left many

people angry and frustrated - including me.”


With this in mind, it is fair to say that not all conversations on SNS can be monitored,

and heated debates will happen with such an emotive subject.

In addition to this, in one of the structured interviews, Jessica Elliott made an

insightful comment in to how to better the YS online campaign. Stating that if in

charge, she would;

“I would offer advice and help in some way because I don't really feel like there was

any. I think I would have liked to have seen more in the way of encouraging young

people to think for themselves and perhaps a positive encouragement on actually

getting involved rather than focusing on what everyone was voting”

(Elliott, 2016, Appendix G)

This comes away from the situation of actually controlling the arguments, either for

or against Independence, and actually encourages the initial importance which is the

voting. Both parties have the obvious aim of recruiting voters for their party however,

60

they also have a duty of educating and encouraging those who may feel lost in

amongst all the in depth debates. This would have been a larger number than before

due to the lowered voting age to 16 years.

61

CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

6.1 CONCLUSION

Referring back to the research objectives for this study, it can be said that YS online

campaign was in fact successful. This is with regards to the extensive statistics

provided through the literature review and primary research conducted.

When evaluating the extent to which celebrity figures had in influencing votes for YS,

it was found that this scope of influence only affected a small sample. It was thought

by some participants within the questionnaire that this small sample was made up of

new voters who were looking for guidance from those who they recognise. This was

not the case for all however, as found within the questionnaire and structured

interviews conducted, new voters were influenced by the words presented by

political figures such as Nicola Sturgeon, Alex Salmond and Mhairi Black.

When considering the lowered voting age from 18 to 16 years, it is clear that this had

an overall effect on the rise in political debate and engagement online. As presented

in the previous chapter, the 18 – 24 age category were the most active on SNS with

regards to debates, discussions and encouraging others to vote YS. This is a vital

target audience for YS as they are the future of the country, so it is imperative that

this vested interest in the referendum be held.

62

6.2 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR YES SCOTLAND SOCIAL MEDIA CAMPAIGN

The recommendations that can be drawn from the analysis of the findings in the

previous chapter are fairly simple yet effective. SNP and YS need to have a strong

online focus for future campaigning and, it has been well proven throughout this

study, that YS achieve this and that this is the way forward. Steps need to be put in

place to support potential YS voters online, by offering up-to-date and correct

information on SNS.

As proven throughout the primary research, YS need to engage with their younger

demographic via SNS. This is due to the fact that the platforms in which they

themselves are engaging with each other, with the inclusion of political party

information, would then add to a more informed debate. This would perhaps include

the use of SNS such as Facebook, allowing YS to adopt account pages which are

controlled and monitored by party members. A specific recommendation being to

create a page designated to younger voters who are maybe unsure and looking for a

safe environment to ask questions that they may not feel brave enough to ask

elsewhere. Furthermore, and with regards to the way in which information is

presented, it could be suggested that YS employ info graph on SNS in order to

present political messages in an ‘easy to digest’ format, as suggested within the

previous chapter.

They should encourage political party leaders, along with other party members such

as Mhairi Black, to promote political messages and engage with the public on SNS.

This is due to the fact that voters are engaging more with political figures than

celebrities. Relating back to the two way flow of communication identified by Katz et

63

al (2013), it can be recommended that political leaders adopt a ‘Q&A’ format on

Twitter, due to its instant messaging style, where people can then tweet questions

and know they are receiving information that is directly from a political figure. This is

then a safe place for the public to ask questions and receive correct information;

whilst also allowing the public to engage with political figures. In addition to this, and

with regards to celebrity figures, it could be recommended that said figures are

encouraged to promote the act of voting itself, and that if they are publicly

announcing whether they are for or against independence; that they try to direct

followers towards educational pages or political leaders who can better inform their

chosen vote. This would be much more beneficial to the political party and, the

reputation of the celebrity.

With regards to negative approaches on SNS on the topic of the referendum, this

should also be an issue dealt with by political leaders. This would include political

leaders talking out on their personal SNS accounts with the message that they will

not condone online bullying, which is an issue within itself. Overall there is a

positivity in this online engagement in political matters and this should be

encouraged as healthy debate not in the form of bullying others for their political

point of view. Extreme matters should be taken care of individually by SNS page

administrators and such like, with members being deleted or warned of action

against them.

6.3 RECOMMENDATIONS TO FURTHER THE STUDY

Recommendations which could be made in order to further the study rely upon the

primary research. With regards to the interviews conducted, it would be beneficial for

the study to replicate the structured interview to include more ‘new voters’ opinions.

64

Furthermore, it would benefit the study to replicate the semi-structured interview with

Mairi Evans and move towards more communication related SNP members;

including their thoughts and opinions on the ongoing promotion for an Independent

Scotland and how this relates online.

Another area which would benefit the study is the inclusion of focus groups. As

discussed within the methodology, focus groups were not considered for this study

however, this would be beneficial if the study could conduct large focus groups, of at

least ten members, in different areas around Scotland. This will give an in depth, and

wider scope on information to compare.

65

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APPENDICIES

APPENDIX A: Questionnaire Questions

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APPENDIX B: Semi – Structured Interview Questions

Interview with: .............................................

1. What were the overall goals set out for Yes Scotland’s social media campaign

and, do you feel these goals were achieved?

2. What was the targeted age range for the online campaign?

3. Did Yes Scotland expect the social media campaign to grow to the size it did?

4. Is there anything about the campaign you feel should be changed or needs

addressed?

5. What do you feel are the negative aspects of the campaign?

6. What do you feel are the positive aspects of the campaign?

7. With regards to celebrities on social media, is this a tactic used by Yes

Scotland to gain more support? Would you encourage more celebrities to post

their view online or do you feel this would be bad for gaining support?

8. Do you feel that there was an element of ‘cybernats’ amongst Yes Scotland

online followers? How did you deal with this?

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APPENDIX C: Transcribe of Interview with SNP Councillor Mairi Evans

Interviewer: Samantha Coates

Interviewee: Local SNP Councillor Mairi Evans

*RECORDING AND INTERVIEW BEGINS*

Interviewer: What were the overall goals set out for social media, if there are any, and do you feel these were achieved in relations to social media?

Mairi Evans: “To be honest, it really varied from area to area, so I think that even though the Yes campaign was one campaign that was spread out across the whole country. It was up to the individual areas as to how they campaigned, what they wanted to organise. Some of our groups were started up from local SNP branches, so we set up a ‘Yes Brechin & Edzell’ page to try get that out but, I would say that our local group didn’t have a local strategy in terms of social media. I think we felt like we needed to use it as it’s a great way of sharing information but it just wasn’t in the strategic plan from the outset; this is how we are going to attack it, this is what we’re are going to do and we will go from there.”

Mairi Evans: “It was more a case of local areas, obviously you want to develop a strategy on how you want to get your message across but I would say, we probably weren’t the best at social media in our local bit, because we didn’t really think about it in that way (strategically). It was like use it, get the information out there but, not a strategized thing.”

Interviewer: So, with regards to the online campaign focusing on social media, did you have a targeted age range where you thought, right this is who we will target to influence that or you thought they might be the more active ones?

Mairi Evans: “We were always conscious that this is the first time 16-18 year olds would be able to vote and, to be honest again you can kind of draw parallels with that and the upcoming election campaign because you have that target group there that are voting for the first time and it is just like ‘well, how do we get information and how do we involve them in the debate’, so that was definitely more of a focus for us locally than in previously elections because it is just an entirely new audience. I think a lot of people, especially members traditional members of the SNP and traditional members of our branch were a bit older and so it was again ‘how do we get these people to engage with younger people’ and engage with groups of people that we don’t normally come into contact with”

Interviewer: So, do you think the reason social media was so successful was because of that lowered age?

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Mairi Evans: “Oh, I think so because to be honest, I do think that was a huge thing. I mean (points at large white board full of Yes Campaign statistics) I have been going out and giving speeches on this across Europe because I think that, I was approached to do things like that because there are so many places in Europe that youth involvement in politics has been such a key issue across the different countries in Europe. They see it as a crisis of democracy because so many young people aren’t turning out to vote. Then, in Scotland you see something where the majority of the country was engaged with it. So I think everybody was sort of looking at us and thinking ‘Oh right, how did you do that and, oh what happening now and how do you capture that interest”

Interviewer: Would you say that was a tactic that Yes Scotland used, they wanted the public to influence their friends and family?

Mairi Evans: Yeah, I think that’s always what you’re aiming to do. I suppose it’s like any political campaign really, you wanting to speak to as many people as possible and I think that Yes Scotland was like that and I know that SNP in general that has always been our thing in election campaigns. You know, the only way you are ever going to convince somebody, I mean I do think that social media is really powerful of course it is, as a way of accessing different kinds of information. So you’re not just getting your Mairi Evans: “BBC or ITV or the traditional channels of social media, you’re getting all sorts of different things from different people.”

Interviewer: “Did you expect the social media campaign to grow as much as what it did?”

Mairi Evans: “Probably not looking at it all after, having to do the talks that I have done and, properly research it and look at all the statistics afterwards, there is no way you could have expected that. I think that obviously you thought ‘oh yeah, there’ll be a high turnout because we’re getting so many people’ and people interested in registering to vote, I mean that was a huge thing than before because an election turnout is traditionally not very high at all. I don’t think anyone could have predicted for it to carry on the way it did”

Interviewer: Is there anything about the campaign that you feel needs addressed or, changed with regards to communication?

Mairi Evans: “I think there’s probably quite a lot about the campaign, and you really analyse these things after and think about what worked and what didn’t work. I think there’s a lot of work that should be done, in terms of identify what the key issues were and offering more information for people.”

Mairi Evans: “That’s another positive knock on effect now though because so many more people are interested in the issues, and I just think scrolling through Facebook now people are posting things such as different news articles in a way I never would have seen before”

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Interviewer: “Focusing on the influence that celebrities have, more so celebrities but also public figures, was this a tactic by Yes Scotland to use celebrities to gain voters or were they posting on social media themselves?”

Mairi Evans: I don’t think the campaign, well especially locally, if somebody comes out like Andy Murray did you think ‘aww yes that’s good’ cause that means more people might think about it now. But, it definitely wasn’t a strategy for us, especially locally.

Mairi Evans: “I personally wouldn’t bother if a singer came out and said whether they were going to vote one way or another, like when David Bowie came out and said he wasn’t against it, and it’s like ‘you don’t’ live in my country’ ‘you don’t know what it’s like to live here’ and so, I’ve never come across one person that said they’d been influenced by a celebrity coming out for one direction or another”

Mairi Evans: “I think something like that can help a campaign, because I think if someone high profile lends themselves to a campaign then that’s always a good thing. And it’s like that in national policies and middle elections as well if they’ve got a celebrity behind them then – yeah they’ll totally try and make as much of it as they can but as far as I’m aware it definitely wasn’t a strategy”

Interviewer: “Do you think, if there is a chance for another referendum, do you think a strategy will be put in place to try and control what’s being put on social media by public figures?”

Mairi Evans: “Yeah, well, I do think it’s a hard thing to manage, it a difficulty within the party just now, or within any party just now cause you think even the people elected they’ll put something on Twitter and it’s an absolute nightmare! I think that, there is only so much you can do because at the end of the day, somebody is going to post what they post. People make mistakes, nobody is perfect, bad things are going to happen on either side”

Mairi Evans: “All you can do is have it the way it works with the political party and that’s, if people want to be a part of your campaigns you just say, it’s hard with Yes Scotland as well, you’re not a paid member if you were a paid member you would then have to abide by this is their structure and this is their policies then that’s what I do because I’m a paid up member and they can throw me out the party if I say something bad on social media. However with Yes, it’s so much harder because it’s such a relaxed grouping – anybody can join the Yes campaign or say they are a Yes campaigner. I don’t know how you can control it, it’s a really difficult thing and, you would have to have people policing social media 24 hours a day and it’s an impossible thing to do”

Interviewer: “Do you feel there was a negative influence amongst Yes Scotland, do you feel there was a negative connotation such as bullying and cyber-bullying on social media?”

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Mairi Evans: “You know, with the Yes campaign or the SNP campaign it’s easier to brand them ‘cyber-nats’ and put a tag on it and then suddenly it becomes this thing which to be honest I think it happened on both sides to an equal measure. I think it was as bad on either side but it was just easier to tag and to put a name on it for the Yes campaign. You probably think I’m biased by saying that. You had people saying ‘it’s just cause you hate the English’ and it’s like no, that’s just such an old fashioned view of what independence is, and I would at least think if we had another referendum then hopefully we will have moved away from that”

Interviewer: “So would you say, it would be better to encourage these people to give an element of ‘helping hand’ or giving out information in a helpful way? If people are unsure, be able to speak to these people and hear their views in a positive way?”

Mairi Evans: “Yes, I suppose if somebody thinks ‘that’s my view’ and they are going to go out and shout about that, then it’s hard to then try and talk people down. Even with my own Facebook friends it was like that, it was just like yeah we disagree but can we not both just accept that we both have a different opinion. It is a negative element, and no doubt if there was another referendum campaign you probably will see similar things because it’s just, you will have people extreme on either side, and people who are destructive and will go out to do that. I would say that on the whole we should be proud of the way the referendum was handle on both sides because, you are going to get those negative elements but on the whole I think it was pretty well run”

Interviewer: “With regards to social media, and if there was another referendum, how would you want it to go is there other elements you think you would focus on?”

Mairi Evans: “Defiantly, I think I would focus more on social media. We had a facebook page for our local area for the Yes campaign, but to be honest it was really just ad hawk, you would be just posting on it if you remembered to do it. I would want it to be better structured and better organised”

Mairi Evans: “In Brechin, I was campaigning a lot there just because we needed people there. Then we were seeing people more geared up and more involved after the campaign, and you feel like you could of done more before hand. So if you had more people and resources available, it would defiantly be a lot more structured”

Mairi Evans: “You would be thinking, canvassing teams and people on social media, I think for a social media page to be successful people need to think ‘I need information, right I’m going to go there or go to that page cause I know they will have it’”

Mairi Evans: “We did one recently for the flooding in Brechin, and it was exactly that thing, people knew locally that that was the page they were going to get all the information they needed about what was going on and when the roads were shut. Sometimes more so than police or council pages and, I think thats what you want to

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be, people see you as a resource where they can get your information from you or if they have a question, there will be someone there who can answer it”

Mairi Evans: “Still engaging with young people is another area, like when I’m doing these talks they are asking me ‘how did you do that’ and when you think about it you think ‘actually, how did we do that’ and when you get to the practicalities of doing it it’s quite a difficult thing to get in and do”

Mairi Evans: “Well, exactly I know and it’s really difficult on social media because there are channels as well that I’m not even aware of, and I wouldn’t say that I am the most media savvy. I get so terrified by Twitter that I end up thinking ‘it’s actually safer for me not to post’ than to think ‘actually I’ll out that out there because you never know what you’re going to get back’”

Mairi Evans: “You need to have the knowhow and the brains to build up the campaign, build up your followers and your likers and all that. And I’m not an expert on that, but it’s a case of how do we increase our coverage, who do we increase our chance of getting into these networks in the first place”

Mairi Evans: “And like I said, what is a great spin off from he referendum is that you have all these spin off’s and these different media channels that you didn’t have before”

Interviewer: “And this is where people are going for information, so would you say it’s more you going to them than them coming to you?”

Mairi Evans: “Yes defiantly, and people are challenging things a lot more now, and before you would probably get articles in the press before but there wasn’t any specific forums that would pull things a part and say whether they agree with it or not. I think it’s really, makes people engage with it more and keeps people interested that were fired up by the referendum.

Interviewer: “One of the questions if my questionnaire was, if you were stuck and you were looking for some information about policies or anything to do with the party would you go to social media and, a lot of people said yes but at the same time people said no as it was unreliable. Would you say these singular pages run by yourselves (SNP MEMBERS) where people know that the information is valid and correct would be beneficial?”

Mairi Evans: “Yeah, just a single point of contact”

Interviewer: “I think that’s everything thank you very much for your time”

Mairi Evans: “No, I hope i helped! Thank you very much”

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APPENDIX D: Structured Interview Questions

Yes Scotland Voters InterviewMy name is Samantha Coates and I am a student at Edinburgh Napier University studying BA (HONS) Communications, Advertising and Public Relations. I am currently in the process of creating my dissertation on the topic of “An analysis of the Yes Campaign created by the Scottish Independence Movement, focusing on the utilisation of social media to gain followers”.

The Aims and Objectives of my research are:

• To review the extant the lowered voting age related to the rise in political debate on social networking sites. • To evaluate the scope of influence public figures have in influencing voters via social networking sites.• To determine optimal strategies to improve the scope and content of communication through social networking sites.

All information gathered will only be published for the purpose of the above stated dissertation and will stay confidential. Should you wish to see the finding of the questionnaire, you can request a summary by emailing; [email protected]

Please take your time when answering questions and give as detailed responses as possible, using as many words and you feel necessary.

1. Please describe three elements of the Yes Scotland 2014 social media

campaign which you feel were positive and contributed to its success.

2. During the 2014 Scottish Referendum, were you associated with any Yes

Scotland pages on Facebook or Twitter, if so please state what they were?

Why you joined those in particularly and were they helpful?

3. Imagine you are in charge of the social media pages for the next Yes

Scotland Referendum campaign, how would you encourage others to vote

yes?

4. Other than yourself, who would be the biggest influence in your vote for the

referendum? Was there perhaps a celebrity or public figure who you felt

influenced your vote?

5. What aspects of the Yes Scotland social media campaign do you feel needs

addressed or changed?

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APPENDIX E: Structured Email Interview with Kim Lawson

Interviewee: Kim Lawson


Q1:

I felt that they were, for the most part, professional online. The main figure heads of

the campaign managed to avoid getting into petty online arguments with the No

campaigners, and they usually managed to avoid responding to low blows from the

other campaigns and kept their social media mostly positive.

Social media is a great way to attract attention for a cause and they certainly

achieved this by managing to engage people from all over the world and get their

message heard. This helped to show the world how Scotland planned to support

itself and how it would grow as a country independently. It also created a political

bond for Scotland, as at the same time Catalonia was holding a referendum to

separate from Spain.

The Yes campaign held events all over Scotland like rallies for supporters and

demonstrations to try and gain more votes. I think the use of social media really

helped get those events off the ground and encouraged people to attend them who

otherwise wouldn’t have known anything about them.

Q2:

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I was never involved with any of the online groups as being part of one usually

ended in a real life argument. The referendum and all that came with it left many

people angry and frustrated - including me.

Q3:

I felt that social media was not a strong point for the Yes campaign as it is hard to

find accurate or reliable information on social media sites meaning you have to filter

through lots of information to find anything reliable. If I was in charge I would make

sure that I put out accurate up to date information constantly. I found that the best

way to get a point across was through graphics, in the form of informative videos or

images because in reality the last thing anyone wants to see is a page of words

because it is off putting and therefore nobody reads it and important information is

never seen. I would also engage voters and encourage them to engage with me, I

would answer genuine questions and the worries people have publically and I would

avoid using political words so that everyone can understand what is going on even if

they have never been involved in politics in their life.

Q4:

When it came to the Yes campaigners I mostly steered clear of celebrities and

focused on the politicians involved like Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon. Nicola

Sturgeon and Alex Salmond influenced me most of all because of their passion, their

dedication to the campaign and their ability to handle their campaign like

professionals. That being said I did find another SNP politician that influenced me

and that was Mhairi Black. She was one of the few politicians involved with the

referendum that seemed to genuinely care about what the vote meant to the regular

people and didn’t just worry about status in the house of commons.

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However, I was also influenced greatly by the No campaigner. I was, in all honesty,

stunned by the way they handled their campaign on many occasions using fear-

mongering and manipulation to gain traction for their campaign. When the

referendum was first announced I didn’t believe it was a good idea for Scotland to

gain independence until I heard the way the No campaign was handling the situation

and how obnoxious and in some cases racist the campaigners became, which made

me change my look into the other side of the argument and found, in my opinion, a

better more reasonable alternative that made me feel less like an inconvenience for

the government to deal with and more like a citizen with the right to choose who runs

the country I live in.

Q5:

Although I don’t personally have much knowledge about what happened on

Facebook groups in support of the Yes campaign, as I wasn’t part of any of them, I

think one thing that needed to be addressed online was the lack of solid information

from both sides of the referendum. For example, a lot of the support online especially

on Twitter for the Yes campaign were racist towards the English and quotes from

‘Brave Heart’, when instead the campaigners could have used the platform to explain

how a Yes vote would have impacted Scotland. The campaign should have been as

Alex Salmond said to begin with, Not anti-English but pro-Scottish. I am well aware

that nobody not even the Scottish government can control what people do online in

their own homes however, if the people in charge of the social media aspects were

more aware of the comments that people where making they could have figured a

way to dilute the anti-English tweets and statuses with genuinely helpful information

like how the Scottish economy would be handle a Yes vote or what it would have

meant for our EU status.

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APPENDIX F: Structured Email Interview with Megan Hughes

Interviewee: Megan Hughes


Q1:

Using social media to exploit the campaign to a lot of young people who have never

been involved with debates or had an interest in politics, it seemed to grab a lot of

the younger generations attention. Social media is also a great tool for everyone to

be a part of no matter what age or class. It was also quite fun to read the opinions of

people you don't know and compare them with your own views which is part of

learning and building. My mum is an example of someone who was against the yes

campaign for quite a while - she didn't feel we were strong enough as a country but

after me and my sister continously pointed her in the direction of social media and

online debates/articles she started to read up on more and more facts and eventually

believed in it. The fact that there are even apps which allow you to change your

profile picture to have a yes badge on it now is also pretty cool because trends are

so important in the social media generation.

Q2:

Yes Scotland campaigns on facebook and twitter and I also followed the campaign

leaders on twitter. I felt they were beneficial to the campaign particularly facebook

where a lot of strangers got involved in debates and shared their views.

Q3:

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Sharing the publics views, organisations, show people what's going on around the

country - to allow everyone to see the importance of the public and how much they

matter in this campaign. Encouraging people to buy merchandise online is quite

important for trends to catch on.

Q4:

The working class majority, young children and families were the main influence in

my decision for supporting the yes campaign.

Q5:

Nothing

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APPENDIX G: Structured Email Interview with Jessica Elliott

Interviewee: Jessica Elliott


Q1:

the fact that on Facebook you could change your profile picture to include the Yes

Campaign logo and then, even after you could have the "45%" thing

People were able to speak to other like minded people and group together and

support each other

they were much more positive than the no campaign seemed, cause they actually

showed people information

Q2:

I wasn't part of in particular groups because I didn't want the constant updates

coming through on my phone but I think they are a positive outlet for others. I think

had there been a page for specifically young like minded people I would have joined!

However, even though I was a yes voter, I wasn't as passionate as others I had on

facebook and I disagreed with the fights that were happening on statuses.

Q3:

I would offer advice and help in some way because I don't really feel like there was

any. I think I would have liked to have seen more in the way of encouraging young

95

people to think for themselves and perhaps a positive encouragement on actually

getting involved rather than focusing on what everyone was voting.

Q4:

I don't think I would have been influenced by any celebs, or certainly the ones that I

like anyways. I would say that I was more influenced by friends and family as I feel

like they knew what they were talking about and so I felt like I should do the same.

Q5:

I feel that they need to be less aggressive on social media, I don't think its the party

itself but I do feel that they need to encourage people to be positive and less

argumentative. There were certain people that gave a bad name to the Yes voters

cause not all Yes voters were like that and it's always the bad ones that stick out!

96

samantha coates - edinburgh napier university - dissertation

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