sallustius conj.cat. english

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<sourceDesc><biblStruct><monogr><title>Conspiracy of Catiline</title><author>Sallust</author><editor role="transl">Rev. John Selby Watson, M.A.</editor><imprint><pubPlace>New York and London</pubPlace><publisher>Harper & Brothers</publisher><date>1899</date></imprint></monogr></biblStruct></sourceDesc></fileDesc>

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</teiHeader><text lang="en"><body><div1 type="chapter" n="intro"><head>BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OFSALLUST.</head>SALLUST was born at <placeNamekey="perseus,Amiternum">Amiternum</placeName>, a town in the <placeNamekey="tgn,7021127">Sabine</placeName> territory, on the first of October,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Euseb. Chron.</note> in the year six hundred and sixty-six<note anchored="yes" place="foot"><placeNamekey="tgn,1002284">Clinton</placeName>, Fast. Rom.</note> from the foundation of <placeName key="tgn,7013962">Rome</placeName>, eighty-seven years beforeChrist, and in the seventh consulship of Marius.The name of his father was Caius Sallustius;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">DeBrosses, Vie de Sall., § 2; Glandorp. Onomast.</note> that of his mother isunknown. His family was thought by Crinitus, and some others, to have been patrician,

but by <placeName key="tgn,2083270">Gerlach</placeName>, and most of the later critics, is pronounced to have been plebeian, because he held the office of tribune of the

people, because lie makes observations unfavorable to the nobility in his writings, and because his grandson, according to Tacitus,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Ann.,iii. 30.</note> was only of equestrian rank.

The ingenuity of criticism has been exercised in determining whether his nameshould be written with a double or single l. Jerome Wolfius,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Apud Voss.</note> and <placeNamekey="tgn,2083270">Gerlach</placeName>, are in favor of the single letter, dependingchiefly on inscriptions, and on the presumption that the name is derived from <foreignlang="la">salus</foreign> or <foreign lang="la">sal</foreign>. But inscriptions vary;the etymology of the word is uncertain, and to derive it from <foreignlang="la">sal</foreign> would authorize either mode of spelling. All the Latin authors,

both in prose and poetry, have the name with the double letter, and it seems better, asVossius<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Vit. Sall.</note> remarks, to adhere totheir practice. Among the Greeks, Dion and Eusebius have the single letter; in some

other writers it is found doubled.

Another question raised respecting his name, is whether he <pb n="x"/>should becalled <foreign lang="la">Sallustius Crispus</foreign> or <foreign lang="la">CrispusSallustius.</foreign> The latter mode is adopted by Le Clerc, Cortius, Havercamp, andsome other critics; but De Brosses<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Vie de Sall.,§ 1.</note> argues conclusively in favor of the former method; as Sallustius, from

its termination, is evidently the name of the family or <foreignlang="la">gens;</foreign> and Crispus, which denotes <foreign lang="la">quelquehabitude du corps,</foreign> only a surname to distinguish one of its branches. <foreignlang="la">Crispus Sallustius</foreign> is found, indeed, in manuscripts; and, accordingto Cortius, in the best; but on what reasonable grounds can it be justified? It was

perhaps adopted by some copyist front the ode of <placeNamekey="tgn,2028398">Horace</placeName><note anchored="yes" place="foot">Od., ii.2, 3.</note> addressed to Sallist's nephew, and inconsiderately continued by hissuccessors.He was removed early in life to <placeNamekey="tgn,7013962">Rome</placeName>, that he might be educated under Atteius

Prætextatus, a celebrated grammarian of that age, who styled himself Philologus,and who was afterward tutor to Asinius Pollio.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Suet. de Ill. Gramm., c. 10.</note> Atteius treated Sallust with very greatdistinction.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Ibid.</note>He may be supposed to have soon grown conscious of his powers;<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Pseudo-Sall. Ep. to Cæs., i. 10.</note> and appearsat an early period of his life to have devoted himself to study, with an intention todistinguish himself in history.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Cat., c.3.</note>His devotion to literature, however, was not so great as to detain him fromindulgence in pleasure; for he became, if we allow any credit to the old declaimer,infamous, <foreign lang="la">ætatis tirocinio,</foreign> for debauchery andextravagance. He took possession of his father's house in his father's lifetime, and soldit; an act by which he brought his father to the grave; and he was twice, for somemisconduct, arraigned before the magistrates, and escaped on both occasions onlythrough the perjury of his judges.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Pseudo-Cic. inSall., c. 5.</note>When we cite this rhetorician, we must not forget that we cite an anonymousreviler, yet we must suppose with <placeNamekey="tgn,2083270">Gerlach</placeName>, and with Meisner, the German translator of Sallust, that we quote a writer who grounded his invectives on reports and opinions

current at the time in which he lived.Sallust next thought of aspiring to political distinction;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Cat., c. 3.</note> but <pb n="xi"/>"the usual method of attaining notice,"says De Brosses,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Vie de Sal., c. 3.</note> "whichwas to secure friends and clients by pleading the causes of individuals at the bar, heseems not to have adopted;" since, as is known, no orations spoken' by him are inexistence, and, as is thought, no mention is made of such orations in any other author.Mention, however, is made of orations of Sallust, at whatever time delivered, in thewell-known passage of <placeName key="tgn,1002883">Seneca</placeName> therhetorician.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Præf. in Controv., 1. iii., p. 231,

ed. Par. <date value="1607">1607</date>.</note> When <placeNamekey="tgn,1002883">Seneca</placeName> inquired of Cassius Severus, why he, who

was so eminent in pleading important causes, displayed so little talent in pronouncingfictitious declamations, the orator replied, <quote lang="la">Quod in me miraris, peneomnibus evenit, etc. Orationes Sallustii in honorem historiarum leguntur.</quote>"What you think extraordinary in me, is common to all men of ability. The greatestgeniuses, to whom I am conscious of my great inferiority, have generally excelled only

in one species of composition. The felicity of <placeNamekey="tgn,1015191">Virgil</placeName> in poetry deserted him in prose; the eloquenceof <placeName key="tgn,2031372">Cicero</placeName>'s orations is not to be foundin his verses; and the speeches of Sallust are read only as a foil to his histories." Thespeeches which are here meant, are not, as has been generally imagined, those insertedin the histories, but others, which Sallust had spoken. This view of the passage was firsttaken by Antonius Augustinus, and communicated by him to Schottus, who mentionedit in his annotations on <placeName key="tgn,1002883">Seneca</placeName>.<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">P. 234, ed. Par. <datevalue="1607">1607</date>.</note>But by whatever means he secured support, he had at length sufficient interest to

obtain a quæstorship;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Pseudo-Cic., in Sall., c.5.</note> the tenure of which gave him admission into the senate. It would appear thathe was about thirty-one years of age when he attained this honor.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Adam's Rom. antiquities, p. 4.</note>It must have been about this period that his adventure with Fausta, the daughter of Sylla and wife of <placeName key="tgn,1013243">Milo</placeName>, occurred, of which a short account is given by Aulus Gellius<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">xvii. 18.</note> in an extract from Varro. The English reader may take itin the version of Beloe : "Marcus Varro, a man of great authority and weight in hiswritings and life, in his publication entitled 'Pius,' or 'De Pace,' <pb n="xii"/>recordsthat Caius Sallust, the author of that grave and serious composition (<foreignlang="la">seriæ illius et severæ orationis</foreign>), in which he hasexercised the severity of the censorial office, in taking cognizance of crimes, beingtaken by Annæus <placeName key="tgn,1013243">Milo</placeName> inadultery, was well scourged, and, after paying a sum of money, dismissed." The samestory is told, on the authority of Asconius Pedianus the biographer of Sallust, by Acroand Porphyrio, the scholiasts on Horace, who, they think, had it in his mind when hewrote the words, <quote lang="la">Ille flagellis ad mortem cæsus.</quote><noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Sat., i. 2, 41.</note> Servius, also, in his note on<foreign lang="la">Quique ob adulterium cæsi,</foreign> in the sixth book of theÆneid,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Ver. 612.</note> tells a like tale,

adding that Sallust entered the house in the habit of a slave, and was caught in thatdisguise by <placeName key="tgn,1013243">Milo</placeName>.Such being the case, it is not wonderful that when Sallust entered on his tribuneshipof the people, to which lie was elected in the year of the city seven hundred, he seizedan opportunity which occurred of being revenged on <placeNamekey="tgn,1013243">Milo</placeName>, who had shortly before killed Clodius. He

joined with his colleagues, Pompeins Rufus and Plancus, in inflaming the populace, andcharging Milo with premeditated hostility.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Ascon.Pedian. in Cic. Orat. pro Milo., c. 17; Cic. Mil., c. 5.</note> They intimidated<placeName key="tgn,2115507">Cicero</placeName>, <placeNamekey="tgn,1013243">Milo</placeName>'s advocate, insinuating that he had planned the

assassination;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Ascon. Pedian. in Cic. Mil., c.18.</note> and the matter ended in <placeName

key="tgn,1013243">Milo</placeName>'s banishment.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Dion. Cap., lib. xl.</note> During the progress of the trial, however, it issaid that Sallust abated his hostility to <placeNamekey="tgn,1013243">Milo</placeName> and <placeNamekey="tgn,2115507">Cicero</placeName>, and even became friendly with them.<note

anchored="yes" place="foot">Ascon. Ped. <foreign lang="la">ubisupra.</foreign></note> How this reconciliation was effected, does not appear; but itseems certain that <placeName key="tgn,2115507">Cicero</placeName>, when heattacked Plancus, Sallust's colleague, for exciting the populace to turbulence, left Sallusthimself unmolested.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Ascon. Ped. in Cic. Mil., c.85.</note>Unmolested, however, lie did not long remain; for in the year of the city sevenhundred and four, in the censorship of Appius Claudius Pulcher, and Lucius CalpurniusPiso, Appius, actuated by two motives, one of which was to serve Pompey, byexcluding from the senate such as were hostile to him,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Dion. Cap., xl. 63.</note> and the other to throw into the shade his own

private irregularities by <pb n="xiii"/>an ostentatious discharge of his publicduties,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Cic. Ep. ad Fam., viii. 14.</note> expelledSallust from the senate on pretence that he was a flagrantly immoral character.<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Dion., ib.</note>But Appius, by this proceeding, instead of serving Pompey, served Cæsar; for many who had previously been favorable to Pompey, or had continued neutral, betook themselves immediately to Cæsar's camp; in the number of whom wasSallust.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Pseudo-Cic. in Sail., c. 6. <placeNamekey="tgn,2062904">Gerlach</placeName>, Vit. Sall., p. 7.</note>His attendance on Cæsar did not go unrewarded; for when Cæsar returned from <placeName key="tgn,1000095">Spain</placeName>, after his victoryover Afranius and Petreius, he restored Sallust, with others under similar circumstances,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Suet. J. Cæs., c. 41.</note> tohis seat in the senate; and as it was not usual for a senator, who had been degraded fromhis rank, to be reinstated in it without being at the same time elected to an office, he wasagain made quæstor,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Pseudo-Cic., c. 6,8.</note> or, as <placeName key="perseus,Dion">Dion</placeName> thinks,

prætor.He was then intrusted with some military command, and sent into <placeNamekey="tgn,7016683">Illyria</placeName>, where, as Orosius<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Lib., vi. 15. Gerlach, Vit. Sall., p. 7.</note> states, he was one of those

that were defeated by the Pomnpeian leaders Octavius and Libo.Afterward, when the war in <placeName key="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>and <placeName key="tgn,1000004">Asia</placeName> was finished, but while theremains of Pompey's army, headed by Scipio and Cato, were still menacing hostilities in<placeName key="tgn,7001242">Africa</placeName>, Sallust, with the title of

prætor, was directed to conduct against them a body of troops from <placeNamekey="tgn,7003005">Campania</placeName>.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot"><placeName key="perseus,Dion">Dion</placeName>. <placeNamekey="tgn,2224859">Cass</placeName>., xlii. 52.</note> But Sallust was intrusted withmore than he was able to perform. The soldiers mutinied on the coast, compelled him toflee, and hurried away to <placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>,

putting to death two senators in their way., It was on this occasion that Cæsar humbled them by addressing them as <foreign lang="la">Quirites</foreign> instead of

<foreign lang="la">commilitones.</foreign><note anchored="yes" place="foot"><placeName key="perseus,Dion">Dion</placeName>., ib. Appian. B. C.,ii. 92. Plut. in Cæs. Suet. J. Cæs., c. 10.</note>Sallust was then reinstated in command, and was sent, during the African war, tothe island of <placeName key="tgn,7006523">Cercina</placeName>, to bring off a

quantity of corn that had been deposited there by the enemy; a commission which hesuccessfully executed.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Hirt. B. A., c. 8,24.</note>Whether he performed any other service for Cæsar in this <pb n="xiv"/>war,we have no account; but Cæsar, when it was ended, thought him a person of suchconsequence, that he gave him the government of <placeNamekey="tgn,7016752">Numidia</placeName>, with the title of pro-consul. "He receivedthe province from Cæsar," says <placeNamekey="perseus,Dion">Dion</placeName>, "nominally to govern it, but in reality toravage and plunder it." Whether such was Cæsar's intention or not, it is generally

believed that he enriched himself by the spoil of it to the greatest possible extent.<note

anchored="yes" place="foot"><placeName key="perseus,Dion">Dion</placeName>.,xliii. 9. Pseudo-Cic., c. 7.</note>When his term of office, which seems to have been only a year, was expired, he"appeared at <placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>," says thedeclaimer, "like a man enriched in a dream." But the Numidians followed him, andaccused him of extortion; a charge front which he was only acquitted through theinterposition of Cæsar,<note anchored="yes" place="foot"><placeNamekey="perseus,Dion">Dion</placeName>., xliii. 9.</note> to whom he is said to have

presented a bribe.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Pseudo-Cic., c. 7.</note>The trial had not been long concluded when Cæsar was assassinated, andSallust, being thus deprived of his patron, seems to have withdrawn entirely from publiclife. He purchased a large tract of ground on the Quirinal hill, where he erected asplendid mansion, and laid out those magnificent gardens of which so much has beenrelated. Their extent must have been vast, if De Brosses, who visited the spot in <datevalue="1739">1739</date>, obtained any just notion of it.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">De Brosses, &OElig;uv. de Sall., vol. iii., p. 363.</note> But some havethought them much smaller. He had also a country-house at <placeNamekey="perseus,Tibur">Tibur</placeName>, which had belonged to JuliusCæsar.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Pseudo-Cic., c. 7.</note>It was during this period of retirement, as is supposed, that he married Terentia, thedivorced wife of Cicero, if, indeed, he married her at all; for their union rests on no very

strong testimony.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Hieronym. adv. Jovin., i. 48.Gerlach, vol. ii., p. 8. De Brosses, tom. iii. p. 355. Le Clerc, Vit. Sall.</note>It was at this time, too, it would appear, that he commenced the composition of history, with a view to the perpetuation of his name; for he entered on it, lie says, whenhis mind was free from "hope, fear, or political partisanship;"<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Cat., c. 4.</note> and to no other time of his life are such expressionsapplicable. <placeName key="perseus,Dion">Dion</placeName> seems to havesupposed <pb n="xv"/>that he appeared as a historian before he went to <placeNamekey="tgn,7016752">Numidia</placeName>, but is in all probability mistaken.Sallust died on the thirteenth of May, in the year of the city seven hundred andeighteen, in the fifty-second year of his age,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Euseb.

Chron. <placeName key="tgn,2244545">Clinton</placeName>, Fasti.</note> leavinghis grand-nephew, Gains Sallustius Crispus, whom want of children had induced him to

adopt, heir to all his possessions. His gardens, some years after his death, becameimperial property.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">See De Brosses, tom. iii. p.368.</note>Such were the events, as far as we learn, of the life of Sallust; and such is the notionwhich the voice of antiquity teaches us to form of his moral character. In modern times,

some attempts have been made to prove that he was less vicious than he was ancientlyrepresented.Among those who have attempted to clear him of the charges usually broughtagainst hin, are Miller,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">C. Sallustius Crispus,<placeName key="tgn,7012329">Leipzig</placeName>, <datevalue="1817">1817</date>.</note> Wieland,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Ad.Hor. Sat., i. 2, 48.</note> and Roos;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">EinigeBemerk, ub. den Moral Char. des Sallust. <foreign lang="de">Prog.Giessen.,</foreign> <date value="1788">1788</date>, 4to. See Frotscher's note on LeClerc's Life of Sall., init.</note> who are strenuously opposed by Gerlach<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Vit. Sall., p. 9, seq.</note> and Loebell.<note

anchored="yes" place="foot">Zur Beurtheilung des Sall., <placeNamekey="tgn,7007601">Breslau</placeName>, <date value="1818">1818</date>.</note>The points on which his champions chiefly endeavor to defend him, are the adventurewith Fausta, and the spoliation of <placeNamekey="tgn,7016752">Numidia</placeName>. Of the three, Miller is the mostenterprising. With regard to the affair of Fausta, he sets himself boldly to impugn theauthority of Varro or Gellius, on which it chiefly rests; and his reasoning is as follows:That such writers as Gellius are not always to be trusted; that Gellius often quoted frommemory; that he cites old authors on the testimony of later authors; that he speaks of Varro, <quote lang="la">fide homo multâ et gravis,</quote> as if he were acotemporary that needed commendation, not the well-known Varro whose character was established; that the Varro of Gellius may therefore be a later Varro, whose book,"Pius," or "De Pace," may have been about Antoninus Pius, under whom Gellius lived,and who may have been utterly mistaken in what he said of Sallust; and that,consequently, the passage in Gellius is to be suspected. Respecting the plunder of <placeName key="tgn,7016752">Numidia</placeName>, his arguments are, that the<pb n="xvi"/>province was given to Sallust to spoil, not for himself, but for Cæsar; that of the money obtained from it, the chief part was given toCæsar; and that, consequently, Cæsar, not Sallust, is to bear the blame for what was done.But such conjectures produce no more impression on the mind of a reader than

<placeName key="tgn,7000667">Walpole</placeName>'s " Historic Doubts"concerning Richard the Third. They suggest something that may have been, but bring no proof of what actually was; they may be allowed to be ingenious, but the general voiceof history is still believed. To all Müller's suggestions Gerlach exclaims, <quotelang="la">Credat Judæus!</quote> Were there, in the pages of antiquity, a singlerecord or remark favorable to the moral character of Sallust, there would then be a<foreign lang="fr">point d'appui</foreign> from which to commence an attack on whatis said against him; but the case, alas! is exactly the reverse; wherever Sallust ischaracterized as a man, he is characterized unfavorably.His writings consisted of his narratives of the Conspiracy of Catiline and the War with Jugurtha, and of a History of <placeName

key="tgn,7000874">Rome</placeName> in five books, extending from the death of Sylla to the beginning of the Mithridatic war. The Catiline and Jugurtha have reached us

entire; but of the History there now remain only four speeches, two letters, and anumber of smaller fragments preserved among the grammarians. That he was not theauthor of the Epistles to Cæsar, the reader will find satisfactorily shown in theremarks prefixed to the translation of them in the present volume.Sallust is supposed to have formed his style on that of Thucydides;<note

anchored="yes" place="foot">Vell. Pat., i. 36.</note> but he has far excelled his model,if not in energy, certainly in conciseness and perspicuity, of expression. "The speechesof Thucydides," says Cicero,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Orat., c. 9.</note>"contain so many dark and intricate passages, that they are scarcely understood." Nosuch complaint can be made of any part of the writings of Sallust. "From any sentencein Thucydides," says <placeName key="tgn,2652379">Seneca</placeName> therhetorician,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Controvers., iv. 24.</note> "however remarkable for its conciseness, if a word or two be taken away, the sense will remain, if not equally ornate, yet equally entire; but from the periods of Sallust nothing can be <pbn="xvii"/>deducted without detriment to the meaning." <quote lang="la">Apuderuditas aures,</quote> says Quintilian,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Inst. Or., x.

1.</note> <quote lang="la">nihil potest esse perfectius.</quote>The defects of his style are, that he wants the <foreign lang="la">flumenorationis</foreign> so much admired in Livy and Herodotus;<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Monboddo, Origin and Prog. of Language, vol. ii. p. 200.</note> that histransitions are often abrupt; and that he too much affects antique phraseology.<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Quint. Inst. Or., viii. 3.</note> But no writer cancombine qualities that are incompatible. He is justly preferred by Quintilian<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Inst. Or., ii. 5.</note> to Livy, and well merits the praisegiven him by Tacitus<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Ann., iii. 30.</note> andMartial,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">xiv. 191.</note> of being <quotelang="la">rerum Romanarum florentissimus auctor,</quote> and <quotelang="la">Romanâ primus in historiâ.</quote>Of the numerous editions of Sallust, that of Cortius, which appeared at <placeNamekey="tgn,7012329">Leipsic</placeName> in <date value="1724">1724</date>, andhas been often reprinted, long indisputably held the first rank. But Cortius, as an editor,was somewhat too fond of expelling from his text all words that he could possibly

pronounce superfluous; and succeeding editors, as Gerlach (Basil. <datevalue="1823">1823</date>), Kritz (<placeNamekey="tgn,7012329">Leipsic</placeName>, 1834), and Dietsch (<placeNamekey="tgn,7012329">Leipsic</placeName>, 1846), have judiciously restored manywords that he had discarded, and produced texts more acceptable in many respects to

the generality of students.Sallust has been many times translated into English. The versions most deservingnotice are those of <placeName key="tgn,1050708">Gordon</placeName> (<datevalue="1744">1744</date>), Rose (<date value="1751">1751</date>), Murphy (<datevalue="1809">1809</date>), and Peacock (<date value="1845">1845</date>.)<placeName key="tgn,1050708">Gordon</placeName> has vigor, but wants polish;Rose is close and faithful but often dry and hard; Murphy is sprightly, but verbose andlicentious, qualities in which his admirer, Sir Henry Steuart (<datevalue="1806">1806</date>), went audaciously beyond him; Mr. Peacock's translationis equally faithful with that of Rose, and far exceeds it in general ease and agreeablenessof style.

<pb n="1"/></div1>

<div1 type="chapter" n="1"> IT becomes all men, who desire to excel other animals,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">I. Desire to excel other animals] <quote lang="la">Sese student præstare ceteris animalibus.</quote> The pronoun, which was usually omitted, is,says Cortius, not without its force; for it is equivalent to <foreign lang="la">ut ipsi:

student ut ipsi præstent.</foreign> In support of his opinion he quotes, with other passages, Plaut. Asinar. i. 3, 31: <foreign lang="la">Vult placere seseamicæ,</foreign> i.e. <foreign lang="la">vult ut ipse amicæ

placeat;</foreign> and <bibl>Cælius Antipater apud Festum in "Topper,"</bibl><foreign lang="la">Ita uti sese quisque vobis studeat æmulari,</foreign> i.e.<foreign lang="la">studeat ut ipse æmuletur.</foreign> This explanation isapproved by Bernouf. Cortius might have added Cat. 7: <foreign lang="la">sesequisque hostem ferre--properabat.</foreign> <foreign lang="la">"Student,"</foreign>Cortius interprets by <foreign lang="la">"cupiunt."</foreign></note> to strive, to theutmost of their power,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">To the utmost of their

power] <quote lang="la">Summâ ope,</quote> with their utmost ability. "A

Sallustian mode of expression. Cicero would have said <foreignlang="la">summâ operâ, summo studio, summâ,contentione.</foreign> Ennius has <foreign lang="la">'Summa nituntur opumvi.'</foreign>" Colerus.</note> not to pass through life in obscurity,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">In obscurity] <quote lang="la">Silentio</quote>. So asto have nothing said of them, either during their lives or at their death. So in c. 2:<foreign lang="la">Eorum ego vitam mortemque juxta æstumo, quoniam deutrâque siletur.</foreign> When <placeNamekey="tgn,2071526">Ovid</placeName> says, <foreign lang="la">Bene qui latuit, benevixit,</foreign> and <placeName key="tgn,2399200">Horace</placeName>, <foreignlang="la">Nec vixit malè, qui vivens moriensque fefellit,</foreign> theymerely signify that he has some comfort in life, who, in ignoble obscurity, escapestrouble and censure. But men thus undistinguished are, in the estimation of Sallust, littlesuperior to the brute creation. <foreign lang="la">"Optimus quisque,</foreign> saysMuretus, quoting <placeName key="tgn,2068515">Cicero</placeName>, <foreignlang="la">"honoris et gloriæ studio maximè ducitur;"</foreign> theablest men are most actuated by the desire of honor and glory, and are more solicitousabout the character which they will bear among posterity. With reason, therefore, does<placeName key="tgn,2565867">Pallas</placeName>, in the Odyssey, address thefollowing exhortation to Telemachus:<quote><l>Hast thou not heard how young Orestes, fir'd</l>

<l>With great revenge, immortal praise acquir'd ?</l><l>* * * * *</l><l>O greatly bless'd with ev'ry blooming grace,</l><l>With equal steps the paths of glory trace !</l><l>Join to that royal youth's your rival name,</l><l>And shine eternal in the sphere of fame.</l></quote></note> like the beasts of thefield,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Like the beasts of the field] <quotelang="la">Veluti pecora.</quote> Many translators have rendered <quotelang="la">pecora</quote> "brutes" or "beasts;" <foreign lang="la">pecus,</foreign>however, does not mean brutes in general, but answers to our English wordcattle.</note> which nature has formed groveling<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Groveling] <quote lang="la">Prona.</quote> I have adopted grovelingfrom Mair's old translation. <foreign lang="la">Pronus,</foreign> stooping to the earth,

is applied to cattle, in opposition to <foreign lang="la">erectus,</foreign> which isapplied to man; as in the following lines of <placeNamekey="tgn,2071526">Ovid</placeName>, Met. i. 76:<quote lang="la"><l>Pronaque cum spectent animalia cætera terram,</l><l>Os homini sublime dedit, cælumque tueri</l>

<l>Jussit, et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus."</l></quote><cit><quote><l>"------ while the mute creation downward bend</l><l>Their sight, and to their earthly mother tend,</l><l>Man looks aloft, and with erected eyes</l><l>Beholds his own hereditary skies.</l></quote><bibl>Dryden.</bibl></cit>Which <placeName key="tgn,7013820">Milton</placeName> (Par. L. vii. 502) has

paraphrased:<quote><l>There wanted yet the master-work, the end</l><l>Of all yet done; a creature, who not prone</l><l>And brute as other creatures, but endued</l>

<l>With sanctity of reason, might erect</l><l>His stature, and upright with front serene</l><l>Govern the rest, self-knowing, and-from thence</l><l>Magnanimous to correspond with heaven.</l></quote>So Silius Italicus, xv. 84:<quote lang="la"><l>Nonne vides hominum ut celsos ad sidera vultus</l><l>Sustulerit Deus, et sublimia finxerit ora,</l><l>Cùm pecudes, volucrumque genus, formasque ferarum,</l><l>Segnem atque obscænam passim stravisset in alvum.</l></quote><quote><l>See'st thou not how the Deity has rais'd</l><l>The countenance of man erect to heav'n,</l><l>Gazing sublime, while prone to earth he bent</l><l>Th' inferior tribes, reptiles, and pasturing herds,</l><l>And beasts of prey, to appetite enslav'd?</l></quote>"When Nature," says <placeName key="tgn,2239741">Cicero</placeName>, de<placeName key="tgn,2004195">Legg</placeName>. i. 9, "had made other animalsabject, and consigned them to the pastures, she made man alone upright, and raised himto the contemplation of heaven, as of his birthplace and former abode;" a passage which<placeName key="tgn,1014723">Dryden</placeName> seems to have had in his mindwhen he translated the lines of <placeName key="tgn,2033049">Ovid</placeName>cited above. Let us add Juvenal, xv. 146:

<quote lang="la"><l>Sensum à cælesti demissum traximus arce,</l><l>Cujus egent prona et terram spectantia.</l></quote><quote><l>To us is reason giv'n, of heav'nly birth,</l><l>Denied to beasts, that prone regard the earth.</l></quote></note> and subservient toappetite.<pb n="3"/>All our power is situate in the mind and in the body.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">All our power is situate in the mind and in the body] <quotelang="la">Sed omnis nostra vis in animo et corpore sita.</quote> All our power is

placed, or consists, in our mind and our body. The particle <foreignlang="la">sed,</foreign> which is merely a connective, answering to the Greek

<foreign lang="greek">de/,</foreign> and which would be useless in an Englishtranslation, I have omitted.</note> Of the mind we rather employ the government;<note

anchored="yes" place="foot">Of the mind we--employ the government] <quotelang="la">Animi imperio--utimur.</quote> "What the Deity is in the universe, the mindis in man; what matter is to the universe, the body is to us; let the worse, therefore, servethe better."--Sen. Epist. lxv. <foreign lang="la">Dux et imperator vitæ mortaliumanimus est.</foreign> the mind is the guide and ruler of the life of mortals.--Jug. c. 1. "

An animal consists of mind and body, of which the one is formed by nature to rule andthe other to obey."--Aristot. Polit. i. 5. Muretus and Graswinckel will supply abundanceof similar passages.</note> of the body, the <pb n="4"/>service.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Of the mind we rather employ the government; of the body, the service]<quote lang="la">Animi imperio, corporis servitio magis utimur.</quote> The word<foreign lang="la">magis</foreign> is not to be regarded as useless. " It signifies," saysCortius, " that the mind rules, and the body obeys, in general, and with greater reason."At certain times the body may seem to have the mastery, as when we are under theirresistible influence of hunger or thirst.</note> The one is common to us with the gods;the other with the brutes. It appears to me, therefore, more reasonable<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">It appears to me, therefore, more reasonable, etc.] <quote

lang="la">Quo mihi rectius videtur,</quote> etc. I have rendered <foreignlang="la">quo</foreign> by therefore. " <foreign lang="la">Quo,</foreign>" observesCortius, "is <foreign lang="la">propter quod</foreign> with the proper force of theablative case. So Jug. c. 84: <foreign lang="la">Quo mihi acrius adnitendum est,</foreign>etc; c. 2, <foreign lang="la">Quo magis pravitas eorum admirandaest.</foreign> Some expositors would force us to believe that these ablatives areinseparably connected with the comparative degree, as in <foreign lang="la">quominus, eo major,</foreign> and similar expressions; whereas common sense shows thatthey can not be so connected." Kritzius is one of those who interprets in the way towhich Cortius alludes, as if the drift of the passage were, <foreign lang="la">Quantomagis animus corpori prætat, tanto rectius ingenii opibus gloriamquærere.</foreign> But most of the commentators and translators rightly followCortius. " <foreign lang="la">Quo,</foreign>" says Pappaur, "is for <foreignlang="la">quocirca."</foreign></note> to pursue glory by means of the intellect than of

bodily strength, and, since the life which we enjoy is short, to make the remembrance of us as lasting as possible. For the glory of wealth and beauty is fleeting and perishable;that of intellectual power is illustrious and immortal.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">That of intellectual powor is illustrious and immortal] <quotelang="la">Virtus clara æternaque habetur.</quote> The only one of our Englishtranslators who has given the right sense of <foreign lang="la">virtus</foreign> in this

passage, is Sir Henry Steuart, who was guided to it by the Abbé Thyvon and M.

Beauzée. " It appears somewhat singular," says Sir Henry, "that none of thenumerous translators of Sallust, whether among ourselves or among foreign nations--theAbbé Thyvon and M. Beauzée excepted--have thought of giving to theword <foreign lang="la">virtus,</foreign> in this place, what so obviously is themeaning intended by the historian; namely, 'genius, ability, distinguished talents.'Indeed, the whole tenor of the passage, as well as the scope of the context, leaves noroom to doubt the fact. The main objects of comparison, throughout the three firstsections of this Præmium, or introductory discourse, are not vice and virtue, but

body and mind; a listless indolence, and a vigorous, honorable activity. On this accountit is pretty evident, that by <foreign lang="la">virtus</foreign> Sallust could never mean the Greek <foreign lang="greek">a)reth/,</foreign> virtue or moral worth,' but

that he had in his eye the well-known interpretation of Varro, who considers it <foreignlang="la">ut viri vis</foreign> (De Ling. Lat. iv.), as denoting the useful energy which

ennobles a man, and should chiefly distinguish him among his fellow-creatures. In order to be convinced of the justice of this rendering, we need only turn to another passage of our author, in the second section of the Præmium to the Jugarthine War, where thesame train of thought is again pursued, although he gives it somewhat a different turn inthe piece last mentioned. The object, notwithstanding, of both these Dissertations is to

illustrate, in a striking manner, the pre-eminence of the mind over extrinsic advantagesor bodily endowments, and to show that it is by genius alone that we may aspire to areputation which shall never die. <foreign lang="la">Igitur præclara facies,magnæ divitiæ, adhuc vis corporis, et alia hujusmodi omnia, brevidilabuntur: at ingenii egregia facinora, sicut anima, immortalia sunt."</foreign><pb n="5"/>Yet it was long a subject of dispute among mankind, whether military efforts weremore advanced by strength of body, or by force of intellect. For, in affairs of war, it isnecessary to plan before beginning to act,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">It isnecessary to plan before beginning to act] <quote lang="la">Priusquam incipias,consulto--opus est.</quote> Most translators have rendered <foreign

lang="la">consulto</foreign> " deliberation," or something equivalent; but it is planning or contrivance that is signified. Demosthenes, in his Oration <foreignlang="la">de Pace,</foreign> reproaches the Athenians with acting without any settled

plan: <foreign lang="greek">(*oi( me\n ga\r a)/lloi pa/ntes a)/nqrwpoi pro\ tw=n pragma/twn e)iw/qasi xrh=sqai tw=| *bouleuesqai, u(mei=s o)ude\ meta\ ta\ pra/gmata.</foreign></note> and, after planning, to act with promptitude andvigor.'<note anchored="yes" place="foot">To act with promptitude and vigor] <quotelang="la">Maturè facto opus est.</quote> <foreign lang="la">"Maturèfacto"</foreign> seems to include the notions both of promptitude and vigor, of force aswell as speed; for what would be the use of acting expeditiously, unless expedition beattended with power and effect ?</note> Thus, each<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Each] <quote lang="la">Utrumque.</quote> The corporeal and mentalfaculties.</note> being insufficient of itself, the one requires the assistance of theother."<note anchored="yes" place="foot">The one requires the assistance of the other]<quote lang="la">Alterum alterius auxilio eget.</quote> " <foreignlang="la">Eget,</foreign>" says Cortius, "is the reading of all the MSS." <foreignlang="la">Veget,</foreign> which Havercamp and some others have adopted, was theconjecture of Palmerius, on account of <foreign lang="la">indigens</foreign>occurring in the same sentence. But <foreign lang="la">eget</foreign> agrees far better with <quote lang="la">consulto et--maturè facto opus est,</quote> in the

preceding sentence.</note></note></div1>

<div1 type="chapter" n="2">In early times, accordingly, kings (for that was the first title of sovereignty in theworld) applied themselves in different ways;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">II.Applied themselves in different ways] <foreign lang="la">Diversi.</foreign> <foreignlang="la">"Modo et instituto diverse, diversa sequentes."</foreign>Cortius.</note>some exercised the mind, others the body. At that period, however,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">At that period, however] <quote lang="la">Et jamtum.</quote> <foreign lang="la">"Tunc temporis præcisè,</foreign> atthat time precisely, which is the force of the particle <foreign lang="la">jam,</foreign>as <foreign lang="la">Donatus</foreign> shows. * * * I have therefore written <foreignlang="la">et jam</foreign> separately. * * * Virg. Æn. vii. 737. <foreign

lang="la">Late jam tum ditione premebat Sarrastes populos."</foreign>Cortius.</note> the life of man was passed without covetousness <note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Without covetousness] <quote lang="la">Sine cupiditate.</quote> " As inthe famous golden age. See Tacit. Ann. iii. 26." Cortius. See also <placeNamekey="tgn,2033049">Ovid</placeName>. Met. i. 89, seq. But "such times were never,"as Cowper says.</note> every one was satisfied with his own. But after <placeNamekey="tgn,2273622">Cyrus</placeName> in <placeName

key="tgn,2097781">Asia</placeName><note anchored="yes" place="foot">But after <placeName key="tgn,2074299">Cyrus</placeName> in <placeNamekey="tgn,2097781">Asia</placeName>, etc.] <quote lang="la">Postea veròquàm in, Asiâ <placeNamekey="tgn,2074299">Cyrus</placeName>,</quote> etc. Sallust writes as if he hadsupposed that kings were more moderate before the time of <placeNamekey="tgn,2074299">Cyrus</placeName>. But this can hardly have been the case. " TheRomans," says De Brosses, whose words I abridge, " though not learned in antiquity,could not have been ignorant that there were great conquerors before Cyrus; as<placeName key="tgn,7017998">Ninus</placeName> and Sesostris. But as their reigns

belonged rather to the fabulous ages, Sallust, in entering upon a serious history, wished

to confine himself to what was certain, and went no further back than the records of Herodotus and Thucydides." <placeName key="tgn,7017998">Ninus</placeName>,says Justin. i. 1, was the first to change, through inordinate ambition, the <foreignlang="la">veterem et quasi avitum gentibus morem;</foreign> that is, to break throughthe settled restraints of law and order. Gerlach agrees in opinion with DeBrosses.</note> and the Lacedæmonians and Athenians in <placeNamekey="tgn,1000074">Greece</placeName>, began <pb n="6"/>to subjugate cities andnations, to deem the lust of dominion a reason for war, and to imagine the greatest gloryto be in the most extensive empire, it was then at length discovered, by proof andexperience,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Proof and experience] <quotelang="la">Periculo atque negotiis.</quote> Gronovius rightly interprets <foreignlang="la">periculo</foreign><foreign lang="la"> "experiundo,experimentis,"</foreign> by experiment or trial. Cortius takes <foreignlang="la">periculo atque negotiis</foreign> for <foreign lang="la">periculosisnegotiis,</foreign> by hendyadys; but to this figure, as Kritzius remarks, we ought butsparingly to have recourse. It is better, he adds, to take the words in their ordinarysignification, understanding by <foreign lang="la">negotia</foreign> <foreignlang="la">"res graviores."</foreign> Bernouf judiciously explains <foreignlang="la">negotiis</foreign> by <foreign lang="la">"ipsâ negotiorumtractatione,"</foreign> i.e. by the management of affairs, or by experience in affairs.Dureau Delamalle, the French translator, has <foreign lang="fr">"l'expérience

et la pratique."</foreign> Mair has "trial and experience," which, I believe, faithfullyexpresses Sallust's meaning. Rose gives only "experience" for both words.</note> thatmental power has the greatest effect in military operations. And, indeed,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">And, indeed, if the intellectual ability, etc.] <quotelang="la">Quod si--animi virtus,</quote> etc. " Quod si" can not here be rendered butif; it is rather equivalent to <foreign lang="la">quapropter si,</foreign> and might beexpressed by wherefore if, if therefore, if then, so that if.</note> if the intellectualability<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Intellectual ability] <quote lang="la">Animivirtus.</quote> See the remarks on <foreign lang="la">virtus,</foreign> abovecited.</note> of kings and magistrates<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Magistrates]<quote lang="la">Imperatorum.</quote> "Understand all who govern states, whether in

war or in peace." Bernouf. Sallust calls the consuls <quotelang="la">imperatores,</quote> c. 6.</note> were exerted to the same degree in peace

as in war, human affairs would be more orderly and settled, and you would not seegovernments shifted from hand to hand,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Governments shifted from hand to hand] <quote lang="la">Aliudaliò ferri.</quote> Evidently alluding to changes in government.</note> andthings universally changed and confused. For dominion is easily secured by those

qualities by which it was at first obtained. But when sloth has introduced itself in the place of industry, and covetousness and pride in that of moderation and equity, thefortune of a state is altered together with its morals; and thus authority is alwaystransferred from the less to the more deserving.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Less to the more deserving] <quote lang="la">Ad optimum quemqueà minus bono.</quote> " From the less good to the best."</note>Even in agriculture,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Even in agriculture, etc.]<quote lang="la">Quæ homines arant, navigant, ædificant, virtuti omnia

parent.</quote> Literally, what men plow, sail, etc. Sallust's meaning is, thatagriculture, navigation, and architecture, though they may seem to be effected by mere

bodily exertion, are as much the result of mental power us the highest of human

pursuits.</note> in navigation, and in architecture, whatever man performs owns thedominion of intellect. Yet many human beings, resigned to sensuality and indolence,uninstructed <pb n="7"/>and unimproved, have passed through life like travelers in astrange country;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Like travelers in a strange country]<quote lang="la">Sicuti peregrinantes.</quote> <quote lang="la">Vivere nesciunt;igitur in vitâ quasi hospites sunt;</quote> they know not how to use life, and aretherefore, as it were, strangers in it. Dietsch. "<foreign lang="la">Peregrinantes, qui,quâ transeunt, nullum sui vestigium relinquunt:"</foreign> they are as travelerswho do nothing to leave any trace of their course. Pappaur.</note> to whom, certainly,contrary to the intention of nature, the body was a gratification, and the mind a burden.Of these I hold the life and death in equal estimation;<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Of these I hold the life and death in equal estimation] <quotelang="la">Eorum ego vitàm mortemque juxta æstimo.</quote> I countthem of the same value dead as alive, for they are honored in the one state as much as inthe other. "Those who, are devoted to the gratification of their appetites," as Sallustsays, "let us regard as inferior animals, not as men; and some, indeed, not as living, butas dead animals." <placeName key="tgn,1002882">Seneca</placeName>, Ep.lx.</note> for silence is maintained concerning both. But he only, indeed, seems to meto live, and to enjoy life, who, intent upon some employment, seeks reputation fromsome ennobling enterprise, or honorable pursuit.But in the great abundance of occupations, nature points out different paths to

different individuals.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="3">To act well for the Commonwealth is noble, and even to speak well for it is notwithout merit.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">III. Not without merit] <quotelang="la">Haud absurdum.</quote> I have borrowed this expression from Rose, towhom Muretus furnished <foreign lang="la">"suâ laude non caret."</foreign>"The word <foreign lang="la">absurdus</foreign> is often used by the Latins as anepithet for sounds disagreeable to the ear; but at length it came to be applied to anyaction unbecoming a rational being." Kunhardt.</note> Both in peace and in war it is

possible to obtain celebrity; many who have acted, and many who have recorded theactions of others, receive their tribute of praise. And to me, assuredly, though by no

means equal glory attends the narrator and the performer of illustrious deeds, it yetseems in the highest degeee difficult to write the history of great transactions; first,

because deeds must be adequately represented<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Deeds must be adequately represented, etc.] <quote lang="la">Factadictis sunt exæquanda.</quote> Most translators have regarded these words assignifying that the subject must be equaled by the style. But it is not of mere style thatSallust is speaking." He means that the matter must be so represented by the words, that

honorable actions may not be too much praised, and that dishonorable actions may not be too much blamed; and that the reader may at once understand what was done andhow it was done." Kunlhardt.</note> by words; and next, because most readers consider that whatever errors you mention with censure, are mentioned through malevolence andenvy; while, when you speak of the great virtue and glory of eminent men, every onehears with acquiescence<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Every one hears withacquiescence, etc.] <quote lang="la">Quæ sibi--æquo animoaccipit,</quote> etc. This is taken from Thucydides, ii. 35. " For praises spoken of other are only endured so far as each one thinks that he is himself also capable of doing any of the things he hears; but that which exceeds their own capacity, men at once envy anddisbelieve." Dale's Translation: Bohn's Classical Library.</note> only that which he

himself thinks easy to be performed; <pb n="8"/>all beyond his own conception heregards as fictitious and incredible.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Regards asfictitious and incredible] <quote lang="la">Veluti ficta, pro falsis ducit. Ducit profalsis,</quote> he considers as false or incredible, <quote lang="la">velutificta,</quote> as if invented.</note>I myself, however, when a young man,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">When ayoung man] <quote lang="la">Adolescentulus.</quote> "It is generally admitted that allwere called <foreign lang="la">adolescentes</foreign> by the Romans, who were

between the fifteenth or seventeenth year of their age and the fortieth. The diminutive isused in the same sense, but with a view to contrast more strongly the ardor and spirit of youth with the moderation, prudence, and experience of age. So Cæsar is called<foreign lang="la">adolescentulus,</foreign> in c. 49, at a time when he was in histhirty-third year." Dietsch. And <placeName key="tgn,2068515">Cicero</placeName>,referring to the time of his consulship, says, <foreign lang="la">Defendi rempublicamadolescens,</foreign> Philipp. ii. 46.</note> was at first led by inclination, like mostothers, to engage in political affairs;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">To engage in

political affairs] <quote lang="la">Ad rempublicam.</quote> "In the phrase of Cornelius Nepos, <foreign lang="la">honoribus operam dedi,</foreign> I sought toobtain some share in the management of the Republic. All public matters werecomprehended under the term <foreign lang="la">Respublica.</foreign>"Cortius.</note> but in that pursuit many circumstances were unfavorable to me; for,

instead of modesty, temperance, and integrity,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Integrity] <quote lang="la">Virtute.</quote> Cortius rightly explains thisword as meaning justice, equity, and all other virtues necessary in those who managethe affairs of a state. Observe that it is here opposed to <foreignlang="la">avaritia,</foreign> not, as some critics would have it, to <foreignlang="la">largitio.</foreign></note> there prevailed shamelessness, corruption, andrapacity. And although my mind, inexperienced in dishonest practices, detested thesevices, yet, in the midst of so great corruption, my tender age was insnared andinfected<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Was ensnared and infected] <quotelang="la">Corrupta tenebatur.</quote> As <foreign lang="la">obsessustenetur,</foreign> Jug., c. 24.</note> by ambition; and, though I shrunk from the

vicious principles of those around me, yet the same eagerness for honors, the sameobloquy and jealousy,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">The same eagerness for

honors, the same obloquy and jealousy, etc.] <quote lang="la">Honoris cupido cademquæ cæteros, fama atque invidia vexabat.</quote> I follow the interpretationof Cortius: <foreign lang="la">"Me vexabat honoris cupido, et vexabat propterea etiameadem, quæ cæteros, fama atque invidia."</foreign> He adds, from a glossin the Guelferbytan MS., that it is a zeugma. "<foreign lang="la">Fama atque

invidia,</foreign>" says Gronovius, "is <foreign lang="greek">e(n dia\duoi=n,</foreign> for <foreign lang="la">invidiosa et maligna fame.</foreign>"Bernouf, with Zanchius and others, read <foreign lang="la">famâ atqueinvidiâ</foreign> in the ablative case; and the Bipont edition has <foreignlang="la">eadem quâ---famâ, etc.;</foreign> but the method of Cortius is,to me, by far the most straightforward and satisfactory. Sallust, observes De Brosses, inhis note on this passage, wrote the account of Catiline's conspiracy shortly after hisexpulsion from the Senate, and wishes to make it appear that he suffered from calumnyon the occasion; though he took no trouble, in the subsequent part of his life, to put suchcalumny to silence.</note> which disquieted others, disquieted myself.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="4">

 When, therefore, my mind had rest from its numerous <pb n="9"/>troubles andtrials, and I had determined to pass the remainder of my days unconnected with publiclife, it was not my intention to waste my valuable leisure in indolence and inactivity, or,engaging in servile occupations, to spend my time in agriculture or hunting ;<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">IV. Servile occupations--agriculture or hunting] <quotelang="la">Agrum colendo, aut venando, senvilibus officiis intentum.</quote> Bycalling agriculture and hunting <foreign lang="la">servilia officia,</foreign> Sallustintends, as is remarked by Graswinckelius, little more than was expressed in the sayingof <placeName key="tgn,2089671">Julian</placeName> the emperor, <foreignlang="la">Turpe est sapienti, cum habeat animum, captare laudes ex corpore.</foreign><foreign lang="la">"Ita ergo,"</foreign> adds the commentator, <foreignlang="la">agricultura et venatio servilia officia sunt, quum in solo consistant corporisusu, animum, verò nec meliorem nec prudentiorem reddant. Qui labor in secertè est illiberalis, ei præsertim cui facultas sit ad meliora."</foreign>Symmachus (1 v. Ep. 66) and some others, whose remarks the reader may see inHavercamp, think that Sallust might have spoken of hunting and agriculture with morerespect, and accuse him of not remembering, with sufficient veneration, the kings and

princes that have amused themselves in hunting, and such illustrious plowmen as Curiusand <placeName key="tgn,2068518">Cincinnatus</placeName>. Sallust, however, issufficiently defended from censure by the Abbé Thyvon, in a dissertation muchlonger than the subject deserves, and much longer than most readers are willing to

peruse.</note> but, returning to those studies<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Returning to those studies, etc.] <quote lang="la">A quo incepto studiome ambitio mala detinuerat, eòdem regressus.</quote> " The study, namely, of writing history, to which he signifies that he was attached in c. 3." Cortius.</note> fromwhich, at their commencement, a corrupt ambition had allured me, I determined towrite, in detatched portions,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">In detached portions]<quote lang="la">Carptim.</quote> Plin. Ep. viii., 47: <quote lang="la">Respondebisnon posse perinde carptim, ut contexta placere</quote>: et vi. 22: <quotelang="la">Egit carptim et <foreign lang="greek">kata\ kefa/laia</foreign>,</quote>Dietsch.</note> the transactions of the Roman people, as any occurrence should seemworthy of mention; an undertaking to which I was the rather inclined, as my mind was

uninfluenced by hope, fear, or political partisanship. I shall accordingly give a brief account, with as much truth as I can, of the Conspiracy of Catiline; for I think it an

enterprise eminently deserving of record, from the unusual nature both of its guilt and of its perils. But before I enter upon my narrative, I must give a short description of thecharacter of the man.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="5"> LUCIUS CATILINE was a man of noble birth,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">V. Of noble birth] <quote lang="la">Nobili genere natus.</quote> Histhree names were Lucius Sergius Catilina, he being of the family of the Sergii, for whose antiquity <placeName key="tgn,1015191">Virgil</placeName> is responsible,Æn. v. 121: <foreign lang="la">Sergestusque, domus tenet à quo Sergianomen.</foreign> And Juvenal says, Sat. viii. 321: <foreign lang="la">Quid, Catilino,tuis natalibus atque Cethegi Inveniet quisquam sublimius?</foreign> His greatgrandfather, L. Sergius Silus, had eminently distinguished himself by his services in thesecond Punic war. See Plin, Hist. Nat. vii, 29, 2 Catiline was born A.U.C. 647, A.C,107." Dietsch. Ammianus Marcellinus (lib, xxv.) says that he was the last of theSergii.</note> and of eminent mental and personal endowments; but of a vicious and<pb n="10"/>depraved disposition. His delight, from his youth, had been in civil

commotions, bloodshed, robbery, and sedition;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Sedition] <quote lang="la">Discordia civilis.</quote></note> and in suchscenes he had spent his early years.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">And in suchscenes he had spent his early years] <quote lang="la">Ibique juventutem suamexercuit.</quote> " It is to be observed that the Roman writers often used an adverb,where we, of modern times, should express ourselves more specifically by using anoun." Dietsch on c. 3, <foreign lang="la">ibique multa mihi advorsa fuere.Juventus</foreign> properly signified the time between thirty and forty-five years of age; <foreign lang="la">adolescentia</foreign> that between fifteen and thirty. But thisdistinction was not always accurately observed. Catiline had taken an active part insupporting Sylla, and in carrying into execution his cruel proscriptions and mandates.<foreign lang="la">"Quis erat hujus (Sullæ) imperii minister? Quis nisi Catilina,

jam in omne facinus manus exercens?"</foreign> Sen. de Irâ, iii. 18.</note> Hisconstitution could endure hunger, want of sleep, and cold, to a degree surpassing belief.His mind was daring, subtle, and versatile, capable of pretending or dissemblingwhatever he wished.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Capable of pretending or dissembling whatever he wished] <quote lang="la">Cujuslibet rei simulator acdissimulator.</quote> "Dissimulation is the negative, when a man lets fall signs andarguments, that he is not that he is; simulation is the affirmative, when a manindustriously and expressly feigns and pretends to be that he is not." Bacon, Essayvi.</note> He was covetous of other men's property, and prodigal of his own. He had

abundance of eloquence,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Abundance of eloquence]<quote lang="la">Satis eloquentiæ.</quote> Cortius reads <foreignlang="la">loquentiæ.</foreign> "<foreign lang="la">Loquentia</foreign> is acertain facility of speech not necessarily attended with sound sense; called by theGreeks <foreign lang="greek">lali/a.</foreign>" Bernouf. "Julius Candidus usedexcellently to observe that <foreign lang="la">eloquentia</foreign> was one thing, and<foreign lang="la">loquentia</foreign> another; for eloquence is given to few, butwhat Candidus called <foreign lang="la">loquentia,</foreign> or fluency of speech, isthe talent of many, and especially of the most impudent." Plin. Ep. v. 20. But <foreignlang="la">eloquentiæ</foreign> is the reading of most of the MSS., and <foreignlang="la">loquentiæ</foreign> if Aulus Gellius (i. 15) was rightly informed, was

a correction of Valerius Probus, the grammarian, who said that Sallust must havewritten so, as <foreign lang="la">eloquentiæ</foreign> could not agree with

<foreign lang="la">sapientiæ parum.</foreign> This opinion of Probus however,may be questioned. May not Sallust have written <foreignlang="la">eloquentiæ,</foreign> with the intention of signifying that Catiline hadabundance of eloquence to work on the minds of others, though he wanted prudence toregulate his own conduct? Have there not been other men of whom the same may be

said, as Mirabeau, for example? The speeches that Sallust puts into Catiline's mouth (c.20, 58) are surely to be characterized rather as <foreign lang="la">eloquentia</foreign>than <foreign lang="la">loquentia.</foreign> On the whole, and especially from theconcurrence of MSS., I prefer to read <foreign lang="la">eloquentiæ,</foreign>with the more recent editors, <placeName key="tgn,2083270">Gerlach</placeName>,Kritz, and Dietsch.</note> though but little wisdom. His insatiable ambition was always

pursuing objects extravagant, romantic, and unattainable.Since the time of Sylla's dictatorship,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Since thetime of Sylla's dictatorship] <quote lang="la">Post dominationem LuciiSyllæ.</quote> " The meaning is not the same as if it were <quotelang="la">finitâ dominatione,</quote> but is the same as <foreign lang="la">ab

eo tempore quo dominari cæperat.</foreign> In French, therefore, <foreignlang="la">post</foreign> should be rendered by <foreign lang="fr">depuis,</foreign>not, as it is commonly translated, <foreign lang="fr">après.</foreign>"Bernouf. As <foreign lang="la">dictator</foreign> was the title that Sylla assumed, Ihave translated <foreign lang="la">dominatio,</foreign> "dictatorship." Rose,<placeName key="tgn,2000355">Gordon</placeName>, and others, render it"usurpation."</note> a strong desire of <pb n="11"/>seizing the government possessedhim, nor did he at all care, provided that he secured power<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Power] <quote lang="la">Regnum.</quote> Chief authority, rule,dominion.</note> for himself, by what means he might arrive at it. His violent spiritwas daily more and more hurried on by the diminution of his patrimony, and by hisconsciousness of guilt; both which evils he had increased by those practices which Ihave mentioned above. The corrupt morals of the state, too, which extravagance andselfishness, pernicious and contending vices, rendered thoroughly depraved,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Rendered thoroughly depraved] <quotelang="la">Vexabant.</quote> <foreign lang="la">"Corrumpere et pessundarestudebant."</foreign> Bernouf. <foreign lang="la">Quos vexabant,</foreign> be itobserved, refers to <foreign lang="la">mores,</foreign> as <placeNamekey="tgn,2083270">Gerlach</placeName> and Kritz interpret not to <foreignlang="la">cives</foreign> understood in <foreign lang="la">civitatis,</foreign> whichis the evidently erroneous method of Cortius.</note> furnished him with additional

incentives to action.Since the occasion has thus brought public morals under my notice, the subjectitself seems to call upon me to look back, and briefly to describe the conduct of our ancestors<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Conduct of our ancestors] <quotelang="la">Instituta majorum.</quote> The principles adopted by our ancestors, withregard both to their own conduct, and to the management of the state. That this is themeaning, is evident from the following account.</note> in peace and war; how theymanaged the state, and how powerful they left it; and how, by gradual alteration, it

became, from being the most virtuous, the most vicious and depraved.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="6"> Of the city of <placeName key="tgn,7013962">Rome</placeName>, as I

understand,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">VI. As I understand] <quotelang="la">Sicut ego accepi.</quote> "By these words he plainly shows that nothing

certain was known about the origin of <placeNamekey="tgn,7013962">Rome</placeName>. The reader may consult Livy, lib. i.;<placeName key="tgn,2105285">Justin</placeName>, lib. xliii.; and Dionys. Halicar.,lib. i. ; all of whom attribute its rise to the Trojans." Bernouf.</note> the founders andearliest inhabitants were the Trojans, who, under the conduct of Æneas, were

wandering about as exiles from their country, without any settled abode; and with thesewere joined the Aborigines,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Aborigines] <foreignlang="la">Aborigines.</foreign> The original inhabitants of <placeNamekey="tgn,1000080">Italy</placeName>; the same as <foreignlang="la">indigenæ,</foreign> or the Greek <foreignlang="greek">*)auto/xqones.</foreign></note> a savage race of men, without laws or government, free, and owning no control. How easily these two tribes, though of different origin, dissimilar language, and opposite habits of life, formed a union whenthey met within the same walls, is almost incredible.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Almost incredible] <quote lang="la">Incredibile memoratu.</quote><foreign lang="la">"Non credi potest, si memoratur; superat omnem fidem."</foreign>

Pappaur. Yet that which actually happened, can not be absolutely incredible; and I have,therefore, inserted almost.</note> But when their state, from an accession of populationand territory, and an improved condition of morals, showed itself tolerably flourishingand powerful, <pb n="12"/>envy, as is generally the case in human affairs, was theconsequence of its prosperity. The neighboring kings and people, accordingly, began toassail them in war, while a few only of their friends came to their support; for the rest,struck with alarm, shrunk from sharing their dangers. But the Romans, active at homeand in the field, prepared with alacrity for their defense.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Prepared with alacrity for their defense] <quote lang="la">Festinare, parare.</quote> "Made haste, prepared." " <foreign lang="la">Intenti ut festinanter pararent ea, quæ defensioni aut bello usui essent."</foreign> Pappaur.</note>They encouraged one another, and hurried to meet the enemy. They protected, with their arms, their liberty, their country, and their homes. And when they had at length repelleddanger by valor, they lent assistance to their allies and supporters, and procuredfriendships rather by bestowing<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Procuredfriendships rather by bestowing, etc.] <quote lang="la">Magisque dandis, quamaccipundis beneficiis amicitias parabant.</quote> Thucyd. ii., 40: <foreignlang="greek">ou) pa/sxontes eu=), a)lla\ drw=ntes, ktw/meqa tou\sfi/lous.</foreign></note> favors than by receiving them.They had a government regulated by laws. The denomination of their governmentwas monarchy. Chosen men, whose bodies might be enfeebled by years, but whose

minds were vigorous in understanding, formed the council of the state; and these,whether from their age, or from the similarity of their duty, were calledFATHERS.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">FATHERS] <quotelang="la">PATRES.</quote> "(<placeNamekey="tgn,2072021">Romulus</placeName>) appointed that the direction of the stateshould be in the hands of the old men, who, from their authority, were called Fathersfrom their age, <foreign lang="la">Senatus.</foreign>" Florus, i. 1. <foreignlang="la">Senatus</foreign> from. <foreign lang="la">senex.</foreign> "<foreignlang="la"> Patres ab honore--appellati."</foreign> Livy.</note> But afterward, whenthe monarchical power, which had been originally established for the protection of liberty, and for the promotion of the public interest, had degenerated into tyranny and

oppression, they changed their plan, and appointed two magistrates,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Two magistrates <quote lang="la">Binos

imperatores.</quote> The two consuls. They were more properly called <quotelang="la">imperatores</quote> at first, when the law, which settled their power, said<foreign lang="la">"Regio imperio duo sunto"</foreign> (Cic. de <placeNamekey="tgn,2004195">Legg</placeName>. iii. 4), than afterward, when the people andtribunes had made encroachments on their authority.</note> with power only annual;

for they conceived that, by this method, the human mind would be least likely to growoverbearing for want of control.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="7"> At this period every citizen began to seek distinction, and to display his talents withgreater freedom; for, with princes, the meritorious are greater objects of suspicion thanthe undeserving, and to them the worth of others is a source of <pb n="13"/>alarm. Butwhen liberty was secured, it is almost incredible<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">VII. Almost incredible] <quote lang="la">Incredibile memoratu.</quote>See above, c. 6.</note> how much the state strengthened itself in a short space of time,so strong a passion for distinction had pervaded it. Now, for the first time, the youth, assoon as they were able to bear the toil of war,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Able

to bear the toils of war] <quote lang="la">Laboris ac belli patiens.</quote> As by<foreign lang="la">laboris</foreign> the labor of war is evidently intended, I havethought it better to render the words in this manner. The reading is Cortius'. Havercampand others have <foreign lang="la">"simul ac belli patiens erat, in castris per laboremusu militiam discebat;"</foreign> but <foreign lang="la">per laborem usu</foreign> isassuredly not the hand of Sallust.</note> acquired military skill by actual service in thecamp, and took pleasure rather in splendid arms and military steeds than in the societyof mistresses and convivial indulgence. To such men no toil was unusual, no place wasdifficult or inaccessible, no armed enemy was formidable; their valor had overcomeevery thing. But among themselves the grand rivalry was for glory; each sought to befirst to wound an enemy, to scale a wall, and to be noticed while performing such anexploit. Distinction such as this they regarded as wealth, honor, and true nobility.<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Honor and true nobility] <quote lang="la">Bonamfamam magnamque nobilitatem.</quote></note> They were covetous of praise, butliberal of money; they desired competent riches but boundless glory. I could mention,

but that the account would draw me too far from my subject, places in which the Roman people, with a small body of men, routed vast armies of the enemy; and cities, which,though fortified by nature, they carried by assault.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="8"> But, assuredly, Fortune rules in all things. She makes every thing famous or obscure rather from caprice than in conformity with truth. The exploits of the

Athenians, as far as I can judge, were very great and glorious,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">VIII. Very great and glorious] <quote lang="la">Satis amplæmagnificæque.</quote> In speaking of this amplification of the Athenian exploits,he alludes, as Colerus observes, to the histories of Thucydides, Xenophon, and perhapsHerodotus; not, as Wasse seems to imagine, to the representations of the poets.</note>something inferior to what fame has represented them. But because writers of greattalent flourished there, the actions of the Athenians are celebrated over the world as themost splendid achievements. Thus, the merit of those who have acted is estimated at thehighest point to which illustrious intellects could exalt it in their writings.But among the Romans there was never any such abundance of writers;<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">There was never any such abundance of writers] <quote

lang="la">Nunquam ea copia fuit.</quote> I follow Kuhnhardt, who thinks <foreignlang="la">copia</foreign> equivalent to <foreign lang="la">multitudo.</foreign>

Others render it advantage, or something similar; which seems less applicable to the passage. Compare c. 28: <foreign lang="la">Latrones--quorum--magna copiaerat.</foreign></note> for, with them, the most able men were the most<pb n="14"/>actively employed. No one exercised the mind independently of the body:every man of ability chose to act rather than narrate,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Chose to act rather than narrate] "For," as <placeNamekey="tgn,2068515">Cicero</placeName> says, " neither among those who are engagedin establishing a state, nor among those carrying on wars, nor among those who arecurbed and restrained under the rule of kings, is the desire of distinction in eloquencewont to arise." Graswinckelius.</note> and was more desirous that his own meritsshould be celebrated by others, than that he himself should record theirs.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="9"> Good morals, accordingly, were cultivated in the city and in the camp. There wasthe greatest possible concord, and the least possible avarice. Justice and probity

prevailed among the citizens, not more from the influence of the laws than from naturalinclination. They displayed animosity, enmity, and resentment only against the enemy.

Citizens contended with citizens in nothing but honor. They were magnificent in their religious services, frugal in their families, and steady in their friendships.By these two virtues, intrepidity in war, and equity in peace, they maintainedthemselves and their state. Of their exercise of which virtues, I consider these as thegreatest proofs; that, in war, punishment was oftener inflicted on those who attacked anenemy contrary to orders, and who, when commanded to retreat, retired too slowly fromthe contest, than on those who had dared to desert their standards, or, when pressed bythe enemy,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">IX. Pressed by the enemy] <quotelang="la">Pulsi.</quote> In the words <foreign lang="la">pulsi loco cedere ausi erant,loco</foreign> is to be joined, as Dietsch observes, with <foreignlang="la">cedere,</foreign> not, as Kritzius puts it, with <foreignlang="la">pulsi.</foreign> "To retreat," adds Dietsch, " is disgraceful only to those<foreign lang="la">qui ab hostibus se pelli patiantur,</foreign> who suffer themselvesto be repulsed by the enemy."</note> to abandon their posts; and that, in peace, theygoverned more by conferring benefits than by exciting terror, and, when they receivedan injury, chose rather to pardon than to revenge it.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="10"> But when, by perseverance and integrity, the republic had increased its power;when mighty princes had been vanquished in war;<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">X. When mighty princes had been vanquished in war] Perses, Antiochus,Mithridates, Tigranes, and others.</note> when barbarous tribes and populous states

had been reduced to subjection; when <placeNamekey="tgn,7016143">Carthage</placeName>, the rival of <placeNamekey="tgn,7013962">Rome</placeName>'s dominion, had been utterly destroyed, andsea and land lay <pb n="15"/>every where open to her sway, Fortune then began toexercise her tyranny, and to introduce universal innovation. To those who had easilyendured toils, dangers, and doubtful and difficult circumstances, ease and wealth, theobjects of desire to others, became a burden and a trouble. At first the love of money,and then that of power, began to prevail, and these became, as it were, the sources of every evil. For avarice subverted honesty, integrity, and other honorable principles, and,in their stead, inculcated pride, inhumanity, contempt of religion, and general venality.Ambition prompted many to become deceitful; to keep one thing concealed in the

breast, and another ready on the tongue;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">To keep

one thing concealed in the breast, and another ready on the tongue] <quotelang="la">Aliud clausum in pectore, aliud in linguâ promptum, habere.</quote><quote><foreign lang="greek">*)exqro\s ga/r moi kei=nos o(mw=s *)ai+/dao

pu/lh|sin</foreign><lb/><foreign lang="greek">*(\os x) e(/teron me\n keu/qei e)ni\ fresi\n, a)/llo de\

ba/zei.</foreign><lb/>Il., ix. 313.</quote><quote>Who dares think one thing, and another tell,<lb/>My heart detests him as the gates of hell. <placeNamekey="tgn,2000523">Pope</placeName>.</quote></note> to estimate friendships andenmities, not by their worth, but according to interest; and to carry rather a speciouscountenance than an honest heart. These vices at first advanced but slowly, and weresometimes restrained by correction; but afterward, when their infection had spread likea pestilence, the state was entirely changed, and the government, from being the mostequitable and praiseworthy, became rapacious and insupportable.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="11">

 At first, however, it was ambition, rather than avarice,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XI. At first, however, it was ambition, rather than avarice, etc.] <quotelang="la">Sed primò magis ambitio quàm avaritia animos hominumexercebat.</quote> Sallust has been accused of having made, in this passage, anassertion at variance with what he had said before (c. 10), <foreign lang="la">Igitur

primò pecuniæ, deinde imperii cupido, crevit,</foreign> and it will behard to prove that the accusation is not just. Sir H. Steuart, indeed, endeavors toreconcile the passages by giving them the following "meaning," which, he says, "seems

perfectly evident:" "Although avarice was the first to make its appearance at<placeName key="tgn,7013962">Rome</placeName>, yet, after both had hadexistence, it was ambition that, of the two vices, laid the stronger hold on the minds of men, and more speedily grew to an inordinate height." To me, however, it "seems

perfectly evident" that the Latin can be made to yield no such "meaning." How these passages agree," says Rupertus, " I do not understand; unless we suppose that Sallust, by the word <foreign lang="la">primò</foreign> does not always signifyorder."</note> that influenced the minds of men; a vice which approaches nearer tovirtue than the other. For of glory, honor, and power, the worthy is as desirous as theworthless; but the <pb n="16"/>one pursues them by just methods; the other, beingdestitute of honorable qualities, works with fraud and deceit. But avarice has merelymoney for its object, which no wise man has ever immoderately desired. It is a vicewhich, as if imbued with deadly poison, enervates whatever is manly in body or

mind.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Enervates whatever is manly in body or mind] <quote lang="la">Corpus virilemque animum effæminat.</quote> Thatavarice weakens the mind, is generally admitted. But how does it weaken the body ?The most satisfactory answer to this question is, in the opinion of Aulus Gellius (iii. 1),that that those who are intent on getting riches devote themselves to sedentary pursuits,as those of usurers and money-changers, neglecting all such exercises and employmentsas strengthen the body. There is, however, another explanation by Valerius Probus,given in the same chapter of Aulus Gellius, which perhaps is the true one; namely, thatSallust, by body and mind, intended merely to signify the whole man.</note> It isalways unbounded and insatiable, and is abated neither by abundance nor by want.But after Lucius Sylla, having recovered the government<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Having recovered the government] <quote lang="la">Receptârepublicâ.</quote> Having wrested it from the hands of Marius and his

party.</note> by force of arms, proceeded, after a fair commencement, to a pernicioustermination, all became robbers and plunderers;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">All

became robbers and plunderers] <quote lang="la">Rapere omnes, trahere.</quote> Hemeans that there was a general indulgence in plunder among Sylla's party, and amongall who, in whatever character, could profit by supporting it. Thus he says immediately

afterward, "neque modum neque modestiam <foreign lang="la">victoreshabere."</foreign></note> some set their affections on houses, others on lands; hisvictorious troops knew neither restraint nor moderation, but inflicted on the citizensdisgraceful and inhuman outrages. Their rapacity was increased by the circumstancethat Sylla, in order to secure the attachment of the forces which he had commanded in<placeName key="tgn,2097781">Asia</placeName>,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Which he had commanded in <placeNamekey="tgn,2097781">Asia</placeName>] <quote lang="la">Quem in Asiâductaverat.</quote> I have here deserted Cortius, who gives <foreign lang="la">inAsiam,</foreign> "into <placeName key="tgn,2097781">Asia</placeName>," but this,as Bernouf justly observes, is incompatible with the frequentative verb <foreign

lang="la">ductaverat.</foreign></note> had treated them, contrary to the practice of our ancestors, with extraordinary indulgence, and exemption from discipline; and

pleasant and luxurious quarters had easily, during seasons of idleness, enervated theminds of the soldiery. Then the armies of the Roman people first became habituated tolicentiousness and intemperance, and began to admire statues, pictures, and sculpturedvases; to seize such objects alike in public edifices and private dwellings;<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">In public edifices and private dwellings] <quotelang="la">Privatim ac publicè</quote> I have translated this according to thenotion of Bernouf. Others, as Dietsch and Pappaur, consider <foreignlang="la">privatim</foreign> as signifying each on his own account, and <foreignlang="la">publicè,</foreign> in the name of the Republic.</note> to spoiltemples; and to cast off respect for every thing, sacred and profane. Such troops,accordingly, when once <pb n="17"/>they obtained the mastery, left nothing to bevanquished. Success unsettles the principles even of the wise, and scarcely would thoseof debauched habits use victory with moderation.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="12"> When wealth was once considered an honor, and glory, authority, and power attended on it, virtue lost her influence, poverty was thought a disgrace, and a life of innocence was regarded as a life of ill-nature.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XII.A life of innocence was regarded as a life of ill-nature] <quote lang="la">Innocentia promalivolentiâ duci cæpit.</quote> "Whoever continued honest and upright,

was considered by the unprincipled around him as their enemy; for a good man amongthe bad can never be regarded as of their party." Bernouf.</note> From the influence of riches, accordingly, luxury, avarice, and pride prevailed among the youth; they grew atonce rapacious and prodigal; they undervalued what was their own, and coveted whatwas another's; they set at naught modesty and continence; they lost all distinction

between sacred and profane, and threw off all consideration and self-restraint.It furnishes much matter for reflection,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Itfurnishes much matter for reflection] <quote lang="la">Operæ pretiumest.</quote></note> after viewing our modern mansions and villas extended to the sizeof cities, to contemplate the temples which our ancestors, a most devout race of men,erected to the gods. But our forefathers adorned the fanes of the deities with devotion,

and their homes with their own glory, and took nothing from those whom theyconquered but the power of doing harm; their descendants, on the contrary, the basest of

mankind,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Basest of mankind] <quotelang="la">Ignavissumi mortales.</quote> It is opposed to <foreignlang="la">fortissumi viri,</foreign> which follows, <foreign lang="la">"Qui necfortiter nec bene quidquam fecere."</foreign>Cortius.</note> have even wrested fromtheir allies, with the most flagrant injustice, whatever their brave and victorious

ancestors had left to their vanquished enemies; as if the only use of power were toinflict injury.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="13"> For why should I mention those displays of extravagance, which can be believed bynone but those who have seen them; as that mountains have been leveled, and seascovered with edifices,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XIII. Seas covered withedifices] <quote lang="la">Maria constructa esse.</quote><quote lang="la"><l>Contracta pisces æquora sentiunt,</l><l>Jactis in altum molibus, etc. Hor. Od., iii.</l></quote><quote>----The haughty lord, who lays<lb/>His deep foundations in the seas,<lb/>

And scorns earth's narrow bound;<lb/>The fish affrighted feel their waves<lb/>Contracted by his numerous slaves,<lb/>Even in the vast profound. Francis.</quote></note> by many private citizens; menwhom I consider <pb n="18"/>to have made a sport of their wealth,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">To have made a sport of their wealth] <quotelang="la">Quibus mihi videntur ludibrio fuisse divitiæ.</quote> "They spent their riches on objects which, in the judgment of men of sense, are ridiculous andcontemptible." Cortius.</note> since they were impatient to squander disreputably whatthey might have enjoyed with honor.But the love of irregular gratification, open debauchery, and all kinds of luxury,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Luxury] <quotelang="la">Cultûs.</quote> "<foreign lang="la">Deliciarum in victu,</foreign>luxuries of the table; for we must be careful not to suppose that apparel is meant."Cortius.</note> had spread abroad with no less force. Men forgot their sex; womenthrew off all the restraints of modesty. To gratify appetite, they sought for every kind of

production by land and by sea; they slept before there was any inclination for sleep;they no longer waited to feel hunger, thirst, cold,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Cold] <quote lang="la">Frigus.</quote> It is mentioned by Cortius thatthis word is wanting in one MS.; and the English reader may possibly wish that it wereaway altogether. Cortius refers it to cool places built of stone, sometimes underground,

to which the luxurious retired in the hot weather; and he cites <placeNamekey="tgn,2119609">Pliny</placeName>, Ep., v. 6, who speaks of a <foreignlang="la">crytoporticus,</foreign> a gallery from which the sun was excluded, almostas if it were underground, and which even in summer was cold nearly to freezing. Healso refers to Ambros., Epist. xii., and Casaubon. ad Spartian. <placeNamekey="tgn,2021876">Adrian</placeName>., c. x., p. 87.</note> or fatigue, butanticipated them all by luxurious indulgence. Such propensities drove the youth, whentheir patrimonies were exhausted, to criminal practices; for their minds, impregnatedwith evil habits, could not easily abstain from gratifying their passions, and were thusthe more inordinately devoted in every way to rapacity and extravagance.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="14">

 In so populous and so corrupt a city, Catiline, as it was very easy to do, kept abouthim, like a body-guard, crowds of the unprincipled and desperate. For all those

shameless, libertine, and profligate characters, who had dissipated their patrimonies bygaming,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XIV. Gaming] <quotelang="la">Manu.</quote> <placeName key="tgn,2083270">Gerlach</placeName>,Dietsch, Kritzius, and all the recent editors, agree to interpret <foreignlang="la">manu</foreign> by gaming. </note> luxury, and sensuality; all who had

contracted heavy debts, to purchase immunity for their crimes or offenses; allassassins<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Assassins] <quotelang="la">Parricidæ.</quote> "Not only he who had killed his father was called a<foreign lang="la">parricide,</foreign> but he who had killed any man; as is evidentfrom a law of Numa Pompilius: If any one unlawfully and knowingly bring a free manto death, let him be <foreign lang="la">a parricide.</foreign>" <foreignlang="la">Festus sub voce Parrici.</foreign></note> or sacrilegious persons from everyquarter, convicted or dreading conviction for their evil deeds; all, besides, whom their tongue or their hand maintained by perjury or civil bloodshed; all, in fine, whomwickedness, poverty, or a guilty conscience disquieted, were the associates <pbn="19"/>and intimate friends of Catiline. And if any one, as yet of unblemished

character, fell into his society, he was presently rendered, by daily intercourse andtemptation, similar and equal to the rest. But it was the young whose acquaintance hechiefly courted; as their minds, ductile and unsettled from their age, were easilyinsnared by his stratagems. For as the passions of each, according to his years, appearedexcited, he furnished mistresses to some, bought horses and dogs for others, and spared,in a word, neither his purse nor his character, if he could but make them his devoted andtrustworthy supporters. There were some, I know, who thought that the youth, whofrequented the house of Catiline, were guilty of crimes against nature; but this reportarose rather from other causes than from any evidence of the fact.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Than from any evidence of the fact] <quote lang="la">Quàmquòd cuiquam id compertum foret.</quote></note></div1><div1 type="chapter" n="15"> Catiline, in his youth, had been guilty of many criminal connections, with a virginof noble birth,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XV. With a virgin of noble birth]<quote lang="la">Cum virgine nobili.</quote> Who this was is not known. The namemay have been suppressed from respect to her family. If what is found in a fragment of <placeName key="tgn,2031372">Cicero</placeName> be true, Catiline had an illicitconnection with some female, and afterward married the daughter who was the fruit of the connection: <foreign lang="la">Ex eodem stupro et uxorem et filiaminvenisti;</foreign> Orat. in Tog. Cand. (Oration xvi., Ernesti's edit.) On which wordsAsconius Pedianus makes this comment: <foreign lang="la">"Dicitur Catilinam

adulterium commisisse cum eâ quæ ei postea socrus fuit, et ex eo stuproduxisse uxorem, cùm filia ejus esset. Hæc Lucceius quoque Catilinæobjecit in orationibus, quas in eum scripsit. Nomina harum mulierum nonduminveni."</foreign> Plutarch, too (Life of <placeNamekey="tgn,2031372">Cicero</placeName>, c. 10), says that Catiline was accused of having corrupted his own daughter.</note> with a priestess of <placeNamekey="tgn,1016295">Vesta</placeName>,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">With a

priestess of <placeName key="tgn,1016295">Vesta</placeName>] <quotelang="la">Cum sacerdote Vestæ.</quote> This priestess of <placeNamekey="tgn,1016295">Vesta</placeName> was Fabia Terentia, sister to Terentia,<placeName key="tgn,2031372">Cicero</placeName>'s wife, whom Sallust, after she

was divorced by <placeName key="tgn,2031372">Cicero</placeName>, married.Clodius accused her, but she was acquitted, either because she was thought innocent, or

because the interest of Catulus and others, who exerted themselves in her favor, procured her acquittal. See Orosius, vi. 3; the Oration of <placeNamekey="tgn,2031372">Cicero</placeName>, quoted in the preceding note; and Asconius'scommentary on it.</note> and of many other offenses of this nature, in defiance alike of law and religion. At last, when he was smitten with a passion for Aurelia Orestilla,<note

anchored="yes" place="foot">Aurelia Orestilla] See c. 35. She was the sister or daughter, as De Brosses thinks, of Cneius Aurelius Orestis, who had been prætor,A.U.C. 677.</note> in whom no good man, at any time of her life, commended anything but her beauty, it is confidently believed that because she hesitated to marry him,from the dread of having a grown-up step-son,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Agrown-up step-son] <quote lang="la">Privignum adultâ ætate.</quote> Ason of Catiline's by a former marriage.</note> he cleared the <pb n="20"/>house for their nuptials by putting his son to death. And this crime appears to me to have been thechief cause of hurrying forward the conspiracy. For his guilty mind, at peace withneither gods nor men, found no comfort either waking or sleeping; so effectually didconscience desolate his tortured spirit.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Desolate his

tortured spirit] <quote lang="la">Mentem exciteam vastabat.</quote> "Consciencedesolates the mind, when it deprives it of its proper power and tranquillity, andintroduces into it perpetual disquietude." Cortius. Many editions have <foreignlang="la">vexabat.</foreign></note> His complexion, in consequence, was pale, hiseyes haggard, his walk sometimes quick and sometimes slow, and distraction was

plainly apparent in every feature and look.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="16"> The young men, whom, as I said before, he had enticed to join him, he initiated, byvarious methods, in evil practices. From among them he furnished false witnesses,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">XVI. He furnished false witnesses, etc.] <quotelang="la">Testis signatoresque falsos commodare.</quote> "If any one wanted anysuch character, Catiline was ready to supply him from among his troop."Bernouf.</note> and forgers of signatures; and he taught them all to regard, with equalunconcern, honor, property, and danger. At length, when he had stripped them of allcharacter and shame, he led them to other and greater enormities. If a motive for crimedid not readily occur, he incited them, nevertheless, to circumvent and murder inoffensive persons,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Inoffensive persons, etc.]<quote lang="la">Insontes, sicuti sontes.</quote> Most translators have rendered thesewords " innocent" and " guilty," terms which suggest nothing satisfactory to the Englishreader. The <foreign lang="la">insontes</foreign> are those who had given Catiline nocause of offense; the <foreign lang="la">sontes</foreign> those who had in some way

incurred his displeasure, or become objects of his rapacity.</note> just as if they hadinjured him; for, lest their hand or heart should grow torpid for want of employment, hechose to be gratuitously wicked and cruel.Depending on such accomplices and adherents, and knowing that the load of debtwas every where great, and that the veterans of Sylla,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Veterans of Sylla, etc.] Elsewhere called the colonists of Sylla; men towhom Sylla had given large tracts of land as rewards for their services, but who, havinglived extravagantly, had fallen into such debt and distress, that, as <placeNamekey="tgn,2031372">Cicero</placeName> said, nothing could relieve them but theresurrection of Sylla from the dead. Cic. ii. Orat. in Cat.</note> having spent their money too liberally, and remembering their spoils and former victory, were longing for

a civil war, Catiline formed the design of overthrowing the government. There was noarmy in <placeName key="tgn,1000080">Italy</placeName>; Pompey was fighting in

a distant part of the world;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Pompey was fighting ina distant part of the world] <quote lang="la">In extremis terris.</quote> Pompey wasthen conducting the war against Mithridates and Tigranes, in <placeNamekey="tgn,7016619">Pontus</placeName> and <placeNamekey="tgn,7006651">Armenia</placeName>.</note> he himself had great hopes of <pb

n="21"/>obtaining the consulship; the senate was wholly off its guard ;<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">The senate was wholly off its guard] <quotelang="la">Senatus nihil sane intentus.</quote> The senate was regardless, andunsuspicious of any danger.</note> every thing was quiet and tranquil; and all thesecircumstances were exceedingly favorable for Catiline.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="17"> Accordingly, about the beginning of June, in the consulship of LuciusCæsar<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XVII. Lucius Cæsar] He was arelation of Julius Cæsar; and his sister was the wife of M. Antonius, the orator,and mother of Mark Antony, the triumvir.</note> and Caius Figulus, he at firstaddressed each of his accomplices separately, encouraged some, and sounded others,

and informed them of his own resources, of the unprepared condition of the state, and of the great prizes to be expected from the conspiracy. When he had ascertained, to hissatisfaction, all that he required, he summoned all whose necessities were the mosturgent, and whose spirits were the most daring, to a general conference.At that meeting there were present, of senatorial rank, Publius Lentulus<placeName key="perseus,Sura">Sura</placeName>,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Publius Lentulus Sura] He was of the same family with Sylla, that of theCornelii. He had filled the office of consul, but his conduct had been afterward so

profligate, that the censors expelled him from the senate. To enable him to resume hisseat, he had obtained, as a qualification, the office of prætor, which he held at thetime of the conspiracy. He was called Sura, because, when he had squandered the publicmoney in his quæstorship, and was called to account by Sylla for his dishonesty,he declined to make any defense, but said, " I present you the calf of my leg (<foreignlang="la">sura</foreign>) ;" alluding to a custom among boys playing at ball, of inflicting a certain number of strokes on the leg of an unsuccessful player. Plutarch, Lifeof <placeName key="tgn,2068515">Cicero</placeName>, c. 17.</note> PubliusAutronius,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Publius Autronius] He had been acompanion of <placeName key="tgn,2068515">Cicero</placeName> in his boyhood,and his colleague in the quæstorship. He was banished in the year after theconspiracy, together with Cassius, Læca, Vargunteius, Servius Sylla, and CaiusCornelius, under the Plautian law. De Brosses.</note> Lucius Cassius Longinus,<note

anchored="yes" place="foot">Lucius Cassius Longinus] He had been a competitor withCicero for the consulship. Ascon. Ped. in Cic. Orat. in Tog. Cand. His corpulence wassuch that Cassius's fat (<foreign lang="la">Cassii adeps</foreign>) became proverbial.Cic. Orat. in Catil., iii. 7.</note> Caius Cethegus,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Caius Cethegus] He also was one of the Cornelian family. In the civilwars, says De Brosses, he had first taken the side of Marius, and afterward that of Sylla.Both Cicero (Orat. in Catil., ii. 7) and Sallust describe him as fiery and rash.</note>Publius and Servius Sylla<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Publius and ServiusSylla] These were nephews of Sylla the dictator. Publius, though present on thisoccasion seems not to have joined in the plot, since, when he was afterward accused of having been a conspirator, he was defended by Cicero and acquitted. See Cic. Orat. pro

P. Syllâ. He was afterward with Cæsar in the battle of <placeNamekey="tgn,2578319">Pharsalia</placeName>. Cæs. de B. C., iii. 89.</note> the

sons <pb n="22"/>of Servius Sylla, Lucius Vargunteius<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Lucius Vargunteius] " Of him or his family little is known. He had been, before this period, accused of bribery, and defended by Hortensius. Cic. pro P.Syllâ, c. 2." Bernouf.</note> Quintus Annius,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Quintus Annius] He is thought by De Brosses to have been the same

Annius that cut off the head of M. Antonius the orator, and carried it to Marius.Plutarch, Vit. Marii, c. 44.</note> Marcus Porcius Læca,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Marcus Porcius Læca] He was one of the same <foreignlang="la">gens</foreign> with the Catones, but of a different family.</note> LuciusBestia,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Lucius Bestia] Of the Calpurnian <foreignlang="la">gens.</foreign> He escaped death on the discovery of the conspiracy, andwas afterward ædile, and candidate for the prætorship, but was driven intoexile for bribery. Being recalled by Cæsar, he became candidate for theconsulship, but was unsuccessful. De Brosses.</note> Quintus Curius;<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Quintus Curius] He was a descendant of M. CuriusDentatus, the opponent of Pyrrhus. He was so notorious as a gamester and a profligate,

that he was removed from the senate, A.U.C. 683. See c. 23. As he had been the first togive information of the conspiracy to <placeNamekey="tgn,2068515">Cicero</placeName>, public honors were decreed him, but he wasdeprived of them by the influence of Cæsar, whom he had named as one of theconspirators. Sueton. Cæs. 17; Appian. De Bell. Civ., lib. ii.</note> and, of theequestrian order, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">M.Fulvius Nobilior] " He was not put to death, but exiled, A.U.C. 699. Cic. ad Att. iv.,16." Bernouf;</note> Lucius Statilius,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">LuciusStatilius] of him nothing more is known than is told by Sallust.</note> Publius GabiniusCapito,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Publius Gabinius Capito] <placeNamekey="tgn,2068515">Cicero</placeName>, instead of <placeNamekey="tgn,2038075">Capito</placeName>, calls him Cimber. Orat. in Cat., iii. 3. Thefamily was originally from Gabii.</note> Caius Cornelius ;<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Caius Cornelius) There were two branches of the <foreignlang="la">gens Cornelia,</foreign> one patrician, the other plebeian, from whichsprung this conspirator.</note> with many from the colonies and municipal towns,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Municipal towns] <quote lang="la">Municipiis.</quote>The <foreign lang="la">municipia</foreign> were towns of which the inhabitants wereadmitted to the rights of Roman citizens, but which were allowed to govern themselves

by their own laws, and to choose their own magistrates. See Aul. Gell., xvi. 13;<placeName key="tgn,7013368">Beaufort</placeName>, Rep. Rom., vol. v."

Bernouf.</note> persons of consequence in their own localities. There were many others, too, among thenobility, concerned in the plot, but less openly; men whom the hope of power, rather than poverty or any other exigence, prompted to join in the affair. But most of theyoung men, and especially the sons of the nobility, favored the schemes of Catiline;they who had abundant means of living at ease, either splendidly or voluptuously,

preferred uncertainties to certainties, war to peace. There were some, also, at that time,who believed that Marcus Licinius Crassus<note anchored="yes" place="foot">MarcusLicinius Crassus] The same who, with Pompey and Cæsar, formed the firsttriumvirate, and who was afterward killed in his expedition against the Parthians. Hehad, before the time of the conspiracy, held the offices of prætor and

consul.</note> was not unacquainted with the conspiracy; because Cneius Pompey,whom he hated, was <pb n="23"/>at the head of a large army, and he was willing that

the power of any one whomsoever should raise itself against Pompey's influence;trusting, at the same time, that if the plot should succeed, he would easily place himself at the head of the conspirators.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="18"> But previously<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XVIII. But previously, etc.]

Sallust here makes a digression, to give an account of a conspiracy that was formedthree years before that of Catiline.</note> to this period, a small number of persons,among whom was Catiline, had formed a design against the state: of which affair I shallhere give as accurate account as I am able.Under the consulship of Lucius Tullus and Marcus Lepidus, Publius Autronius andPublius Sylla,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Publius Autronius and Publius Sylla]The same who are mentioned in the preceding chapter. They were consuls elect, andsome editions have the words <foreign lang="la">designati consoles</foreign>immediately following their names.</note> having been tried for bribery under the lawsagainst it,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Having been tried for bribery under thelaws against it] <quote lang="la">Legibus ambitûs interrogati.</quote> Bribery

at their election, is the meaning of the word <foreign lang="la">ambitus,</foreign> for <foreign lang="la">ambire,</foreign> as Cortius observes, is <foreignlang="la">circumeundo favorem et suffragia quærere.</foreign> De Brossestranslates the passage thus: <foreign lang="fr">"Autrone et Sylla, convaincus d'avoir obtenu le consulat par corruption des suffrages, avaient été punis selonla rigueur de la loi."</foreign> There were several very severe Roman laws against

bribery. Autronius and Sylla were both excluded from the consulship.</note> had paidthe penalty of the offense. Shortly after Catiline, being brought to trial for extortion,<note anchored="yes" place="foot"> For extortion] <quotelang="la">Pecuniarum repetundarum.</quote> Catiline had been prætor in<placeName key="tgn,2078153">Africa</placeName> and, at the expiration of hisoffice, was accused of extortion by Publius Clodius, on the part of the Africans. Heescaped by bribing the prosecutor and judges.</note> had been prevented from standingfor the consulship, because he had been unable to declare himself a candidate within thelegitimate number of days.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">To declare himself acandidate within the legitimate number of days] <quote lang="la">Prohibitus eratconsulatum petere, quòd intra legitimos dies profiteri</quote> (<foreignlang="la">se candidatum,</foreign> says Cortius, citing Suet. Aug. 4) <foreignlang="la">nequiverit.</foreign> A person could not be a candidate for the consulship,unless he could declare himself free from accusation within a certain number of days

before the time of holding the <foreign lang="la">comitia centuriata.</foreign> That

number of days was <foreign lang="la">trinundinum spatium,</foreign> that is, thetime occupied by three market-days, <foreign lang="la">tres nundinæ</foreign>with seven days intervening between the first and second, and between the second andthird; or seventeen days. The <foreign lang="la">nundinæ</foreign> (from<foreign lang="la">novem</foreign> and <foreign lang="la">dies</foreign>) wereheld, as it is commonly expressed, every ninth day; whence Cortius and othersconsidered <foreign lang="la">trinundinum spatium</foreign> to be twenty-seven, or even thirty days; but this way of reckoning was not that of the Romans, who made thelast day of <emph>the first ennead</emph> to be also the first day of the second.Concerning the <foreign lang="la">nundinæ</foreign> see Macrob. Sat. i. 16. "Müller and Longius most erroneously supposed the <foreign

lang="la">trinundinum</foreign> to be about thirty days; for that it embraced onlyseventeen days has been fully shown by Ernesti, Clav. Cic., sub voce ; by <placeName

key="tgn,2030080">Scheller</placeName> in Lex. Ampl., p. 11, 669 ; by NitschiusAntiquitt. Romm. i. p. 623; and by Drachenborch (cited by <placeNamekey="tgn,2083270">Gerlach</placeName>) ad Liv. iii. 35." Kritzius. </note> Therewas at that time, <pb n="24"/>too, a young patrician of the most daring spirit, needyand discontented, named Cneius <placeName

key="tgn,2040810">Piso</placeName>,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Cneius<placeName key="tgn,2040810">Piso</placeName>] Of the Calpurnian <foreignlang="la">gens.</foreign> Suetonius (Vit. Cæs., c. 9) mentions three authors whorelated that Crassus and Cæsar were both concerned in this plot; and that, if it hadsucceeded, Crassus was to have assumed the dictatorship, and made Cæsar hismaster of the horse. The conspiracy, as these writers state, failed through the remorse or irresolution of Crassus.</note> whom poverty and vicious principles instigated todisturb the government. Catiline and Autronius,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Catiline and Autronius] After these two names, in Havercamp's and manyother editions, follow the words <quote lang="la">circiter nonas Decembres,</quote>i.e., about the fifth of December.</note> having concerted measures with this Piso,

prepared to assassinate the consuls, Lucius Cotta and Lucius Torquatus, in the Capitol,on the first of January,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">On the first of January]<quote lang="la">Kalendis Januariis.</quote> On this day the consuls were accustomedto enter on their office. The consuls whom they were going to kill, Cotta and Torquatus,were those who had been chosen in the place of Autronius and Sylla.</note> when they,having seized on the fasces, were to send Piso with an army to take possession of thetwo <placeName key="tgn,2683006">Spains</placeName>.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">The two <placeName key="tgn,2683006">Spains</placeName>] Hither and Thither Spain. <quote lang="la">Hispania Citerior</quote> and <quotelang="la">Ulterior,</quote> as they were called by the Romans.</note> But their design being discovered, they postponed the assassination to the fifth of February; whenthey meditated the destruction, not of the consuls only, but of most of the senate. Andhad not Catiline, who was in front of the senate-house, been too hasty to give the singalto his associates, there would that day have been perpetrated the most atrocious outragesince the city of <placeName key="tgn,7013962">Rome</placeName> was founded.But as the armed conspirators had not yet assembled in sufficient numbers, the want of force frustrated the design.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="19"> Some time afterward, <placeName key="tgn,2040810">Piso</placeName> wassent as quæstor, with Prætorian authority, into Hither Spain; Crassus

promoting the appointment, because he knew him to be a bitter enemy to Cneius

Pompey. Nor were the senate, indeed, unwilling<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XIX. Nor were the senate, indeed, unwilling, etc.] See Dio Cass. xxxvi.27.</note> to grant him the province; for they wished so infamous a character to beremoved from the seat of government; and many worthy men, at the same time, thoughtthat there was some security in him against the power of Pompey, which was then

becoming formidable. But this <placeName key="tgn,2040810">Piso</placeName>, onhis march toward his province, was murdered by some Spanish cavalry whom he had inhis army. These barbarians, as some say, had been unable <pb n="25"/>to endure hisunjust, haughty, and cruel orders; but others assert that this body of cavalry, being oldand trusty adherents of Pompey, attacked <placeNamekey="tgn,2040810">Piso</placeName> at his instigation; since the Spaniards, they

observed, had never before committed such an outrage, but had patiently submitted to

many severe commands. This question we shall leave undecided. Of the first conspiracyenough has been said.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="20"> When Catiline saw those, whom I have just above mentioned,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">XX. Just above mentioned] In c. 17.</note> assembled,

though he had often discussed many points with them singly, yet thinking it would be tohis purpose to address and exhort them in a body, retired with them into a privateapartment of his house, where, when all witnesses were withdrawn, he harangued themto the following effect:" If your courage and fidelity had not been sufficiently proved by me, this favorableopportunity<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Favorable opportunity] <quotelang="la">Opportuna res.</quote> See the latter part of c. 16.</note> would haveoccurred to no purpose; mighty hopes, absolute power, would in vain be within our grasp; nor should I, depending on irresolution or ficklemindedness, pursuecontingencies instead of certainties. But as I have, on many remarkable occasions,experienced your bravery and attachment to me, I have ventured to engage in a most

important and glorious enterprise. I am aware, too, that whatever advantages or evilsaffect you, the same affect me; and to have the same desires and the same aversions, isassuredly a firm bond of friendship."What I have been meditating you have already heard separately. But my ardor for action is daily more and more excited, when I consider what our future condition of lifemust be, unless we ourselves assert our claims to liberty.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Assert our claims to liberty] <quote lang="la">Nosmet ipsi vindicamus inlibertatem.</quote> Unless we vindicate ourselves into liberty. See below,<foreignlang="la">"En illa, illa, quam sæpe optâstis, libertas,"</foreign>etc.</note> For since the government has fallen under the power and jurisdiction of afew, kings and princes<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Kings and princes] <quotelang="la">Reges tetrarchæ.</quote> Tetrarchs were properly those who had thegovernment of the fourth part of the country; but at length, the signification of the word

being extended, it was applied to any governors of any country who were possessed of supreme authority, and yet were not acknowledged as kings by the Romans. See Hirt.Bell. <placeName key="tgn,2082772">Alex</placeName>. c. 67: Deiotarus, at thattime tetrarch of almost all Gallogræcia, a supremacy which the other tetrarchswould not allow to be granted him either by the laws or by custom, but indisputablyacknowledged as king of Armenia Minor by the senate," etc. Dietsch. "<placeNamekey="tgn,2031372">Cicero</placeName>, <placeNamekey="tgn,2578489">Phil</placeName>. II., speaks of Reges Tetrarchas Dynastasque.

And Lucan has (vii. 46) Tretrarchæ regesque tenent, magnique tyranni." Wasse.<placeName key="tgn,2032226">Horace</placeName> also says,<quote lang="la"><l>---- Modo reges atque tetrarchas,</l><l>Omnia magna loquens.</l></quote>I have, with Rose, rendered the word <foreign lang="la">princes,</foreign> as beingthe most eligible term.</note> have constantly been their tributaries; <pb n="26"/>nations and states have paidthem taxes; but all the rest of us, however brave and worthy, whether noble or plebeian,have been regarded as a mere mob, without interest or authority, and subject to those, towhom, if the state were in a sound condition, we should be a terror. Hence, allinfluence, power, honor, and wealth, are in their hands, or where they dispose of them;

to us they have left only insults,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Insults] <quotelang="la">Repulsas.</quote> Repulses in standing for office.</note> dangers,

persecutions, and poverty. To such indignities, O bravest of men, how long will yousubmit? Is it not better to die in a glorious attempt, than, after having been the sport of other men's insolence, to resign a wretched and degraded existence with ignominy?"But success (I call gods and men to witness!) is in our own hands. Our years arefresh, our spirit is unbroken; among our oppressors, on the contrary, through age and

wealth a general debility has been produced. We have therefore only to make a beginning; the course of events<note anchored="yes" place="foot">The course of events, etc.] <quote lang="la">Cætera res expediet.</quote>--" Of. Cic. Ep. Div.xiii. 26: <foreign lang="la">explicare et expedire negotia.</foreign>" <placeNamekey="tgn,2083270">Gerlach</placeName>.</note> will accomplish the rest."Who in the world, indeed, that has the feelings of a man, can endure that theyshould have a superfluity of riches, to squander in building over seas<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Building over seas] See c. 13.</note> and levelingmountains, and that means should be wanting to us even for the necessaries of life; thatthey should join together two houses or more, and and that we should not have a hearthto call our own ? They, though they purchase pictures, statues, and embossed plate

;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Embossed plate] <quotelang="la">Toreumata.</quote> The same as <foreign lang="la">vasacælata,</foreign> sculptured vases, c. 11. Vessels ornamented in bas-relief; from<foreign lang="greek">toreu/ein,</foreign> <foreign lang="la">scuolere;</foreign>see <placeName key="tgn,1013077">Bentley</placeName> ad Hor. A. P., 441.<foreign lang="la">"Perbona toreumata, in his pocula duo,"</foreign> etc. Cic. in Verr.iv. 18.</note> though they pull down new buildings and erect others, and lavish andabuse their wealth in every possible method, yet can not, with the utmost efforts of caprice, exhaust it. But for us there is poverty at home, debts abroad; our presentcircumstances <pb n="27"/>are bad, our prospects much worse; and what, in a word,have we left, but a miserable existence ?"Will you not, then, awake to action? Behold that liberty, that liberty for which youhave so often wished, with wealth, honor, and glory, are set before your eyes. All these

prizes fortune offers to the victorious. Let the enterprise itself, then, let the opportunity,let your poverty, your dangers, and the glorious spoils of war, animate you far morethan my words. Use me either as your leader or your fellow-soldier; neither my heartnor my hand shall be wanting to you. These objects I hope to effect, in concert withyou, in the character of consul; unless, iudeed, my expectation deceives me, and you

prefer to be slaves rather than masters."</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="21"> When these men, surrounded with numberless evils, but without any resources or

hopes of good, had heard this address, though they thought it much for their advantageto disturb the public tranquillity, yet most of them called on Catiline to state on whatterms they were to engage in the contest; what benefits they were to expect from takingup arms; and what support and encouragement they had, and in what quarters.<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">XXI. What support or encouragement they had, and inwhat quarters] <quote lang="la">Quid ubique opis aut spei haberent;</quote> i.e.<quote lang="la">quid opis aut spei, et ubi, haberent.</quote> So c. 27, init. <foreignlang="la">Quem ubique opportunum credebat,</foreign> i.e., says Cortius, <foreignlang="la">"quem, et ubi illum, opportunum credebat."</foreign></note> Catiline then

promised them the abolition of their debts;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Abolition of their debts] <quote lang="la">Tabulas novas.</quote> Debts

were registered on tablets; and, when the debts were paid, the score was effaced, and the

tablets were ready to be used <emph>as new.</emph> See Ernesti's Clav. in Cic.<foreign lang="la">sub voce.</foreign></note> a proscription of the wealthy citizens;<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Proscription of the wealthy citizens] <quote lang="la">Proscriptionemlocupletium.</quote> The practice of proscription was commenced by Sylla, who

posted up, in public places of the city, the names of those whom he doomed to death,offering rewards to such as should bring him their heads. Their money and estates hedivided among his adherents, and Catiline excited his adherents with hopes of similar

plunder.</note> offices, sacerdotal dignities, plunder, and all other gratifications which war, andthe license of conquerors, can afford. He added that <placeNamekey="tgn,2040810">Piso</placeName> was in Hither Spain, and Publius Sittius

Nucerinus with an army in <placeName key="tgn,1000176">Mauritania</placeName>, both of whom were privy to his plans; that Caius Antonius, whom he hoped to have for a colleague, was canvassing for the consulship, a man with whom he was intimate, andwho was involved in all manner of embarrassments; and that, in conjunction with him,

he himself, when consul, would commence operations. He, moreover, assailed <pbn="28"/>all the respectable citizens with reproaches, commended each of his associates

by name, reminded one of his poverty, another of his ruling passion,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Another of his ruling passion] <quotelang="la">Admonebat--alium cupiditatis secæ.</quote> Rose renders this

passage, " Some he put in mind of their poverty, others of their amours." De Brossesrenders it, <foreign lang="fr">"Il remontre à l'un sa pauvreté, àl'autre son ambition."</foreign> Ruling passion, however, seems to be the proper senseof <foreign lang="la">cupiditatis;</foreign> as it is said, in c. 14, " As the passions of each, according to his years, appeared excited, he furnished mistresses to some, boughthorses and dogs for others," etc.</note> several others of their danger or disgrace, and many of the spoils which theyhad obtained by the victory of Sylla. When he saw their spirits sufficiently elevated, hecharged them to attend to his interest at the election of consuls, and dismissed theassembly.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="22"> There were some, at that time, who said that Catiline, having ended his speech, andwishing to bind his accomplices in guilt by an oath, handed round among them, ingoblets, the blood of a human body mixed with wine; and that when all, after animprecation, had tasted of it, as is usual in sacred rites, he disclosed his design; and theyasserted<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XXII. They asserted] <quote

lang="la">Dictitare.</quote> In referring this word to the circulators of the report, Ifollow Cortius, <placeName key="tgn,2083270">Gerlach</placeName>, Kritzius, andBernouf. Wasse, with less discrimination, refers it to Catiline. This story of the drinkingof human blood is copied by Florus, iv. 1, and by Plutarch in his Life of <placeNamekey="tgn,2068515">Cicero</placeName>. Dio Cassius (lib. xxxvii.) says that theconspirators were reported to have killed a child on the occasion.</note> that he didthis, in order that they might be the more closely attached to one another, by beingmutually conscious of such an atrocity. But so some thought that this report, and manyothers, were invented by persons who supposed that the odium against <placeNamekey="tgn,2068515">Cicero</placeName>, which afterward arose, might be lessened byimputing an enormity of guilt to the conspirators who had suffered death. The evidence

which I have obtained, in support of this charge, is not at all in proportion to itsmagnitude.</div1>

<div1 type="chapter" n="23"> Among those present at this meeting was Quintus Curius,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">XXIII. Quintus Curius] The same that is mentioned in c. 17.</note> aman of no mean family, but immersed in vices and crimes, and whom the censors hadignominiously expelled from the senate. In this person there was not less levity than

impudence; he could neither keep secret what he heard, nor conceal his own crimes; hewas altogether heedless what he said or what he did. He had long had a criminalintercourse with Fulvia, a woman of high birth; but growing less acceptable to her,

because, in his reduced circumstances, he had less means <pb n="29"/>of being liberal,he began, on a sudden, to boast, and to promise her seas and mountains;<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">To promise her seas and mountains] <quotelang="la">Maria montesque polliceri.</quote> A proverbial expression. Ter. Phorm., i.2, 18: <foreign lang="la">Modò non montes auri pollicens.</foreign> Pers., iii.65: <foreign lang="la">Et quid opus Cratero magnos promittereemontes.</foreign></note> threatening her, at times, with the sword, if she were notsubmissive to his will; and acting, in his general conduct, with greater arrogance than

ever.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">With greater arrogance than ever] <quotelang="la">Ferociùs quàm solitus erat.</quote></note> Fulvia, havinglearned the cause of his extravagant behavior, did not keep such danger to the state asecret; but, without naming her informant, communicated to several persons what shehad heard and under what circumstances, concerning Catiline's conspiracy. Thisintelligence it was that incited the feelings of the citizens to give the consulship toMarcus Tullius <placeName key="tgn,2068515">Cicero</placeName>.<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">To Marcus Tullius Cicero] Cicero was now in his forty-third year, and had filled the office of quæstor, edile, and prætor.</note> For

before this period, most of the nobility were moved with jealousy, and thought theconsulship in some degree sullied, if a man of no family,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">A man of no family] <quote lang="la">Novus homo.</quote> A termapplied to such as could not boast of any ancestor that had held any curule magistracy,that is, had been consul, prætor, censor, or chief edile.</note> however meritorious, obtained it. But when danger showed itself, envy and pride were laidaside.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="24"> Accordingly, when the comitia were held, Marcus Tullius and Caius Antonius weredeclared consuls; an event which gave the first shock to the conspirators. The ardor of Catiline, however, was not at all diminished; he formed every day new schemes; hedeposited arms, in convenient places, throughout <placeName

key="tgn,1000080">Italy</placeName>; he sent sums of money borrowed on his owncredit, or that of his friends, to a certain <placeNamekey="tgn,7013995">Manlius</placeName>,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XXIV.<placeName key="tgn,7013995">Manlius</placeName>] He had been an officer in thearmy of Sylla, and, having been distinguished for his services, had been placed at thehead of a colony of veterans settled about Fæsulæ; but he had squanderedhis property in extravagance. See Plutarch, Vit. Cic., Dio Cassius, and Appian.</note>at Fæsulæ,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Fæsulæ] A townof Etruria, at the foot of the Appennines, not far from Florence. It is the Fesole of Milton:<quote>At evening from the top of Fesole,

<lb/>Or in Valdarno to desery new lands, etc. Par. L. i. 289.</quote>

</note> who was subsequently the first to engage in hostilities. At this period, too, he issaid to have attached to his cause great numbers of men of all classes, and some women,who had, in their earlier days, supported an expensive life by the price of their beauty,

but who, when age had lessened their gains but not their extravagance, had contractedheavy debts. By the influence <pb n="30"/>of these females, Catiline hoped to gain

over the slaves in Rome, to get the city set on fire, and either to secure the support of their husbands or take away their lives.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="25"> In the number of those ladies was Sempronia,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">XXV. Sempronia] Of the same <foreign lang="la">gens</foreign> as thetwo Gracchi. She was the wife of Decimus Brutus.</note> a woman who hadcommitted many crimes with the spirit of a man. In birth and beauty, in her husband andher children, she was extremely fortunate; she was skilled in Greek and Romanliterature; she could sing, play, and dance,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Sing,

play, and dance] <quote lang="la">Psallere, saltare.</quote> As <foreignlang="la">psallo</foreign> signifies both to play on a musical instrument, and to sing

to it while playing, I have thought it necessary to give both senses in thetranslation.</note> with greater elegance than became a woman of virtue, and possessedmany other accomplishments that tend to excite the passions. But nothing was ever lessvalued by her than honor or chastity. Whether she was more prodigal of her money or her reputation, it would have been difficult to decide. Her desires were so ardent thatshe oftener made advances to the other sex than waited for solicitation. She hadfrequently, before this period, forfeited her word, forsworn debts, been privy to murder,and hurried into the utmost excesses by her extravagance and poverty. But her abilitieswere by no means despicable;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">By no meansdespicable] <quote lang="la">Haud absurdum.</quote> Compare, <foreignlang="la">Bene dicere haud absurdum est,</foreign> c. 3.</note> she could composeverses, jest, and join in conversation either modest, tender, or licentious. In a word, shewas distinguished<note anchored="yes" place="foot">She was distinguished, etc.]<quote lang="la">Multæ facetiæ, multusque lepos inerat.</quote> Both<foreign lang="la">facetiæ</foreign> and <foreign lang="la">lepos</foreign>mean "agreeableness, humor, pleasantry;" but <foreign lang="la">lepos</foreign> hereseems to refer to diction, as in Cic. Orat. i. 7: <foreign lang="la">Magnus in jocandolepos.</foreign></note> by much refinement of wit, and much grace of expression.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="26"> Catiline, having made these arrangements, still canvassed for the consulship for the

following year; hoping that, if he should be elected, he would easily manage Antoniusaccording to his pleasure. Nor did he, in the mean time remain inactive, but devisedschemes, in every possible way, against Cicero, who, however, did not want skill or

policy to guard against them. For, at the very beginning of his consulship, he had, bymaking many promises through Fulvia, prevailed on Quintus Curius, whom I havealready mentioned, to give him secret information of Catiline's proceedings. He had also

persuaded his colleague, Antonius, by an arrangement respecting <pb n="31"/>their provinces,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XXVI. By an arrangement respectingtheir provinces] <quote lang="la">Pactione provinciæ.</quote> This passage has

been absurdly misrepresented by most translators, except De Brosses. Even Rose, whowas a scholar, translated <foreign lang="la">pactione provinciæ,</foreign> "by

promising a province to his colleague." Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that the two provinces, which Cicero and his colleague Antonius shared between them, were Gaul

and Macedonia, and that Cicero, in order to retain Antonius in the interest of the senate,exchanged with him Macedonia, which had fallen to himself, for the inferior provinceof Gaul. See Jug., c. 27.</note> to entertain no sentiment of disaffection toward thestate; and he kept around him, though without ostentation, a guard of his friends anddependents.

When the day of the comitia came, and neither Catiline's efforts for the consulship,nor the plots which he had laid for the consuls in the Campus Martius,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Plots which he had laid for the consuls in the CampusMartius] <quote lang="la">Insidiæ quas consuli in campo fecerat.</quote> I havehere departed from the text of Cortius, who reads <foreignlang="la">consulibus,</foreign> thinking that Catiline, in his rage, might haveextended his plots even to the consuls-elect. But <foreign lang="la">consuli,</foreign>there is little doubt, is the right reading, as it is favored by what is said at the beginningof the chapter, <foreign lang="la">insidias parabat Ciceroni,</foreign> by what followsin the next chapter, <foreign lang="la">consuli insidias tendere,</foreign> and by thewords, <foreign lang="la">sperans, si designatus foret, facilè se ex voluntate

Antonio usurum;</foreign> for if Catiline trusted that he should be able to use his pleasure with Antonius, he could hardly think it necessary to form plots against his life.I have De Brosses on my side, who translates the phrase, <foreign lang="fr">les

pièges où il comptait faire pèrir le consul.</foreign> The words<foreign lang="la">in campo,</foreign> which look extremely like an intruded gloss, Iwonder that Cortius should have retained. " <foreign lang="la">Consuli</foreign> ,"says Gerlach, "appears the more eligible, not only on account of <foreignlang="la">consuli insidias tendere,</foreign> c. 27, but because nothing but the deathof Cicero was necessary to make everything favorable for Catiline." Kritzius, Bernouf,Dietsch, Pappaur, Allen, and all the modern editors, read <foreignlang="la">Consuli.</foreign> See also the end of c. 27: <foreign lang="la">Si

priùs Ciceronem oppressisset.</foreign></note> were attended with success, he determined to proceed to war, and resort to theutmost extremities, since what he had attempted secretly had ended in confusion anddisgrace.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Had ended in confusion and disgrace]<quote lang="la">Aspera fædaque evenerant.</quote> I have borrowed fromMurphy.</note></div1><div1 type="chapter" n="27"> He accordingly dispatched Caius Manlius to Fæsulæ, and the adjacent

parts of Etruria; one Septimius, of Camerinum,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XXVI. Of Camnerinum] Camertem. "' That is, a native of Camerinum, a

town on the confines of Umbria and Picenum. Hence the noun <foreignlang="la">Camers,</foreign> as Cic. Pro. Syll., c. 19, <foreign lang="la">in agroCamerti.</foreign>" Cortius.</note> into the Picenian territory; Caius Julius intoApulia; and others to various places, wherever he thought each would be mostserviceable.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Wherever he thought each would bemost serviceable] <quote lang="la">Ubi quemque opportunum credebat.</quote>"<foreign lang="la">Propriè reddas: quem, et ubi ilium, opportunumcredebat.</foreign>" Cortius. See c. 23.</note> He himself, in the mean time, wasmaking many simultaneous efforts at Rome; he laid plots for the consul; he arrangedschemes for burning the city; he <pb n="32"/>occupied suitable posts with armed men;he went constantly armed himself, and ordered his followers to do the same; he

exhorted them to be always on their guard and prepared for action; he was active andvigilant by day and by night, and was exhausted neither by sleeplessness nor by toil. At

last, however, when none of his numerous projects succeeded,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">When none of his numerous projects succeeded] <quote lang="la">Ubimulta agitanti nihil procedit.</quote></note> he again, with the aid of Marcus PorciusLæca, convoked the leaders of the conspiracy in the dead of night, when, after many complaints of their apathy, he informed them that he had sent forward Manlius to

that body of men whom he had prepared to take up arms; and others of the confederatesinto other eligible places, to make a commencement of hostilities; and that he himself was eager to set out to the army, if he could but first cut off Cicero, who was the chief obstruction to his measures.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="28"> While, therefore, the rest were in alarm and hesitation, Caius Cornelius, a Romanknight, who offered his services, and Lucius Vargunteius, a senator, in company withhim, agreed to go with an armed force, on that very night, and with but little delay,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">XXVIII. On that very night, and with but little delay]<quote lang="la">Eâ nocte, paulo post.</quote> They resolved on going soonafter the meeting broke up, so that they might reach Cicero's house early in the morning,

which was the usual time for waiting on great men. <foreign lang="la">Ingentemforibus domus alta superbis mane salutantûm totis vomit ædibusundam.</foreign> Virg. Georg., ii. 461.</note> to the house of Cicero, under pretenseof paying their respects to him, and to kill him unawares, and unprepared for defense, inhis own residence. But Curius, when he heard of the imminent danger that threatenedthe consul, immediately gave him notice, by the agency of Fulvia, of the treacherywhich was contemplated. The assassins, in consequence, were refused admission, andfound that they had undertaken such an attempt only to be disappointed.In the mean time, Manlius was in Etruria, stirring up the populace, who, both from

poverty, and from resentment for their injuries (for, under the tyranny of Sylla, they hadlost their lands and other property), were eager for a revolution. He also attached tohimself all sorts of marauders, who were numerous in those parts, and some of Sylla'scolonists, whose dissipation and extravagance had exhausted their enormous plunder.<pb n="33"/></div1><div1 type="chapter" n="29"> When these proceedings were reported to Cicero, he, being alarmed at the twofolddanger, since he could no longer secure the city against treachery by his private efforts,nor could gain satisfactory intelligence of the magnitude or intentions of . the army of Manlius, laid the matter, which was already a subject of discussion among the people,

before the senate. The senate, accordingly, as is usual in any perilous emergency,decreed that THE CONSULS SHOULD MAKE IT THEIR CARE THAT THE

COMMONWEALTH SHOULD RECEIVE NO INJURY. This is the greatest power which, according to the practice at Rome, is granted<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XXIX. This is the greatest power which--is granted, etc.] <quotelang="la">Ea potestas per senatum, more Romano, magistratui maxima

permittitur.</quote> Cortius, <foreign lang="la">mirâ judicii perversitate,</foreign> as Kritzius observes, makes <foreign lang="la">ea</foreign>the ablative case, understanding <foreign lang="la">"decretione," "formula,"</foreign>or some such word; but, happily, no one has followed him.</note> by the senate to themagistrate, and which authorizes him to raise troops; to make war; to assume unlimitedcontrol over the allies and the citizens; to take the chief command and jurisdiction athome and in the field; rights which, without an order of the people, the consul is not

permitted to exercise.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="30">

A few days afterward, Lucius Sænius, a senator, read to the senate a letter,which, he said, he had received from Fæsulæ, and in which it was stated thatCaius Manlius, with a large force, had taken the field by the 27th of October.<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">XXX. By the 27th of October] <quote lang="la">Antediem VI. Kalendas Novembres.</quote> He means that they were in arms on or before

that day.</note> Others at the same time, as is not uncommon in such a crisis, spreadreports of omens and prodigies; others of meetings being held, of arms beingtransported, and of insurrections of the slaves at Capua and in Apulia. In consequenceof these rumors, Quintus Marcius Rex<note anchored="yes" place="foot">QuintusMarcius Rex] He had been proconsul in Cilicia, and was expecting a triumph for hissuccesses.</note> was dispatched, by a decree of the senate, to Fæsulæ, andQuintus Metellus Creticus<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Quintus MetellusCreticus] He had obtained the surname of Creticus from having reduced the island of Crete.</note> into Apulia and the parts adjacent; both which officers, with the title of commanders,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Both which officers, with the title of commanders, etc.] <quote lang="la">Ii utrique ad urbem imperatores erant ; impediti ne

triumpharent calumniâ paucorum, quibus omnia, honesta atque inhonesta venderemos erat.</quote> <foreign lang="la">"Imperator"</foreign> was a title given by thearmy, and confirmed by the senate, to a victorious general, who had slain a certainnumber of the enemy. What the number was is not known. The general bore this title asan addition to his name, until he obtained (if it were granted him) a triumph, for which

be was obliged to wait <foreign lang="la">ad urbem,</foreign> near the city, since hewas not allowed to enter the gates as long as he held any military command. These<foreign lang="la">imperatores</foreign> had been debarred from their expected honor

by a party who would sell any thing honorable, as a triumph, or any thing dishonorable,as a license to violate the laws.</note> were waiting near the city, having been <pbn="34"/>prevented from entering in triumph, by the malice of a cabal, whose custom itwas to ask a price for every thing, whether honorable or infamous. The prætors,too, Quintus Pompeius Rufus, and Quintus Metellus Celer, were sent off, the one toCapua, the other to Picenum, and power was given them to levy a force proportioned tothe exigency and the danger. The senate also decreed, that if any one should giveinformation of the conspiracy which had been formed against the state, his rewardshould be, if a slave, his freedom and a hundred sestertia; if a freeman, a complete

pardon and two hundred sestertia<note anchored="yes" place="foot">A hundredsestertia--two hundred sestertia] A hundred sestertia were about 807l. 5s. 10d. of our money.</note>. They further appointed that the schools of gladiators<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Schools of gladiators] <quote

lang="la">Gladiatoriæ familiæ.</quote> Any number of gladiators under one teacher, or trainer (<foreign lang="la">lanista</foreign>), was called <foreignlang="la">familia.</foreign> They were to be distributed in different parts, and to bestrictly watched, that they might not run off to join Catiline. See Graswinckelius,Rupertus, and Gerlach.</note> should be distributed in Capua and other municipaltowns, according to the capacity of each; and that, at Rome, watches should be postedthroughout the city, of which the inferior magistrates<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">The inferior magistrates] The ædiles, tribunes, qaæstors, andall others below the consuls, censors, and prætors. Aul. Gell., xiii. 15.</note>should have the charge.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="31">

 By such proceedings as these the citizens were struck with alarm, and theappearance of the city was changed. In place of that extreme gayety and

dissipation,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XXXI. Dissipation] <quotelang="la">Lascivia.</quote> "Devotion to public amusements and gayety. The word isused in the same sense as in Lucretius, v. 1398:<quote><l>Tum caput atquc humeros plexis redimire coronis.</l><l>Floribus et foliis, lascivia læta monebat.</l></quote>

Then sportive gayety promtped them to deck their heads and shoulders with garlands of flowers and leaves." Bernouf.</note> to which long tranquillity<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Long tranquillity] <quote lang="la">Diuturna quies.</quote> "Since thevictory of Sylla to the time of which Sallust is speaking, that is, for about twenty years,there had been a complete cessation from civil discord and disturbance."Bernouf.</note> had given rise, a sudden gloom spread over all classes; they becameanxious and agitated; they felt secure neither in any place, nor with any person; theywere not at war, yet enjoyed no peace; each measured the public danger by his own fear.The women, also, to whom, from the extent of the empire, the dread of war was new,gave way to lamentation, raised supplicating hands to heaven, mourned over their <pbn="35"/>infants, made constant inquiries, trembled at every thing, and, forgetting their

pride and their pleasures, felt nothing but alarm for themselves and their country.Yet the unrelenting spirit of Catiline persisted in the same purposes,notwithstanding the precautions that were adopted against him, and though he himself was accused by Lucius Paullus under the Plautian law.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">The Plautian law] <quote lang="la">Lege Plautiâ.</quote> "Thislaw was that of M. Plautius Silanus, a tribune of the people, which was directed againstsuch as excited a sedition in the state, or formed plots against the life of any individual."<foreign lang="la">Cyprianus Popma.</foreign> See Dr. Smith's Dict. of Gr. and Rom.Antiquities, sub VIS.</note> At last, with a view to dissemble, and under pretense of clearing his character, as if he had been provoked by some attack, he went into thesenatehouse. It was then that Marcus Tullius, the consul, whether alarmed at his

presence, or fired with indignation against him, delivered that splendid speech, so beneficial to the republic, which he afterward wrote and published.<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Which he afterward wrote and published] <quotelang="la">Quam posteà scriptam edidit.</quote> This was the first of Cicero'sfour Orations against Catiline. The epithet applied to it by Sallust, which I haverendered "splendid," is <foreign lang="la">luculentam;</foreign> that is, says Gerlach,<foreign lang="la">"luminibus verborum et sententiarum ornatam,"</foreign>distinguished by much brilliancy of words and thoughts. And so say Kritzius, Bernouf,and Dietsch. Cortius, who is followed by Dahl, Langius, and Müller, makes theword equivalent merely to lucid, in the supposition that Sallust intended to bestow on

the speech, as on other performances of Cicero, only very cool praise. Luculentus,however, seems certainly to mean something more than <foreignlang="la">lucidus.</foreign></note>When Cicero sat down, Catiline, being prepared to pretend ignorance of the wholematter, entreated, with downcast looks and suppliant voice, that "the Conscript Fatherswould not too hastily believe any thing against him;" saying "that he was sprung fromsuch a family, and had so ordered his life from his youth, as to have every happiness in

prospect; and that they were not to suppose that he, a patrician, whose services to theRoman people, as well as those of his ancestors, had been so numerous, should want toruin the state, when Marcus Tullius, a mere adopted citizen of Rome,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">A mere adopted citizen of Rome] <quote

lang="la">Inquilinus civis urbis Romæ.</quote> <foreignlang="la">"Inquilinus"</foreign> means properly a lodger, or tenant in the house of

another. Cicero was born at Arpinum, and is therefore called by Catiline a citizen of Rome merely by adoption or by sufferance. Appian, in repeating this account (Bell.Civ., ii. 104), says, <foreign lang="greek">)*igkoui/linon, w(=| r(h/mati kalou=si tou\ze)noikou=ntas e)n a/llotoi/aiz o)iki/aiz.</foreign></note> was eager to preserve it."When he was proceeding to add other invectives, they all raised an outcry against him,

and called him an enemy and a <pb n="36"/>traitor.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Traitor] <quote lang="la">Parricidam.</quote> See c. 14. "An oppressor or betrayer of his country is justly called a parricide ; for our country is the common

parent of all. Cic. ad Attic." Wasse.</note> Being thus exasperated, " Since I amencompassed by enemies," he exclaimed,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Since Iam encompassed by enemies, he exclaimed, etc.] " It was not on this day, nor indeed toCicero, that this answer was made by Catilina. It was a reply to Cato, uttered a few days

before the comitia for electing consuls, which were held on the 22d day of October. SeeCic. pro Muræne, c. 25. Cicero's speech was delivered on the 8th of November.Sallust is, therefore, in error on this point, as well as Florus and Valerius Maximus, whohave followed him." Bernouf. From other accounts we may infer that no reply was

made to Cicero by Catiline on this occasion. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says thatCatiline, before Cicero rose, seemed desirous to address the senate in defense of his

proceedings, but that the senators refused to listen to him. Of any answer to Cicero'sspeech, on the part of Catiline, he makes no mention. Cicero himself, in his secondOration against Catiline, says that Catiline could not endure his voice, but, when he wasordered to go into exile, <foreign lang="la">"paruit, quievit,"</foreign> obeyed andsubmitted in silence. And in his Oration, c. 37, he says, " That most audacious of men,Catiline, when he was accused by me in the senate, was dumb."</note> "and driven todesperation, I will extinguish the flame kindled around me in a generalruin."</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="32"> He then hurried from the senate to his own house; and then, after much reflectionwith himself, thinking that, as his plots against the consul had been unsuccessful, and ashe knew the city to be secured from fire by the watch, his best course would be toaugment his army, and make provision for the war before the legions could be raised, heset out in the dead of night, and with a few attendants, to the camp of Manlius. But heleft in charge to Lentulus and Cethegus, and others of whose prompt determination hewas assured, to strengthen the interests of their party in every possible way, to forwardthe plots against the consul, and to make arrangements for a massacre, for firing thecity, and for other destructive operations of war; promising that he himself wouldshortly advance on the city with a large army.

During the course of these proceedings at Rome, Caius Manlius dispatched some of his followers as deputies to Quintus Marcius Rex, with directions to address him<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">XXXII. With directions to address him, etc.] <quotelang="la">Cum mandatis hujuscemodi.</quote> The communication, as Cortiusobserves, was not an epistle, but a verbal message.</note> to the followingeffect:</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="33"> "We call gods and men to witness, general, that we have taken up arms neither toinjure our country, nor to occasion peril to any one, but to defend our own persons fromharm; who, wretched and in want, have been deprived, <pb n="37"/>most of us, of our homes, and all of us of our character and property, by the oppression and cruelty of

usurers; nor has any one of us been allowed, according to the usage of our ancestors, tohave the benefit of the law,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XXXIII. To have the

benefit of the law] <quote lang="la">Lege uti.</quote> The law here meant was thePapirian law, by which it was provided, contrary to the old law of the Twelve Tables,that no one should be confined in prison for debt, and that the property of the debtor only, not his person, should be liable for what he owed. Livy (viii. 28) relates theoccurrence which gave rise to this law, and says that it ruptured one of the strongest

bonds of credit.</note> or, when our property was lost to keep our persons free. Suchhas been the inhumanity of the usurers and of the prætor.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">The prætor] The <quote lang="la">proætor urbanus,</quote>or city prætor, who decided all causes between citizens, and passed sentence ondebtors.</note>"Often have your forefathers, taking compassion on the commonalty at Rome,relieved their distress by decrees ;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Relieved their distress by decrees] <quote lang="la">Decretis suis inopiæ opitulati sunt.</quote>In allusion to the laws passed at various times for diminishing the rate of interest.</note> and very lately, within our, own memory, silver, by reason of the

pressure of debt, and with the consent of all respectable citizens, was paid with

brass.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Silver--was paid with brass] <quotelang="la">Agentum ære solutum est.</quote> Thus a <foreignlang="la">sestertius,</foreign> which was of silver, and was worth four asses, was paidwith one as, which was of brass; or the fourth part only of the debt was paid. See Plin.H. N. xxxiii. 3; and Velleius Paterculus, ii. 23 ; who says, <foreignlang="la">quadrantem solvi,</foreign> that a quarter of their debts were paid by thedebtors, by a law of Valerius Flaccus, when he became consul on the death of Marius.</note>"Often too, we must own, have the commonalty themselves, driven by desire of

power, or by the arrogance of their rulers, seceded<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Often--have the commonalty--seceded, etc.] "This happened three times:1. To the <foreign lang="la">Mons Sacer,</foreign> on account of debt; Liv. ii. 32. 2.To the Aventine, and thence to the <foreign lang="la">Mons Sacer,</foreign> throughthe tyranny of Appius Claudius, the decemvir; Liv. iii. 50. 3. To the Janiculum, onaccount of debt; Liv. Epist. xi." Bernouf.</note> under arms from the patricians. But at

power or wealth, for the sake of which wars, and all kinds of strife, arise amongmankind, we do not aim; we desire only our liberty, which no honorable manrelinquishes but with life. We therefore conjure you and the senate to befriend your unhappy fellow-citizens; to restore us the protection of the law, which the injustice of the prætor has taken from us; and not to lay on us the necessity of consideringhow we may perish, so as best to avenge our blood."</div1>

<div1 type="chapter" n="34"> To this address Quintus Marcius replied, that, "if they wished to make any petitionto the senate, they <pb n="38"/>must lay down their arms, and proceed as suppliants toRome;" adding, that "such had always been the kindness<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">XXXIV. That such had always been the kindness, etc.] <quotelang="la">Eâ mansuetudine atque misericordiâ senatum populumqueRomanum semper fuisse.</quote> " That the senate, etc., had always been of suchkindness." I have deserted the Latin for the English idiom.</note> and humanity of theRoman senate and people, that none had ever asked help of them in vain."Catiline, on his march, sent letters to most men of consular dignity, and to all themost respectable citizens, stating that "as he was beset by false accusations, and unable

to resist the combination of his enemies, he was submitting to the will of fortune, andgoing into exile at Marseilles; not that he was guilty of the great wickedness laid to his

charge, but that the state might be undisturbed, and that no insurrection might arise fromhis defense of himself."Quintus Catulus, however, read in the senate a letter of a very different character,which, he said, was delivered to him in he name of Catiline, and of which the followingis a copy:

<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XXXV. The commencement of this letter isdifferent in different editions. In Havercamp it stands thus: <foreignlang="la">Egregiatua fides, re cognita grata mihi, magnis in meis periculis, fiduciamcommendationi meæ tribuit.</foreign> Cortius corrected it as follows: <foreignlang="la">Egregia tua fides, re cognita, gratam in magnis periculis fiduciamcommendationi meæ tribuit.</foreign> Cortius's reading has been adopted byKritzius, Bernouf, and most other editors. Gerlach and Dietsch have recalled the oldtext. That Cortius's is the better, few will deny; for it can hardly be supposed that Sallustused <foreign lang="la">mihi, meis,</foreign> and <foreignlang="la">meæ</foreign> in such close succession. Some, however, as Rupertusand Gerlach, defend Havercamp's text, by asserting, from the phrase <foreign

lang="la">earum exemplam infra scriptum,</foreign> that this is a true copy of theletter, and that the style is, therefore, not Sallust's, but Catiline's. But such an opinion issufficiently refuted by Cortius, whose remarks I will transcribe: "Rupertus," says he,<foreign lang="la">"quod in promptu erat, Catilinæ culpam tribuit, qui non eo,quo Crispus, stilo scripserit. Sed cur oratio ejus tam apta et composita suprà c.20 refertur? At, inquis, hic ipsum litterarum exemplum exhibetur. At vide mihiexemplum litterarum Lentuli, c. 44; et lege Ciceronem, qui idem exhibet, et sentiessensum magis quam verba referri. Quare inanis hæc quidem excusatio."</foreign>Yet it is not to be denied that <foreign lang="la">grata mihi</foreign> is the reading of all the manuscripts.</note>XXXV. "Lucius Catiline to Quintus Catulus, wishing health.Your eminent integrity, known to me by experience,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Known--by experience] <quote lang="la">Re cognita.</quote> "Cognita" be it observed, <foreign lang="la">tironum gratiâ,</foreign> is thenominative case. <cit><quote>"Catiline had experienced the friendship of Catulus in hisaffair with Fabia Terentia; for it was by his means that he escaped when he was broughtto trial, as is related by Orosius."</quote> <bibl>Bernouf.</bibl></cit></note> gives a

pleasing confidence, in the midst of great <pb n="39"/>perils, to my presentrecommendation.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Recommendation] <quotelang="la">Commendationi.</quote> His recommendation of his affairs, and of Orestilla, to the care of Catulus.</note> I have determined, therefore, to make no formaldefense<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Formal defense] <quote

lang="la">Defensionem.</quote> Opposed to <foreignlang="la">satisfactionem,</foreign> which follows, and which means a private apologyor explanation. <foreign lang="la">"Defensio,</foreign> a defense, was properly astatement or speech to be made against an adversary, or before judges; <foreignlang="la">satisfactio</foreign> was rather an excuse or apology made to a friend, or any other person, in a private communication." <bibl>Cortius.</bibl></note> withregard to my new course of conduct; yet I was resolved, though conscious of noguilt,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Though conscious of no guilt] <quotelang="la">Ex nullâ conscientiâ de coldâ.</quote> This phrase isexplained by Cortius as equivalent to <foreign lang="la">"Propter conscientam denullâ culpâ,"</foreign> or " inasmuch as I am conscious of no fault." "

<foreign lang="la">De culpâ,"</foreign> he adds, is the same as <foreignlang="la">culpæ</foreign> ; so in the ii. Epist. to Cæsar, c. 1: <foreign

lang="la">Neque de futuro quisquam satix callidus; and c. 9: de illis potissimum jacturafit."</foreign></note> to offer you some explanation,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">To make no formal defense--to offer you some explanation] <quotelang="la">Defensionem--parare; satisfactionem--proponere. " Parare,</quote>" saysCortius, "is applied to a defense which might require some study and premeditation;

<quote lang="la">proponere</quote> to such a statement as it was easy to make atonce."</note> which, on my word of honor,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">On myword of honor] <quote lang="la">Me dius fidus,</quote> sc. juvet. So may the god of faith help me, as I speak truth. But who is the god of faith ? <foreignlang="la">Dius,</foreign> say some, is the same as <foreignlang="la">Deus</foreign> (Plautus has <foreign lang="la">Deus fidius,</foreign>Asin i. 1, 18); and the god here meant is probably Jupiter (<foreign lang="la">subdio</foreign> being equivalent to <foreign lang="la">sub Jove</foreign>); so that<foreign lang="la">Dius fidius</foreign> (<foreign lang="la">fidius</foreign> beingan adjective from <foreign lang="la">fides</foreign>) will be the <foreignlang="greek">*zeuz pi/stioz</foreign> of the Greeks. <foreign lang="la">Me dius

fidius</foreign> will therefore be, "May Jupiter help me !" This is the mode of explication adopted by Gerlach, Bernouf, and Dietsch. Others, with Festus (<foreignlang="la">sub voce Medius fidius</foreign>) make <foreignlang="la">fidius</foreign> equivalent to <foreign lang="la">filius,</foreign> becausethe ancients, according to Festus, often used D for L, and <foreign lang="la">diusfidius</foreign> will then be the same as <foreign lang="greek">*dio\s</foreign> or Jovis filius, or Hercules, and <foreign lang="la">medius fidius</foreign> will be thesame as <foreign lang="la">mehercules</foreign> or <foreignlang="la">mehercule.</foreign> Varro de L. L. (v. 10, ed. Sprengel) mentions a certainÆlius who was of this opinion. Against this derivation there is the quantity of <foreign lang="la">fidius,</foreign> of which the first syllable is short: <foreignlang="la">Quærebam Nonas Sanco fidone referrem,</foreign> Ov. Fast. vi. 213.But if we consider <foreign lang="la">dius</foreign> the same as <foreignlang="la">deus,</foreign> we may as well consider <foreign lang="la">diusfidius</foreign> to be the god Hercules as the god Jupiter, and may thus make <foreignlang="la">medius fidius</foreign> identical with <foreignlang="la">mehercules,</foreign> as it probably is. " Tertullian, de Idol. 20, says that<foreign lang="la">medius fidius</foreign> is a form of swearing by Hercules."Schiller's Lex. sub <foreign lang="la">Fidius.</foreign> This point will be madetolerably clear if we consider (with Varro, v. 10, and Ovid, loc. cit.) <foreignlang="la">Dius, Fidius</foreign> to be the same with the Sabine Sancus, or Semo

Sancus, and Semo Sancus to be the same with Hercules.</note> you may receive astrue.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">You may receive as true] <quotelang="la">Veram licet cognoscas.</quote> Some editions, before that of Cortius, have<quote lang="la">quæ--licet vera mecum recognoscas;</quote> which wasadopted from a quotation of Servius ad Æn. iv. 204. But twenty of the best MSS.,according to Certius, have <quote lang="la">veram licet cognoscas.</quote></note>Provoked by injuries and indignities, since, being robbed of the fruit of my labor andexertion,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Robbed of the fruit of my labor andexertion] <quote lang="la">Fructu laboris industriæque meæ

privatus.</quote> "The honors which he sought he elegantly calls the fruit of his labor, because the one is obtained by the other.'" <bibl>Cortius.</bibl></note> I did not obtain

the post of honor due to me,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Post of honor due tome] <quote lang="la">Statum dignitatis.</quote> The consulship.</note> I have

undertaken, according to my custom, the public cause <pb n="40"/>of the distressed. Not but that I could have paid, out of my own property, the debts contracted on my ownsecurity ;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">On my own security] <quotelang="la">Meis nominibus.</quote> "He uses the plural," says Herzogius, "because hehad not borrowed once only, or from one person, but oftentimes, and from many." No

other critic attempts to explain this point. For <foreign lang="la">alienisnominibus,</foreign> which follows, being in the plural, there is very good reason. Mytranslation is in conformity with Bernouf's comment.</note> while the generosity of Orestilla, out of her own fortune and her daughter's, would discharge those incurred onthe security of others. But because I saw unworthy men ennobled with honors, andmyself proscribed<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Proscribed] <quotelang="la">Alienatum.</quote> <cit><quote>"Repulsed from all hope of theconsulship."</quote><bibl>Bernouf.</bibl></cit></note> on groundless suspicion, Ihave for this very reason, adopted a course,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Adopted a course] <quote lang="la">Spes--secutus sum.</quote><foreign lang="la">"Spem sequi</foreign> is a phrase often used when the direction of

the mind to any thing, action, or course of conduct, and the subsequent election andadoption of what appears advantageous, is signified." <bibl>Cortius.</bibl></note>amply justifiable in my present circumstances, for preserving what honor is left to me.When I was proceeding to write more, intelligence was brought that violence is

preparing against me. I now commend and intrust Orestilla to your protection ;<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Protection] <quote lang="la">Fidei.</quote></note>intreating you, by your love for your own children, to defend her from injury.<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Intreating you, by your love for your own children, todefend her from injury] <quote lang="la">Eam ab injuriâ defendas, per liberostuos rogatus.</quote> "Defend her from injury, being intreated [to do so] by [or for thesake of] your own children."</note> Farewell."</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="36"> Catiline himself, having stayed a few days with Caius Flaminius Flamma in theneighborhood of Arretium,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XXXVI. In theneighborhood of Arretium] <quote lang="la">In agro Arretino.</quote> Havercamp,and many of the old editions, have <foreign lang="la">Reatino;</foreign> "but," saysCortius, "if Catiline went the direct road to Fæsulæ, as is rendered extremely

probable by his pretense that he was going to Marseilles, and by the assertion of Cicero,made the day after his departure, that he was on his way to join Manlius, we mustcertainly read <foreign lang="la">Arretino.</foreign>" Arretium (now <foreignlang="la">Arezzo</foreign>) lay in his road to Fæsulæ; Reate was many

miles out of it.</note> while he was supplying the adjacent parts, already excited toinsurrection, with arms, marched with his fasces, and -other ensigns of authority, to joinManlius in his camp.When this was known at Rome, the senate declared Catiline and Manlius enemies tothe state, and fixed a day as to the rest of their force, before which they might lay downtheir arms with impunity, except such as had been convicted of capital offenses. Theyalso decreed that the consuls should <pb n="41"/>hold a levy; that Antonius, with anarmy, should hasten in pursuit of Catiline; and that Cicero should protect the city.At this period the empire of Rome appears to me to have been in an extremelydeplorable condition ;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">In an extremely deplorablecondition] <quote lang="la">Multo maximè miserabile.</quote> <foreign

lang="la">Multo</foreign> is added to superlatives, like <foreignlang="la">longè.</foreign> So c. 52, <foreign lang="la">multo pulcherrimam

eam nos haberemus.</foreign> Cortius gives several other instances.</note> for thoughevery nation, from the rising to the setting of the sun, lay in subjection to her arms, andthough peace and prosperity, which mankind think the greatest blessings, were hers inabundance, there yet were found, among her citizens, men who were bent with obstinatedetermination, to plunge themselves and their country into ruin; for, notwithstanding the

two decrees of the senate,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Notwithstanding the twodecrees of the senate] <quote lang="la">Duobus senati decretis.</quote> I havetranslated it "the two decrees," with Rose. One of the two was that respecting therewards mentioned in c. 30 ; the other was that spoken of in c. 36, allowing thefollowers of Catiline to lay down their arms before a certain day.</note> not oneindividual, out of so vast a number, was induced by the offer of reward to giveinformation of the conspiracy; nor was there a single deserter from the camp of Catiline.So strong a spirit of disaffection had, like a pestilence, pervaded the minds of most of the citizens.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="37"> Nor was this disaffected spirit confined to those who were actually concerned in

the conspiracy; for the whole of the common people, from a desire of change, favoredthe projects of Catiline. This they seemed to do in accordance with their generalcharacter; for, in every state, they that are poor envy those of a better class, andendeavor to exalt the factious ;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XXXVII. Endeavor to exalt the factious] <quote lang="la">Malos extollunt.</quote> They strive to elevateinto office those who resemble themselves.</note> they dislike the establishedcondition of things, and long for something new; they are discontented with their owncircumstances, and desire a general alteration; they can support themselves amid tumultand sedition, without anxiety, since poverty does not easily suffer loss.<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Poverty does not easily suffer loss] <quotelang="la">Egestas facilè habetur sine damno</quote> He that has nothing, hasnothing to lose. Petron. Sat., c. 119: <foreign lang="la">Inops audacia tutaest.</foreign></note>As for the populace of the city, they had become disaffected<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Had become disaffected] <quote lang="la">Præcepsabierat.</quote> Had grown demoralized, sunk in corruption, and ready to join in any

plots against the state. So Sallust says of Sempronia, <foreign lang="la">præcepsabierat,</foreign> c. 25.</note> from various causes. In the first place,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">In the first place] <quote lang="la">Primumomnium.</quote> "These words refer, not to <foreign lang="la">item</foreign> and<foreign lang="la">postremo</foreign> in the same sentence, but to <foreign

lang="la">deinde</foreign> at the commencement of the next."<bibl>Bernouf.</bibl></note> such as every where <pb n="42"/>took the lead in crimeand profligacy, with others who had squandered their fortunes in dissipation, and, in aword, all whom vice and villainy had driven from their homes, had flocked to Rome asa general receptacle of impurity. In the next place, many, who thought of the success of Sylla, when they had seen some raised from common soldiers into senators, and othersso enriched as to live in regal luxury and pomp, hoped, each for himself, similar resultsfrom victory, if they should once take up arms. In addition to this, the youth, who, in thecountry, had earned a scanty livelihood by manual labor, tempted by public and privatelargesses, had preferred idleness in the city to unwelcome toil in the field. To these, andall others of similar character, public disorders would furnish subsistence. It is not at all

surprising, therefore, that men in distress, of dissolute principles and extravagantexpectations, should have consulted the interest of the state no further than as it was

subservient to their own. Besides, those whose parents, by the victory of Sylla, had been proscribed, whose property had been confiscated, and whose civil rights had beencurtailed,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Civil rights had been curtailed] <quotelang="la">Jus libertatis imminutum erat.</quote> " Sylla, by one of his laws, hadrendered the children of proscribed persons incapable of holding any public office; a

law unjust, indeed, but which, having been established and acted upon for more thantwenty years, could not be rescinded without inconvenience to the government. Cicero,accordingly, opposed the attempts which were made, in his consulship, to remove thisrestriction, as he himself states in his Oration against Piso, c. 2." <bibl>Bernouf.</bibl>See Vell. Paterc., ii., 28; Plutarch, Vit. Syll.; Quintil., xi. 1, where a fragment of Cicero'sspeech, <foreign lang="la">De Proscriptorum Liberis,</foreign> is preserved. This lawof Sylla was at length abrogated by Julius Cæsar, Suet. J. Cæs. 41; PlutarchVit. Cæs.; Dio Cass., xli. 18.</note> looked forward to the event of a war with

precisely the same feelings.All those, too, who were of any party opposed to that of the senate, were desirousrather that the state should be embroiled, than that they themselves should be out of

power. This was an evil, which, after many years, had returned upon the community tothe extent to which it now prevailed.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">This was anevil--to the extent to which it now prevailed] <quote lang="la">Id adeò malummultos post annos in civitatem reverterat.</quote> <foreignlang="la">"Adeo,"</foreign> says Cortius, "is particular <foreignlang="la">elegantissima.</foreign>" Allen makes it equivalent to <foreignlang="la">eò usque.</foreign></note></div1><div1 type="chapter" n="38"> For after the powers of the tribunes, in the consulate of Cneius Pompey and MarcusCrassus, had been fully <pb n="43"/>restored,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">XXXVIII. The powers of the tribunes--had been fully restored] <quotelang="la">Tribunicia potestas restituta.</quote> Before the time of Sylla, the power of the tribunes had grown immoderate, but Sylla diminished and almost annihilated it, bytaking from them the privileges of holding any other magistracy after the tribunate, of

publicly addressing the people, of proposing laws, and of listening to appeals. But in theconsulship of Cotta, A.U.C. 679, the first of these privileges had been restored; and inthat of Pompey and Crassus, A.U.C. 683, the tribunes were reinstated in all their former

powers.</note> certain young men, of an ardent age and temper, having obtained thathigh office,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Having obtained that high office]<quote lang="la">Summam potestatem nacti.</quote> Cortius thinks these wordsspurious.</note> began to stir up the populace by inveighing against the senate, and

proceeded, in course of time, by means of largesses and promises, to inflame them moreand more; by which methods they became popular and powerful. On the other hand, themost of the nobility opposed their proceedings to the utmost; under pretense, indeed, of supporting the senate, but in reality for their own aggrandizement. For, to state the truthin few words, whatever parties, during that period, disturbed the republic under

plausible pretexts, some, as if to defend the rights of the people, others, to make theauthority of the senate as great as possible, all, though affecting concern for the publicgood, contended every one for his own interest. In such contests there was neither moderation nor limit; each party made a merciless use of its successes.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="39"> After Pompey, however, was sent to the maritime and Mithridatic wars, the power

of the people was diminished, and the influence of the few increased. These few kept all public offices, the administration of the provinces, and every thing else, in their own

hands; they themselves lived free from harm,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XXXIX. Free from harm] <quote lang="la">Innoxii.</quote> In a passivesense.</note> in flourishing circumstances, and without apprehension; overawingothers, at the same time, with threats of impeachment,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Overawing others -- with threats of impeachment] <quote

lang="la">Cæteros judiciis errere.</quote> <cit><quote>"Accusationibus et judiciorum periculis."</quote><bibl>Bernouf.</bibl></cit></note> so that, when inoffice, they might be less inclined to inflame the people. But as soon as a prospect of change, in this dubious state of affairs, had presented itself, the old spirit of contentionawakened their passions; and had Catiline, in his first battle, come off victorious, or leftthe struggle undecided, great distress and calamity must certainly have fallen upon thestate, nor would those, who might at last have gained the ascendency, have beenallowed to enjoy <pb n="44"/>it long, for some superior power would have wresteddominion and liberty from them when weary and exhausted.There were some, however, unconnected with the conspiracy, who set out to joinCatiline at an early period of his proceedings. Among these was Aulus Fulvius, the son

of a senator, whom, being arrested on his journey, his father ordered to be put todeath.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">His father ordered to be put to death] <quotelang="la">Parens necari jussit.</quote> "His father put him to death, not by order of theconsuls, but by his own private authority; nor was he the only one who, at the same

period, exercised similar power." Dion. Cass., lib. xxxvii. The father observed on theoccasion that, " he had begotten him, not for Catiline against his country, but for hiscountry against Catiline." Val. Max., v. 8. The Roman laws allowed fathers absolutecontrol over the lives of their children.</note> In Rome, at the same time, Lentulus, in

pursuance of Catiline's directions, was endeavoring to gain over, by his own agency or that of others, all whom he thought adapted, either by principles or circumstances, to

promote an insurrection; and not citizens only, but every description of men who could be of any service in war.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="40"> He accordingly commissioned one Publius Umbrenus to apply to certain deputiesof the Allobroges,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XL. Certain deputies of theAllobroges] <quote lang="la">Legatos Allobrogum.</quote> Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that there were then at Rome two deputies from this Gallic nation, sent tocomplain of oppression on the part of the Roman governors.</note> and to lead them, if he could, to a participation in the war; supposing that as they were nationally andindividually involved in debt, and as the Gauls were naturally warlike, they might easily

be drawn into such an enterprise. Umbrenus, as he had traded in Gaul, was known to

most of the chief men there, and personally acquainted with them; and consequently,without loss of time, as soon as he noticed the deputies in the Forum, he asked them,after making a few inquiries about the state of their country, and affecting tocommiserate its fallen condition, " what termination they expected to such calamities?"When he found that they complained of the rapacity of the magistrates, inveighedagainst the senate for not affording them relief, and looked to death as the only remedyfor their sufferings, "Yet I," said he, "if you will but act as men, will show you a method

by which you may escape these pressing difficulties." When he had said this, theAllobroges, animated with the highest hopes, besought Umbrenus to take compassionon them; saying that there was nothing so disagreeable or difficult, <pb n="45"/>whichthey would not most gladly perform, if it would but free their country from debt. He

then conducted them to the house of Decimus Brutus, which was close to the Forum,and, on account of Sempronia, not unsuitable to his purpose, as Brutus was then absent

from Rome.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">As Brutus was then absent fromRome] <quote lang="la">Nam tum Brutus ab Româ aberat.</quote> From thisremark, say Zanchius and Omnibonus, it is evident that Brutus was not privy to theconspiracy.<cit><quote>"What sort of woman Sempronia was, has been told in c. 25. Some have

thought that she was the wife of Decimus Brutus; but since Sallust speaks of her as being in the decay of her beauty at the time of the conspiracy, and since Brutus, as may be seen in Cæsar (B. G. vii., sub fin.), was then very young, it is probable that shehad only an illicit connection with him, but had gained such an ascendency over hisaffections, by her arts of seduction, as to induce him to make her his mistress, and toallow her to reside in his house."</quote><bibl>Beauzée.</bibl></cit>I have, however, followed those who think that Brutus was the husband of Sempronia.Sallust (c. 24), speaking of the woman, of whom Sempronia was one, says that Catiline<foreign lang="la">credebat posse--viros earum vel adjungere sibi, velinterficere.</foreign> The truth, on such a point, is of little importance.</note> In order,too, to give greater weight to his representations, he sent for Gabinius, and, in his

presence, explained the objects of the conspiracy, and mentioned the names of theconfederates, as well as those of many other persons, of every sort, who were guiltlessof it, for the purpose of inspiring the embassadors with greater confidence. At length,when they had promised their assistance, he let them depart.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="41"> Yet the Allobroges were long in suspense what course they should adopt. On theone hand, there was debt, an inclination for war, and great advantages to be expectedfrom victory ;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XLI. To be expected from victory]<quote lang="la">In spe victoriæ.</quote></note> on the other, superior resources, safe plans, and certain rewards<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Certainrewards] <quote lang="la">Certa præmia.</quote> <cit><quote>"Offered by thesenate to those who should give information of the conspiracy. See c.30."</quote><bibl>Kuhnhardt</bibl></cit></note> instead of uncertain expectations.As they were balancing these considerations, the good fortune of the state at length

prevailed. They accordingly disclosed the whole affair, just as they had learned it, toQuintus Fabius Sanga,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Quintus Fabius Sanga]<cit><quote>"A descendent of that Fabius who, for having subdued the Allobroges,was surnamed Allobrogicus."</quote><bibl>Bernouf.</bibl></cit> Whole states oftenchose patrons as well as individuals.</note> to whose patronage their state was verygreatly indebted. Cicero, being apprized of the matter by Sanga, directed the deputies to

pretend a strong desire for the success of the plot, to seek interviews with the rest of the

conspirators, to make them fair promises, and to endeavor to lay them open toconviction as much as possible.<pb n="46"/></div1><div1 type="chapter" n="42"> Much about the same time there were commotions<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">XLII. There were commotions] <quote lang="la">Motus erat.</quote><cit><quote><foreign lang="la">"Motus</foreign> is also used by Cicero and Livy inthe singular number for <foreign lang="la">seditiones</foreign> and <foreignlang="la">tumultus.</foreign> No change is therefore to be made in thetext."</quote><bibl>Gerlach.</bibl></cit> <cit><quote><foreign lang="la">"Motus

bellicos intelligit, tumultus; ut Flor., iii.

13."</foreign></quote><bibl>Cortius.</bibl></cit></note> in Hither and Further Gaul,in the Picenian and Bruttian territories, and in Apulia. For those, whom Catiline had

previously sent to those parts, had begun, without consideration, and seemingly withmadness, to attempt every thing at once; and, by nocturnal meetings, by removingarmor and weapons from place to place, and by hurrying and confusing every thing, hadcreated more alarm than danger. Of these, Quintus Metellus Celer, the prætor,having brought several to trial,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Having brought

several to trial] <quote lang="la">Complures--caussâ cognitâ.</quote><cit><quote>"<foreign lang="la">Caussam cognoscere</foreign> is the legal phrasefor examining as to the authors and causes of anycrime."</quote><bibl>Dietsch.</bibl></cit></note> under the decree of the senate, hadthrown them into prison, as had also Caius Muræna in Further Gaul,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Caius Muræna in Further Gaul] <quotelang="la">In Ulteriore Galliâ C. Muræna.</quote> All the editions,

previous to that of Cortius, have <foreign lang="la">in citeriore Galliâ.</foreign>" But C. Muræna," says the critic, " commanded in Gallia Transalpina, or Ulterior Gaul, as appears from Cic. pro Muræna, c. 41. To attribute such an error to a lapseof memory in Sallust, would be absurd. I have, therefore, confidently altered <foreign

lang="la">citeriore</foreign> into <foreign lang="la">ulteriore.</foreign>" The praiseof having first discovered the error, however, is due, not to Cortius, but to FeliciusDurantinus, a friend of Rivius, in whose note on the passage his discovery isrecorded.</note> who governed that province in quality of legate.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="43"> But at Rome, in the mean time, Lentulus, with the other leaders of the conspiracy,having secured what they thought a large force, had arranged, that as soon as Catilineshould reach the neighborhood of Fæsulæ, Lucius Bestia, a tribune of the

people, having called an assembly, should complain of the proceedings of Cicero, andlay the odium of this most oppressive war on the excellent consul ;<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">XLIII. The excellent consul] <quote lang="la">Optimoconsuli.</quote> With the exception of the slight commendation bestowed on hisspeech, <foreign lang="la">luculentam</foreign> atque <foreign lang="la">utilemreipublicæ,</foreign> c. 31, this is the only epithet of praise that Sallust bestowson the consul throughout his narrative. That it could be regarded only as frigid eulogy,is apparent from a passage in one of Cicero's letters to Atticus (xii. 21), in which hespeaks of the same epithet having been applied to him by Brutus: " Brutus thinks that he

pays me a great compliment when he calls me an excellent consul (<foreignlang="la">optimum consulem</foreign>); but what enemy could speak more coldly of me?"</note> and that the rest of the conspirators, taking this as a signal, should, on thefollowing night, proceed to execute their respective parts.

These parts are said to have been thus distributed. Statilius and Gabinius, with alarge force, were to set on fire twelve. <pb n="47"/>places of the city, convenient for their purpose,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Twelve places of the city, convenientfor their purpose] <quote lang="la">Duodecim--opportuna loca.</quote> Plutarch, inhis Life of Cicero, says a hundred places. Few narratives lose by repetition.</note> atthe same time; in order that, during the consequent tumult,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">In order that, during the consequent tumult] <quotelang="la">Quò tumultu.</quote> "It is best," says Dietsch, "to take <foreignlang="la">quo</foreign> as the <foreign lang="la">particula finalis</foreign> (to theend that), and <foreign lang="la">tumultu</foreign> as the ablative of theinstrument."</note> an easier access might be obtained to the consul, and to the others

whose destruction was intended; Cethegus was to beset the gate of Cicero, and attack him personally with violence; others were to single out other victims; while the sons of

certain families, mostly of the nobility, were to kill their fathers; and, when all were inconsternation at the massacre and conflagration, they were to sally forth to joinCatiline.While they were thus forming and settling their plans, Cethegus was incessantlycomplaining of the want of spirit in his associates; observing, that they wasted excellent

opportunities through hesitation and delay;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Delay]<quote lang="la">Dies prolatando.</quote> By putting off from day to day.</note>that, in such an enterprise, there was need, not of deliberation, but of action; and that hehimself, if a few would support him, would storm the senatehouse while the othersremained inactive. Being naturally bold, sanguine, and prompt to act, he thought thatsuccess depended on rapidity of execution.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="44"> The Allobroges, according to the directions of Cicero, procured interviews, bymeans of Gabinius, with the other conspirators; and from Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius,and Cassius, they demanded an oath, which they might carry under seal to their countrymen, who otherwise would hardly join in so important an affair. To this the

others consented without suspicion; but Cassius promised them soon to visit their country,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XLIV. Soon to visit their country] <quotelang="la">Semet eò brevi venturum.</quote> <cit><quote>"It is plain that theadverb relates to what precedes (<foreign lang="la">ad cives</foreign>); and thatCassius expresses an intention to set out for Gaul."</quote><bibl>Dietsch.</bibl></cit></note> and, indeed, left the city a little

before the deputies.In order that the Allobroges, before they reached home, might confirm their agreement with Catiline, by giving and receiving pledges of faith, Lentulus sent withthem one Titus Volturcius, a native of Crotona, he himself giving Volturcius a letter for Catiline, of which the following is a copy:"Who I am, you will learn from the person whom I have <pb n="48"/>sent to you.Reflect seriously in how desperate a situation you are placed, and remember that youare a man.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Remember that you are a man] <quotelang="la">Memineris te virum.</quote> Remember that you are a man, and ought to actas one. Cicero, in repeating this letter from memory (Orat. in Cat., iii. 5), gives the

phrase, <foreign lang="la">Cura ut vir sis.</foreign></note> Consider what your viewsdemand, and seek aid from all, even the lowest." In addition, he gave him this verbalmessage: "Since he was declared an enemy by the senate, for what reason should hereject the assistance of slaves ? That, in the city, every thing which he had directed wasarranged; and that he should not delay to make nearer approaches to it."</div1>

<div1 type="chapter" n="45"> Matters having proceeded thus far, and a night being appointed for the departure of the deputies, Cicero, being by them made acquainted with every thing, directed the

prætors,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XLV. The prætors] <quotelang="la">Prætoribus urbanis,</quote> the prætors of the city.</note>Lucius Valerius Flaccus, and Caius Pomtinus, to arrest the retinue of the Allobroges, bylaying in wait for them on the Milvian Bridge ;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">TheMilvian Bridge] <quote lang="la">Ponte Mulvio.</quote> <foreign lang="la">NowPonte Molle.</foreign></note> he gave them a full explanation of the object with whichthey were sent,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Of the object with which they weresent] <quote lang="la">Rem--cujus gratiâ mittebantur.</quote></note> and left

them to manage the rest as occasion might require. Being military men, they placed aforce, as had been directed, without disturbance, and secretly invested the bridge; when

the deputies, with Volturcius, came to the place, and a shout was raised from each sideof the bridge,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">From each side of the bridge] <quotelang="la">Utrinque.</quote> <foreign lang="la">"Utrinque,"</foreign> observesCortius <foreign lang="la">"glossæ</foreign> MSS. <foreignlang="la">exponunt ex utrâque parte pontis,</foreign>" and there is little doubt

that the exposition is correct. No translator, however, before myself, has availed himself of it.</note> the Gauls, at once comprehending the matter, surrendered themselvesimmediately to the prætors. Volturcius, at first, encouraging his companions,defended himself against numbers with his sword; but afterward, being unsupported bythe Allobroges, he began earnestly to beg Pomtinus, to whom he was known, to save hislife, and at last, terrified and despairing of safety, he surrendered himself to the

prætors as unconditionally as to foreign enemies.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="46"> The affair being thus concluded, a full account of it was immediately transmitted tothe consul by messengers. Great anxiety, and great joy, affected him at the samemoment. He rejoiced that, by the discovery of the conspiracy, the state was freed from

danger; but he was doubtful how he ought to act, when citizens of such eminence weredetected in <pb n="49"/>treason so atrocious. He saw that their punishment would be aweight upon himself, and their escape the destruction of the Commonwealth. Having,however, formed his resolution, he ordered Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, andone Quintus Cæparius of Terracina, who was preparing to go to Apulia to raise theslaves, to be summoned before him. The others came without delay; but Cæparius,having left his house a little before, and heard of the discovery of the conspiracy, hadfled from the city. The consul himself conducted Lentulus, as he was prætor,holding him by the hand, and ordered the others to be brought into the Temple of Concord, under a guard. Here he assembled the senate, and in a very full attendance of that body, introduced Volturcius with the deputies. Hither also he ordered ValeriusFlaccus, the prætor, to bring the box with the letters<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">XLVI. The box with the letters] <quote lang="la">Scrinium cumliteris.</quote> <foreign lang="la">Litteræ</foreign> may be rendered either letter or letters. There is no mention made previously of more letters than that of Lentulus to Catiline, c. 44. But as it is not likely that the deputies carried a box toconvey only one letter, I have followed other translators by putting the word in the

plural. The oath of the conspirators, too, which was a written document, was probablyin the box.</note> which he had taken from the deputies.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="47"> Volturcius, being questioned concerning his journey, concerning his letter,<note

anchored="yes" place="foot">XLVII. His letter] <quote lang="la">Litteris.</quote>His own letter to Catiline, c. 44. So <foreign lang="la">præter litteras</foreign> alittle below.</note> and lastly, what object he had had in view,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">What object he had had in view, etc.] <quote lang="la">Quid, autquâ de causâ, consilii habuisset.</quote> What design he had entertained,and from what motive he had entertained it.</note> and from what motives he hadacted, at first began to prevaricate,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">To prevaricate]<quote lang="la">Fingere alia.</quote> <cit><quote>"To pretend other things thanwhat had reference to the conspiracy."</quote><bibl>Bernouf.</bibl></cit></note> andto pretend ignorance of the conspiracy; but at length, when he was told to speak on thesecurity of the public faith,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">On the security of the

public faith] <quote lang="la">Fide publicâ.</quote> <cit><quote>"Cicero pledged to him the public faith, with the consent of the senate; or engaged, in the name

of the republic, that his life should be spared, if he would but speak thetruth."</quote><bibl>Bernouf.</bibl></cit></note> he disclosed every circumstance asit had really occurred, stating that he had been admitted as an associate, a few days

before, by Gabinius and Cæparius; that he knew no more than the deputies, onlythat he used to hear from Gabinius, that Publius Autronius, Servius Sylla, Lucius

Vargunteius, and many others, were engaged in the conspiracy. The Gauls made asimilar confession, and charged Lentulus, who began to affect ignorance, not only withthe letter to Catiline, but with <pb n="50"/>remarks which he was in the habit of making, "that the sovereignity of Rome, by the Sibylline books, was predestined tothree Cornelii; that Cinna and Sylla had ruled already ;<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">That Cinna and Sylla had ruled already] <quote lang="la">Cinnam atqueSyllam antea.</quote> "Had ruled," or something similar, must be supplied. Cinna had

been the means of recalling Marius from Africa, in conjunction with whom hedomineered over the city, and made it a scene of bloodshed and desolation.</note> andthat he himself was the third, whose fate it would be to govern the city; and that this,too, was the twentieth year since the Capitol was burned; a year which the augurs, from

certain omens, had often said would be stained with the blood of civil war."The letter then being read, the senate, when all had previously acknowledged their seals,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Their seals] <quote lang="la">Signasua.</quote> <cit><quote lang="fr">"Leurs cachets, leurssceaux."</quote><bibl>Bernouf.</bibl></cit> The Romans tied their letters round witha string, the knot of which they covered with wax, and impressed with a seal. To openthe letter it was necessary to cut the string: "<foreign lang="la">nos linumincidimus.</foreign>" Cic. Or. in Cat. iii. 5. See also C. Nep. Paus. 4, and Adam'sRoman Antiquities. The seal of Lentulus had on it a likeness of one of his ancestors; seeCicero, loc. cit.</note> decreed that Lentulus, being deprived of his office, should, aswell as the rest, be placed in private custody.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">In

private custody] <quote lang="la">In liberis custodiis.</quote> Literally, in "freecustody," but "private custody" conveys a better notion of the arrangement to the mindof the English reader. It was called free because the persons in custody were notconfined in prison. Plutarch calls it <foreign lang="greek">u)/desmonfulakh/n,</foreign> as also Dion., cap. lviii. 3. See Tacit. Ann. vi. 3. It was adopted inthe case of persons of rank and consideration.</note> Lentulus, accordingly, was givenin charge to Publius Lentulus Spinther, who was then ædile; Cethegus, to QuintusCornificius; Statilius, to Caius Cæsar; Gabinius, to Marcus Crassus; andCæparius, who had just before been arrested in his flight, to Cneius Terentius, asenator.</div1>

<div1 type="chapter" n="48"> The common people, meanwhile, who had at first, from a desire of change in thegovernment, been too much inclined to war, having, on the discovery of the plot, alteredtheir sentiments, began to execrate the projects of Catiline, to extol Cicero to the skies;and, as if rescued from slavery, to give proofs of joy and exultation. Other effects of war they expected as a gain rather than a loss; but the burning of the city they thoughtinhuman, outrageous, and fatal, especially to themselves, whose whole propertyconsisted in their daily necessaries and the clothes which they wore.On the following day, a certain Lucius Tarquinius was brought before the senate,who was said to have been arrested as he was setting out to join Catiline. This person,having <pb n="51"/>offered to give information of the conspiracy, if the public faith

were pledged to him,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XLVIII. If the public faithwere pledged to him] <quote lang="la">Si fides publica data esset.</quote> See c.

47.</note> and being directed by the consul to state what he knew, gave the senatenearly the same account as Volturcius had given, concerning the intended conflagration,the massacre of respectable citizens, and the approach of the enemy, adding that " hewas sent by Marcus Crassus to assure Catiline that the apprehension of Lentulus,Cethegus, and others of the conspirators, ought not to alarm him, but that he should

hasten, with so much the more expedition to the city, in order to revive the courage of the rest, and to facilitate the escape of those in custody."<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">And to facilitate the escape of those in custody] <quote lang="la">Et illifacilius è periculo eriperentur.</quote></note> When Tarquinius namedCrassus, a man of noble birth, of very great wealth, and of vast influence, some,thinking the statement incredible, others, though they supposed it true, yet, judging thatat such a crisis a man of such power<note anchored="yes" place="foot">A man of such

power] <quote lang="la">Tanta vis hominis.</quote> So great power of theman.</note> was rather to be soothed than irritated (most of them, too, from personalreasons, being under obligation to Crassus), exclaimed that he was " a false witness,"and demanded that the matter should be put to the vote. Cicero, accordingly, taking their

opinions, a full senate decreed " that the testimony of Tarquinius appeared false; that hehimself should be kept in prison; and that no further liberty of speaking<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Liberty of speaking] <quotelang="la">Potestatem.</quote> <foreign lang="la">"'Potestatem loquendi."</foreign><foreign lang="la">Cyprianus Popma.</foreign> As it did not appear that he spoke thetruth, the pledge which the senate had given him, on condition that he spoke the truth,went for nothing; he was not allowed to continue his evidence, and was sent to

prison.</note> should be granted him, unless he should name the person at whoseinstigation he had fabricated so shameful a calumny."There were some, at that time, who thought that this affair was contrived by PubliusAutronius, in order that the interest of Crassus, if he were accused, might, from

participation in the danger, more readily screen the rest. Others said that Tarquinius wassuborned by Cicero, that Crassus might not disturb the state, by taking upon him, as washis custom,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">As was his custom] <quotelang="la">More suo.</quote> Plutarch, in his Life of Crassus, relates that frequentlywhen Pompey, Cæsar, and Cicero, had refused to undertake the defense of certain

persons, as being unworthy of their support, Crassus would plead in their behalf; andthat he thus gained great popularity among the common people.</note> the <pbn="52"/>defense of the criminals. That this attack on his character was made by Cicero,I afterward heard Crassus himself assert.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="49">

 Yet, at the same time, neither by interest, nor by solicitation, nor by bribes, couldQuintus Catulus, and Caius Piso, prevail upon Cicero to have Caius Cæsar falselyaccused, either by means of the Allobroges, or any other evidence. Both of these menwere at bitter enmity with Cæsar; Piso, as having been attacked by him, when hewas on<note anchored="yes" place="foot">XLIX. Piso, as having been attacked byhim, when he was on, etc.] <quote lang="la">Piso, oppugnatus in judicio repetundarum

propter cujusdam Transpadani supplicium injustum.</quote> Such is the reading and punctuation of Cortius. Some editions insert <foreign lang="la">pecuniarum</foreign> before <foreign lang="la">repetundarum,</foreign> and some a comma after it. I haveinterpreted the passage in conformity with the explanation of Kritzius, which seems tome the most judicious that has been offered. <foreign lang="la">Oppugnatus,</foreign>

says he, is equivalent to <foreign lang="la">gravitur vexatus,</foreign> or violentlyassailed and Piso was thus assailed by Cæsar on account of his unjust execution of

the Gaul; the words <foreign lang="la">in judicio repetundarum</foreign> merely mark the time when Cæsar's attack was made. While he was on his trial for one thing,he was attacked by Cæsar for another. Gerlach, observing that the words <foreignlang="la">in judicio</foreign> are wanting in one MS., would omit them, and make<foreign lang="la">oppugnatus</foreign> govern <foreign lang="la">pecuniarum

repetundarum,</foreign> as if it were <foreign lang="la">accusatus;</foreign> achange which would certainly not improve the passage. The <foreign lang="la">GalliTranspadani</foreign> seem to have been much attached to Cæsar; see Cic. Ep.ad Att., v. 2; ad Fam. xvi. 12.</note> his trial for extortion, on a charge of havingillegally put to death a Transpadane Gaul; Catulus, as having hated him ever since hestood for the pontificate, because, at an advanced age, and after filling the highestoffices, he had been defeated by Cæsar, who was then comparatively ayouth.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Comparatively a youth] <quotelang="la">Adolescentalo.</quote> Cæsar was then in the thirty-third, or, as somesay, the thirty-seventh year of his age. See the note on this word, c. 8.</note> Theopportunity, too, seemed favorable for such an accusation; for Cæsar, by

extraordinary generosity in private, and by magnificent exhibitions in public,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">By magnificent exhibitions in public] <quotelang="la">Publicè maximis muneribus.</quote> Shows of gladiators.</note>had fallen greatly into debt. But when they failed to persuade the consul to suchinjustice, they themselves, by going from one person to another, and spreading fictionsof their own, which they pretended to have heard from Volturcius or the Allobroges,excited such violent odium against him, that certain Roman knights, who were stationedas an armed guard round the Temple of Concord, being prompted, either by thegreatness of the danger, or by the impulse of a high spirit, to testify more openly their zeal for the republic, threatened Cæsar with their swords as he went out of thesenate-house.<pb n="53"/></div1><div1 type="chapter" n="50"> While these occurrences were passing in the senate, and while rewards were beingvoted, an approbation of their evidence, to the Allobrogian deputies and to TitusVolturcius, the freedmen, and some of the other dependents of Lentulus, were urgingthe artisans and slaves, in various directions throughout the city,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">L. In various directions throughout the city] <quote lang="la">Variisitineribus--in vicis.</quote> Going hither and thither through the streets.</note> toattempt his rescue; some, too, applied to the ringleaders of the mob, who were alwaysready to disturb the state for pay. Cethegus, at the same time, was soliciting, through his

agents, his slaves<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Slaves] <quotelang="la">Familiam.</quote> <foreign lang="la">"Servos suos, qui proprièfamilia."</foreign> Cortius. <foreign lang="la">Familia</foreign> is a number of <foreign lang="la">famuli.</foreign></note> and freedmen, men trained to deeds of audacity, to collect themselves into an armed body, and force a way into his place of confinement.The consul, when he heard that these things were in agitation, having distributedarmed bodies of men, as the circumstances and occasion demanded, called a meeting of the senate, and desired to know " what they wished to be done concerning those whohad been committed to custody." A full senate, however, had but a short time

before<note anchored="yes" place="foot">A full senate, however, had but a short time

before, etc.] The senate had already decreed that they were enemies to their country;Cicero now calls a meeting to ascertain what sentence should be passed on

them.</note> declared them traitors to their country. On this occasion, Decimus JuniusSilanus, who, as consul elect, was first asked his opinion, moved<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">On this occasion--moved] <quote lang="la">Tunc--decreverat.</quote>The <foreign lang="la">tunc</foreign> (or as most editors have it, <foreignlang="la">tum</foreign>) must be referred to the second meeting of the senate, for it

does not appear that any proposal concerning the punishment of the prisoners was madeat the first meeting. There would be no doubt on this point, were it not for the pluperfecttense, <foreign lang="la">decreverat.</foreign> I have translated it as the perfect. Wemust suppose that Sallust had his thoughts on Cæsar's speech, which was tofollow, and signifies that all this business had been done before Cæsar addressedthe house. Kritzius thinks that the pluperfect was referred by Sallust, not toCæsar's speech; but to the decree of the senate which was finally made; but this issurely a less satisfactory method of settling the matter. Sallust often uses the pluperfect,where his reader would expect the perfect; see, for instance, <foreignlang="la">concusserat,</foreign> at the beginning of c. 24.</note> that capital

punishment should be inflicted, not only on those who were in confinement, but also on

Lucius Cassius, Publius Furius, Publius Umbrenus, and Quintus Annius, if they should be apprehended; but afterward, being influenced by the speech of Caius Cæsar, hesaid that he would go over to the opinion of Tiberius Nero,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">That he would go over to the opinion of Tiberius Nero] <quotelang="la">Pedibus in sententian Tib. Neronis--iturum.</quote> Any question submittedto the senate was decided by the majority of votes, which was ascertained either by<foreign lang="la">numeratio,</foreign> a counting of the votes, or by <foreignlang="la">discessio,</foreign> when those who were of one opinion, at the direction of the presiding magistrate, passed over to one side of the house, and those who were of the contrary opinion, to the other. See Aul. Gell. xiv. 7; Suet. Tib. 31; Adam's Rom.Ant.; Dr. Smith's Dictionary, Art. <foreign lang="la">Senatus.</foreign></note> <pbn="54"/>had proposed that the guards should be increased, and that the senate shoulddeliberate further on the matter. Cæsar, when it came to his turn, being asked hisopinion by the consul, spoke to the following effect:</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="51"> "It becomes all men,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">LI. It becomes all men,etc.] The beginning of this speech, attributed to Cæsar, is imitated fromDemosthenes, <foreign lang="greek">*heri\ tw=n e)n *xersonh/sw| pragma/twn:)/*edei me\n, w)= u)/ndrez *aqhnai=oi, tou\z le/gontaz, u)/pantaz e)n u(mi=n mh/te

pro\s e)/xqran poiei=sqai lo/gon mhde/na, mh/te pro\s xa/rin.</foreign> "It should beincumbent on all who speak before you, O Athenians, to advance no sentiment with any

view either to enmity or to favor."</note> Conscript Fathers, who deliberate on dubiousmatters, to be influenced neither by hatred, affection, anger, nor pity. The mind, whensuch feelings obstruct its view, can not easily see what is right; nor has any human

being consulted, at the same moment, his passion and his interest. When the mind isfreely exerted, its reasoning is sound; but passion, if it gain possession of it, becomes itstyrant, and reason is powerless."I could easily mention, Conscript Fathers, numerous examples of kings andnations, who, swayed by resentment or compassion, have adopted injudicious courses of conduct; but I had rather speak of these instances in which our ancestors, in oppositionto the impulse of passion, acted with wisdom and sound policy."In the Macedonian war, which we carried on against king Perses, the great and

powerful state of Rhodes, which had risen by the aid of the Roman people, was faithlessand hostile to us; yet, when the war was ended, and the conduct of the Rhodians was

taken into consideration, our forefathers left them unmolested lest any should say thatwar was made upon them for the sake of seizing their wealth, rather than of punishingtheir faithlessness. Throughout the Punic war, too, though the Carthaginians, bothduring peace and in suspension of arms, were guilty of many acts of injustice, yet our ancestors never took occasion to retaliate, but considered rather what was worthy of

themselves, than what might be justly inflicted on their enemies."Similar caution, Conscript Fathers, is to be observed by <pb n="55"/>yourselves,that the guilt of Lentulus, and the other conspirators, may not have greater weight withyou than your own dignity, and that you may not regard your indignation more thanyour character. If, indeed, a punishment adequate to their crimes be discovered, Iconsent to extraordinary measures;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">I consent toextraordinary measures] <quote lang="la">Novum consilium adprobo.</quote><cit><quote>"That is, I consent that you depart from the usage of your ancestors, bywhich Roman citizens were protected fromdeath."</quote><bibl>Bernouf.</bibl></cit></note> but if the enormity of their crimeexceeds whatever can be devised,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Whatever can be

devised] <quote lang="la">Omnium ingenia.</quote></note> I think that we shouldinflict only such penalties as the laws have provided."Most of those, who have given their opinions before me, have deplored, in studiedand impressive language,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Studied and impressivelanguage] <quote lang="la">Compositè. atque magnificè.</quote><foreign lang="la">Compositè,</foreign> in language nicely put together;elegantly. <foreign lang="la">Magnificè,</foreign> in striking or imposingterms. <foreign lang="la">Compositè</foreign> is applied to the speech of Cæsar, by Cato, in the following chapter.</note> the sad fate that threatens therepublic; they have recounted the barbarities of war, and the afflictions that would fallonthe vanquished; they have told us that maidens would be dishonored, and youthsabused; that children would be torn from the embraces of their parents; that matronswould be subjected to the pleasure of the conquerors; that temples and dwelling-houseswould be plundered; that massacres and fires would follow; ane that every place would

be filled with arms, corpses, blood, and lamentation. But to what end, in the name of theeternal gods! was such eloquence directed? Was it intended to render you indignant atthe conspiracy? A speech, no doubt, will inflame him whom so frightful and monstrousa reality has not provoked! Far from it: for to no man does evil, directed against himself,appear a light matter; many, on the contrary, have felt it more seriously than wasright."But to different persons, Conscript Fathers, different degrees of license are

allowed. If those who pass a life sunk in obscurity, commit any error, through excessiveangel, few become aware of it, for their fame is as limited as their fortune; but of thosewho live invested with extensive power, and in an exalted station, the whole worldknows the proceedings. Thus in the highest position there is the least liberty of action;and it becomes us to indulge neither partiality nor aversion, but least of all animosity;for what in others is called resentment, is in the powerful termed violence and cruelty.<pb n="56"/>"I am indeed of opinion, Conscript Fathers, that the utmost degree of torture isinadequate to punish their crime; but the generality of mankind dwell on that whichhappens last, and, in the case of malefactors, forget their guilt, and talk only of their

punishment, should that punishment have been inordinately severe. I feel assured, too,

that Decimus Silanus, a man of spirit and resolution, made the suggestions which heoffered, from zeal for the state, and that he had no view, in so important a matter, to

favor or to enmity; such I know to be his character, and such his discretion.<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Such I know to be his character, such his discretion]<quote lang="la">Eos mores, earn modestiam viri cognovi.</quote> I have translated<foreign lang="la">modestiam,</foreign> discretion, which seems to be the proper meaning of the word. Beauzée renders it prudence, and adds a note upon it,

which may be worth transcription. "I translate <foreign lang="la">modestia,</foreign>"says he, "by prudence, and think myself authorized to do so. <foreign lang="la">Sicdefinitur à Stoicis,</foreign> says Cicero (De Off. i. 40), <foreign lang="la">utmodestia sit sicentia earum rerum, quæ agentur, aut dicentur, loco suocollocandarum;</foreign> and shortly afterward, <foreign lang="la">Sic fit ut modestiascientia sit opportunitatis idoneorum ad agendum temporum.</foreign> And what isunderstood in French by prudence? It is, according to the Dictionary of the Academy, 'avirtue by which we discern and practice what is proper in the conduct of life.' This isalmost a translation of the words of Cicero."</note> Yet his proposal appears to me, Iwill not say cruel (for what can be cruel that is directed against such characters?), butforeign to our policy. For assuredly, Silanus, either your fears, or their treason, must

have induced you, a consul elect, to propose this new kind of punishment. Of fear it isunnecessary to speak, when by the prompt activity of that distinguished man our consul,such numerous forces are under arms; and as to the punishment, we may say, what isindeed the truth, that in trouble and distress, death is a relief from suffering, and not atorment;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">That--death is a relief from suffering, not atorment, etc.] This Epicurean doctrine prevailed very much at Rome in Cæsar'stime, and afterward. We may very well suppose Cæsar to have been a sincereconvert to it. Cato alludes to this passage in the speech which follows; as also Cicero, inhis fourth Oration against Catiline, c. 4. See, for opinions on this point, the first book of Cicero's Tusculan Questions.</note> that it puts an end to all human woes; and that,

beyond it, there is no place either for sorrow or joy."But why, in the name of the immortal gods, did you not add to your proposal,Silanus, that, before they were put to death, they should be punished with the scourge?Was it because the Porcian law<note anchored="yes" place="foot">The Porcian law]<quote lang="la">Lex Portia.</quote> A law proposed by P. Porcius Læca, one of the tribunes, A. U. C. 454, which enacted that no one should bind, scourge, or kill aRoman citizen. See Liv., x. 9; Cic. pro. Rabir., 3, 4; Verr., v. 63; de Rep., ii, 31.</note>forbids it? But other <pb n="57"/>laws<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Other laws]<quote lang="la">Aliæ leges.</quote> So Cæsar says below, <foreignlang="la">"Tum lex Porcia aliæque paratæ, quibus legibus auxiliumdamnatis permissum;"</foreign> what other laws these were is uncertain. One of them,

however, was the Sempronian law, proposed by Caius Gracchus, which ordained thatsentence should not be passed on the life of a Roman citizen without the order of the people. See Cic. pro Rabir. 4. So <foreign lang="la">"O lex Porcia legesqueSemproniæ!"</foreign> Cic. in Verr., v. 63.</note> forbid condemned citizens to

be deprived of life, and allow them to go into exile. Or was it because scourging is aseverer penalty than death? Yet what can be too severe, or too harsh, toward menconvicted of such an offense? But if scourging be a milder punishment than death, howis it consistent to observe the law as to the smaller point, when you disregard it as to thegreater?"But who it may be asked, will blame any severity that shall be decreed againstthese parricides<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Parricides] See c. 14, 32.</note> of

their country? I answer that time, the course of events,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">The course of events] <quote lang="la">Dies.</quote>

<cit><quote><foreign lang="la">"Id est, temporis momentum (<foreign lang="de">der verän derteZeitpunkt</foreign>)."</foreign></quote><bibl>Dietsch.</bibl></cit> Things change,and that which is approved at one period, is blamed at another. <foreignlang="la">Tempus</foreign> and <foreign lang="la">dies</foreign> are sometimes

joined (Liv., xxii. 39, ii. 45), as if not only time in general, but particular periods, asfrom day to day, were intended.</note> and fortune, whose caprice governs nations,may blame it. Whatever shall fall on the traitors, will fall on them justly; but it is for you, Conscript Fathers, to consider well what you resolve to inflict on others. All

precedents productive of evil effects,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">All precedents productive of evil effects] <quote lang="la">Omnia mala exempla.</quote> Examplesof severe punishments are meant.</note> have had their origin from what was good; butwhen a government passes into the hands of the ignorant or unprincipled, any newexample of severity,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Any new example of severity,etc.] <quote lang="la">Novum illud exemplum ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et nonidoneos transferetur.</quote> Gerlach, Kritzius, Dietsch, and Bernouf, agree to giving

to this passage the sense which is given in the translation. <foreignlang="la">Digni</foreign> and <foreign lang="la">idonei</foreign> are here used in a

bad sense, for <foreign lang="la">digni et idonei qui pænâafficiantur,</foreign> deserving and fit objects for punishment.</note> inflicted ondeserving and suitable objects, is extended to those that are improper and undeservingof it. The Lacedæmonians, when they had conquered the Athenians,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">When they had conquered the Athenians] At theconclusion of the Peloponnesian war.</note> appointed thirty men to govern their state.These thirty began their administration by putting to death, even without a trial, all whowere notoriously wicked, or publicly detestable; acts at which the people rejoiced, andextolled their justice. But afterward, when their lawless power gradually increased, they

proceeded, at their pleasure, to kill the good and the bad indiscriminately, <pbn="58"/>and to strike terror into all; and thus the state, overpowered and enslaved, paida heavy penalty for its imprudent exultation."Within our own memory, too, when the victorious Sylla orderedDamasippus,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Damasippus] "He, in the consulshipof Caius Marius, the younger, and Cneius Carbo, was city prætor, and put to deathsome of the most eminent senators, a short time before the victory of Sylla. See Veil.Paterc. ii. 26." <bibl>Bernouf.</bibl></note> and others of similar character, who hadrisen by distressing their country, to be put to death, who did not commend the

proceeding? All exclaimed that wicked and factious men, who had troubled the state

with their seditious practices, had justly forfeited their lives. Yet this proceeding was thecommencement of great bloodshed. For whenever any one coveted the mansion or villa,or even the plate or apparel of another, he exerted his influence to have him numberedamong the proscribed. Thus they, to whom the death of Damasippus had been a subjectof joy, were soon after dragged to death themselves; nor was there any cessation of slaughter, until Sylla had glutted all his partisans with riches."Such excesses, indeed, I do not fear from Marcus Tullius, or in these times. But ina large state there arise many men of various dispositions. At some other period, andunder another consul, who, like the present, may have an army at his command, somefalse accusation may be credited as true; and when, with our example for a precedent,the consul shall have drawn the sword on the authority of the senate, who shall stay its

progress, or moderate its fury?

"Our ancestors, Conscript Fathers, were never deficient in conduct or courage; nor did pride prevent them from imitating the customs of other nations, if they appeareddeserving of regard. Their armor, and weapons of war, they borrowed from theSamnites; their ensigns of authority,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Ensigns of authority] <quote lang="la">Insignia magistratum.</quote> "The fasces and axes of the

twelve lictors, the robe adorned with purple, the curule chair, and the ivory scepter. For the Etrurians, as Dionysius Halicarnassensis relates, having been subdued, in a nineyears' war, by Tarquinius Priscus, and having obtained peace on condition of submittingto him as their sovereign, presented him with the <foreign lang="la">insignia</foreign>of their own monarchs. See Strabo, lib. v.; Florus, i. 5."<bibl>Kuhnhardt.</bibl></note> for the most part, from the Etrurians; and, in short,whatever appeared eligible to them, whether among allies or among enemies, theyadopted at home with the greatest readiness, being more inclined to <pbn="59"/>emulate merit than to be jealous of it. But at the same time, adopting a practicefrom Greece, they punished their citizens with the scourge, and inflicted capital

punishment on such as were condemned. When the republic, however, became

powerful, and faction grew strong from the vast number of citizens, men began toinvolve the innocent in condemnation, and other like abuses were practiced; and it wasthen that the Porcian and other laws were provided, by which condemned citizens wereallowed to go into exile. This lenity of our ancestors, Conscript Fathers, I regard as avery strong reason why we should not adopt any new measures of severity. For assuredly there was greater merit and wisdom in those, who raised so mighty an empirefrom humble means, than in us, who can scarcely preserve what they so honorablyacquired. Am I of opinion, then, you will ask, that the conspirators should be set free,and that the army of Catiline should thus be increased? Far from it; my recommendationis, that their property be confiscated, and that they themselves be kept in custody in suchof the municipal towns as are best able to bear the expense;<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Best able to bear the expense] <quote lang="la">Maximè opibusvalent.</quote> Are possessed of most resources.</note> that no one hereafter bringtheir case before the senate, or speak on it to the people; and that the senate now givetheir opinion, that he who shall act contrary to this, will act against the republic and thegeneral safety."</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="52"> When Cæsar had ended his speech, the rest briefly expressed their assent,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">LII. The rest briefly expressed their assent,etc.] <quote lang="la">Cæteri verbo, alius alii, variè assentiebantur.Verbo assentiebantur</quote> signifies that they expressed their assent merely by a

word or two, as <foreign lang="la">assentior Silano, assentior Tiberio Neroni, autCæsari,</foreign> the three who had already spoken. <foreignlang="la">Variè,</foreign> "in support of their different proposals."</note>some to one speaker, and some to another, in support of their different proposals; butMarcius Porcius Cato, being asked his opinion, made a speech to the following

purport:"My feelings, Conscript Fathers, are extremely different,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">My feelings, Conscript Fathers, are extremely different, etc.] <quotelang="la">Longè mihi alia mens est, P. C.,</quote> etc. The commencement of Cato's speech is evidently copied from the beginning of the third Olynthiac of Demosthenes: <foreign lang="greek">)*ouxi\ tau=ta pari/statai/ moi ginw/skein, w)

u)/ndrez )*aqhnai=i, o(/tan te e)is tu\ pru/gmata u)poble/yw kai\ o(/tan pro\z tou\zlo/gouz o(u\z u)kou/w tou\z ue\n ga\r lo/gouz peri\ tou= timwrh/sasqai *fi/lippon o(rw(=

gignome/nouz, tu\ de\ pru/gmata e)iz tou=to proh/konta w(/ste o(/pwz mh\ peiso\meqaa)ntoi\ pro/teron kakw=z ske/yasqai de/on.</foreign> <cit><quote>"I am by no meansaffected in the same manner, Athenians, when I review the state of our affairs, and whenI attend to those speakers who have now declared their sentiments. They insist that weshould punish Philip, but our affairs, situated as they now appear, warn us to guard

against the dangers with which we ourselves arethreatened."</quote><bibl>Leland.</bibl></cit></note> <pb n="60"/>when Icontemplate our circumstances and dangers, and when I revolve in my mind thesentiments of some who have spoken before me. Those speakers, as it seems to me,have considered only how to punish the traitors who have raised war against their country, their parents, their altars, and their homes;<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Their altars and their homes] <quote lang="la">Aris atque focissuis.</quote> "When <foreign lang="la">aræ</foreign> and <foreignlang="la">foci</foreign> are joined, beware of supposing that they are to bedistinguished as referring the one (<foreign lang="la">aræ</foreign>) to the

public temples, and the other (<foreign lang="la">foci</foreign>) to private dwellings.

* * * Both are to be understood of private houses, in which the <foreignlang="la">ara</foreign> belonged to the <foreign lang="la">Dii Penates,</foreign>and was placed in the <foreign lang="la">impluvium</foreign> in the inner part of thehouse; the <foreign lang="la">focus</foreign> was dedicated to the <foreignlang="la">lares,</foreign> and was in the halt." Ernesti, Clav. Cic., sub. v. <foreignlang="la">Ara.</foreign> Of the commentators on Sallust, Kritzius is, I believe, theonly one who has concurred in this notion of Ernesti; Langius and Dietsch (withCortius) adhere to the common opinion that <foreign lang="la">aræ</foreign> arethe public altars. Dietsch refers, for a complete refutation of Ernesti, to G. A. B.Hertzberg <foreign lang="la">de Diis Romanorum Penatibus,</foreign> Halæ,<date value="1840">1840</date>, p. 64; a book which I have not seen. Certainly, in theobservation of Cicero ad Att., vii. 11, <foreign lang="la">"Non est respublica in

parietibus, sed in aris et focis,"</foreign> <foreign lang="la">aræ</foreign> must be considered (as Schiller observes) to denote the public altars and national religion. SeeSchiller's Lex. v. <foreign lang="la">Ara.</foreign></note> but the state of affairswarns us rather to secure ourselves against them, than to take counsel as to whatsentence we should pass upon them. Other crimes you may punish after they have beencommitted; but as to this, unless you prevent its commission, you will, when it has oncetaken effect, in vain appeal to justice.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">In vain appealto justice] <quote lang="la">Frusta judicia implores.</quote> <foreignlang="la">Judicia,</foreign> trials, to procure the inflictions of legal penalties.</note>

When the city is taken, no power is left to the vanquished."But, in the name of the immortal gods, I call upon you, who have always valuedyour mansions and villas, your statues and pictures, at a higher price than the welfare of your country; if you wish to preserve those possessions, of whatever kind they are, towhich you are attached; if you wish to secure quiet for the enjoyment of your pleasures,arouse yourselves, and act in defense of your country. We are not now debating on therevenues, or on injuries done to our allies, but our liberty and our life is at stake."Often, Conscript Fathers, have I spoken at great length in this assembly; often haveI complained of the luxury and avarice of our citizens, and, by that very means, haveincurred the displeasure of many. I, who never excused to myself, or <pb n="61"/>tomy own conscience, the commission of any fault, could not easily pardon the

misconduct,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Could not easily pardon themisconduct, etc.] <quote lang="la">Hand facile alterius lubidini maleafacta

condonabam.</quote> "Could not easily forgive the licentiousness of another its evildeeds."</note> or indulge the licentiousness, of others. But though you little regardedmy remonstrances, yet the republic remained secure; its own strength<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Yet the republic remained secure; its own strength, etc.]<quote lang="la">Tamen respublica firma, opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat.</quote>

This is Cortius's reading; some editors, as Havercamp, Kritzius, and Dietsch, insert<foreign lang="la">erat</foreign> after <foreign lang="la">firma.</foreign> Whether <foreign lang="la">opulentia</foreign> is the nominative or ablative, is disputed."<foreign lang="la">Opulentia,"</foreign> says Allen, <foreign lang="la">"casumsextum intellige, et repete respublica (ad tolerabat)."</foreign> "<foreignlang="la">Opulentia,</foreign>" says Kritzius, <foreign lang="la">"melius nominativocapiendum videtur; nam que sequuntur verba novam enunciationemefficient."</foreign> I have preferred to take it as a nominative.</note> was proof against your remissness. The question, however, at present under discussion, is notwhether we live in a good or a bad state of morals; nor how great, or how splendid, theempire of the Roman people is; but whether these things around us, of whatever value

they are, are to continue our own, or to fall, with ourselves, into the hands of theenemy."In such a case, does any one talk to me of gentleness and compassion? For sometime past, it is true, we have lost the real name of things;<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">We have lost the real names of things, etc.] Imitated from Thuydides, iii.32: <foreign lang="greek">*kai th\n e)iwqu\ian u)ciwsin tw=n o)noma/twn e)z tu\e)/rga a)nth/llacan th=( dikaiw/sei. *to/lma me\n ga\r a)lo/gistos, a)nsri/a file/tairose)nomi/sqh, mellmsiz te promhqh\s, seigia e)upreph\s to\ de\ sw\fron, tou= ana/ndrou

pro/sxhma, ka\i to\ pro\s a)/pan suneto\n, e)pi\ pa)n a)rgo/n.</foreign> "The ordinarymeaning of words was changed by then as they thought proper. For reckless daring wasregarded as courage that was true to its friends; prudent delay, as specious cowardice;moderation, as a cloak for unmanliness; being intelligent in every thing, as being usefulfor nothing." Dale's translation: Bohn's Classical Library.</note> for to lavish the

property of others is called generosity, and audacity in wickedness is called heroism;and hence the state is reduced to the brink of ruin. But let those, who thus misnamethings; be liberal, since such is the practice, out of the property of our allies; let them bemerciful to the robbers of the treasury; but let them not lavish our blood, and, while theyspare a few criminals, bring destruction on all the guiltless."Caius CAæsar, a short time ago, spoke in fair and elegant language,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Elegant language] <quotelang="la">Compositè.</quote> See above, c. 51.</note> before this assembly,

on the subject of life and death; considering as false, I suppose, what is told of the dead;that the bad, going a different way from the good, inhabit <pb n="62"/>places gloomy,desolate, dreary, and full of horror. He accordingly proposed that the property of theconspirators should be confiscated, and themselves kept in custody in the municipaltowns; fearing, it seems, that, if they remain at Rome, they may be rescued either bytheir accomplices in the conspiracy, or by a hired mob; as if, forsooth, the mischievousand profligate were to be found only in the city, and not through the whole of Italy, or as if desperate attempts would not be more likely to succeed where there is less power to resist them. His proposal, therefore, if he fears any danger from them, is absurd; butif, amid such universal terror, he alone is free from alarm, it the more concerns me tofear for you and myself.

"Be assured, then, that when you decide on the fate of Lentulus and the other prisoners, you at the same time determine that of the army of Catilihe, and of all the

conspirators. The more spirit you display in your decision, the more will their confidence be diminished; but if they shall perceive you in the smallest degreeirresolute, they will advance upon you with fury."Do not suppose that our ancestors, from so small a commencement, raised therepublic to greatness merely by force of arms. If such had been the case, we should

enjoy it in a most excellent condition;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">In a mostexcellent condition] <quote lang="la">Multo pulcherrumam.</quote> See c. 36.</note>for of allies and citizens,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">For of allies and citizens,etc.] Imitated from Demosthenes, Philipp tn. 4.</note> as well as arms and horses, wehave a much greater abundance than they had. But there were other things which madethem great, but which among us have no existence; such as industry at home, equitablegovernment abroad, and minds impartial in council, uninfluenced by any immoral or improper feeling. Instead of such virtues, we have luxury and avarice; public distress,and private superfluity; we extol wealth, and yield to indolence; no distinction is made

between good men and bad; and ambition usurps the honors due to virtue. Nor is thiswonderful; since you study each his individual interest, and since at home you are

slaves to pleasure, and here to money or favor; and hence it happens that an attack ismade on the defenseless state."But on these subjects I shall say no more. Certain citizens, <pb n="63"/>of thehighest rank, have conspired to ruin their country; they are engaging the Gauls, the

bitterest foes of the Roman name, to join in a war against us; the leader of the enemy isready to make a descent upon us; and do you hesitate, even in such circumstances, howto treat armed incendiaries arrested within your walls? I advise you to have mercy uponthem<note anchored="yes" place="foot">I advise you to have mercy upon them]<quote lang="la">Misereamini censeo,</quote> i.e., <foreign lang="la">censeo utmisereamini</foreign>, spoken ironically. Most translators have taken the words in thesense of "You would take pity on them, I suppose," or something similar.</note> theyare young men who have been led astray by ambition; send them away, even with armsin their hands. But such mercy, and such clemency, if they turn those arms against you,will end in misery to yourselves. The case is, assuredly, dangerous, but you do not fear it; yes, you fear it greatly, but you hesitate how to act, through weakness and want of spirit, waiting one for another, and trusting to the immortal gods, who have so often

preserved your country in the greatest dangers. But the protection of the gods is notobtained by vows and effeminate supplications; it is by vigilance, activity, and prudentmeasures, that general welfare is secured. When you are once resigned to sloth andindolence, it is in vain that you implore the gods; for they are then indignant andthreaten vengeance.

"In the days of our forefathers, Titus Manlius Torquatus, during a war with theGauls, ordered his own son to be put to death, because he had fought with an enemycontrary to orders. That noble youth suffered for excess of bravery; and do you hesitatewhat sentence to pass on the most inhuman of traitors? Perhaps their former life is atvariance with their present crime. Spare, then, the dignity of Lentulus, if he has ever spared his own honor or character, or had any regard for gods or for men. Pardon theyouth of Cethegus, unless this be the second time that he has made war upon hiscountry.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Unless this be the second time that he hasmade war upon his country] <cit><quote>"Cethegus first made war ou his country inconjunction with Marius."</quote><bibl>Bernouf.</bibl></cit> Whether Sallustalludes to this, or intimates (as Gerlach thinks) that he was engaged in the first

conspiracy, is doubtful.</note> As to Gabinius, Statilius, Cæparius, why should I

make any remark upon them? Had they ever possessed the smallest share of discretion,they would never have engaged in such a plot against their country."In conclusion, Conscript Fathers, if there were time to <pb n="64"/>amend anerror, I might easily suffer you, since you disregard words, to be corrected byexperience of consequences. But we are beset by dangers on all sides; Catiline, with his

army, is ready to devour us;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Is ready to devour us]<quote lang="la">Faucibus urget.</quote> Cortius, Kritzius, Gerlach, Burnouf, Allen,and Dietsch, are unanimous in interpreting this as a metaphorical expression, alluding toa wild beast with open jaws ready to spring upon its prey. They support thisinterpretation by Val. Max., v. 3: <foreign lang="la">"Faucibus apprehensamrempublicam;"</foreign> Cic. pro. Cluent., 31: <foreign lang="la">"Quum faucibus

premetur;"</foreign> and Plaut. Casin. v. 3, 4, <foreign lang="la">"Manifesto faucibusteneor."</foreign> Some editors have read <foreign lang="la">in faucibus,</foreign>and understood the words as referring to the jaws or narrow passes of Etruria, whereCatilme was with his army.</note> while there are other enemies within the walls, andin the heart of the city; nor can any measures be taken, or any plans arranged, without

their knowledge. The more necessary is it, therefore, to act with promptitude. What Iadvise, then, is this: that since the state, by a treasonable combination of abandonedcitizens, has been brought into the greatest peril; and since the conspirators have beenconvicted on the evidence of Titus Volturcius, and the deputies of the Allobroges, andon their own confession, of having concerted massacres, conflagrations, and other horrible and cruel outrages, against their fellow-citizens and their country, punishment

be inflicted, according to the usage of our ancestors, on the prisoners who haveconfessed their guilt, as on men convicted of capital crimes."</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="53"> When Cato had resumed his seat, all the senators of consular dignity, and a great

part of the rest,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">LIII. All the senators of consular dignity, and a great part of the rest] <quote lang="la">Consulares omnes, itemquesenatús magna pars.</quote> <cit><quote>"As the consulars were senators, thereader would perhaps expect Sallust to have said <foreign lang="la">reliquisenatûs,</foreign> but <foreign lang="la">itemque</foreign> is equivalent to<foreign lang="la">et præter eos.</foreign>"</quote><bibl>Dietsch.</bibl></cit></note> applauded his opinion, andextolled his firmness of mind to the skies. With mutual reproaches, they accused oneanother of timidity, while Cato was regarded as the greatest and noblest of men; and adecree of the senate was made as he had advised.After reading and hearing of the many glorious achievements which the Roman

people had performed at home and in the field, by sea as well as by land, I happened to be led to consider what had been the great foundation of such illustrious deeds. I knewthat the Romans had frequently, with small bodies of men, encountered vast armies of the enemy; I was aware that they had carried on wars<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">That they had carried on wars] <quote lang="la">Bella gesta.</quote>That wars had been carried on by them.</note> with limited forces <pb n="65"/>against

powerful sovereigns; that they had often sustained, too, the violence of adverse fortune;yet that, while the Greeks excelled them in eloquence, the Gauls surpassed them inmilitary glory. After much reflection, I felt convinced that the eminent virtue of a fewcitizens had been the cause of all these successes; and hence it had happened that

poverty had triumphed over riches, and a few over a multitude. And even in later times,

when the state had become corrupted by luxury and indolence, the republic stillsupported itself, by its own strength, under the misconduct of its generals and

magistrates; when, as if the parent stock were exhausted,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">As if the parent stock were exhausted] <quote lang="la">Sicutieffæta parentum.</quote> This is the reading of Cortius, which he endeavors toexplain thus: <foreign lang="la">"Ac sicuti effæta parens, inter parentes, sesehabere solet, ut nullos amplius liberas proferat, sic Roma sese habuit, ubi multis

tempestatibus nemo virtute magnus fuit."</foreign> <foreignlang="la">"Est,"</foreign> he adds, "or <foreign lang="la">solet esse,</foreign> or <foreign lang="la">sese habere solet,</foreign> may very well be understood from the<foreign lang="la">fuit</foreign> which follows." But all this only serves to show whata critic may find to say in defense of a reading to which he is determined to adhere. Allthe MSS., indeed, have <foreign lang="la">parentum</foreign>, except one, which has<foreign lang="la">parente.</foreign> Dietsch thinks that some word has been lost

between <foreign lang="la">effæta</foreign> and <foreignlang="la">parentum,</foreign> and proposes to read <foreign lang="la">sicutieffæta ætate parentum,</foreign> with the sense, as if the age of the parentswere too much exhausted to produce strong children. Kritzius, from a suggestion of

Cortius (or rather of his predecessor, Rupertus), reads <foreignlang="la">effætæ parentum</foreign> (the <foreignlang="la">effætæ</foreign> agreeing with <foreignlang="la">Romæ</foreign> which follows), considering the sense to be the sameas <foreign lang="la">effætæ parentis</foreign>--as <foreignlang="la">divina dearum</foreign> for <foreign lang="la">divina dea,</foreign> etc.Gerlach retains the reading of Cortius, and adopts his explanation (4to. ed., 1827), butsays that the <foreign lang="la">explicatio</foreign> may seem <foreignlang="la">durior,</foreign> and that it is doubtful whether we ought not to haverecourse to the <foreign lang="la">effæta parente</foreign> of the old critics.Assuredly if we retain <foreign lang="la">parentum, effætæ</foreign> isthe only reading that we can well put with it. We may compare with it <foreignlang="la">loca nuda gignentium,</foreign> (Jug. c. 79), i.e. "places bare of objects

producing anything." Gronovius knew not what to do with the passage, called it<foreign lang="la">locus intellectus nemini,</foreign> and at last decided onunderstanding <foreign lang="la">virtute</foreign> with <foreignlang="la">effætæ parentum,</foreign> which, <foreign lang="la">pacetanti viri,</foreign> and although Allen has followed him, is little better than folly. Theconcurrence of the majority of manuscripts in giving <foreignlang="la">parentum</foreign> makes the scholar unwilling to set it aside. However, asno one has explained it satisfactorily even to himself, I have thought it better, with

Dietsch, to regard it a <foreign lang="la">scriptura non ferenda,</foreign> and toacquiesce, with Glareanus, Rivius, Burnouf, and the Bipont edition, in the reading<foreign lang="la">effætâ parente.</foreign></note> there was certainlynot produced at Rome, for many years, a single citizen of eminent ability. Within myrecollection, however, there arose two men of remarkable powers, though of verydifferent character, Marcus Cato and Caius Cæsar, whom, since the subject has

brought them before me, it is not my intention to pass in silence, but to describe, to the best of my ability, the disposition and manners of each.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="54"> Their birth, age, and eloquence, were nearly on an equality; their greatness of mindsimilar, as was also their reputation, <pb n="66"/>though attained by different

means.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">LIV. Though attained by different means]<quote lang="la">Sed alia alii.</quote> <foreign lang="la">"Alii alia

gloria,"</foreign> for <foreign lang="la">altera alteri.</foreign> So Livy, i. 21:<foreign lang="la">Duo reges, alius aliâ via.</foreign></note> Cæsar greweminent by genesroity and munificence; Cato by the integrity of his life. Cæsar was esteemed for his humanity and benevolence; austereness had given dignity to Cato.Cæsar acquired renown by giving, relieving, and pardoning; Cato by bestowing

nothing. In Cæsar, there was a refuge for the unfortunate; in Cato, destruction for the bad. In Cæsar, his easiness of temper was admired; in Cato, his firmness.Cæsar, in fine, had applied himself to a life of energy and activity; intent upon theinterest of his friends, he was neglectful of his own; he refused nothing to others thatwas worthy of acceptance, while for himself he desired great power, the command of anarmy, and a new war in which his talents might be displayed. But Cato's ambition wasthat of temperance, discretion, and, above all, of austerity; he did not contend insplendor with the rich, or in faction with the seditious, but with the brave in fortitude,with the modest in simplicity,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Simplicity] <quotelang="la">Pudore.</quote> The word here seems to mean the absence of display andostentation.</note> with the temperate<note anchored="yes" place="foot">With the

temperate] <quote lang="la">Cum innocente.</quote> <cit><quote>"That is <foreignlang="la">cum integro et abstinente.</foreign> For <foreignlang="la">innocentia</foreign> is used for <foreign lang="la">abstinentia,</foreign>and opposed to <foreign lang="la">avaritia.</foreign> See Cic. pro Lege Maml., c.13."</quote><bibl>Bernouf.</bibl></cit></note> in abstinence; he was more desirousto be, than to appear, virtuous; and thus, the less he courted popularity, the more it

pursued him.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="55"> When the senate, as I have stated, had gone over to the opinion of Cato, thecounsel, thinking it best not to wait till night, which was coring on, lest any newattempts should be made during the interval, ordered the triumvirs<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">LV. The triumvirs] <quote lang="la">Triumviros.</quote> The <foreignlang="la">triumviri capitales</foreign> who had the charge of the prison and of the

punishment of the condemned. They performed their office by deputy, Val. Max., v. 4,7.</note> to make such preparations as the execution of the conspirators required. Hehimself, having posted the necessary guards, conducted Lentulus to the prison; and thesame office was performed for the rest by the prætors.There is a place in the prison, which is called the Tullian dungeon,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">The Tullian dungeon] <quotelang="la">Tullianum.</quote> <foreign lang="la">Tullianum</foreign> is anadjective, with which <foreign lang="la">robur</foreign> must be understoood, as it

was originally constructed, wholly or partially, with oak. See Festus, <foreignlang="la">sub voce Robum</foreign> or <foreign lang="la">Robur:</foreign> hiswords are <foreign lang="la">arcis robustis incluaebatur,</foreign> of which the senseis not very clear. The prison at Rome was built by Ancus Marcius, and enlarged byServius Tullius, from whom this part of it had its name; Varro de L. L., iv. 33. It is nowtransformed into a subterranean chapel, beneath a small church erected over it, called<foreign lang="it">San Pietro in Carcere.</foreign> De Brosses and Eustace bothvisited it; See Eustace's Classical Tour, vol. i. p. 260, in the Family Library. See alsoWasse's note on this passage.</note> and which, after a slight ascent to the left, is sunk <pb n="67"/>about twelve feet under ground. Walls secure it on every side, and over itis a vaulted roof connected with stone arches;<note anchored="yes" place="foot">A

vaulted roof connected with stone arches] <quote lang="la">Camera lapideis fornicibusvincta.</quote> <cit><quote>"That <foreign lang="la">camera</foreign> was a roof

curved in the form of a <foreign lang="la">testudo,</foreign> is generally admitted; seeVitruv. vii. 3; Varr., R. R. iii. 7, init."</quote><bibl>Dietsch.</bibl></cit> The roof isnow arched in the usual way.</note> but its appearance is disgusting and horrible, byreason of the filth, darkness, and stench. When Lentulus had been let down into this

place, certain men, to whom orders had been given,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Certain men, to whom orders had been given] <quote lang="la">Quibus præceptum erat.</quote> The editions of Havercamp, Gerlach, Kritzius, andDietsch, have <foreign lang="la">vindices rerum capitalium, quibus,</foreign> etc.Cortius ejected the first three words from his text as an intruded gloss. If the words begenuine, we must consider these <foreign lang="la">vindices</foreign> to have beenthe deputies, or <foreign lang="la">lictors,</foreign> of the <foreignlang="la">triumvirs</foreign> mentioned above.</note> strangled him with a cord.Thus this patrician, who was of the illustrious family of the Cornelli, and who filled theoffice of consul at Rome, met with an end suited to his character and conduct. OnCethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Cæparius, punishment was inflicted in a similar manner.</div1>

<div1 type="chapter" n="56"> During these proceedings at Rome, Catiline, out of the entire force which hehimself had brought with him, and that which Manlius had previously collected, formedtwo legions, filling up the cohorts as far as his number would allow;<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">LVI. As far as his numbers would allow] <quotelang="la">Pro numero militum.</quote> He formed his men into two bodies, which hecalled legions, and divided each legion, as was usual, into ten cohorts, putting into eachcohort as many men as he could. The cohort of a full legion consisted of three maniples,or six hundred men; the legion would then be six thousand men. But the legions wereseldom so large as this; they varied at different periods, from six thousand to threethousand; in the time of Polybius they were usually four thousand two hundred. SeeAdam's Rom. Ant., and Lipsius de Mil. Rom Dial. iv.</note> and afterward, as anyvolunteers, or recruits from his confederates,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Fromhis confederates] <quote lang="la">Ex sociis.</quote> <cit><quote>"Understand, notonly the leaders in the conspiracy, but those who, in c. 35, are said to have set out to

join Catiline, though not at that time exactly implicated in the plot."</quote><bibl>Kritzius.</bibl></cit> It is necessary to notice this, becauseCortius erroneously supposes <foreign lang="la">sociis</foreign> to mean the allies of Rome. Dahl, Longius, Muller, Bernouf, Gerlach, and Dietsch, all interpret in the samemanner as Kritzius.</note> arrived in his camp, he distributed them equally throughoutthe cohorts, and thus filled up his legions, in a short time, with their regular number of

men, though at first he had not more than two thousand. But, of his whole army, onlyabout a fourth <pb n="68"/>part had the proper weapons of soldiers; the rest, as chancehad equipped them, carried darts, spears, or sharpened stakes.As Antonius approached with his army, Catiline directed his march over the hills,encamping, at one time, in the direction of Rome, at another in that of Gaul. He gave theenemy no opportunity of fighting, yet hoped himself shortly to find one,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Hoped himself shortly to find one] <quotelang="la">Sperabat propediem sese habiturum.</quote> Other editions, as those of Havercamp, Gerlach, Kritzius, Dietsch, and Bernouf, have the words <foreignlang="la">magnas copias</foreign> before <foreign lang="la">sese.</foreign> Cortiusstruck them out, observing that <foreign lang="la">copiæ</foreign> occurred too

often in this chapter, and that in one MS. they were wanting. One manuscript, however,was insufficient authority for discarding them; and the phrase suits much better with

what follows, <foreign lang="la">si Romæ socii incepta patravissent,</foreign> if they are retained.</note> if his accomplices at Rome should succeed in their objects.Slaves, meanwhile, of whom vast numbers<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Slaves--of whom vast numbers, etc.] <quote lang="la">Servitia--cujus--magnæcopiæ.</quote> <foreign lang="la">"Cujus,</foreign>" says Priscian (xvii. 20,

vol. ii., p. 81, ed. Krehl), "is referred <foreign lang="la">ad rem,</foreign> that is<foreign lang="la">cujus rei servitiorum</foreign>." <foreignlang="la">Servorum</foreign> or <foreign lang="la">hominum genus,</foreign> is,

perhaps, rather what Sallust had in his mind, as the subject of his relation. Gerlachadduces as an expression most nearly approaching to Sallust's, Thucyd., iii. 92; <foreignlang="greek">*kai\ *dwriei/z, h( mhtro/poliz tw=n&aakedaimoni/wn.</foreign></note> had at first flocked to him, he continued toreject, not only as depending on the strength of the conspiracy, but as thinking itimpolitic<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Impolitic] <quote lang="la">Alienum suisrationibus.</quote> Foreign to his views; inconsistent with his policy.</note> to appear to share the cause of citizens with runagates.

LVII When it was reported in his camp, however, that the conspiracy had beendiscovered at Rome, and that Lentulus, Cethegus, and the rest whom I have named, had

been put to death, most of those whom the hope of plunder, or the love of change, hadled to join in the war, fell away. The remainder Catiline conducted, over ruggedmountains, and by forced marches, into the neighborhood of Pistoria, with a view toescape covertly, by cross roads, into Gaul.But Quintus Metellus Celer, with a force of three legions, had at that time, hisstation in Picenum, who suspected that Catiline, from the difficulties of his position,would adopt precisely the course which we have just described. When, therefore, he hadlearned his route from some deserters, he immediately broke up his camp, and took his

post at the very foot of the hills, at the point where Catiline's descent would be, in hishurried march into Gaul.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">LVII. In his hurried marchinto Gaul] <quote lang="la">In Galliam properanti.</quote> These words Cortiusinclosed in brackets, pronouncing them as a useless gloss. But all editors have retainedthem as genuine, except the Bipont and Bernouf; who wholly omitted them.</note> Nor was Antonius far distant, as he was pursuing, <pb n="69"/>though with a large army,yet through plainer ground, and with fewer hinderances, the enemy in retreat.<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">As he was pursuing, though with a large army, yetthrough plainer ground, and with fewer hinderances, the enemy in retreat] <quotelang="la">Utpote qui magno exercitu, locis æquioribus, expeditus, in fugâsequeretur.</quote> It would be tedious to notice all that has been written upon this

passage of Sallust. All the editions, before that of Cortius, had <foreignlang="la">expeditos, in fugam,</foreign> some joining <foreignlang="la">expeditos</foreign> with <foreign lang="la">locisæquioribus,</foreign> and some with <foreign lang="la">in fugam. Expeditos infugam</foreign> was first condemned by Wasse, no negligent observer of phrases, whosaid that no expression parallel to it could be found in any Latin writer. Cortius, seeingthat the expedition, of which Sallust is speaking, is on the part of Antonius, not of Catiline, altered <foreign lang="la">expeditos,</foreign> though found in all themanuscripts, into <foreign lang="la">expeditus;</foreign> and <foreign lang="la">infugam,</foreign> at the same time, into <foreign lang="la">in fugâ;</foreign>and in both these emendations he has been cordially followed by the subsequent editors,

Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch. I have translated <foreign lang="la">magnoexercitu,</foreign> "though with a large army," although, according to Dietsch and

some others, we need not consider a large army as a cause of slowness, but may rather regard it as a cause of speed; since the more numerous were Metellus's forces, the lesshe would care how many he might leave behind through fatigue, or to guard the

baggage; so that he might be the more <foreign lang="la">expeditus,</foreign>unincumbered. With <foreign lang="la">sequeretur</foreign> we must understand

<foreign lang="la">hostes.</foreign> The Bipont, Bernouf's, which often follows it,and Havercamp's, are now the only editions of any note that retain <foreignlang="la">expeditos in fugam.</foreign></note>Catiline, when he saw that he was surrounded by mountains and by hostile forces,that his schemes in the city had been unsuccessful, and that there was no hope either of escape or of succor, thinking it best, in such circumstances, to try the fortune of a battle,resolved upon engaging, as speedily as possible, with Antonius. Having, therefore,assembled his troops, he addressed them in the following manner:</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="58"> "I am well aware, soldiers, that words can not inspire courage; and that a spiritlessarmy can not be rendered active,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">LVIII. That a

spiritless army can not be rendered active, etc.] <quote lang="la">Neque ex ignavostrenuum, neque fortem ex timido exercitum oratione imperatoris fieri.</quote> I havedeparted a little from the literal reading, for the sake of ease.</note> or a timid armyvaliant, by the speech of its commander. Whatever courage is in the heart of a man,whether from nature or from habit, so much will be shown by him in the field; and onhim whom neither glory nor danger can move, exhortation is bestowed in vain; for theterror in his breast stops his ears."I have called you together, however, to give you a few instructions, and to explainto you, at the same time, my reasons for the course which I have adopted. You all know,soldiers, how severe a penalty the inactivity and cowardice of Lentulus has broughtupon himself and us; and how, while waiting for reinforcements from the city, I wasunable to march into Gaul. <pb n="70"/>In what situation our affairs now are, you allunderstand as well as myself. Two armies of the enemy, one on the side of Rome, andthe other on that of Gaul, oppose our progress; while the want of corn, and of other necessaries, prevents us from remaining, however strongly we may desire to remain, inour present position. Whithersoever we would go, we must open a passage with our swords. I conjure you, therefore, to maintain a brave and resolute spirit; and toremember, when you advance to battle, that on your own right hands depend<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">That on your own right hands depend, etc.] <quotelang="la">In dextris portare.</quote> "That you carry in your right hands."</note>riches, honor, and glory, with the enjoyment of your liberty and of your country. If we

conquer, all will be safe; we shall have provisions in abundance; and the colonies andcorporate towns will open their gates to us. But if we lose the victory through want of courage, those same places<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Those same places]<quote lang="la">Eadem illa.</quote> <cit><quote lang="la">"Coloniæ atquemunicipia portas claudent."</quote><bibl>Bernouf.</bibl></cit></note> will turnagainst us; for neither place nor friend will protect him whom his arms have not

protected. Besides, soldiers, the same exigency does not press upon our adversaries, as presses upon us; we fight for our country, for our liberty, for our life; they contend for what but little concerns them,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">They contend for what but little concerns them] <quote lang="la">Illis supervacaneum est

pugnare.</quote> It is but of little concern to the great body of them personally: they

may fight, but others will have the advantages of their efforts.</note> the power of a

small party. Attack them, therefore, with so much the greater confidence, and call tomind your achievements of old."We might,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">We might, etc.] <quotelang="la">Licit nobis.</quote> The editions vary between <foreignlang="la">nobis</foreign> and <foreign lang="la">vobis;</foreign> but most, with

Cortius, have <foreign lang="la">nobis.</foreign></note> with the utmost ignominy,have passed the rest of our days in exile. Some of you, after losing your property, mighthave waited at Rome for assistance from others. But because such a life, to men of spirit, was disgusting and unendurable, you resolved upon your present course. If youwish to quit it, you must exert all your resolution, for none but conquerors haveexchanged war for peace. To hope for safety in flight, when you have turned away fromthe enemy the arms by which the body is defended, is indeed madness. In battle, thosewho are most afraid are always in most danger; but courage is equivalent to arampart."When I contemplate you, soldiers, and when I consider your past exploits, a stronghope of victory animates me. Your <pb n="71"/>spirit, your age, your valor, give me

confidence; to say nothing of necessity, which makes even cowards brave. To preventthe numbers of the enemy from surrounding us, our confined situation is sufficient. Butshould Fortune be unjust to your valor, take care not to lose your lives unavenged; takecare not to be taken and butchered like cattle, rather than, fighting like men, to leave toyour enemies a bloody and mournful victory."</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="59"> When he had thus spoken, he ordered, after a short delay, the signal for battle to besounded, and led down his troops, in regular order, to the level ground. Having then sentaway the horses of all the cavalry, in order to increase the men's courage by makingtheir danger equal, he himself, on foot, drew up his troops suitably to their numbers andthe nature of the ground. As a plain stretched between the mountains on the left, with arugged rock on the right, he placed eight cohorts in front, and stationed the lest of hisforce, in close order, in the rear.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">LIX. In the rear]<quote lang="la">In subsidio.</quote> Most translators have rendered this, "as a bodyof reserve;" but such can not well be the signification. It seems only to mean the part

behind the front: Catiline places the eight cohorts in front, and the rest of his force<foreign lang="la">in subsidio,</foreign> to support the front. <foreignlang="la">Subsidia,</foreign> according to Varro (de L. L., iv. 16) and Festus (v.<foreign lang="la">Subsidium</foreign>), was a term applied to the Triarii, becausethey <foreign lang="la">subsidebant,</foreign> or sunk down on one knee until it wastheir turn to act. See Sheller's Lex. v. <foreign lang="la">Subsidium.</foreign>

<cit><quote><foreign lang="la">"Novissimi ordines itsdicuntur."</foreign></quote><bibl>Gerlach.</bibl></cit> <foreign lang="la">Insubsidiis,</foreign> which occurs a few lines below, seems to signify in lines in therear; as in Jug. 49, <foreign lang="la">triplicibus subsidiis aciem intruxit,</foreign> i.e.with three lines behind the front. <cit><quote><foreign lang="la">"Subsidium ea parsaciei vocabatur quæ reliquis submitti posset; Cæs.</foreign> B. G., ii.25."</quote><bibl>Dietsch.</bibl></cit></note> From among these he removed all theablest centurions,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">All the ablest centurions] <quotelang="la">Centuriones omnes lectos.</quote> <cit><quote>"<foreignlang="la">Lectos</foreign> you may consider to be the same as <foreignlang="la">eximios, præstantes, centurionum præstantissimum

quemque.</foreign>"</quote><bibl>Kritzius.</bibl></cit> Cortius and others take itfor a participle, chosen.</note> the veterans,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Veterans] <quote lang="la">Evocatos.</quote> Some would make thisalso a participle, because, say they, it can not signify <foreignlang="la">evocati,</foreign> or called-out veterans, since, though there were suchsoldiers in a regular Roman army, there could be none so called in the tumultuary forcesof Catiline. But to this it is answered that Catiline had imitated the regular disposition of

a Roman army, and that his veterans might consequently be called <foreignlang="la">evocati,</foreign> just as if they had been in one; and, also that <foreignlang="la">evocatus</foreign> as a participle would be useless; for if Catiline removed(<foreign lang="la">subducit</foreign>) the centurions, it is unnecessary to add that hecalled them out, <cit><quote>"<foreign lang="la">Evocati erant, qui expletis stipendiisnon poterant in delectu scribi, sed precibus imperatoris permoti, aut in gratiam ejus,militiam resumebant, homines longo uso militiæ peritissimi.</foreign> Dio., xlv.

p. 276. <foreign lang="greek">)*ek tou/twn de\ tw=n a)ndrw=n kai\ to\ tw=n(*houoka/twn h+\ )*ouoka/twn su/sthma</foreign> (<foreign lang="greek">o(u=z)*anaklh/touz u=\n ti\z )*ellhni/saz, o)/ti pepaume/noi th=s strate/ias, e)p) au)th\na/=uqis a)neklh/qmsan, o)uoma/seien</foreign>) <foreign

lang="greek">e)nomi/sqh.</foreign> <foreign lang="la">Intelligit itaque ejusmodihomines veteranos, etsi non propriè erant tales evocati, sed sponte castraCatilinæ essent secuti."</foreign></quote><bibl>Cortius.</bibl></cit></note>and the stoutest of the <pb n="72"/>common soldiers that were regularly armed, intothe foremost ranks.<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Into the foremost ranks] <quotelang="la">In primam aciem.</quote> Whether Sallust means that he ranged them withthe eight cohorts, or only in the first line of the <foreign lang="la">subsidia,</foreign>is not clear.</note> He ordered Caius Manlius to take the command on the right, and acertain officer of Fæsulæ<note anchored="yes" place="foot">A certainofficer of Fæsulæ] <quote lang="la">Fæsulanum quemdam.</quote><cit><quote>"He is thought to have been that P. Furious, whom Cicero (Cat., iii. 6, 14)mentions as having been one of the colonists that Sylla settled at Fæsulæ,and who was to have been executed, if he had been apprehended, for having beenconcerned in corrupting the Allobrogian deputies."</quote><bibl>Dietsch.</bibl></cit>Plutarch calls this officer Furius.</note> on the left; while he himself, with hisfreedmen<note anchored="yes" place="foot">His freedmen] <quotelang="la">Libertis.</quote> <cit><quote>"His own freedmen, whom he probably hadabout him as a body-guard, deeming them the most attached of his adherents. Amongthem was, possibly, that Sergius, whom we find from Cic. pro Domo, 5, 6, to have beenCatiline's armor-bearer."</quote><bibl>Dietsch.</bibl></cit></note> and thecolonists,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">The colonists] <quote

lang="la">Colonis.</quote> <cit><quote>"Veterans of Sylla, who had been settled byhim as colonists in Etruria, and who had now been induced to joinCatiline."</quote><bibl>Gerlach.</bibl></cit> See c. 28.</note> took his station by theeagle,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">By the eagle] <quote lang="la">Propter aquilam.</quote> See Cic. in Cat., i. 9.</note> which Caius Marius was said to havehad in his army in the Cimbrian war.On the other side, Caius Antonius, who, being lame,<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Being lame] <quote lang="la">Pedibus æger.</quote> It has beencommon among translators to render <foreign lang="la">pedibus æger</foreign>afflicted with the gout, though a Roman might surely be lame without having the gout.As the lameness of Antonius, however, according to Dion Cassius (xxxvii. 39), was

only pretended, it may be thought more probable that he counterfeited the gout than anyother malady. It was with this belief, I suppose, that the writer of a gloss on one of the

manuscripts consulted by Cortius, interpreted the words, <foreign lang="la">ultroneam passus est podogram,</foreign> "he was affected with a voluntary gout." Dion Cassiussays that he preferred engaging with Antonius, who had the larger army, rather thanwith Metellus, who had the smaller, because he hoped that Antonius would designedlyact in such a way as to lose the victory.</note> was unable to be present in the

engagement, gave the command of the army to Marcus Petreius, his lieutenant-general.Petreius, ranged the cohorts of veterans, which he had raised to meet the presentinsurrection,<note anchored="yes" place="foot">To meet the present insurrection]<quote lang="la">Tumulti causâ.</quote> Any sudden war or insurrection inItaly or Gaul was called <foreign lang="la">tumultus.</foreign> See Cic. Philipp. v.12.</note> in front, and behind them the rest of his force in lines. Then, riding roundamong his troops, and addressing his men by name, he encouraged them, and bade themremember that they were to fight against unarmed marauders, in defense of their country, their children, their temples, and their homes.<note anchored="yes"

place="foot">Their temples and their homes] <quote lang="la">Aris atque focissuis.</quote> See c. 52.</note> Being a military man, and having served with great

reputation, for more than thirty years, as tribune, præfect, lieutenant, or prætor, he knew most of the soldiers and their <pb n="73"/>honorable actions,and, by calling these to their remembrance, roused the spirits of the men.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="60"> When he had made a complete survey, he gave the signal with the trumpet, andordered the cohorts to advance slowly. The army of the enemy followed his example;and when they approached so near that the action could be commenced by the light-armed troops, both sides, with a loud shout, rushed together in a furious charge.<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">LX. In a furious charge] <quote lang="la">Infestissignis.</quote></note> They threw aside their missiles, and fought only with their swords. The veterans, calling to mind their deeds of old, engaged fiercely in the closestcombat. The enemy made an obstinate resistance; and both sides contended with theutmost fury. Catiline, during this time, was exerting himself with his light troops in thefront, sustaining such as were pressed, substituting fresh men for the wounded,attending to every exigency, charging in person, wounding many an enemy, and

performing at once the duties of a valiant soldier and a skillful general.When Petreius, contrary to his expectation, found Catiline attacking him with suchimpetuosity, he led his prætorian cohort against the centre of the enemy, amongwhom, being thus thrown into confusion, and offering but partial resistance,<noteanchored="yes" place="foot">Offering but partial resistance] <quote lang="la">Aliosalibi resistentes.</quote> Not making a stand in a body, but only some in one place, and

some in another.</note> he made great slaughter, and ordered, at the same time, anassault on both flanks. Manlius and the Fæsulan, sword in hand, were among thefirst<note anchored="yes" place="foot">Among the first, etc.] <quote lang="la">In

primis pugnantes cadunt.</quote> Cortius very properly refers <foreign lang="la">in primis</foreign> to <foreign lang="la">cadunt.</foreign></note> that fell; andCatiline, when he saw his army routed, and himself left with but few supporters,remembering his birth and former dignity, rushed into the thickest of the enemy, wherehe was slain, fighting to the last.</div1><div1 type="chapter" n="61"> When the battle was over, it was plainly seen what boldness, and what energy of spirit, had prevailed throughout the army of Catiline; for, almost every where, every

soldier, after yielding up his breath, covered with his corpse the spot which he hadoccupied when alive. A few, indeed, whom the prætorian cohort had dispersed,

had fallen somewhat differently, but all with wounds in front. Catiline himself wasfound, far in advance of his men, among the dead bodies <pb n="74"/>of the enemy; hewas not quite breathless, and still expressed in his countenance the fierceness of spiritwhich he had shown during his life. Of his whole army, neither in the battle, nor inflight, was any free-born citizen made prisoner, for they had spared their own lives no

more than those of the enemy.Nor did the army of the Roman people obtain a joyful or bloodless victory; for alltheir bravest men were either killed in the battle, or left the field severely wounded.Of many who went from the camp to view the ground, or plunder the slain, some, inturning over the bodies of the enemy, discovered a friend, others an acquaintance, othersa relative; some, too, recognized their enemies. Thus, gladness and sorrow, grief and

joy, were variously felt throughout the whole army.

<pb n="75"/></div1><div1 type="chapter" n="chronology"><head>CHRONOLOGY OF THE

CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE.</head>

EXTRACTED FROM DE BROSSES.

<list type="simple"><headLabel>A.U.C.</headLabel><label>685</label><item>Coss. L. CÆCILIUS METELLUS, Q. MARCIUS REX.--Catiline isPrætor.</item><label>686.</label><item>--C. CALPURNIUS PISO, M. ACILIUS GLABRIO.--Catiline Governor of Africa.</item><label>687.</label><item>--L. VOLCATIUS TULLUS, M. ÆMILIUS LEPIDUS.--Deputies fromAfrica accuse Catiline of extortion, through the agency of Clodius. He is obliged todesist from standing for the consulship, and forms the project of the first conspiracy.See Sall. Cat., c. 18.</item><label>688.</label><item>--L. MANLIUS TORQUATUS, L. AURELIUS COTTA.--Jan. 1: Catiline's

project of the first conspiracy becomes known, and he defers the execution of it to the5th of February, when he makes an unsuccessful attempt to execute it. July 17: He is

acquitted of extortion, and begins to canvass for the consulship for the year <datevalue="690">690</date>.</item><label>689.</label><item>--L. JULIUS CÆSAR, C. MARCIUS FIGULUS THERMUS.--June 1:Catiline convokes the chiefs of the second conspiracy. He is disappointed in his viewson the consulship.</item><label>690.</label><item>--M. TULLIUS CICERO, C. ANTONIUS HYBRIDA.--Oct. 19: Cicero lays theaffair of the conspiracy before the senate, who decree plenary powers to the consuls for defending the state. Oct. 21: Silanus and Muræna are elected consuls for the nextyear, Catiline, who was a candidate, being rejected. Oct. 22: Catiline is accused under

the Plautian Law de vi. Sall. Cat., c. 31. Oct. 24: Manlius takes up arms in Etruria. Nov.6: Catiline assembles the chief conspirators, by the agency of Porcius Læca. Sall.

Cat., c. 27. Nov. 7: Vargunteius and Cornelius undertake to assassinate Cicero. Sall.Cat., c. 28. Nov. 8: Catiline appears in the senate; Cicero delivers his first Orationagainst him; he threatens to extinguish the flame raised around him in a generaldestruction, and quits Rome. Sall. Cat., c. 31. Nov. 9: Cicero delivers his secondOration against Catiline, before an assembly of the people, convoked by order of the

senate. Nov. 20, or thereabouts: Catiline and Manlius are declared public enemies. Soonafter this the conspirators attempt to secure the support of the Allobrogian deputies.Dec. 3: About two o'clock in the morning the Allobroges are apprehended. Towardevening Cicero delivers his third Oration against Catiline, before the people. Dec. 5.Cicero's fourth Oration against Catiline, before the senate. Soon after, the conspiratorsare condemned to death, and great honors are decreed by the senate to Cicero.</item><label>691.</label><item>--D. JUNIUS SILANUS, L. LICINIUS MURÆNA.--Jan. 5: Battle of Pistoria, and death of Catiline.</item></list>

<pb n="76"/>The narrative of Sallust terminates with the account of the battle of Pistoria. Thereare a few other particulars connected with the history of the conspiracy, which, for thesake of the English reader, it may not be improper to add.When the victory was gained, Antonius caused Catiline's head to be cut off, andsent it to Rome by the messengers who carried the news. Antonius himself washonored, by a public decree, with the title of <foreign lang="la">Imperator,</foreign>although he had done little to merit the distinction, and although the number of slain,which was three thousand, was less than that for which the title was generally given.See Dio Cass. xxxvii., 40, 41.The remains of Catiline's army, after the death of their leader, continued to makeefforts to raise another insurrection. In August, eight months after the battle, a party,under the command of Lucius Sergius, perhaps a relative or freedman of Catiline, stilloffered resistance to the forces of the government in Etruria. <foreignlang="la">Reliquiæ conjuratorum, cum L.</foreign> <pb n="77"/><foreignlang="la">Sergio, tumultuantur in Hetruriâ.</foreign> Fragm. Act. Diurn. Theresponsibility of watching these marauders was left to the proconsul Metellus Celer.After some petty encounters, in which the insurgents were generally worsted, Sergius,having collected his force at the foot of the Alps, attempted to penetrate into the countryof the Allobroges, expecting to find them ready to take up arms; but Metellus, learning

his intention, pre-occupied the passes, and then surrounded and destroyed him and hisfollowers.At Rome, in the mean time, great honors were paid to Cicero. A thanksgiving of thirty days was decreed in his name, an honor which had previously been granted tonone but military men, and which was granted to him, to use his own words, because hehad delivered the city from fire, the citizens from slaughter, and Italy from war. "If mythanks-giving," he also observes, "be compared with those of others, there will be foundthis difference, that theirs were granted them for having managed the interests of therepublic successfully, but that mine was decreed to me for having preserved the republicfrom ruin." See Cic. Orat. iii., in Cat., c. 6. Pro, Syllâ, c. 30. In Pison. c. 3.Philipp. xiv., 8. Quintus Catulus, then <foreign lang="la">princeps

senatûs,</foreign> and Marcus Cato styled him, several times, the father of hiscountry.

<cit><quote lang="la"><l>Roma parentem,</l><l>Roma patrem patriæ Ciceronem libera dixit.</l></quote><bibl>Juv. Sat., viii. 244,</bibl></cit>Of the inferior conspirators, who did not follow Sergius, and who were apprehendedat Rome, or in other parts of Italy, after the death of the leaders in the plot, some were

put to death, chiefly on the testimony of Lucius Vettius, one of their number, whoturned informer against the rest. But many whom he accused were acquitted; others,supposed to be guilty, were allowed to escape.</div1></body></text></TEI.2>

sallustius conj.cat. english

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