runnymede the · 1993 settle in the uk by giving them ‘indefinite leave to remain (ilr). it also...

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Runnymede NEWSLETTER OF THE RUNNYMEDE TRUST Bulletin The No.314 September 1998 £1.75 In this issue Responses to the Immigration and Asylum White Paper 2-3 Education funding changes 4 Setting the agenda on race 5 European network against racism 6 UK Race & Europe Network 7 Key submissions to Lawrence inquiry 8-10 News 10-12 The Government’s Immigration and Asylum White Paper - ‘Fairer, Faster and Firmer: A Mod- ern Approach to Immigration and Asylum’ has been published. Consultation on the Paper lasts until 30th October 1998, with new legislation on immigration and asylum expected in the next Par- liamentary Session in 1998/99. The White Paper covers the whole process of seeking asylum in the UK and contains 44 separate proposals which aim to reform how refugees and other migrants are treated in the UK. While some of the proposals are positive, the Refugee Council is concerned that in many of the key areas there is a real risk that the Government’s proposals will make the situation even more chaotic, cumbersome and costly. There are currently an astounding 52,000 asy- lum seekers waiting for a first decision on their case, plus over 21,000 waiting appeal decisions. Around 10,000 people have been waiting since before 1993 to get an answer from the Home Office. Detention of asylum seekers The Refugee Council deplores the arbitrary way that asylum seekers are detained and believes that the Government’s proposal for bail reviews will be inadequate and should be subject to regular reviews. Asylum seekers should only ever be detained if they have committed a crime or it can be proved that there are exceptional circumstances which indicate they will abscond. The proposal to detain most asylum seekers after refusal of their appeal is inhumane, unworkable and will punish only those people who stick by the rules. While the Government’s stated aim of moving towards a time when no asylum seeker is detained in prison is a positive move, there is no timetable for, or extra resources allocated to, achieving this. Special detention places must expand to see a corre- sponding reduction in the use of prisons. We regret that the Government has not made an unequivocal statement that it will not detain refugee children under 18 years of age. The Government is proposing to reform the system of supporting asylum seekers in the UK by taking away any remaining rights to welfare bene- fits and amending the National Assistance Act 1948 to remove responsibility for supporting desti- tute asylum seekers from local authority social ser- vices. It also proposes to remove local authorities’ current responsibilities to asylum seekers under homelessness legislation and replace them with new arrangements. It proposes setting up a new national agency to run a programme of ‘support in kind’ for asylum seekers, operated by the Home Office. Although unaccompanied refugee children would be exempt and would receive support form local authorities, adult asylum seekers will be made only one offer of accommodation and support somewhere in the UK. If they refuse this offer, they would be entitled to no other state support. Running a ‘safety net’ would mean asylum seek- ers would be expected to find their own means of support or look to family, friends or communities. The White Paper is short on details and many questions are unanswered but the proposed ‘safety net’ support system is likely to hit asylum seekers badly and risks creating a massive problem of social exclusion. The Refugee Council has always argued that the most efficient way to support asylum seek- ers is to allow them access to welfare benefits and employment. It would be cheaper and simpler to administer than the present system or the Govern- ment’s proposals. Backlogs The Government is proposing to let over 10,000 asylum seekers who have been waiting for a first decision from the Home Office since before 1 July 1993 settle in the UK by giving them ‘Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR). It also proposes to give those who claimed asylum between 1st July 1993 and 31 December 1995 (perhaps as many as 20,000+) and who are waiting for a first decision from the Home Office, grant of ‘Exceptional Leave to Remain’ (ELR), initially for a year, which will be considered on an individual basis. This excludes any asylum seeker who made a claim between those dates and who received a first negative decision from the Home Office. It is also proposed that any asylum seeker within the cases backlog who has received a final refusal on appeal and is subject to a removal or deportation order will face those orders being carried out. The Refugee Council strongly believes that although the proposals to clear the backlog are a step forward, they have not gone far enough and cases must be cleared for any new system to work faster. New unit The Government has set up a new Country Infor- mation and Policy Unit to co-ordinate background information on refugee-producing countries. The Refugee Council welcomes the Government’s actions so far in ensuring decision-making on asy- lum cases is both more open and fairer. However, The Refugee Council’s response to the Govern- ment’s White Paper on immigration and asylum. Fairer, Faster, Firmer? Kurdish Refugee’s THE GUARDIAN Photographer: CAROL LEE Continued on page 2

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Page 1: Runnymede The · 1993 settle in the UK by giving them ‘Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR). It also proposes to give those who claimed asylum between 1st July 1993 and 31 December

RunnymedeNEWSLETTER OF THE RUNNYMEDE TRUST Bulletin

The

No.3

14 S

epte

mber

1998

£1.7

5In this issue

Responses to the Immigration and Asylum White Paper 2-3

Education funding changes 4

Setting the agenda on race 5

European networkagainst racism 6

UK Race & EuropeNetwork 7

Key submissionsto Lawrence inquiry 8-10

News 10-12

The Government’s Immigration and AsylumWhite Paper - ‘Fairer, Faster and Firmer: A Mod-ern Approach to Immigration and Asylum’ hasbeen published. Consultation on the Paper lastsuntil 30th October 1998, with new legislation onimmigration and asylum expected in the next Par-liamentary Session in 1998/99.

The White Paper covers the whole process ofseeking asylum in the UK and contains 44 separateproposals which aim to reform how refugees andother migrants are treated in the UK. While someof the proposals are positive, the Refugee Council isconcerned that in many of the key areas there is areal risk that the Government’s proposals will makethe situation even more chaotic, cumbersome andcostly.

There are currently an astounding 52,000 asy-lum seekers waiting for a first decision on theircase, plus over 21,000 waiting appeal decisions.Around 10,000 people have been waiting sincebefore 1993 to get an answer from the HomeOffice.

Detention of asylum seekersThe Refugee Council deplores the arbitrary waythat asylum seekers are detained and believes thatthe Government’s proposal for bail reviews will beinadequate and should be subject to regularreviews. Asylum seekers should only ever bedetained if they have committed a crime or it canbe proved that there are exceptional circumstanceswhich indicate they will abscond. The proposal todetain most asylum seekers after refusal of theirappeal is inhumane, unworkable and will punishonly those people who stick by the rules.

While the Government’s stated aim of movingtowards a time when no asylum seeker is detainedin prison is a positive move, there is no timetablefor, or extra resources allocated to, achieving this.Special detention places must expand to see a corre-sponding reduction in the use of prisons. We regretthat the Government has not made an unequivocalstatement that it will not detain refugee childrenunder 18 years of age.

The Government is proposing to reform thesystem of supporting asylum seekers in the UK by

taking away any remaining rights to welfare bene-fits and amending the National Assistance Act1948 to remove responsibility for supporting desti-tute asylum seekers from local authority social ser-vices. It also proposes to remove local authorities’current responsibilities to asylum seekers underhomelessness legislation and replace them withnew arrangements. It proposes setting up a newnational agency to run a programme of ‘support inkind’ for asylum seekers, operated by the HomeOffice. Although unaccompanied refugee childrenwould be exempt and would receive support formlocal authorities, adult asylum seekers will be madeonly one offer of accommodation and supportsomewhere in the UK. If they refuse this offer, theywould be entitled to no other state support.

Running a ‘safety net’ would mean asylum seek-ers would be expected to find their own means ofsupport or look to family, friends or communities.The White Paper is short on details and manyquestions are unanswered but the proposed ‘safetynet’ support system is likely to hit asylum seekersbadly and risks creating a massive problem of socialexclusion. The Refugee Council has always arguedthat the most efficient way to support asylum seek-ers is to allow them access to welfare benefits andemployment. It would be cheaper and simpler toadminister than the present system or the Govern-ment’s proposals.

BacklogsThe Government is proposing to let over 10,000asylum seekers who have been waiting for a first

decision from the Home Office since before 1 July1993 settle in the UK by giving them ‘IndefiniteLeave to Remain (ILR). It also proposes to givethose who claimed asylum between 1st July 1993and 31 December 1995 (perhaps as many as20,000+) and who are waiting for a first decisionfrom the Home Office, grant of ‘Exceptional Leaveto Remain’ (ELR), initially for a year, which will beconsidered on an individual basis. This excludesany asylum seeker who made a claim between thosedates and who received a first negative decisionfrom the Home Office. It is also proposed that anyasylum seeker within the cases backlog who hasreceived a final refusal on appeal and is subject to aremoval or deportation order will face those ordersbeing carried out.

The Refugee Council strongly believes thatalthough the proposals to clear the backlog are astep forward, they have not gone far enough andcases must be cleared for any new system to workfaster.

New unitThe Government has set up a new Country Infor-mation and Policy Unit to co-ordinate backgroundinformation on refugee-producing countries. TheRefugee Council welcomes the Government’sactions so far in ensuring decision-making on asy-lum cases is both more open and fairer. However,

The Refugee Council’sresponse to the Govern-ment’s White Paper onimmigration and asylum.

Fairer, Faster, Firmer?

Kurdish Refugee’s THE GUARDIAN

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The White Paper sets out an ambitiousprogramme that would require a substan-tial increase in investment of fundingand resources. The ‘comprehensive andlong-term strategy’ which is aimed to becompleted by April 2001 will requiredrastic structural policy and legislativechanges to the system of immigrationcontrol in the UK. What impact will thisinjection of resources and energy have onthe lives of immigrants and asylum seek-ers in the UK?

JCWI has for the last 31 years cam-paigned for a positive immigration policyfounded upon our firm conviction that thecontribution made by immigrants andrefugees to British society is unquestion-ably positive. The first few pages of theWhite Paper promises much by acclaiming

Missed opportunity to address racist thrust of immigration policy

this contribution but - and as you read on -what follows turns against the spirit of thisstatement. Instead, it outlines a pro-gramme of ‘integrated modernisation’ ofthe immigration control system whichwould unleash a web of internal controls,measures of deterrence and deliberate tar-geting of and restrictions on immigrantsand refugees.

It is clear that European discussions sur-rounding the harmonisation of immigra-tion and asylum policy have left anindelible stamp on the White Paper. Theycan be seen in the proposals for tighter visacontrols and for Airline Liaison Officers,the reception centres for asylum seekers,increased detention, enforcement andremoval policies and of course, in theextension of intelligence gathering sys-

tems. Successive British Governments,including the present one, have con-tributed fully to these discussions, whichset standards of the lowest threshold oflegal safeguards and the highest levels ofcontrol, surveillance and restriction.

We note with disappointment that thisgovernment has missed a great opportu-nity to remove the racist thrust of Britishimmigration and asylum policy and tolook afresh at positive changes which couldbenefit British society as a whole. Theoverall direction of the White Paper is atroubling one, of greater exclusion, restric-tions, intelligence gathering, detention andenforcement. Most of the positive ele-ments in it - clearing the backlog or grant-ing immediate settlement to refugees -look to be motivated mainly by cost-cut-ting and the wish to reduce administra-tion. JCWI remains apprehensive that thefinal details, when they emerge, will lead toworsening standards of human rights andrace relations.

Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants’ response to White Paper on Immigration and Asylum

The Runnymede Bulletin September 1998against pre-entry controls on asylum seekers. Asy-lum seekers are obviously often forced to travel onfalse papers and this is recognised by the UNRefugee Convention. Increasingly, already tightpre-entry controls will force more and more asylumseekers into the arms of people traffickers andsmugglers, leaving them prey to crime andexploitation.

We are also very concerned at the race relationsimplications of the proposed increased powers forimmigration officers and registrars.

The White Paper makes clear that the Section 8employment offence will be retained and a statu-tory code of practice introduced (this offencemakes it illegal for employers to employ asylumseekers without permission to work). We regretthat the Government has not carried out its mani-festo promise to repeal this offence.

We welcome the proposal to speed up theprocess of applying for British citizenship, and theconsideration of setting up a pilot project to helpasylum seekers and refugees return to their homecountries if they wish to.

However, the White Paper fails to address theurgent need for a comprehensive settlement policyfor refugees in the UK (those asylum seekers whohave been allowed to stay with refugee status orELR). The lack of a thought-through policy,backed by strategic services, leave the majority ofrefugees struggling alone with limited resources torebuild their lives and make a success here in theUK.

This is a precis of the Refugee Council’s Briefing onthe Government’s White Paper on Immigration andAsylum, published in July 1998.

Enforcement for failed asylum seekersWe accept that, in a fair, open system of asylum,the Government retains the right to remove asylumseekers who fail to meet the refugee criteria andwho do not qualify to stay for other humanitarianreasons, provided that this removal is done in ahumanitarian way in line with international rightsobligations. We remain very concerned that thesystem is not demonstrably fair or trustworthy andthat many asylum seekers currently refused mayface return to persecution or death., The Govern-ment must do more to improve decision-makingbefore many removals can be fully accepted.

Proposals on controlsThe White Paper contains numerous proposals oncontrols before, at or after entry to the UK. We are

we remain concerned that many of the underlyingcauses of slow, poor-quality decision making arestill there. As well as measures to speed up deci-sions, there must be measures to shore up fairness:an independent documentation centre; trans-parency in decision-making; ready access to goodlegal advice for asylum seekers and more trainingfor asylum case workers.

The Refugee Council welcomes the proposalthat the list of designated countries (the ‘white list’)will be abolished after new legislation is in place,but believes it should cease operation immediately.

We support moves to regulate immigrationadvisers and to ensure standards of service are high,so long as it does not prevent small grass-rootsorganisations, such as refugee community organisa-tions, from being able to register by, for example,setting registration fees too high.

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Fazil Kawani, co-ordinator of the Kurdish Cultural Centre, responds to the Government’sImmigration and Asylum White Paper. The Government’s White Paper examinesimmigration and asylum policies in the samedocument. However, it does not propose acoherent and co-ordinated asylum andimmigration system and there is clearly aneed for improvement. Although the Gov-ernment seems more willing than its prede-cessor to consult with non-governmentagencies and individuals, there should be astanding joint working party, of all inter-ested parties, to look at the issues in depth.

An independent review should start fromthe principle of protection and guide deci-sion-making identified in the ‘providing pro-tection’ report. It should consider the UK’simmigration and asylum policy morebroadly, in particular the impact on carriers’liability legislation and the possible develop-ment of temporary group protection.

For example, the proposals contained inchapter 5 to strengthen the Immigration (Car-riers’ Liability) Act 1987 and increase thenumber of Airline Liaison Officers are astough on asylum seekers as they are on illegalimmigrants. They ignore the fact that asylumseekers may, of necessity, have to flee theircountry without ID or other documentation.

Initial decision makingThe White Paper does not propose any mea-sures designed to improve the quality andfairness of initial decision-making proce-dures, other than the current measures tomodernise Immigration and NationalityDepartment (IND), with a new, comput-erised integrated case working system and thedevelopment of the country information andpolicy unit (CIPU).

The only procedural change to first deci-sion-making is the standardisation, withimmediate effect, of the period allowed forpost interview representations to five days.This will further restrict asylum seekers’opportunity to provide information support-ing their case. This proposal is particularlydisturbing - the Government does not thinkthat applicants need access to legal adviceprior to or during their asylum interview.Also, although the White Paper states that itwill treat evidence of torture very seriously, itdoes not go so far as to say that no substan-tive decision shall be taken until the decision-makers have received medical evidence inrelation to alleged torture victims.

SupportThe Government does not intend to restore

social security benefits. Instead, its intentionis only to provide a safety net for those asy-lum seekers who cannot support themselvesor get support from relatives and friends. Ifthere is a genuine risk of hardship, the WhitePaper states that other needs will also be pro-vided for by the Home Office, probably vianon-cash, rather than cash, benefits. Webelieve that asylum seekers and their familiesmust have access to reasonable means of sup-port while awaiting a primary or appealdetermination. The cheapest and most effec-tive means of doing so in general would bethe restoration of social security benefits.

Accommodation will be allocated on a ‘nochoice’ basis. Provision will be sub-contractedto local authorities, housing and voluntaryorganisations across the UK in order torelieve the burden on London, although theGovernment has acknowledged the need tobe sensitive about where and with whom itplaces people. Voluntary organisationstogether with the housing corporation shouldexpand the range and extent of voluntaryaccommodation for the most vulnerable asy-lum seekers. Refugee communities and agen-cies should be consulted in the planning andinvolved in the management of such facilities.

BacklogMeasures to clear the backlog do not extendto the appeals backlog and do not go as far aswe expected to clear the backlog of initialdecision-making. Any attempt to make deci-sion-making systems faster will fail unless thebacklog is dealt with.

DetentionParagraphs 12.4, 12.5 and 12.6 do not ruleout the detention of torture victims, families,children and unaccompanied minors in cer-tain circumstances. Detention should neverbe used for torture victims, children or themedically unfit. Asylum seekers should notbe held in prison establishments but in spe-cialised centres. Acceptable minimum stan-dards for detention should be developed withthe assistance of practitioners and medicalexperts, such as the Detention Advice Serviceand the Medical Foundation for the Care ofVictims of Torture.

EnforcementThe proposals on enforcement are foundedon the perception that links immigration andasylum to criminality. It is the system ofimmigration and control itself, at its heart

exclusionary, discriminatory and unfair, thatobliges many immigrants and asylum seekersto resort to illegal means to survive. Tarringimmigrants and asylum seekers as a wholewith a brush of illegality is an unwarrantedaffront to the black and minority communi-ties in Britain.

Removal decisionsThere should be full consideration ofhumanitarian and compassionate circum-stances and an independent assessment madeof conditions in the country of return beforeremoval decisions are made. People should beable to return in dignity and humanity.Wherever possible, they should leave volun-tarily, after a reasonable period to settle theiraffairs. Government should consult refugeecommunity groups and other expert agen-cies, including the International Organisa-tion for Immigration, on how voluntaryreturn programmes could best and mosteffectively be organised.

The Government will not hesitate tobreach confidentiality by entering into nego-tiation about national travel documents forrefused asylum seekers with their country oforigin. Re-admission agreements with thirdcountries, both compulsory and voluntary,are high on the agenda of the Government’spolicy on removal.

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Education funding changesThe chairman of the Commissionfor Racial Equality, Sir HermanOuseley, has recently written a let-ter expressing his concern to theDeputy Prime Minister, JohnPrescott. The Commission isextremely worried about the Gov-ernment’s intention over the fund-ing arrangements of LEAs.

The government are considering newways of calculating the standing spend-ing assessment (SSA) which allocatescash and spending power for public ser-vice to councils. The new - and complex- formula, linking local educationspending to Key Stage 1 results, chil-dren’s backgrounds and their relation-ship with social and economic factors isbeing considered for 1999-2000. Atpresent, for those pupils who have addi-tional education needs (AEN) extraamounts are added to the basic SSA cal-culations. This takes into account therelatively higher cost of educating thosefrom poor backgrounds and also thosewhose first language is not English. Cur-rently the AEN factors includes ethnic-ity, lone parents and dependence onincome support because it is consideredthat children affected by these needadditional support.

There are discussions currently tak-ing place on the distribution ofresources between local authorities fornext year and options include removingethnicity completely or significantlyreducing its weighting . Under the pro-posals currently being considered innerLondon boroughs with high propor-tions of ethnic minority pupils will losefunding. There is likely to be an overallshift of resources from London to theother urban authorities in NorthernEngland, including those who havedeclining manufacturing and miningindustries.

In his letter to the Deputy PrimeMinister, Sir Herman says this is thewrong time to make the change. He

acknowledges that it is time to recon-sider the education SSA but says thatthe new approach to using Key Stage 1data needs further work before it isintroduced. “It is established beyonddoubt that some ethnic minority com-munities continue to suffer dispropor-tionately high disadvantage in, forexample, unemployment levels, acade-mic underachievement and overrepre-sentation of children in care. Thisdisadvantage occurs over and above thatexperience by white groups. We believethat to remove the ethnicity indicatorsfrom SSAs now will send a powerful andentirely inappropriate message to localauthorities at a time when the Govern-ment is, to its credit, prioritising effortsto counter social exclusion.”

Sir Herman argues that the moneyshould be ring-fenced to meet the needsof ethnic minority pupils, as Section 11was, which required LEAs to bid formoney against specific targeted plans,the effectiveness and outcomes of whichcould then be monitored. “Our concernis to ensure that new arrangements guar-antee a mainstream channel of fundingentitlement to local authorities fromcentral government to enable councilseffectively to meet demonstrable ethnic

minority need in ways amenable toquality control. “

One issue which London boroughshave raised latterly is the high level ofpupil turnover/mobility in the capital.This is potentially very disruptive andcreates additional pressures on schools.Schools in London also regularly meetthe challenge of dealing with a largenumber of additional languages withinthe school. For example, pupils in Ham-mersmith and Fulham speak 118 lan-guages and 100 in Islington andLewisham.

RefugeesLondon boroughs also bear the brunt ofpressures on services from the growingnumbers of refugees and asylum seekersarriving in the capital. Figures from theAssociation of London Authorities sug-gest that London authorities areexpected to provide at least an esti-mated £150 million of services torefugees and asylum seekers in1998/99. If the grant arrangement arereplicated, London will only be reim-brused for 60-70 per cent of its totalexpenditure. The ALA says Londonprovides services to over 30,000 desti-tute asylum seekers.

Sir Herman Ouseley Deputy Prime Minister John Prescott GUARDIAN

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Migration of people in future willincrease as travel becomes easier andpeople seek to escape tyranny andpoverty, unless there is benign inter-vention, more imaginative use of aidand stimulation of the poorereconomies to prevent the causes. Withimmigration comes fear bred of igno-rance and fear of social unrest. InEurope, states are loath to relinquishcontrol over immigration policy,believing it to be central to domesticracial harmony. British nationality andimmigration law has been directed overthe past 50 years by a concern thatunlimited immigration of people withmarkedly different appearances andcultures (albeit from former colonies)would promote social unrest.

The assumption that immigrationcontrol is interlinked with good racerelations has been the political biparti-san approach in Britain for more than30 years. The Commonwealth Immigra-tion Act 1962 was a careful reaction tothe fear of coloured immigration. The1965 White Paper supported furtherimmigration control as a preconditionto achieve good race relations, thus rep-resenting a consensus between Conserv-atives and Labour. This consensusremains but is not based on anyrespected analysis. The only difference isthat the racial element is now tacit. Yetin 1997, nearly half of all work permitholders and dependants admitted werefrom the Americas. Of Commonwealthcitizens admitted for four years to seekor take employment, 80% were fromAustralia and New Zealand.

Every state has the right to determinethe criteria for settlement within its bor-ders but not on grounds of race or con-trary to international obligations.Identifying particular skills that areneeded, or requiring migrants to be ofeconomic benefit rather than a burden is

different to linking immigration withrace policy. True, a community of differ-ent races and cultures can experiencetensions but such differences are not theonly reason. The most enduring vio-lence and bloodshed in the UK over thepast 30 years has been over religious,political and economic differences inNorthern Ireland - not over race.

Linking immigration with race rela-tions presupposes some optimum racialbalance in the population can minimisetension. This should be beyond the con-trol of a free society.

In the Commission for Racial Equal-ity’s annual report, the Chair Sir Her-man Ouseley states that: “there is agenuine political consensus among themain political parties in Britain thatracial discrimination must be opposedand good race relations upheld at allcosts”. This is welcome, as was the con-cordat at the last general election thatimmigration should not be used to stirup emotions and fears.

Immigration policy and the Britishpublic must accept that a multi-culturalsociety is here to stay. While Britain’ssocial mores are now more informal

Setting the Agenda on RaceWithout significant international action, the next century will see further ethnic and

religious conflict: intolerance is a global concern writes Keith Best.

and changing rapidly, some bemoan thelack of a socio-religious straight jacketas leaving us without a foundation onwhich to base our lives. In reality, it isan opportunity to be more open witheach other and less judgmental, partic-ularly of those from a different tradi-tion.

IAS’ Changing Attitudes - a Chal-lenge for Us All aims for a sustainedfive year campaign to build on suchexcellent initiatives as Roots of theFuture from the CRI, and Credit to theNation from the Refugee Council toidentify and celebrate the contributionmade by immigrants to the UK and toproduce factual information about thediverse origins and culture of our citi-zens. This will take time - but time is onour side.

Keith Best is Chief Executive of theImmigration Advisory Service and isChairman of the World Federalist Move-ment, Chairman of the Electoral ReformSociety and Chairman of the ElectronicImmigration Network. His initiativeChanging Attitudes - A Challenge of UsAll will be formally launched when suffi-cient funds have been raised.

Keith Best

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On 2 September 1998 RunnymedeChief Executive, Sukhvinder Stubbs,and Migration Policy Group (Brussels)Director, Jan Niessen, made a presenta-tion to the Committee on Civil Liber-ties and Internal Affairs of theEuropean Parliament on the establish-ment of a European Network againstRacism. The initiative was wellreceived by Parliament and they havepledged to support its funding and haveexpressed interest in being involved inits development.

During the European Year againstRacism existing initiatives against allforms of racial discrimination werestrengthened and new initiatives weretaken at local, national and Europeanlevels. To ensure that issues of racismand equal treatment firmly stay on theagenda of European institutions, govern-ments, social partners and other non-governmental actors, it was felt necessaryto intensify the co-operation betweenorganisations across the EuropeanUnion. Therefore – with the support ofthe European Commission - consulta-tions took place during 1997 and 1998which involved governmental and Com-mission officials, Members of the Euro-pean Parliament and representatives ofover 800 organisations.

In November 1997, 150 representa-tives of anti-racist organisations decidedto continue the consultation process thatwould lead to the establishment of aEuropean Network against Racism.During the first half of 1998, nationalround tables were organised in eachmember state, involving all kinds oforganisations, such as anti-racist NGOs,refugee and migrants organisations,trade unions, churches, developmentorganisations and academics. A Euro-pean round table brought togetherorganisations and networks active on theEuropean level, such as the EuropeanAnti-Poverty Network, the EuropeanMigrants Forum, United, the Starting

The establishment of a European network against racism

Line Group and the Centre EuropéenJuif d’Information.

The organisations consulted are com-mitted to continue working together atnational and European levels. This willbecome even more important after theAmsterdam Treaty comes into force, giv-ing the European Union the power toact against discrimination on thegrounds of racial and ethnic origin, reli-gion and belief.

In October 1998, at a conference thatwill take place in Brussels, a formal deci-sion will be taken on a European ActionPlan to Combat Racism and PromoteEqual Treatment and on a structure forco-operation between local, national andEuropean organisations, that is, a Euro-pean Network against Racism.

The programme will include: theadoption of anti-discrimination legisla-

tion, the promotion of European citi-zenship and the elimination of structuraldiscrimination against third-countrynationals, the elimination of racistaspects of European immigration andasylum policies, the adoption of mea-sures to bring about equal access to ser-vices, decision-making structures andlabour markets, and the development ofcodes of conduct for the media andpolitical parties. The structure of thefuture Network will have to be inclusiveand pluralistic, programme and productoriented, transparent and democratic.

The future Network will seek theactive co-operation of the EuropeanMonitoring Centre on Racism andXenophobia. It will also continue toinform the European Parliament and itsrelevant committees and look for con-crete ways to work together.

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The UK Race & Europe Network(UKREN) organised a national roundtablemeeting in Manchester on 1 June 1998 aspart of a Europe-wide consultation processtowards the establishment of a EuropeanNetwork against Racism.

In preparation for the UK nationalroundtable, a series of six regional meetingswere held throughout April and May 1998.The national roundtable was aimed at allthose who work in or with organisationscommitted to promoting racial justice in theUK. It provided participants with anopportunity to learn more about EU policyand develop their networks and contactswith local, regional and national organisa-tions in the field.

The key objective of the national round-table was to consider the results of theregional meetings and move towards devel-oping a national agenda.

Eighty-two delegates were present at thenational roundtable. Combined with theparticipants of the regional roundtables,over 220 organisations took part in this con-sultation process. In addition to this, over1000 organisations received mailingsinforming them about the future EuropeanNetwork and the UK consultation process.

Through the findings of the regionalmeetings and the representation of regionsat the national roundtable, we have beenable to develop a clearer position on the pro-posal for a European Network againstRacism to take forward to the pan-Europeanmeeting in October 1998.

The key concluding points presentedbelow represent the broader issues, concernsand agreements discussed at the UKnational roundtable.

It was acknowledged that European leveldecisions and legislation have an importantand direct effect on the lives and work ofpeople in the UK. It was agreed that it isnecessary to engage in European leveldebates and strategies for action and change.There was consensus that a European levelnetwork of some kind would be an appro-priate and valuable vehicle to facilitate par-ticipation of local, regional and nationalorganisations at European level.

Overall, a hybrid model of secretariatand network with a loose bureaucracy butstill incorporating a formal membership

structure to create a sense of owner-ship and commitment amongst par-ticipating organisations waspreferred. It was strongly arguedthat any structure for NGO partici-pation at European level must bedemocratic, accountable andtransparent and very clear in itsaims and objectives.

There was a strong feeling thatthere should be a balancebetween the communicationissue – what sort of informationeverybody wants out of thisNetwork as well as what infor-mation they can put back intoit – and the campaigningissue. The Network shouldhave a strong campaigningand lobbying function andbe timely and responsive toissues as they arise in orderto be effective, but also beable to relay informationto local, regional andnational levels in a timely andeven-paced way.

It was thought that the development ofstrong anti-discrimination legislation wasessential to a Europe-wide strategy to com-bat racism. There were strongly held viewsthat legislative measures should cover racialdiscrimination and religious discrimination;should extend rights of European citizen-ship to third country nationals; shouldaddress issues of racism experienced byrefugees and asylum seekers; should tackleracial violence and harassment. Promotionof legal and other measures to combatracism was seen as a strategic activity of thefuture Network.

Alongside legislation there should beawareness-raising campaigns of the desir-ability of such legislation and monitoring ofany legislation that may come into effect.

Education and training — in schools, inthe private and public sectors, across theboard — were seen to be key areas for activ-ity and promoting social policy and attitudi-nal change.

The involvement of young people wasthought to be crucial at all levels, includingin the future European Network itself, andthe need to develop strategies for their inclu-

sion from the very beginning wasstressed.

Linking the Network with the Observa-tory was thought to be very important, aswell as ensuring links with other networks inorder to build contacts and reduce duplica-tion of activities.

Serious consideration of developing a UKnational network and regional networksneeds to be undertaken. UKREN, as co-ordinators of this consultation process and afunctioning body of organisations active inthis field, will take this issue up and considerways in which it can expand its membershipand / or information provision towards afuture goal of creating a fully fledged UKnational network.

The whole of this debate on structure andwork programme is set in the framework ofresources and communication. Resourcesare essential and need to come from thenational level and the European level.

For a copy of the full UKREN NationalRoundtable Conference Report, please send aSAE (A5, 26p) for the attention of MichelynnLaflëche at The Runnymede Trust.

UK Race & Europe Network National Roundtable Consultation

The Runnymede Bulletin September 1998

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Key Submissions to Lawrence The Inquiry into the Death of StephenLawrence resumed in September withclosing submissions on the first part byamong others, the Lawrence family, theMetropolitan Police and the CrownProsecution Service. The second partof the Inquiry will focus on writtensubmissions and meetings with organi-sations to draw out lessons to be learntfor the investigation and prosecution ofracially motivated crimes. To date theInquiry has received 90 written sub-missions from organisations through-out the United Kingdom. Here wehighlight extracts from some of the keysubmissions.

Some key dates22 April 1993: Stephen’s death.31 July 1997: Home Secretary annou-nces

Inquiry.8 October 1997: Inquiry preliminary hear-

ings held (to explain the purpose of theInquiry, procedure and consider appli-cations to be legally represented at theInquiry at public cost).

16 March 1998: Inquiry’s Part 1 hearingsbegin.

20 July 1998: End of Part 1 evidence.16 September 1998: Start of closing sub-

missions for Part 1.24 September 1998: Start of meetings for

Part 2.

“Collective failure” On Thursday 24 September during hearingson Part 2 of the Inquiry, the Chairman SirWilliam Macpherson, indicated that two ofthe central concerns emerging at the Inquiryis the “collective failure” by the Metropoli-tan Police to tackle racism and the loss ofconfidence in the police among black andethnic minority communities. Sir Williamsaid:

“…This Inquiry, which has been anextraordinary experience for all of us, hasthrown up an obvious crisis of confidencebetween the black community and the Met-ropolitan Police. There is no hiding that.Some say that has damaged race relations; Ihope very much that will not turn out to bethe epitaph of this Inquiry.

“But it might be a good idea, I wouldthink, just for everybody and the HomeOffice as well, to take on board the percep-

tions of the black community that haverisen in this Inquiry and assume that theyare right rather than make excuses and sug-gest that they are wrong. Stop and search isan example. It is just a matter of ethos whichseems to me to be necessary to change if thisInquiry is to create a watershed for improve-ment in the relationship between the blackcommunity and the police which mustindeed be improved.”

Later he continued: “The question of‘institutional racism’ is something we haveto grapple with because if you ask the aver-age police constable what he means by it, hemight not know at all, it seems to me. Scar-man, of course, focused we are told and Ithink it is right, on ‘bad apples’, did he not,in the police force as being reprehensibleand having to be weeded out but he didn’tlook at what we have been addressinghere… which is a collective failure throughthe attitudes of police constables workingtogether, particularly at the lower level, andgeneral discrimination conscious or uncon-scious, mostly unconscious. It is a collectivefailure, which has to be hauled over thecoals, as it seems to me…”

Submissions from:Lawrence family“… Despite inquiries, reports and trainingover the last 50 years, racism in all its formsstill greatly effects many aspects of life andlies at the heart of why Stephen was mur-dered and why his murderers remain uncon-victed. At one end of the spectrum there isracism, both articulated and unarticulated,that is tantamount to a set of beliefs. It is nocoincidence that the BNP headquarters wassituated in Welling, not far from the scene ofthe murder, and that over the last decadetheir views have been propagated widely,especially in South London…

“At the other end of the spectrum, there isracism which is insidious and which is notarticulated, often not recognised and oftendenied. This form is particularly pertinent tothe police in this case, and it is not withoutinterest that at the end of Part 1, DoreenLawrence publicly indicated that she wouldnot advocate black people joining the policeforce at present. The basis of this observation

is undoubtedly that racism in the force is toowidespread and deep-seated for the occa-sional black recruit to make any difference.All officers concerned with the events sur-rounding Stephen’s murder were white…”

Serious basic errors“Failure to arrest by Monday 26 April 1993,or at the very least to obtain a search warrantfor specific addresses;

Failure to consolidate eye-witness identi-fication evidence;

Failure to pursue a line of enquiry relat-ing to a possible sixth suspect who couldhave been ‘the blond offender’ and failure toproperly eliminate potential candidates;

Failure to develop information expedi-tiously and effectively in order to convert itinto evidence;

Failure to establish an effective surveil-lance operation in the two weeks after themurder and failure to put the product thatwas obtained to any use;

Failure to ensure the completion offorensic science examination…”

Extract from the 58 page long submis-sion from the Lawrence family to theInquiry. Further information from theStephen Lawrence Family Campaign, 14Featherstone Road, Southall, MiddlesexUB2 5AA.

Duwayne Brooks“Duwayne Brooks was a key witness and thesurviving victim of this racist attack andmurder. He co-operated fully with the policeand continued to co-operate long after otherkey witnesses gave up. He was helpful andstraightforward. He provided nine witnessstatements and attended three identificationparades, two criminal court hearings andthree inquest hearings, yet he was treatedwith suspicion and disrespect by the police.He was literally criminalized. It is our mainsubmission that this was primarily because ofwho he was, a young black man, the natureof the crime, a racist attack, and the state ofpolice service, disabled by racism…

“Racial stereotyping of Duwayne Brooksand failing to take his account seriously…meant that the police failed to follow upimportant leads”. Extract from the submissionon behalf of Duwayne Brooks to the Inquiry.Duwayne was Stephen’s companion on thenight of the fatal murder”.

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Inquiry

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Metropolitan Police Service“…The MPS acccepts that in certain criticalareas, the level of competence apparent dur-ing the investigation was inadequate. Inpart, this can be explained by organisationalweaknesses and in part by the performanceof individuals… There is no evidence toexpress racism in the investigation. How-ever, we acknowledge that, at times, we wereinsensitive and that some perceived this tobe racist behaviour. The needs and anxietiesof the Lawrence family were not fully under-stood and we were therefore unable torespond to them appropriately. We recog-nise that there is a need to adjust our ownperceptions in order to understand the per-ceptions of those we serve. The assertionthat the Service is ‘Intentionally racist’ is notaccepted…”

Extract from the Metropolitan Police Ser-vice’s submission to Part 1 of the Inquiry.

Commission for Racial Equality“…Since Lord Scarman’s report the HomeAffairs Select Committee of the House ofCommons has examined the issue [racialviolence] on four occasions, reporting withdetailed recommendations at each time. Thelast report, in 1994, called for an urgent, co-ordinated, crash programme of action byGovernment, the police and public agencies.Four years later the need for such anapproach is greater than ever.

The fundamental problems within thepolice, the prosecution service and the courtsthat have led to the lack of confidence of eth-nic minority communities are institutionalones. The fundamental problem, however, isthe wider climate of institutional inertia inwhich the police, the CPS and the courtsoperate. There remains in Britain, at everylevel, complacency over institutional racism.Part 1 of this Inquiry has put the police ser-vice under the microscope and has exposed aculture in which negative perceptions andstereotypes of black people have been shownto thrive. Were other institutions to be scru-tinised with a similar intensity we believesimilar attitudes and similar barriers to fair-ness and equal treatment would berevealed…We believe that any recommenda-tions for major change within the police ser-vice will not be fully achievable if, as asociety, we leave untouched the racism whichcontinues to taint all our institutions…”

Extract from the section on institutionalinertia from the CRE’s submission to theInquiry. More information from the CRE,Elliot House, 10-12 Allington Street, LondonSW1E 5EH.

Churches Commission forRacial JusticeKey recommendations:

• Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constab-ulary should provide effective inspec-tion and monitoring of theMetropolitan Police;

• A police authority for London shouldbe created with members representativeof London’s diversity, chaired by theHome Secretary, to oversee recruitmentand service delivery of the MetropolitanPolice;

• The Metropolitan Police should berequired to create a Race RelationsForum which would provide advice andaccountability to community represen-tatives;

• The Police Service should more activelyrecruit and retain officers from blackand minority communities;

• The Police Complaints Authorityshould be strengthened by employingindependent investigators with positiveaction to seek investigators, fromminority communities.CCRJ, Inter-Faith House, 35-41 LowerMarsh, London SE1 7RL.

Runnymede Trust“…It is the entire praxis of the police forcewhich requires dismantling. Black peopleperceive a lack of access to the system, a lackof care, a sense that they are second class andinferior, a feeling that they are always the

perpetrators or if victims deservedly so. Thepolice service has to let down its walls andbe open to internal observation and investi-gation. Nothing less than radical reform ofthe recruitment processes, managementstructures, internal communication andleadership messages will be required. Theissue is not about appeasing a few black peo-ple but about having a secure world classservice which everyone in the country canrely on and which helps to counteract ratherthan add to the disaffection and alienationvisible in the young people whether black orwhite ...”

The Runnymede Trust, 133 AldersgateStreet, London EC1A 4JA.

Black Police Association“We do not deny that the MetropolitanPolice have achieved notable successes inchanging the internal management culture;introducing for example greater objectivityin terms of staff appraisals and fairer assess-ment based promotional systems. A ‘fair-ness’ culture has undoubtedly produced amore open, self-critical organisation withincreasingly high standards of ethics andintegrity.

“However, such progress in the area ofpersonnel management and organisationalchange must be measured against the Met-ropolitan Police’s willingness to accept thestatus quo where the issue of creating amulti-cultural organisation is concerned.The lack of vision and strategy in theacceptance of a white dominated mono-cultural police service, with all the inherentproblems surrounding ethnocentrism,demonstrates at best an inability to appre-ciate the value of a multi-cultural organisa-tion and worst a conscious decision topreserve the values and beliefs of the domi-nant culture. Those values and beliefs, theunconscious stereotyping of black and eth-nic minorities, all perpetuated and rein-forced by the organisations’ values, canonly contribute to the evidently differentialservice delivery afforded the minority eth-nic population by the police service. A ser-vice delivery which has seriouslyundermined the confidence in the policeservice of a significant proportion of thepopulation…”

Conclusion from Black Police Association’sdetailed submission to Inquiry. A copy of theirsubmission can be obtained from The BPA,

The Metropolitan Police GUARDIANCommissioner Sir Paul Condon

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Employment news

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Black over 40s hit bydouble disadvantageBlack people aged over 40 face thedouble disadvantage of ageism andracism in the labour market, accord-ing to a new report published by theTrade Union Congress. Double Dis-crimination: older black workers andthe need for a new deal says that olderpeople are more likely to be unem-ployed and for longer than theirwhite counterparts, and that theirunemployment rate is rising. Thereport also reveals that both workingand non-working older people aremore likely to lack formal qualifica-tions.

The TUC welcomes the extensionof the Government’s New Deal pro-gramme to workers over 25 butargues that it should be particularlytailored to tackling unemploymentamong black people over 40. It alsobelieves that unions must incorporatean equal rights perspectives into theirwork on the New Deal.

Among the report’s key findingswere:

• The unemployment rate forblack people over 40 is nearlydouble the rate for their whitecounterparts - 8.4 per cent com-pared with 4.4 per cent;

• 76 per cent of olderblack menand 56 per cent of older blackwomen have jobs, comparedwith 79 per cent of older whitemen and 72 per cent of olderwhite women;

• The TUC estimates that 19 percent of the older black workerswant a job, compared with 12per cent of comparable whiteworkers; and

• 28 per cent of all older working-age black men and 37 per cent ofall older working-age blackwomen have no qualifications.

TUC general secretary JohnMonks said: “Older black workerstoo often experience double discrimi-nation - being seen as ‘past it’ and thewrong colour. The New Deal offersunions and employers an opportunity

to tackle this head on and to ensurethat older black workers are notexcluded from jobs by racism andageism.”

The report recommends that staffresponsible for assessment, advice andprovision for the New Deal are awareof their responsibilities to avoid dis-crimination and that agreements withemployers and contacts with organi-sations providing elements of theNew Deal should include clients’rights to equal opportunities and fairtreatment.

Double Discrimination: older blackworkers and the need for a new deal,TUC, 1998.

Drop in tribunal pay-outsIndustrial tribunal pay-outs for raceand sex discrimination cases havefallen, according to the IndustrialRelations Services. The total compen-sation paid last year was £1.36 mil-lion, with awards in race cases down13 per cent and sex cases down 21 percent on 1996. Average compensationpaid was £8,220 to victims of racediscrimination, £4,556 in sex casesand just £3,743 to disabled victims ofdiscrimination (Morning Star11.9.98).

Ex-council officer winscaseA former local government officerwho was accused of fraud by a whitecolleague has been cleared followingthe longest race discrimination caseever conducted before an industrialtribunal. Sam Yeboah, a magistrate inMilton Keynes, Buckinghamshire,could receive a substantial compensa-tion payment after a London tribunalheld he had been racially discrimi-nated against by the London Bor-ough of Hackney and by BernardCrofton, its former director of hous-ing.

Mr Yeboah, who left his job ashead of Hackney’s personnel servicesin 1996, was accused by Mr Croftonof being involved in a housing bene-fits fraud involving West Africansworking for the council (Times,Guardian 8.9.98).

Metropolitan Police, Room LG11, 105Regency Street, London SW1P 4AN.

Institute for Race Relations“The Lawrence Inquiry has revealed aremarkable catalogue of incompetence inthe conduct of the police investigationinto this racist murder. A key question tobe addressed by the Inquiry relates to thecauses of this incompetence and the meansof ensuring that it is never again repeatedin future investigations of racial (or indeedother) crimes. In this respect, the Institutefor Race Relations believe that it is essen-tial to place the events surrounding themurder of Stephen Lawrence and the sub-sequent police investigation in the contextof a wider body of evidence relating toboth organised racial violence and rela-tions between the police and other crimi-nal justice agencies and the blackcommunity…

“We do not accept however that incom-petence, rather than racism, was the mainreason for the police failings in the Lawrenceinvestigation. Rather, we would maintainthat incompetence compounded by racial-ism made for a lethal combination. And thiscombination has to be viewed in the contextof institutional racism…”

Extract from IRR’s submission to theInquiry. IRR, 2-6 Leeke Street, King’s CrossRoad, London WC1X 9HS.

1990 Trust“The relationship between the Police Ser-vice and the black community is at an alltime low and this inquiry into mattersarising from the death of StephenLawrence has and will further highlightthis and other problems… The 1990 Trustbelieve that it is essential to any strategiesthat are designed to meet the challenges ofinstitutional racism within the Police Ser-vice to consider issues of discipline andthe priority attached to complaints ofracism. There has to be clear commitmentby the Police Service to rebuild the confi-dence of the black community. Thislargely depends on how much attention ispaid to any consultation of black commu-nities’ needs and on the implementationand maintenance of the highest standardsof behaviour and service towards the com-munity…”

The 1990 Trust, South Bank Technopark,90 London Road, London SE1 6LN.

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News round-upAdoption Guidelines publishedChildren must not languish in local authoritycare because no family of the same race has comeforward to adopt them, according to new guide-lines on adoption. Published in August, theguidelines warn against too great a focus on race,culture, age or smoking habits.

They follow a series of cases of people rejectedas adopters because they were reportedly thewrong colour, insufficiently conscious of racialissues or were too fat. Paul Boateng, the juniorhealth minister who is responsible for children’sservices, said it was time to end “misguided prac-tices”. He said, “for too long, adoption has beenregarded as the last and least acceptable option.Some councils still refused to place children foradoption because the prospective parents wereover 40, the wrong colour or smokers, or evenbecause it was hoped to reunite the natural familyat all costs. This showed a fundamental failure tounderstand the nature of adoption and its advan-tages for a child unable to live with his or herown family.”

But the guidelines still leave councils muchroom for discretion in individual cases. There areno set time limits and race is endorsed as a “prin-cipal” issue in choosing adopters. However, after“agreed and realistic” time limits the search forsame-race adopters must be ended (Guardian28.8.98).

Terrorism Act criticisedThe Criminal Justice (Terrorism and Conspiracy)Act 1998 received Royal Assent in September.The Act is a response to the Omagh bombings inNorthern Ireland and its aftermath. The mainprovisions of the Act are that:

• the opinion of a senior police officer wouldbe admissible in court as evidence of membershipof specific terrorist groups;

• courts will be able to draw inference from asuspect’s refusal to answer questions during thecourse of an investigation into membership;

• on conviction, the assets of individualsfound to be members could be seized if they hadbeen used in support of the group;

• it will be offence to conspire in the UK tocommit terrorist or other serious offences in aforeign country.

Dr Ghayasuddin Siddiqui, the leader of theMuslim Parliament of Great Britain, said thatthe Bill was “aimed at Muslim dissidents in thiscountry and the British Muslim Community atlarge”. Critics argue that the new offence ofcommitting, offences abroad is the result ofpressure from Arab countries to prevent BritishMuslims and Muslim dissidents speaking out

openly and freely against the nature of theseregimes. The civil liberties group, Liberty, saidthat to enforce the new offence, British authori-ties would have to rely on the co-operation andintegrity of overseas governments and agencieswithout the necessary proper safeguards. “Theobvious danger is that the investigation of suchgroups will often be brought about by politicalforces such as overseas governments complain-ing about the tactics of pressure groups and gov-ernment opponents based in this country. Theauthorities in this country will inevitably beseen as taking sides in complex and sometimeslittle understood disputes” (Financial Times3.8.98; Guardian 2.9.98)

* The Home Office launched an investiga-tion in August after allegations in the press thata member of an influential race relations com-mittee is a member of the London-based funda-mentalist group Al-Muhajiroun, which isallegedly linked to the political wing of theInternational Islamic Front. Makbool Javaid, aformer legal adviser to the Commission forRacial Equality, is a member of the HomeOffice’s Race Forum, which had its inauguralmeeting in June. The Islamic Front is headed byOsama bin Laden, who is believed to be behindthe bombing of American embassies in Kenyaand Tanzania earlier this year (Guardian22.8.98; Times 24.8.98).

Racism in the Home OfficeJack Straw is to set ethnic minority recruitmenttargets and appoint a ‘harassment officer’ after astudy revealed racism was entrenched in theHome Office. The study by MaST ConsultancyService says that some Home Office managersengaged in bullying, racist banter and victimisa-

tion of black staff. In focus groups remarksincluded: “If you are racist it is a bloody goodjob”; “Nigerians are the worse thieves in theworld. If a Nigerian said: ‘Nice day’, I’d go out-side and check”.

The study says that ethnic minority staff atthe Home Office are sceptical that anything canbe done about the results. Decisions concerningpromotion, career moves, recruitment andappraisal are perceived to be clouded by preju-dice’. “There is a strong perception that selec-tion is based on tokenism, nepotism,patronage, the ‘old boy network’ and the HomeOffice vision of ‘who is seen to fit in’”, says thereport.

Some staff said that managers only paid lipservice to equal opportunities because ministersrequired it, and some managers were hostilewhen problems were raised. The ImmigrationDepartment is singled out for particular criti-cism. The report was leaked to the press inAugust. More information is also available on the1990 Trust web site. The address is:http://www.blink.org.uk

Head investigated over ‘race’remarkA headmaster is to be investigated by governorsafter allegedly describing a new pupil as “black asthe ace of spades”. Michael Carding, headmasterof Bishop Heber High School in Malpas,Cheshire, is said to have made the remark at theend of last term while briefing staff about a newpupil. Teachers alerted unions, and a joint letterfrom the National Union of Teachers, theNational Association of Schoolmasters andUnion of Women Teachers and the Associationof Teachers and Lecturers was sent to CheshireCounty Council. The school’s 900 pupils are pre-dominately white and live in a rural, farming area(Times 3.9.98).

Deportation plightThe Home Office is trying to deport the son ofthe former Archbishop of Uganda who was mur-dered under the Idi Amin regime and wasrecently commemorated at Westminster Abbeywith a statue unveiled by the Queen. AndrewLuwum, aged 36, the son of Janani Luwum, wasarrested by Ugandan troops but fled to Britain in1990 to seek asylum. Mr Luwum says that his lifewould be at risk in Uganda because of his familybackground. His mother died in jail after Aminwas overthrown. The Home Office says that he isnot a political refugee and has two sisters living inUganda. His local councillor, Alec Castle, andMP Paul Boateng are making representations onhis behalf (Observer 23.8.98).

Jack Straw & Prime Minister Tony Blair GUARDIAN

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The Runnymede Bulletin September 1998

Bulletin No 314, September 1998. ISSN 0965-7762The Runnymede Trust is an independent charity concerned with issues of racial justice and equality.

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Policing and racial violenceNo police explanation for deathThe Metropolitan Police admitted in Maythat despite an 18-month investigationthey had no idea whether the death of amusician found half-naked and ablaze onthe North Circular Road was a case of mur-der or suicide. An inquest into the death of30-year-old Michael Tachie-Menson heardthat detectives have interviewed 300 wit-nesses. But the chief investigating officersaid they had not come close to finding outhow Mr Tachie-Menson came to be set onfire.

Mr Tachie-Menson’s brother Kwazee tolddetectives early in the investigation that fourwhite youths might have had something todo with the incident, but Detective ChiefInspector Robert Scott told the Hornseyinquest there was not even circumstantialevidence to say whether the musician hadbeen attacked. A consultant psychiatrist toldthe inquest he had diagnosed Mr Tachie-Menson as schizophrenic, but would nothave said he was a major suicide risk.

Diplomat’s son Mr Tachie-Menson wasdiscovered badly burned but still alive at1.40am on 28 January last year on a motor-way at Edmonton. He was naked withsevere burns to his back, buttocks and upperthighs and suffering from severe shock. Hewas taken to hospital but he died on 13 Feb-ruary (Independent 9.9.98).

* The Sunday People (6.9.98) reportedthat the Greater Manchester Police, whichoperates in a region with a substantial Asianpopulation, employ only 167 non-whiteofficers out of a total force of 6,934. Whenasked why they had so few Asian officers,the force said: “We do advertise in theCaribbean press, you know.”

Manish Patel case An Old Bailey judge has criticised anti-racistactivists for likening the murder of 16-year-old schoolboy Manish Patel to that of black

teenager Stephen Lawrence. Judge GrahamBoal QC said activists were turning themurder into “a racial cause celebre”.

Manish, an A-Level student from Ken-ton, Middlesex, was attacked as he returnedhome from his first day in a summer job at adouble glazing firm. He was punched andkicked by two white teenagers and diedwhen he fell and hit his head on the kerb.One of his attackers shouted: “Pick him up,I want to hit him again.” Manish’s skull wasfractured and he suffered internal bleeding.

Sentencing the two attackers, Judge Boalsaid, “I am convinced it was not raciallymotivated” but a case of bullying. Duringthe trial the main attacker, a 16-year-old,called his victim “a stupid paki”. He wasconvicted of manslaughter and sentenced tothree and half years’ detention and his 17-year-old partner given 80 hours’ communityservice for assault with intent to cause actualbodily harm.

Judge Boal said that a press release issuedby the 1990 Trust which said “another mur-der, another miscarriage of justice” shouldbe referred to the Attorney General (EveningStandard 11.9.98, Independent 12.9.98).

PCA probe deathThe Police Complaints Authority is prepar-ing an independent report into the Metro-politan Police’s handling of the death ofAsian student Lakhvinder ‘Ricky’ Reel. Anycriticism could be damaging to the Met, following the allegations of incompetence atthe Inquiry into the Death of StephenLawrence.

Ricky, aged 20, was found drowned inthe Thames last October after a night outwith three Asian friends. Police concludedthat he had fallen into the river anddrowned. A post-mortem found he hadbeen drinking and there were no marks tosuggest that he had been attacked. However,his family believe Ricky was a victim of aracial murder because he disappeared after

an altercation with two white youths. Theysaid that he was a strong swimmer but had afear of open water and would not have beenlikely to go anywhere near the Thames.Ricky’s family has called for an inquiry intohis death (Evening Standard 27.8.98).

Men of African DescentOvercoming SocialExclusionThe Black Men’s Forum is having theirsecond conference on 31st October atthe West Yorkshire Playhouse in Leeds.The conference, entitled Men ofAfrican Descent Overcoming SocialExclusion, will have themes concernedwith sharing experiences, consolidat-ing strategies and creating a nationalnetwork organisation of UK BlackMen’s Forums. The main speakers willbe Dr Molefi Asante, an African-cen-tred academic, and Trevor Gordon,who is head of equal opportunities atLambeth College in London. Otherpresentations will be made by repre-sentatives from various projects whowork alongside statutory agencies toactively alleviate social exclusion issuesin the African and African-Caribbeancommunities.

For further details contact: MirandaParis, BMF, C/o Chel CommunityTrust, 26 Roundhay Road, Leeds LS71AB. Tel: 0113 242 5996.

Black Men’sForum

Conference