routine politeness in american and british english requests: use...
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Routine politeness in American and British English requests: use and nonuse of please
Article (Accepted Version)
http://sro.sussex.ac.uk
Murphy, M Lynne and De Felice, Rachele (2018) Routine politeness in American and British English requests: use and non-use of please. Journal of Politeness Research, 15 (1). pp. 1-24. ISSN 1612-5681
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RoutinepolitenessinAmericanandBritishEnglishrequests:useandnon-useofpleaseM.LynneMurphy&RacheleDeFelicetobepublishedinJournalofPolitenessResearchFinalsubmittedversion.Pleaseaskpermissionbeforequoting.lynnem@sussex.ac.ukAbstract
Thispaperlooksattheuseandnon-useofpleaseinAmericanandBritishEnglishrequests.
Theanalysisisbasedonrequestdatafromtwocomparableworkplaceemailcorpora,which
havebeenpragmaticallyannotatedtoenableretrievalofallrequestspeechactsregardless
offormulation.675requestsareextractedfromeachofthetwocorpora;thebehaviourof
pleaseisanalysedwithregardtofactorssuchasimpositionlevel,sentencemood,and
modalverbtype.DifferencesinuseofpleasebetweenthetwovarietiesofEnglishcanbe
accountedforbyviewingthisasamarkerofconventionalpolitenessratherthanface-threat
mitigationinBritishEnglish,andofrelationshipasymmetryinAmericanEnglish.
Keywords:politenessstrategies;requests;pragmaticvariation;English;please
1. Introduction
1.1Thedualnatureofplease
Watts(2003:183)callsplease“[t]hemostobviousexampleofapolitenessmarkerin
English”,yetitisawordthatdividesspeakersofBritishandAmericanEnglishes(henceforth
BrEandAmE),occurringabouttwiceasfrequentlyinBritishEnglishasinAmerican(Biberet
al.1999:1098;BreuerandGeluykens2007).Thisdifferenceissometimesnotedin
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interculturalcommunicationandcontributestostereotypingregardingpoliteness.Britons
oftenaccuratelyperceiveAmericansasusingpleaselessthantheywould,asin(1)and(2),
andAmericans’perceivedlackofpleaseinexpectedpositionscanbeasourceof
interculturalfriction,asin(3)and(4).
(1) IoftencomplainthatAmericansrarelysay“Please”butboydotheytake“Thank
you”seriously(BritishexpatriateintheUS;
http://pondparleys.blogspot.co.uk/2011/10/americans-brits-always-offending-each.html)
(2) Americansdon’tsaypleaselikewedo[…]andyesitsoundsliketheyhaveno
manners,butit’showtheyare(Britishflightattendants;Liz&Julie2007)
(3) [We]wereintheoutdoorsectionofacafé[intheUK]once–acramped,eat-your-
lunch-and-get-outkindofplace–andasacouplewho’dbeensittingnearbywove
pastourtabletogetthemselvesout,oneofthemsaid,“Inthiscountry,wesay
pleaseandthankyou.”
Sadly,bythetimewe’dprocessedthewords,theyweretoofarawayforasnappy
comeback,but“Inourcountry,we’repolitetostrangers,”didcometomind.
(AmericantravellerinUK;http://notesfromtheuk.com/2015/01/16/manners-american-and-
british/)
(4) Oneday,afterI’dbeeneating[atabakedpotatoshopinCambridge]foraweekor
so,IorderedmyusualasIalwaysdid:“MayIhaveabakedpotatowithcheeseand
broccoli?”Theserverrespondedwith,“no,notunlessyoustartsayingplease.”(Lisa,
AmericanstudentinUK;Murphy2012)
TheAmericansinthelasttwointeractionshadnotperceivedtheirownplease-less
requestsasimpolite.Wouldtheyhaveperceivedtheirownrequestsas“morepolite”ifthey
hadsaidplease?Thereisreasontosuspectnot.SincetheseAmericansdidnotbelievethat
theydeservedscolding,theyseemtofeelthattheirplease-lessrequestswerealready
polite.Furthermore,onecanfindAmericanreflectionson“impoliteplease”,whichhas
“evolvedintoatagmeanttoconveyurgencyorannoyance”(Trawick-Smith2012).
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Thedifferencesinfrequencyindicatedifferentnormsformakingcontext-appropriate
requests,whichmayinturnindicatedifferentprevalentfunctionsofpleaseintheUSand
UK.Thispaper,basedonworkplaceemaildata,takesthepositionthatpleasevariation
revealsdifferentaspectsofappropriateinteractioninBritishandAmericancultures,witha
greateremphasisonconventionalisedformulaeinBrEthaninAmE.TheBritishcasein
particularofferssomesupporttotheargumentthatperceptionsofwhatis“polite”can
dependonwhatisfamiliar,ratherthanacalculatedmitigationoffacethreat(Terkourafi
2015:11).TheexistenceoffewerandweakerpatternsintheAmericandatagivesthe
impressionthattheuseofpleaseinAmEislessamatterofroutine.1
Therestofthearticleisorganisedasfollows.Intheremainderofthissection,we
providesomecontextforourwork,discussingotherstudiesonAmEandBrEplease.In
Section2wedescribeourdataandmethodology,andanalyseourfindingsinSection3.
Finally,inSection4,weconsiderpossibleinterpretationsforourresults.
1.2Backgroundtothestudy
WhilethefunctionofpleasehasnotbeendirectlycomparedinBrEandAmE,differencesin
itsrelativefrequencyarenottheonlyhintwehavethatpleaseisusedfordifferent
purposesinAmEandBrE.Wherepleasehasbeenstudiedinoneofthesenationsorthe
other,theresearchershaveusedlanguageormadeconclusionsthat,whencontrastedwith
oneanother,pointtodifferences–eventhoughtheymostlymaketheirclaimsabout
“Englishplease”withoutreferencetonationalvarieties.Thisistrueregardlessofthedata
1Inconsideringthedata,weattempt,inthefirstinstance,acertaintheoreticalagnosticism.Whereweusethewordpolitewithoutreferencetoaparticulartheory,wemeantorefertofirst-orderpoliteness–thatis,speakers’culturalunderstandingofwhatqualifiesasa“polite”or“impolite”behaviour.Whenconsideringwhetherthefindingsareconsonantwiththeoreticalapproachestopoliteness,wehavenotassumedthatallmodelsareequallyexplanatoryforallcultures.
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typeorresearchmethodologies.WorkingwithBritishdiscourse-completiontask(DCT)data,
House(1989)concludesthatpleaseoccurswhenimpositionisminimalandsocialobligation
ispresent,asinserviceencounters.Wichmann(2004),workingwithspokenrequestsinthe
ICE-GBcorpus,similarlyclaimsthatpleaseisusedonlywhereverylittleface-workis
needed.
ButAmericanstudiesgiveadifferentview.Inobservationsofspontaneousspoken
AmericanEnglish,Stross(1964)foundthatAmericanwaitressesusedpleasetokitchenstaff
onlywhentheymaderequestsforactionsthatwerebeyondnormalexpectationsofthejob,
andErvin-Tripp(1976)foundthatpleasemarksdifferencesinageorrank.Thatpleaseisa
power-differentialmarkerinAmEisalsosupportedbyanecdotalobservationsthatplease
sounds“bossy”ineverydayrequests(Trawick-Smith2012)andbyLeopold’s(2015)USemail
requeststudyinwhichpleaseoccurredinallimperativerequestsforpermission,wherethe
addresseecanbeassumedtohaveauthority,unlikeinrequestsforactionwhereeither
partymightbethemorepowerful(thoughthisisjustsixrequestsinacorpusof450).Pufahl
Bax(1986),againobservingnaturallyoccurringworkplaceinteractions,foundpleaseonlyin
writtenrequests,neverinspokenones,suggestingthatAmericanpleasemarksalevelof
formality.Inexperimentalstudiescarriedoutinnaturalisticsettings,Firminetal.(2004)and
Vaughnetal.(2009),respectively,foundgreatercomplianceforalow-impositionrequest
whenitlackedpleasethanwhenithadit,andgreatercomplianceforahigh-imposition
requestwhenithadplease.Theycharacterisedpleaseasmarkinga“plea”,amarkedly
differentperceptionofpleasethangivenbyBritishcommentatorslikeLeech(2014:135),
thatpleasemarks“averagerequests”asamatterofroutine.
Linguisticgenreanddatacollectionmethodsmustbekeptinmindwhencomparing
theseandthecurrentwork.SomeofthepastworkinvolvesartificialdatafromDCTs(e.g.
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House1989,BreuerandGeluykens2007).Agreatdealofcautionisneededinrelyingon
suchstudies,sinceFlöckandGeluykens(2015)havedemonstratedthatpleaseisusedin
verydifferentwaysinDCTsandnaturallyoccurringdata,concludingthat“pleaseprobably
servesadifferentfunctionintheDCTsthanintheauthenticdata”(2015:29).DCT
respondentsrelyonhighlysalientstrategies,andsotheymayoveruseplease.Forthe
studiesconsideringnaturallyoccurringdata,theamountsofdataareoftensmall–e.g.64
utterancesinPufahlBax(1986)and84inWichmann(2004).
Theliteraturedescribedsofarshowsthat,inavarietyofcommunicativesettings,
thereisamarkedtrendforBrEtousepleasemorefrequentlyandformoreminorrequests,
inawaythatAmEdoesnot.Inthispaper,wetakeamoresystematicandtransatlantic
approachtoplease,andcontributeanewanalysisofpleaseinnatural,computer-mediated
writtencommunicationwithattentiontothetwonationalvarieties.Usingspeech-act-
taggedcorporaofBritishandAmericanbusinessemail,weareabletoinvestigatethe
matteronalargescaleusingcomparabledata.
Ofcourse,theremaybeconsiderablesub-culturalvariationwithinthesediverse
nationalvarieties.Nevertheless,weapproachtheissueatthenationallevelfortworeasons.
First,weexpecttofinddifferencesatthenationallevelbecausethereismorehistorical
opportunityfordifferencestoariseandbemaintainedwherethereisnogeographical
continuityornationalidentityunitingthepopulations.Second,therearepracticalreasons
forinvestigating“AmericanEnglish”and“BritishEnglish”:fewpaststudiesordatasources
givesufficientinformationaboutthevarietiesusedinordertoallowforsub-national
comparison.Thisstudyaddstoagrowingbodyofstudiesonpragmaticvariationinnational
varietiesofEnglish(e.g.Flöck2011,Goddard2012,HaughandSchneider2012).
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2.DataandMethodology
2.1Data
Tokeepextraneousvariablestoaminimum,wehavechosentwocorporarepresentinga
singlegenre:workplaceemails.TheEnronSentCorpus(Styler2011)consistsoftheoriginal,
unmodifiedmessagesextractedfromtheSentMailfoldersofEnronemployees.The
messages,whichcovertheperiod1999–2001,arewrittenmainlybynativespeakersof
AmE.TheCorpusofBusinessEnglishCorrespondence(henceforthCOBEC;Ankeetal.2013;
DeFeliceandMoreton2014)consistsofemailsfromaBritish-basedtelecommunications
company,coveringtheperiod1999–2006;themajorityofitsusersarenativespeakersof
BrE.Thecorporacontainavarietyofcommunications,bothinternalandexternaltothe
company,coveringarangeoftopics.
Cruciallyforthisresearch,thetwocorporahavebeenpragmaticallyannotated,such
thateachutteranceisassignedtoaspeech-actcategory(request,commitment,expressive,
question,statement).Thismakesitpossibletocarryoutacomprehensivestudyofspeech-
actrealisationsregardlessoftheirformulation,aswecansearchthecorpusforall
utterancestaggedasrequestsratherthanjustparticularphrases(e.g.canyouorIneedyou
to).Thismeansouranalysiscanincludebothoccurrencesandabsencesofplease,asweare
notlimitedtoalexicalsearchforthisword,butcanconsiderthefullrangeofrequests
extractedfromthecorpora.
Thespeech-actannotationfortheEnrondatawascarriedoutmanuallybythree
nativeEnglishspeakers,allwithexpertiseinlinguistics.Eachutterancewasannotatedby
tworesearchers,andanydifferencesbetweenthemwerereconciled;thisprocessis
describedindetailinDeFeliceetal.(2013).FortheCOBECcorpus,ahybridapproachwas
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undertaken.Thedatawerefirstprocessedbyanautomatedspeechacttagger(DeFelice
andMoreton2014,2015),whichachievesaccuracyofaround81%.Thetaggeddatathen
underwenthumanpost-processingtoremoveduplicatesanderroneouslytaggedutterances
andtoidentifyfurtherinstancesofrequestsnotrecognisedbythetagger.
Forbothcorpora,wecanonlyanalysetheavailablelinguisticinformation,as
informationabouttheinterpersonalrelationshipsandrolesofthecorrespondentsislimited.
2.2Extractingandannotatingtherequests
Weextracted675requestsfromeachofthetwocorpora.Thesespanabroadrangeof
directness,frombluntimperativestoindirectrequestsformulatedasquestionsorfirst-
personstatements,astheexamplesbelowdemonstrate:
(5) Copyfromthis.[AmE]
(6) Pleaselet<N1>knowyouarecoming.[BrE]
(7) Canyoupleasechase<N2>?[BrE]
(8) Couldyouresendit?[AmE]
(9) IwouldappreciaterepresentativesfromyourareatocoverEstatesBidandOrder
Processes.[BrE]
(10) ThankyouforyourreminderbutIhavenorecordofaresponsefromyoutomy
notewhichIhaveagainattached.[BrE]
Wethenmanuallyannotatedthedatasetwithrespecttoanumberoffeatures,listedin
Table1withexamples.Bothauthorsindependentlycodedalloftherequests,anddiscussed
andreconciledanydisagreements.2Wetookallrequestsatfacevalue;thatis,wedidnot
2. WedecidedagainstusingtheCCSARPclassificatoryscheme(Blum-Kulkaetal.1989)becauseits
focusonbroaderpragmaticstrategiesdoesnotmatchourneedforfine-grainedgrammatical
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considerthepossibilitytheymightbeutteredinjestorsarcastically,asthiscannotbe
judgedwithoutdetailedknowledgeofthecontext,However,weassumethatinsincere
utterancesareunlikelyinworkplaceemail,wherecommunicationisorientedtothe
completionofsharedtasksandsarcasmisopentomisinterpretation.
informationabouteachutterance;forexample,itcategorisesallmodalinterrogativestogetheras
query-preparatorystatements.
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Table1:FeaturesandvaluesforannotationofrequestsFeature Values ExamplesPlease Yes
No• Pleasegetcopiestomeasap• Sittight
Positionofplease Clause-initialClause-medialClause-finalN/A
• Pleasegetcopiestomeasap• Let’spleasediscussthis• Tellmethatitdoesn’tmatter,please• Sittight
Mood ImperativeConditionalInterrogativeIndicative
• Pleasegetcopiestomeasap• Ifyoucangetthecorrectaddresses[…]• Canwediscussthispleaseassoonaspossible?• Iwouldlikeusalsotodiscussthislistofprojects
Subject 01stsingular1stplural2nd3rd
• AnyideasonhowIshouldrespond?• Imusthaveyourinputnolaterthan4pm• Let’spleasediscussthis• Pleasegetcopiestomeasap• Folksshouldfeelfreetodistribute[…]
Modifyingif-clause
YesNo
• Ifyouhaveanyquestions,pleasesendusanemail• Tellmethatitdoesn’tmatter,please
Modalform CanCouldMayMightMustNeedShouldWillWouldPerhapsMaybePossibleNone
• Canwediscussthispleaseassoonaspossible?• Couldyoupleasecallmetodiscusstheproject?• Youmaywanttomakesurethetextiscorrect• Youmightconsiderthatpossibility• Youmustbookaplaceifyouwishtoattend• WeneedtogetthemtoRtoday[…]• Folksshouldfeelfreetodistributewhen[…]• Iamsureyouwillwanttothankhim• Wouldyouletmeknow?• Perhapsgivehimsomeadditionalrecommendations• MaybeI’llseeyoutonight?• Isitpossibletogetsomeideaoftheamount?• Ifyouhaveanyquestions,pleasesendusanemail
Expressionofgratitude
YesNo
• Iwouldappreciateanyinformationyoucangiveme• Wouldyouletmeknow?
Expressionofpreference
YesNo
• Ifwecoulddothe24th,thatwouldbegreat• Perhapswecouldsetupacalltodiscussthis?
Actiontype,forexample:[seeappendixforfulllist]
ContactFind-infoHelpOfferSchedule
• PleasecontactJassoonaspossiblefortickets• Pleasecheckcarefullyyourownrequirements• Couldyoupleaseassistwiththefollowingrequest?• Ifyouneedanything,don’thesitatetocontactme• Canyoudoitpriorto1:30?
Impositionlevel 0(offer)LowMediumHighunknown
• Ifyouneedanything,don’thesitatetocontactme• Pleaseletmeknowyourpreference.• PleasedonottellPIhaveforwardedhisletter• PleaseobtainaprintoutandaskPtocompleteit• Thatpossible?
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Asthetableshows,theanalysedfeaturesincludesyntacticandlexicalcharacteristics–
reflectingpragmalinguisticchoices–andthemoresubjectivesociopragmaticjudgementof
imposition.Thisallowsustodrawapictureofthelinguisticcontextofpleaseandestablish
howitsuseinteractswithdifferentlevelsofimposition.
3.Resultsanddiscussion
3.1Overalluseofplease
ForBrE,373ofthe675(55%)oftherequestsincludeplease,whileonly184ofthe675
(27%)AmErequestsdo.TheloweruseofpleaseinAmEisconsistentwithpreviousclaims
(Biberetal.1999,BreuerandGeluykens2007)thatthispolitenessmarkeroccursabouthalf
asofteninAmE.Italsochimeswiththeimpressionisticobservationsofnon-linguistsin(1)–
(4)above.Still,despiteLeech’s(2014:161)claimthatpleasemarksanutterance“asa
requestspokenwithacertain(oftenroutine)degreeofpoliteness”,itisabsentinalmost
halfoftheBrErequests.Itcouldbearguedthatthisfollowsfromthe“routineness”of
please.Asaconventionalmarkerofrequests,pleaseshouldoccurregularlyinconventional,
unremarkableworkplacerequests,butperhapsnotasofteninlessroutineones.Thenext
subsectionexploresthispossibility.
3.2Useofpleasebylevelofimposition
Thedifferencesinthefrequencyofpleasecouldindicatethatthetwodialectsuseitfor
differenttypesofrequests.Likepreviousstudiesonemailrequests(e.g.Biesenbach-Lucas
2006,Félix-Brasdefer2012),wehavetakenaccountofimpositionlevelsinrelationtothe
typesofrequestsformulated.Unlikeourwork,however,previousemailresearchhasmostly
concernedthehighlyspecificcontextofstudentsemailingtheirinstructors,wherethe
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powerdifferentialisclearlydefined,andtheresearchers,beingacademicsthemselves,can
easilydeterminehowimposingaparticularactionisfortheparticipants.Becausewelack
informationabouttherolesofthewritersandaddresseesandthenatureofthework
involved,ourimpositioncodingconcentratedoninherentrankofimposition(Brownand
Levinson1987),whichwebasedupontheactionsrequested.Themainverbphrasesofthe
requestheadactsweregroupedintomacro-categoriesofactiontypes(e.g.CONTACT,MEET,
INFORM,TAKERESPONSIBILITY;seeappendix).ThesewereinturnjudgedtobeofHIGH,MEDIUM,
LOW,orNOimposition,asinTable2.
Table2:Occurrenceofpleasewithinimpositionlevels High Medium Low Offer unknownAmE 25%(45/180) 19%(17/88) 30%(110/368) 23.5%(8/34) 40%(2/5)BrE 43%(86/201) 30%(21/70) 65%(245/377) 91%(21/23) 0(0/2)
InourAmEdata,impositionlevelhaslittlebearingontheuseofplease.However,
impositionlevelappearstoplayaroleintheBrEdata,withmorefrequentuseofpleaseat
thelowerendofthescale.Thehigherfrequencyofpleaseinlow-stakesrequestsinBrE
supportstheviewthatitisprimarilypartofaconventionalrequestingroutineratherthana
mitigatorofseriousface-threat.ThisiscongruentwithHouse’s(1989)findinginDCTsand
Wichmann’sfindingthatinspokenlanguage“indirectplease-requeststendtobetowards
themoretransparentandconventionalisedendofthescale,wheretheimpositionissocially
licensed(suchasacourthearing)orwheretheimpositionislow(suchaspassingthesalt),
orwhereitisofbenefittothehearer”(2004:1532),bothusingBrEdata.
Bothcorporaincludeseveralexamplesofrequestsimposingeffortfulworkwhichare
notmitigatedbyplease,asin(11)and(12):
(11) SeeifyoucanturnthisnotefromAZintomoreunderstandableEnglish.(BrE)
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(12) Canyoutrackdownthisbillanddetermineimpact?(AmE)
Thedifferenceinoccurrenceofpleaseinhigh-impositioncontextsisnotduetoadifference
insentencetype:inbothAmEandBrEabout76%ofthehigh-impositionrequestswere
imperativesormodalquestions,thesentencetypesthataccommodateplease.
Furtherconfirmationoftheroutinenessandlackofface-mitigationofBrEpleaseisgiven
byitsveryhighfrequencyinthesmallclassofoffers,which,unlikeotherrequestsinthe
database,donotasktheaddresseetoactforthebenefitoftherequester,asin(13)and
(14):
(13) PleaseletmeknowifIcanbeofanymorehelp.
(14) Pleaseacceptmyapologiesforclutteringyourinbox.
Wetakethisasfurtherevidenceoftheroutinenessofpleaseuseinlow-stakesBrE
directives,sinceheretheutterancesrequestnonecessaryactionfromtheaddressee.That
theyonlyhavethesurfaceformofadirectiveisindicatedbyhoweasyitistoparaphrase
themwithoutarequestform:(13)Iamavailabletohelpyouor(14)I’msorry.
3.3Useofpleaseanddirectness:sentencetypeandmodalverbs
Requestscanalsovaryalongthedimensionofdirectness,asexpressedbysyntacticmood
andsubjecttype.Inourdata,imperativesandquestionsfaroutnumberindicativesand
conditionalsinbothvarieties,asshowninTable3.3
3. Thefiguresrelatingtoindicativemoodneedtobetakenwithsomecaution:itispossiblethat
thereareveryindirectrequests,phrasedasdeclarativesentences,whichhavenotbeen
recognisedassuchbyeitherautomatedorhumanannotators,butwhichwouldberecognisedas
requestivehintsbytheintendedrecipient.
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Table3:Requestsbymoodtype Imp Int Cond IndicAmE* 43%
(289)46%(328)
<1%(5)
8%(52)
BrE 38%(258)
46%(309)
3%(21)
13%(87)
*AmEaddsupto<100%becauseoneexamplewasasentencefragment.Pleaseisneverusedinconditionalsorindicativesineitherdataset.Thisistobe
expected,sincethesemoodsrepresentlessexplicitwaysofformulatingarequest.Their
syntacticformmitigatesthedirectnessoftherequest,andaddingpleasewouldonlymake
themovertlydirective(Blum-Kulka1987).Theseindirectformulationsareoftenusedfor
higherimposition,non-routinerequests.Forexample,57%ofBrEconditionals,39%ofBrE
indicatives,and40%ofAmEindicativeswerecategorisedashigh-impositionrequests(based
ontheirverb/actionclassifications).Table4showstherateofpleaseuseinimperativesand
interrogatives.
Table4:Useofpleasebymoodtype Imp Int
AmE 43%(124/289)
18%(59/328)
BrE 86%(221/258)
49%(152/309)
Inbothvarieties,pleaseisusedmuchmoreinimperativesthanininterrogatives,whichisin
linewiththeassumptionthattheinterrogativeisusedformitigation,andthusneedsplease
lessthanthemoredirectimperative.However,pleaseisusedmuchmorebyspeakersof
BrE,wherethevastmajorityofimperativesfeatureplease,thanbyspeakersofAmE,where
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fewerthanhalfdo.4Thereissimilarlylargedisparityintheuseofpleaseininterrogatives.
Thisdifferencerelatestoimpositionlevel:imperativesandinterrogativesaremostoften
usedtoexpresslow-impositionrequests(halfofinterrogativesinbothvarieties,59%of
imperativesinAmE,67%ofimperativesinBrE),and,asdiscussedinSection3.2,BrEismore
likelytousepleaseinthesecontexts.Thesefiguresindicatethatusingpleasewith
imperativesisunmarkedandpreferredinourBrEdata,whereasitcannotbesaidtobe
unmarkedintheAmEdata.
Forinterrogatives,97%ofBrEand80%ofAmErequestsfeaturemodalverbs.5
Amongthese,onlycan,could,andwouldareregularlyused;allothermodals(may,might,
must,need,should,will)occur10timesorfewer,andsowedonotdiscussthemfurther.
Startingarequestwithcan,could,orwouldisafrequent,highlyroutinised
occurrence,andourdataisinlinewithWatts’claimthatcanyouandcouldyouquestions
havebecomethe“unmarkedforms[forrequesting]withinthescopeofpoliticbehaviourfor
averywiderangeofverbalinteractiontypes”(2003:193).Bothdatasetshavebothsecond-
person(henceforth2p)andnon-2psubjectsinmodalinterrogatives,with2pbeingfarmore
frequent.Closeranalysisshowedthatthesmallgroupofnon-2putterancesdifferinthetwo
varieties,withAmEmainlyusingthemasoutrightrequests(CanIhavex),andBrEmore
oftenusingfirst-personmodalinterrogativesashedgedperformatives(CanIsuggest/ask
that…).Giventhesmallsizeandheterogeneityofthefirst-personsubsetandthefactthat
theyrarelyincludeplease,theseexamplesarenotdiscussedfurtherhere.4. ThiscontrastswithLeopold(2015),inwhich67%of155Americanimperativesincludedplease.
Shedoesnotreporttherateofpleaseininterrogatives.Heremaildatadiffersfromoursinbeing
collectedfromself-selectedvolunteersfromarangeofprofessions.
5. Averysmallsetofnon-interrogativeutterancesfeaturemodalverbs.Noneofthesehaveplease,
andtheyconstitutetoosmallagroupformeaningfulanalysis.
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Table5showsdifferentpatternsofpleaseoccurrenceinthetwovarieties,withAmE
consistentlypreferringplease-lessversionswithallthreemodals,andBrEpreferringplease-
fulversions.
Table5:Proportionofpleaseusewithcan/could/wouldyouinterrogativesmodal Canyou Couldyou WouldyouAmE 21%(18/84) 33%(32/98) 29%(5/17)BrE 55%(87/159) 60%(44/74) 65%(11/17)
OurBritishemaildataisnotablydifferentfromthatintheLondon–LundCorpusofSpoken
English,inwhichAijmer(1996)found20can+yourequestswithoutmitigationandonlyone
withplease,and25affirmativecould+yourequestswithoutmitigationand12withplease
(plusotherswithotherlexicalmitigatorsincludingkindlyandmodaladverbs).Thislower
rateofpleaseuseisnodoubtduetotherelativeinformalityofcontextsintheLondon–Lund
corpus,comparedtoourwrittenworkplacedata.Aijmernotestheexpectationthatplease
wouldbemorefrequentinbusinesscorrespondence,aswellasitsgreateruseintelephone
conversationsinthecorpus.
3.4Conventionalisationininterrogativerequests
TobetterunderstandthedegreeofconventionalisationinBrEandAmErequests,weused
AntConcsoftware(Anthony2014)toextract3-gramsand4-gramsinordertoidentify
repeatingphrases.Table6showsthosethatwereparticulartosecond-personinterrogative
requests.
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Table6:Mostfrequent3-gramsand4-gramsin2pmodalinterrogatives AmE BrE
4-grams canyougiveme(6)couldyouletme[know](6)couldyoupleaseforward(5)
canyoupleaseconfirm(10)couldyoupleaseconfirm(8)canyoupleaseensure(7)canyouletme[know](6)canyoupleaseforward(5)canyoupleaseprovide(5)
3-grams couldyouplease(31)
canyouplease(16)canyouhelp(7)canyougive(6)couldyoulet(6)canyousend(5)couldyoucall(5)
couldyouforward(5)couldyougive(5)
couldyouresend(5)wouldyouplease(5)
canyouplease(76)couldyouplease(39)canyouhelp(13)
wouldyouplease(10)pleasecanyou[9]canyoulet(8)
canyouconfirm(5)
TheeffectisthatBrEinterrogativerequestsstartmorerepetitively,withlargernumbersof
requestsstartingwiththesamethreeorfourwords.OnequarterofBrEinterrogativesand
11%ofallrequests(regardlessofmood)startwiththesamethreewords:Canyouplease.
Themostfrequentinterrogative3-graminAmE,couldyouplease,occursinlessthan10%of
theAmEinterrogativerequestsandlessthan5%ofrequestsoverall.Theaveragerateof
occurrenceacrosstheAmEinterrogative3-gramsisjustunder9times,whiletheaveragefor
thesevenBrE3-gramsisabout23times.ThisleadstotheconclusionthattheBrErequests
aremorerepetitivebecausetheystartwithhighlyconventionalisedformulae.Thefactthat
theactionsrequestedinvolvelowimpositionontheaddresseearefurtherevidencethat
convention,ratherthancalculatedface-threateningactmitigation(asperBrownand
Levinson1987),isatplay.Theverbsthatoccurintheseinterrogativesaremuchthesame
acrossAmEandBrE:verbsofcommunication,suchascontactandcall,andtasksrelatedto
emailcommunication,suchasforwardand(re)send.
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Furthermore,thetableshowsatendencytoplacepleaseinafixedmedialposition,
aspartofthemodalverb+you+pleasechunk.InlinewithSato(2008),ourdatahasno
instancesofinitialpleaseinAmEinterrogatives,andaverystrongpreferenceformedial
overfinalposition(only3%ofAmericaninterrogativesfeatureutterance-finalplease).BrE
canfeaturepleaseinanyposition,butalsostronglyprefersquestion-medialplease(7%are
utterance-initialand6%utterance-final,contraWichmann’s(2004)findingofnoinitial
pleaseinspokenquestions).6Thestrongtendencyformedialpleaseininterrogatives
supportsthepropositionthatpleaseoccursaspartofconventionalisedconstructions,in
thiscaseMODAL-PRONOUN-please.ThisfitsTerkourafi’snotionof“aconceptualizationof
politenessasarepertoireofexpressionsthatareretrievedasawholeincontextandto
whichspeakershaverecourseroutinelywhenbeing(orteachingothershowtobe)polite”
(Terkourafi2015:14).
3.5Otherformsofmitigation
Ininterculturalcommunication,thelowfrequencyofpleaseinAmEseemstocontributetoa
reportedBritishperceptionofAmericanspeakersas“rude”.Howeverspeakerscanuse
otherstrategiestomitigatearequesttomaintainpolitenessandavoidthreatstothe
hearer’sface(Holmes1984,Blum-Kulka1987,CurlandDrew2008).Welookedatwhether
othersentence-internalmitigatorswereusedinplaceofplease,focusingonconventionally
indirectmodalquestions,sincethesearetheformswherespeakershavethegreatest
opportunitytochooseornotchoosetouseplease.Themitigatorsweinvestigatedinclude:
6. Thenumberofutteranceswithinitialpleaseistoosmalltoderiveanymeaningful
generalisationsaboutwhattypesofcontextswouldgiverisetothisuse;theonlyfeaturethey
shareisthattheyaremostlylow-impositionrequests.
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expressionsofgratitudeandpreference;downtonersincludingpossible,possibility,maybe,
perhaps,chance,wondering,andjust(e.g.whenyougetachance,isitpossible);andif-
clauses.However,fewwerefoundinanygreatnumberandtheirpresencedidnotseemto
dependoneithertheabsenceofpleaseorthelevelofimposition.If-clausesaresomewhat
morefrequentinplease-lessrequests,thoughmoreinBrEthanAmE,buttheseincluded
plainlymitigatingones,likeifyouwouldn’tmindoriffolksagree,andmorecontingent
types,asinIfyouhaveanyproblems,contactme.
Acomplicatingfactorinlookingatmitigators,however,isthatwe,likemanyother
researchers,haveonlyconsideredtheheadactoftherequest(astaggedinthecorpora).
BreuerandGeluykens’(2007)comparativeDCTstudyanalysedmitigationwithin(internal
to)andexternaltotheheadact.Internalmitigatorsincludeplease,non-imperativeclause
types,modals,andsoforth.Externalmitigatorscouldinvolveseparateexpressionsof
gratitude,acknowledgementoftheimposition,expressionsofindebtedness,contextforthe
request,etcetera.BreuerandGeluykenfoundthatBritishrequestersusedmoremitigation
thanAmericans,bothinternalandexternaltotheheadact.ButAmericansubjectswere
muchmorelikelytouseonlyexternalmitigationoftheirrequests.(Inthetwocontextsfor
whichtheygivefigures,external-onlymitigationwasfoundin28%and41.5%ofAmerican
requests,versus7%and22%respectivelyforBritishrequests.)IftheDCTresultsare
comparabletonaturallyoccurringrequests,thenlookingonlyatheadactsgivesalopsided
impressionofAmericanmitigation.(ButseeFlöckandGeluykens’cautionregardingDCT
resultsinSection1.)Theremaybefarmoremitigationthansentence-leveldataextraction
candetect,andsoabsenceofpleaseintheAmericandatadoesnotentailcomplete
inattentiontoconventionalpolitenessorface-work.
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4.Discussionandconclusions
Thefirstavailablecitationofpleaseasastand-alonepragmaticmarkerisfrom1771(Oxford
EnglishDictionary),andpleaseonlybecamecommonplaceinrequestsinthe19thcentury
(Akimoto2000).Inotherwords,thefirstknownuseofpleaseasastand-alonepragmatic
markerisfrom150yearsaftertheEnglishmadetheirfirstsuccessfulsettlementintheNew
World,anditsusewasnotcommonuntilaftertheUnitedStateshaddeclared
independenceandAmericanEnglishhadbecomenotablydistinctfromBritishvarieties.7
Giventhesefacts,perhapsitismoresurprisingthatAmericanandBritishEnglishuseplease
similarlythanthattheyuseitdifferently.Still,pragmatic-markerpleasearosefroma
commonsituationinAmEandBrE:bothsharedtheolderphrasesfromwhichitispresumed
todevelop(ifyouplease;ifitpleaseyou;pleaseto[verb])andhadexperienceofasimilar
requestmarker,pray(FayaCerqueiro2013).
Investigatingpleaseinpresent-dayEnglish,wehavereportedonthepresenceand
absenceofpleasein1,350requestsinBritishandAmericancorporateemails.Likeother
studiesthathavecomparedpleaseoccurrenceinAmEandBrE(Biberetal.1999,Breuerand
Geluykens2007),wehavefoundthatpleaseisusedinBritishrequestsatmorethantwice
therateofpleaseinAmericanrequests,regardlessofrequestmoodtype.
EarliermonoculturalstudiessuggestedthatBritishpleasewouldbefoundinroutine,
low-impositionrequests,whileAmericanpleasewouldoccurinhigher-impositionrequests
(Stross1964,Vaughnetal.2009),moreformalrequests(PufahlBax1986),andinrequests
withgreaterpowerdifferentials(Ervin-Tripp1976,andpossiblyLeopold2015,although7. Fittinglyforourresearch,thefirstrecordedusageofpragmaticmarkerpleaseisinaletterfrom
VirginiatoLondon(Mason1968).Theletter-writer,PriceDavies,wasanOxford-educatedWelshclergyman,whohademigratedtoVirginiain1763(Weis1955:13).Ofcourse,pleasewasprobablyusedinspokenrequestsfarearlier,buthowfarearlierisdifficulttoknow.AnselmBayly’s1772grammar(London)givesasanexample“pleaseorpraygive”(citedinFayaCerqueiro2013:209).
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pleasewasnotthemainfocusofherstudy).Thenatureofourdatameantthatwecould
onlyconsiderthenatureoftheactionrequestedwhenconsideringimpositionlevel.The
natureoftheinterpersonalrelationshipsbetweeninterlocutorscanbeexpectedtoaffect
theformalityoftheexchangeandtheextenttowhicharequestisfelttoimpose.However,
wedidnothavesufficientinformationtotakethesemattersintoaccount.Thelargeamount
ofdatawehadtoconsiderandthecomparabilityofitintermsofformalityandcontenttype
goessomewaytowardsreassuringusthattheeffectsfoundhereareamatterofpragmatic
variationbetweennationalvarieties.Thisissupportedbythefactthatourfindingsare
consonantwithearlierindicationsthatBritishpleasewouldbemorefrequentinhighly
routinised,low-impositionrequests.
Whiletheproportionofrequestswithpleaseisgreateratallimpositionlevelsinthe
Britishdata,thepatternofdistributionisnoticeablydifferentinthetwonationaldatasets.
WeindeedfoundthatBritishpleaseisstronglyassociatedwithlowerlevelsofimposition,
with65%oflow-impositionrequestshavingplease,comparedwith30%ofmedium-
impositionones.Americanpleasedidnot,contrarytoourexpectation,leantotheopposite
sideoftheimposition-levelcontinuum.Instead,Americanpleasewasfairlyevenly
distributedatthefourimpositionlevels,withnolevelhavinglessthan19%ormorethan
30%please-marking.Ourcodingforimpositionlevelswasdrivenbytheverbphraseofthe
headactoftherequest,anditwasnecessarilysubjective.Itisperhapsleasttrustworthyin
thedivisionofmedium-andhigh-impositionrequests.Mostoftherequestsinourdata
probablyrelatetoactionsthatarepartoftherecipient’sjobdescription—andtherefore
unlikelytobe“high”inimposition.Butinfavouroftheresultspresentedhere,thecoding
wascompletedindependentlybythetwoinvestigators,whowereveryconfidentinthe
lowesttwocategories:lowimpositionandnoimposition(offers).
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TheBritishuseofpleaseisparticularlystriking(91%)intheno-impositioncategory,
consistingofperiphrastic,directive-phrasedoffersofhelp,thanks,apologiesand
congratulations(e.g.Pleaseacceptmyappreciation).Giventheformulaicnatureof
expressionslikePleaseacceptmy/our[politeact]andthe(atmost)quasi-directivenatureof
theseoffers,theuseofpleaseintheselargelyBritishcontextsappearstobeamatterof
sayingthehabitualwordsforthesituation,rathernegative-face-threatmitigationina
BrownandLevinson-typepolitenessmodel.Formulaiclanguageisalsoseeninsomeofthe
low-impositionrequests,suchaspleasefindattached[adocument],inwhichtheimperative
formisusedforaninformativeillocution:‘hereisadocumentforyou’.TheBritishdata
included20instancesofindicationofdocumentlocation,allwithplease.TheAmericandata
hadonlytwo.Garner(2002)notesthatAmericanbusiness-writingguideshave“consistently
condemned”enclosedpleasefindandpleasefindenclosed,thepaper-mailpredecessorsto
pleasefindattached.AsearlyasRichardGrantWhite’sEvery-DayEnglish(1880),pleasefind
enclosedwasdismissedwith“Amoreridiculoususeofwords,itseemstome,therecould
notbe”.By1928,Crowell'sDictionaryofEnglishGrammarsawitasa“worn-outformula”
andby1989EffectiveBusinessWritingdescribeditas“borrowedfromanearlier
generation”,withthesuggestionthatIamenclosingwouldbeagoodreplacementfor
pleasefindenclosed(allcitedinGarner2002).Wehavefoundnosuchequivalent
condemnationinBritishwritingadvice.
SinceAmericanpleaseseemslesstiedtoroutine,itsuseprobablydependsmoreon
interpersonalrelationshipfactors,includingpowerrelationsandleveloffamiliarityor
intimacy.Thesameistrueofpleaseusedinnon-routinewaysinBrE,where,asAijmer
(1996)notes,itconveysappealorpersuasion.Butif,asourdataindicate,pleaseisless
routineinlow-impositionrequestsinAmE,itmaybeamoreriskystrategytouseinAmE
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thaninBrE,sincepleaseismoremarkedintheAmericancontext.FollowingWatts’(2003)
distinctionbetweenthepoliticandthepolite,pleaseinBrElow-impositionroutinesis
politic:itspresencedoesnotmakearequestpolite,butitsabsencemaymaketherequest
seemimpolite.InAmE,ontheotherhand,therelativeweaknessofpleaseroutinesmeans
thepresenceofpleaseinalow-impositionrequesthasmorepotentialtobeinterpretedas
politeorimpolite.
GreateruseofpleaseinBrEgivesrisetomoreandlongerpredictablestringsof
wordsstartingrequests.Repeatedexposuretosuchformulaeconventionalisesthemand
entrenchestheirstatusas“howonedoespoliterequests”foraparticulartypeofcontext(in
thiscase,businessemails).Theassociationofhighlyritualisedexpressionswithpoliteness
followsBlum-Kulka’s(1987)observationthatacrossnationalvarietiesofEnglish,
conventionalisedindirectnessisoftenperceivedasmorepolitethantheunconventionally
indirect.Thisisattributedtothelessercognitiveburdenthatconventionalisedformsplace
ontheaddressee,whocaneasilyrecognisetherequestandknowstheoptionsfor
respondingtoit.
Americanrequestsalsouseconventionaldirectandindirectrequeststructures;the
maindifferenceisthelowrateofplease.Thisisnotpartofagenerallesseruseofpoliteness
formulaeintheUS,sincethanksandthankyouarefoundmoreofteninAmericanspeech
thaninBritish(Biberetal.1999;cf.example(1)above).IfAmericanpleaseisperceivedasa
markerofpowerdifferentiation(Ervin-Tripp1976),thiswouldhelpexplainwhyitisless
consistentlyused.Americancultureenforcestheappearanceofegalitarianisminbusiness
interactions,andsomarkersofpowerdistanceareoftenunwelcome:“Interpersonal
relationsaretypicallyhorizontal,conductedbetweenpresumedequals.Whenapersonal
confrontationisrequiredbetweentwopersonsofdifferenthierarchicallevels,thereisan
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implicittendencytoestablishanatmosphereofequality”(StewartandBennett1991:89).
Thesameistrueofrequests.8IfAmericanpleaseismoreassociatedwithrelationship
asymmetrythanBritishplease,thenthiscanhelpexplainitssteadyoccurrenceacross
impositionlevels.Pleaseinthiscaseislessamatterofroutinisedbehaviourforaparticular
typeofrequestthanamarkerofaparticulartype(ortypes)ofinterpersonalrelationship.In
thoserelationships,requestsmightbeexpressedthatinvolvevariouslevelsofimposition.
ThisisnottosaythatBritishinteractionswithpleaseareanti-egalitarian,butitisa
suppositionthatpleasesitsmorecomfortablywithinBritishsocialstructuresthanAmerican
becauseBrEspeakershavetheoptiontointerpretpleaseasamatterofroutine,while
Americansdonothavethatoptiontothesameextent.TheinterpretationofAmEuseof
pleaseaslessroutinebringstomindAlexisdeTocqueville’s(1840:506)commentsonthe
divergenceofmannersbetweentheUSandaristocraticBritain,“[American]mannersare
neithersotutorednorsouniform,buttheyarefrequentlymoresincere”.
AmEpleaseseemstomarkbothupwardanddownwardpowerdifferentials,and
thereforeitcanmakerequestssoundlikeeitherordersorpleas.Forinstance,oneAmerican
blogcommenternoted:“Pleasewindsupfeelingimpolitewithpeoplethatyoudon'thave
therighttoorderaround,i.e.anyoneotherthanyourchildren”(WyndesinMurphy2012).
8. InastudyofspokenbusinessinteractioninaNewZealandworkplace,Vine(2004:99)explains
lackofpleasebytheroutinenessoftherequests:“Theinfrequentuseofpleaseinmydatacan
beaccountedforbytheworkplacecontextinwhichmydatawascollected.Theactions
requestedrefertotheparticipants’jobobligationsandarenotoutsidetheresponsibilitiesofthe
addressee.”ThissuggeststhattheNewZealandworkplacemighthavemoreincommonwithan
AmericanonethanaBritishone.Thisisnotsurprising,sincelikeAmericanEnglish,NewZealand
Englishhasdevelopedina“new”culturethatislikelytotendtowardsolidarity-typebehaviours
(ScollonandScollon1981).
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Intheotherdirection,Firminetal.(2004)concludedthatlow-stakesrequestswithplease
wereunsuccessfulbecausetheysoundedinappropriatelylikepleading.
Totestthismatterfurther,datacollectionwithmoresensitivitytointerpersonal
factorsisneeded.Cross-culturalcomparisonsacrossgenrearealsoneeded.Whileemailisa
usefulsourceofrequestdata,itsitsinaplacebetweeninformalspeechandformalletter-
writing.Normsofemailstructureandtonemaydifferinthetwonationsormorespecifically
inthetwocorporatecultureswehaveexamined,thereforemoresupportisneededfrom
naturalisticspokenandfurtherwrittendata.Inaddition,studiesoftheinterpretationor
perceptionofpleaseinnaturalcontextsinthetwovarietiescouldbeinteresting.These
mustbecarefullydesignedinordertoavoidinterferencefromtheexplicitlytaughtnotion
thatpleaseisa“politeword”.
Butinitself,thiscomparativestudyisasolidstepforwardinunderstandingakey
lexico-pragmaticdifferenceinBritishandAmericanEnglish.Mostcomparativestudiesto
datehaveconcernednative-versus-learnerrequestformationanduseofplease.The
presentstudyemphasisesthat“native-speakerbehaviour”isnotonlynotuniform,itmay
observesomemajordialectalboundaries.
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Appendix:ActiontypesforutteranceclassificationImpositionlevel
ExamplerequestsacttypeHighimposition
documentpreparation
• Pleaseamendthenewsflash• Couldyoupleasetranslatethefollowingforme.
favour • Iwouldliketoseekabitofadvice.• IwouldappreciateyourguidanceonwhomIshouldinvolve.
findinfo • CouldyoupleasechaseNasperemailbelow.• Canyoufindmebiosofthesefolks?
gosomeplace • Canyouattendanaudioconference?• Canyouleaveearlyenoughtodaytopickupasleepingbag?
influence • Canyoupersuade[NAME]topartwiththecash?• Couldyouuseyourcontactswith[COMPANY]togetonthe
phonewith[NAMES]tojumpstartthisthing?meeting • Couldwemeetonanyoftheabovedates?
• Canwevisitinadvanceofyourmeeting?read • Pleasereadthisforyourinformation.
• Takealookatthecompetitordata.secretarialtasks • Couldyouprint4copiesofthisforus
• Canyouprovideuswithadeskandphoneforthe3days?takeresponsibility • Canyoupleasearrangeforittobepaidimmediately.
• Canyoutakethison?think-work • Pleasecommenton/amendthisproposalbeforeIsendittoR.
• Canyouplanyourdetaileddiscussionswiththearchitect?Mediumimposition
collaborate • Perhapswecantalkthen?• Canwediscussthesepossibilitiesfurther?
elaborate • Canyouclarifytheirrole&durationofthearrangements.• Canyouexplainwhatistheimpactofthisnewnameonwhat
weagreed?help • Couldyoupleaseassistwiththefollowingrequest?
• Canyouhelp?interact(withthirdparty)
• PleasecanyouaskKwhatthesumrelatestoandwhoauthorisedit.
• Whenyougetachancecanyoutalktohimaboutthis.prevent • Pleasedonotdeviatefromthisstatement.
• PleasedonottellPIhaveforwardedhisletter.Lowimposition
contact • PleasecontactJassoonaspossibleifyourequiretickets.• Pleasecallforfurtherclarification.
endorse • Canyoupleaseprovidefundingauthorizationforthesetwoitemstoday?
• WouldyoupleasesignacopyofeachforC?
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extendpoliteness • IamsureyouwillwanttothankB.• PleasejoinmeinwelcomingWto[COMPANY]
holddoc • CanyoupleasesavecopiesofyourplansasProject98file.• Writeitdownandkeepitsomewheresafe.
holdinfo • Pleasenotethat…• Keepinmindthatthesituationremainsextremelyfluid
inform • PleaseconfirmASAP• Pleaseletmeknowyourpreference.
nominate • LcanyouidentifypeoplefortheareasIlistedyouunder.• IwouldappreciateitifyouwouldnominateaRecruitment
championforeachoftheseterritories.receivedocument • Pleasefindattachedtwodocuments.schedule • CanIsuggestTuesday12at13:00whenKwillalsobein
[PLACE]?• Canwemakeitat2pm?
transmit • Wouldyoupleasecascadethisinformationwithinyourarea.• CanyoupleaseforwardthistoA.
wait • Untilwe’vehadachancetotalk,couldyouwaitbeforeforwardingmyname?
Noimposition(offer)offer • Ifyouhaveanyqueries,pleasedon'thesitatetocontactme.
• Feelfreetoquestionmyestimates.receivepoliteness • Pleaseacceptmyappreciationforsparingyourtimeand
apologiesforthefactthatwecannotconsideryoufurther.