roma eterna topic guide
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Download Here: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/49183120/SPEC_RomaEterna_final.pdf Position Papers are due 1/9/14 to the Delegate Forum Portal if delegates wish to receive feedback.TRANSCRIPT
ROMA ETERNA 1
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ROMA ETERNA 3
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Myronius (Myron Zhang to most of you) carissimis salutem plurimam dicit.
I would first like to note that using Latin in committee, although an excellent display of
enthusiasm for the period in which the committee is set in, will probably not be understood by the
moderators/crisis staff, so I discourage you from doing so lest your notes be returned with a no
comprendo. Personally, I only know Chinese, so any Latin and Spanish lovers out there, you’re
probably already rolling your eyes. Actually you’re all probably rolling your eyes
But welcome! My name is Myron Zhang and I will be in charge of influencing your fates in
committee, and that’s why I am incredibly excited to be running said committee – I don’t have a
God complex, but I do have a Parcae complex (I made that one up), so if you can imagine a cackling
old maniac in the crisis room evilly manipulating the horrible events happening to you all, then you
get some kind of idea of why I get a kick out of my job. I also find often find myself daydreaming
about an eternal Roman Empire… (ok, not all the time. I do have something of a life). And if you
perform well, you could help me substantiate my dream in a much closer approximation of reality!
But not to worry – I’m a very lazy Parcae type figure, so if you are ingenious about your devilish
designs, I shall not have to lift a finger to amuse myself.
More seriously, I found my first high school MUN experience to be utterly boring – I think
I still have my doodled weapons system somewhere in my collection of high school relics – but that
first impression turned me away from pursuing MUN in high school, much to my current regret.
But the past cannot be changed, so I can only hope to provide a rising generation of high school
MUNers with an exciting (perhaps overly so – overcompensation, mayhaps?) experience; of course
if you’re an old hand at this particular game, I hope you shall enjoy it as well. If you’re ever lost
about what’s going on, don’t hesitate to ask! After all, I asked myself, but the only answer I ever got
was a hurried response and a “Shouldn’t you already know this?” look. Ah, but that’s in the past. We
must turn our eyes from the that which has gone before, and focus on the glorious future, brave
Roman analogues!
Also, in case anyone’s interested, I am in Saybrook College, Class of 2016 (which makes me
a sophomore), I enjoy wacking people over the head with bamboo (kendo), giving people money
(microfinance), psychologically torturing people (MUN and… life), utilizing bad humor (this), and
eating mooncakes (various Asian American cultural activities).
No, the fates will not favor you if you decide to bring an offering of mooncakes. Although
the fates will likely eat them, if there are any (un-poisoned) ones.
I hope you learn something from this, about Rome or some other topic/aspect of your lives,
but in the end I hope you are amused. After all, if life were but a litany of dull and dreary duties,
what would be the point of it all? The fates would be very sad if your life was devoid of the little
pleasures of existence.
See you all soon!
Valete!
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TABLE OF CONTENTS History of the Committee 5 Topic History
The Shape of the State 7 Current Situation: Unraveling Dream 16
Bloc Positions: The Three Families 27 Questions to Consider 28 Role of the Committee 29
Structure of the Committee 30 List of Characters 31 Recommended Reading 40 !
ROMA ETERNA 5
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Rise of the Renovamen By the time of Commodus’s death in 933
AUC, the Senate, as it had been since the days of
Augustus, was composed of circa six hundred
members, hailing mostly from the established
families of the Italian peninsula, but with a goodly
number of provincials, promoted by merit or
patronage into the ranks of the Senatorial class.
Although the early emperors had stripped the Senate
of any kind of real political authority, the Senatorial
stripe was still a much sought after indication of
prestige and social standing among the ambitious
young descendants of once powerful men.
After the death of Emperor Commodus at
the hands of the General Maximus Meridius,
Senator Gracchus was invested by the Senate with
the powers of the ancient office of dictator,
effectively making him the ruler of the Roman world
without invoking the now toxic title of Imperator.
Unfortunately for the Senator, his idealism and
stubbornness prevented him from realizing the
fragility of his position – the Roman people,
enthused by the actions of their hero Maximus, had
politically forced the Senate’s hand, but the Senate,
filled with men who would rather see themselves at
the helm of the Roman state, did not and would not
wholeheartedly support the Senator’s designs.
And what designs they were. A Stoic along
the lines of Cato the Younger, Senator Gracchus
instituted an austerity regime that undermined the
two basic pillars of his regime’s popular support:
bread and circuses. By abolishing the free grain dole
that had been a part of Roman life since the time of
Caesar and instituting (another) ban on gladiatorial
games, Senator Gracchus had irrevocably irked the
ire of the mob in the course of a single Senate
meeting. And the Senate was only to happen to let
him do it.
With the masses openly talking of revolt and
the Senate plotting against him, it was a matter of
time before Senator Gracchus fell from grace. The
last blow to his tottering authority came when
Maximus’s lieutenant Quintus, Praetorian Prefect
and till then a loyal supporter of Maximus’s ghost,
was forced at sword point to abandon the Senator or
“resign” his position. Quintus, hoping to at least
preserve the fragile peace with the power of the
Praetorians, removed the cohorts guarding the
Senator and within days the old Stoic Senator was
found dead in his bed.
While Senator Gracchus struggled and died
for the ideals of the old Roman Republic, the other
senators had been maneuvering for political
advantage, hoping to rise high from the ashes of the
Senator’s regime. By the time of Senator’s
Gracchus’s death, a fragile power cabal had coalesced
around some of the Rome’s oldest and most
prestigious families – the Cornelii, the Fabii, and the
Valerii, along with their various allies, clients, and
some notable outsiders. With the now ascendant
consuls thoroughly in their pockets and unstoppable
voting clout on the Senate floor itself, this cabal soon
became the executive body pulling the strings of the
Roman world.
The Divided Roman Senate
History of the Committee!
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Out of such humble beginnings, from
amongst the ruins of the past, can you brave
Romans reimagine the dream that is Rome,
rebuild her empire, and create a peace that will last
for all eternity?
We Romans are rulers – master
administrators, legalists, statesmen, and
commanders, but how we rule has varied over
the course of our long and illustrious history. Now
faced again with the challenge of creating a
government in a moment of crisis, can we summon
again the spirit of innovation that has guided our
illustrious ancestors? Or shall we look to the distant
but still remembered past, searching for a time when
we Romans walked a more righteous path? Will the
ghosts of Brutus and Maximus raise again the
banner of the Republic one created and the other
hoped to restore? Will the shade of Augustus and
the Imperators who followed force the weight of
empire upon the lands of the Roman Empire,
reinstating the eternal Pax Romana? Or will the
shadows of uncertain future resolve itself into a new
path forward, bringing with it the furthering of
Roman prosperity and power? It remains for you to
decide.
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The Legend of Romulus and Remus’ Birth
The legendary Romulus, son of wolves, was
the first king to rule over the seven sacrosanct hills of
Rome, and the creator of the Roman Senate and
Rome’s social order, separating the citizens into
those of the patrician and the plebian orders. The
kings that followed in his wake were selected by the
People in name and the Senate in effect, and though
the kings commanded ultimate authority in
executive, legislative, and judicial matters, the Senate
remained the repository of sovereign authority
within the Roman state – it theoretically selected
one man to use that power on behalf of the Senate
and the People of Rome. In reality, however, the
Senate served as the king’s council and participated
in the legislative process by the side of the popular
assemblies, but it possessed little direct power,
instead depending on tradition, precedent, and
prestige to influence the governance of the state. It
was to all intents and purposes an absolute
monarchy, with the Senate having several powerful
but “soft” checks on the power of the kings.
The Roman Kingdom effectively expanded
its borders under some two hundred years of
monarchical rule, becoming a major power in central
Italia. The seventh and last king of Rome, Lucius
Tarquinius Superbus, unfortunately broke with the
tradition of stability established by the six who came
before and overthrew his immediate predecessor,
afterwards using tyrannical force to maintain his
control over the populace of Rome, without
regard to the opinions voiced by the Senate or the
People. After an incident in 244 AUC in which his
son Sextus Tarquinius raped Lucretia, a woman of
the senatorial class, four Senators including our
legendary ancestor Lucius Junius Brutus overthrew
Tarquinius Superbus, thus ending the reign of the
Roman kings and ushering in the era of the Roman
Republic.
The Roman Republic steadily evolved in the
generations following the fall of the monarchy,
taking on many forms as the socioeconomic
divisions created by Romulus began to bear
poisoned fruit. At first, the Senate simply replaced
the King with two consuls, both holding the
authority of the bygone monarch yet also possessing
the ability to veto the other. Over the first few
generations, the many powers that the Kings once
held were divided among various magisterial offices
– praetor, quaestor, military tribune, censor, etc.
These magistrates had their own individual duties –
the consul dictated foreign policy and commanded
troops in times of war, the censors were in charge of
the census (hugely important in determining the
composition of the centuries and tribes and therefore
the composition of the popular assemblies), and the
praetors acted as judges at the Forum. With
Topic 1.
The Shape of the State Topic History!
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sovereign authority effectively diluted, the Senate no
longer had to fear a repeat of the tyrannical excesses
of Tarquinius Superbus, but a new problem soon
emerged. Magistrates, though elected with the
participation of the plebeians through the popular
assemblies, could only be drawn from the
aristocratic class of Rome, the patricians; the voting
system, based on the socioeconomic division of the
Roman population into “centuries,” (the centuries
together constitute the Century Assembly) also
distinctly favored the aristocrats, who possessed a
disproportionate number of votes. The commoners,
labeled as the plebeians, comprised the significant
majority of society and bore most of the burden of
Rome’s many expansionary wars, yet had no access
to the magisterial offices and had little direct say in
the day to day governance of the Roman state. This
legal codification of Roman society into political
castes became known as the “conflict of orders” and
would come to dominate Roman politics for the next
several generations.
The plebeians came close to rebellion due to
what they perceived as the inequitable concentration
of power in the hands of the patricians, refusing to
serve in the Roman army until such time as their
demands were met. The Senate and the patricians,
unable to combat Rome’s numerous enemies
without the help of the plebeian legionnaires, was
compelled to make concessions, creating specific
offices for the protection of plebeian interests (the
Plebeian Tribunes) and opening the consulship and
other magisterial offices to plebeians. Over the
course of several generations, the plebeians gradually
gained access to the few offices that remained closed
to them, and soon some plebian families could sit
with equal splendor amongst the oldest patrician
families of the Roman Senate.
Eventually with the passage of the Lex
Hortensia in 466 AUC the practical distinction
between patrician and plebeian disappeared, and the
Senate came to be composed of a mixed patrician
and plebeian aristocracy, effectively alleviating the
“conflict of orders.” The Roman Republic had
attained its penultimate form, a complex
hodgepodge of interlocking institutions that
centered on the magistrates, the Senate, and the
popular assemblies. The magistrates functioned
mostly as executors of policy and law as well as
judges, while also sitting as Senators during and
after their term; provincial governors, known as
proconsuls, were also drawn from the ranks of
former magistrates. The Plebeian Tribunes were
special magistrates, elected only by the plebian class
and possessed of the power to veto the actions of any
magistrate or popular assembly. The Senate dictated
policy by issuing “advice” and also controlled state
finances and the civil government of Rome (as we
Romans all understand, Rome is more than just a
city, or a capital – it is the center of the Empire. It
may help to think of Rome as a city-state covering a
huge territorial expanse, although by our current
point in history this image is somewhat
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oversimplified). The popular assemblies held official
legislative power, elected the magistrates, and acted
as a court for major cases. It was a delicately
balanced system, arraigning the power of the
patricians against the plight of the plebs, dividing
the power of the kings amongst various magistrates,
all the while forging an empire that would grow
unto this very day.
Although the legal castes had been largely
done away with in effect, class remained an issue in
Roman society and so it was after the Punic Wars a
series of land and political reform bills, famously
proposed by the Grachhi brothers and designed to
take power away from the Senate and transfer it to
the popular assemblies, inflamed Rome yet again.
From 620 AUC to 665 AUC a conflict between the
populares ie the supporters of a more democratic
government, and the optimates, conservative
aristocrats that wished to maintain the status quo,
raged in the streets of Rome and the rostrum of the
Forum, but eventually a number of military
strongmen seized the reign of power, most notably
the seven time (an altogether unprecedented and
rather illegal figure) Consul Gaius Marius and the
perpetual Dictator (more illegality) Lucius Cornelius
Sulla. Although the debate of the two sides would
continue until the end of the Republic, by that point
the issue was largely moot. Political power rarely
rested in the handed of the officials in which it was
officially vested – the dominant political entity in
this period was the First Triumvirate, an alliance
between the three most powerful men of Rome that
controlled Roman policy through the official organs
of government. Soon, even the Republican organs
would be done away with, leaving only a marble
façade. In 704 AUC a series of events (one of the
most interesting periods of Roman history, but such
stories hardly fit into a summary of Roman
government through the ages) came to a head, and
Gaius Julius Caesar crossed the Rubicon River,
beginning the civil war that would end the Roman
Republic. With his eventual triumph over the forces
of the Senate and his proclamation as perpetual
Dictator, the Roman Republic was dead.
Marcus Junius Brutus and Gaius Cassius
Longinus believed otherwise, but the assassination
of Julius Caesar did nothing to stop the continuing
decline of the Republic. Power soon devolved to
Caesar’s adopted son and heir, Gaius Octavius, and
his fellow triumvirs, who formed the Second
Triumvirate, a formal legal entity that sat atop the
Republican superstructure and usurped all power
from the underlying institutions, directing all
policies of the now defunct Republic. With the
sidelining of one of the triumvirs, the “Republic”
was divided between two men, Marcus Antonius
(Mark Antony) and Gaius Octavius (Octavian), who
controlled the East and the West respectively. The
stage was set for a cataclysmic clash between the two
men, and with Antony’s defeat at the Battle of
Actium in 722 AUC, Octavian emerged as the sole
ruler of the Roman world.
Octavian now had to decide what shape the
new world would take. Haunted by the fate of his
adoptive father Julius Caesar, Octavian sought to
avoid any title or power that smacked of monarchical
rule, instead basing his authority upon powers
already established in the Republic. Within months
of his victory over Antony, Octavian had acquired
the power of a Plebian Tribune, which allowed him
to veto any action that ran counter to his policies;
the authority of an empire-wide proconsul,
effectively making him commander in chief of the
Roman army and the final executor of his own
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policies; and a new title, befitting his newfound
duties and powers: Augustus, the revered one.
Though the Senate and Augustus were considered
equal in power, the Imperator now entirely
controlled the reigns of the state.
Augustus, First Emperor of the Roman Empire
Emperor Tiberius (middle) and other emperors
The power of the emperors only solidified
with the coming years – the second emperor
Tiberius transferred all the electoral, judicial, and
legislative powers of the popular assemblies to the
Senate, centralizing the machinery of government in
a body that Tiberius completely controlled. The
Senate from then on served mainly as the main
administrative and advisory body of the Empire,
giving the Emperor extra hands by which he could
carry the burdens of the state, governing certain
provinces and maintaining the treasury. The
emperors gradually accumulated powers once
reserved for the magistrates and Senate of the
Roman Republic – the power of censorship, the
power to ratify treaties, and the power to declare
war. By the reign of Domitian, emperors had
become virtual monarchs, imposing their will on the
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Senate and People of Rome at a whim’s notice, aided
by an increasingly sophisticated court structure and
Imperial bureaucracy staffed by competent slaves
and freedmen, cronies of the Emperor, and
ambitious and wealthier members of the plebian
class. Some emperors, such as the “Five Good
Emperors,” did not abuse their power; some
emperors, particularly Commodus, frayed the very
fabric of the empire with their degenerate habits,
throwing Rome into the crisis that you brave
Romans must resolve.
The past is a creature of many shapes and
forms, the present is infinite, but the future can only
follow one path. Which path shall you choose?
Among a nation of consuls and imperators,
who shall rise above the rest and reign? It is an
ageless question for us Romans. In the Republic,
closely fought electoral battles determined who held
power annually, but the Imperium has no such
closely regulated and structured system. Augustus
constructed an imperial system beneath the façade of
the Republic – his power derived from the authority
of the several offices he held in combination and in
perpetuity. To transfer his power to Tiberius, the
successor that ended up surviving until Augustus’s
death, the old emperor needed to transfer his offices
piecemeal to Tiberius – in reality it was a tightly
controlled transfer of power, but it set a less than
stable precedent. There was no legal structure for
succession, no chain of hereditary inheritance, no
system, only an ad hoc passing of power and
position from one man to another.
So long as the men involved in the scheme
could keep the game running behind the façade of
the Republic, the Empire would hold together
without a single hiccup. Unfortunately, the men
who followed in the massive footsteps of Augustus
failed to live up to his example, and without a formal
system that could stand on the firm foundation of
social indoctrination, precedent, and rule of law, the
succession became the greatest source of instability
in the Roman world.
Tiberius proved to be a dark emperor, but
by the standards of his descendants he would be
considered quite benign. The details of his reign will
be explained in other histories, but two of his
actions, or rather two examples of his inaction,
would prove to be of huge and negative consequence
to the Imperial system. Tiberius by all appearances
did not want the post of Imperator, especially
towards the end of his reign; a talented general and
administrator under Augustus, Tiberius began to
withdraw from public life with the death of his son
Germanicus, the apparent successor. A few years
after the death of Germanicus, Tiberius had
completely removed himself to the island of Capri,
his vacation home, leaving power in the hands of the
corrupt Praetorian Prefect, Lucius Aelius Sejanus.
This signaled the point where the Praetorian Guard
began to metamorphose from a simple unit of elite
bodyguards to one of the most important players in
Imperial politics. The Praetorians’ experience of
holding and abusing the reigns of power under
Sejanus allowed them to pierce the veil thrown over
human civilization by the rule of law; from then on,
the Praetorian Guard realized that power, when
reduced to its most base form, rested in the
scabbards by their sides and not in the script carved
onto the tablets of law. Violence now had a foothold
on the question of succession.
Sejanus eventually fell from grace:
denounced by Tiberius and hated by the Senators he
had terrorized during his regime, the Praetorian
Prefect was quickly executed and replaced, but not
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without dragging down a large section of Rome’s
most powerful people in a series of treason trials that
severely scarred the social fabric of the Empire.
Tiberius, however, remained ensconced on his island
resort, leaving the Empire to the devices of the
formative Imperial bureaucracy, which at the very
least did not do anything to harm the fortunes of the
Empire, though it had not yet acquired the ability to
effectively react to the crises attended to by the
Imperator. More ominously, Tiberius made no plans
for the succession, an oversight that would have
dangerous implications – with no formal system
that could transfer power, the present Imperator
absolutely needed to designate a successor, lest a war
of succession break out at his death. Tiberius did no
such advanced planning, and when he died his
logical successor Caligula possessed none of the
offices that Tiberius himself had held at the time of
Augustus’s death.
Fortunately for the Empire, Caligula’s only
competitor for the throne was a teenage boy who
was speedily executed, but the ad hoc system that
Augustus had put in place were beginning to show
signs of falling apart. It was only a pruned out family
tree that prevented the succession from devolving
into another terrible civil war, and an execution was
hardly the best way to secure one’s claim to a
“throne” that did not actually exist in the façade of
the Republic. People noticed the insecurity of the
succession. Powerful people noticed, and they began
to muse. If they could become adopted members of
the Imperial family, if they could marry in, if they
could secure the support of the Praetorian Guard, if
they had but a marginal connection to the throne…
what was stopping them from become the next
Augustus? Ambition had not died with the death of
the Republic. It had simply become more poisonous,
hidden now in intrigue in bare-knuckle power
politics, and the reign of Caligula would only further
Rome’s problems.
Tiberius had been a paranoid, apathetic
Imperator; Caligula was insane. There are many
anecdotes concerning Caligula; perhaps the most
outrageous is a story concerning how he attempted
to appoint his horse consul, that position which such
illustrious men as Brutus and Caesar had held with
great pride in the past. Caligula’s rule continued the
general trend of Republican erosion; Augustus had
at least preserved a symbolic appreciation for the
Senate’s importance and power, but by the reign of
Caligula the act was wearing thin and what had been
an unofficially monarchical position became
increasingly obvious. The disappearance of the
Republic’s shadow carried down with it several
centuries of tradition and precedence, leaving only
the recent history of dictatorship, treason trials,
execution, and brutal power seizures. Such would
the regular shape of succession in the Empire for the
next few centuries. Caligula exercised his
monarchical powers with a tyrannical hand,
terrorizing the Senate and the richest and most
powerful families of Rome while spending lavishly
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on the bread and circuses so beloved by the people.
The mob loved him, but it did not take long for the
discontent of the powerful to turn to hatred and fear
to turn to action, and an assassination plot in 794
AUC left Caligula dead and the state in turmoil.
The Senate attempted to reestablish the
Republic, but the masses of Rome had long since
become used to the largesse of the Imperators and
the Praetorians found their comfy positions rather
too compelling to obey the Senate’s commands –
Caligula’s uncle was whisked away from the Senate’s
clutches and declared Imperator. With the backing
of both armed and popular force, Claudius soon
secured his position, but the Imperial system was
quickly breaking apart. In the past, the new
Imperator had always been confirmed with the
willing approval of the Senate; in the case of
Claudius, the Praetorians shoved their favorite
candidate down the throats of the Senate. The
Imperial system was being questioned – the
proposal for a return to the Republic, while abortive,
reflected a common sentiment among the Senate and
the ambitious. The masses, without the legal
mechanisms of the Republican era popular
assemblies, were exercising its power through the
threat of revolt and mob rule. The rule of law was
falling apart, replaced by a near anarchy of brutal
bloodshed and repeated crises. Force had emerged as
the clear determiner of succession.
Claudius was a welcome break from the dark
reigns previous two emperors, enlarging the
Empire’s territories and reorganizing the
bureaucracies. Of course, his reforms would have
unintended consequences on the succession – one of
the generals blooded in the conquest of Britannia
would be the future Imperator Vespasian, and the
expanded bureaucracy simply made the Senate even
more redundant, stripping it of its last
administrative and financial functions, removing yet
one more check from an already monolithic
monarchy. From this point onwards, so long as a
general possessed the necessary quorum of armed
force, he could seize the throne – the machinery of
government no longer had an interest in the
succession, and there was no institution powerful
enough to counter the brute force of the legions.
Claudius had few flaws as Imperator, but he did
have a fatal one: his wife, Agrippina the Younger, a
terribly ambitious woman who would stop at
nothing to secure power for herself, or if Roman
society chose not to accept a female, her son the
future Imperator Nero.
And so it was in 807 AUC that Agrippina
reputedly poisoned Claudius and the young Nero
was proclaimed Imperator. The course of events was
becoming depressingly repetitive. Rivals were
executed, absolute power corrupted, and the
powerless Senate and the restive and bribable mob
did nothing to check the power of the Imperial court
and the Imperator himself. Competent emperors
such as Augustus or Claudius were succeeded by
weaker, corrupt, or insane rulers, sinking the Empire
into a more and more debilitated state;
assassination, military coup d’état, and power plays
had become the norm of succession; and the very
idea of the rule of law and legitimate succession was
at best a oft-used excuse to justify the bloodshed that
accompanied an Imperator’s rise to power.
That excuse however was the only source of
stability in the Empire, and the only illusion keeping
the state from dissolving into civil war. So long as
Rome expected power to remain within the dynasty
inaugurated by Augustus, the Imperial family and
the Eternal City could be embroiled in the tremors of
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succession without affecting the Empire itself as a
whole. This last pillar of stability collapsed when a
series of events resulted in the proclamation of
Galba, a governor of an Imperial province, as
Imperator by the troops under his command. Nero’s
position began to collapse as he lost support among
the Praetorians and the members of the patrician
class, and the still young man, instead of confronting
the rebellion, fled the capital and eventually
committed suicide. His ignominious death marked
the end of the line of Imperators founded so
promisingly by Augustus.
With the dynasty extinguished, the question
of Imperial succession had reached a new low. Four
men soon became contenders of power: Galba, the
governor who had revolted against Nero’s role,
Otho, an ambitious patrician who bribed the
Praetorians to his side, Vitellius, commander of the
Germanic legions, and Vespasian, the man who had
been blooded in Britannia and had the support of the
legions of the East. The exact events are complex,
but by the time the dust settled, Vespasian was on
the throne, the other three dead. It had been the Year
of Four Emperors.
A hugely dangerous precedent had been set.
Imperial successions in the past, brutal though they
were, at least involved only a limited cast of Imperial
characters, but now the succession seemed to be
open to anyone with a large enough army. The
Roman Empire, once framed in the laws of the
Republic, was now a function of how much steel and
legions were controlled by a particular bidder for
power. If there was any vulnerability in a chain of
succession, if any family lost its monopoly on
military power, it could expect itself to be
overthrown and replaced with the next military
strongman. Rome, the once proud bringer of
civilization, had seemingly become an almost
barbaric military despotism.
Except of course that for the next century no
Imperator gained power through the use of armed
force. Even after the assassination of Domitian,
Vespasian’s second son and the last of that dynasty,
power was peacefully transferred to Nerva, an
advisor to Domitian. Nerva inaugurated a period of
history known as the reign of the “Five Good
Emperors,” during which Imperators adopted and
groomed handpicked successors. So did the Imperial
system rebalance itself? Had Nerva discovered the
key to the problem of succession by adopting the
most prominent and talented men as his successors?
Perhaps the events surrounding the end of the
dynasty of Augustus had been an unfortunate and
improbable series of events, a historical outlier. Or
perhaps not.
From the time of Nero’s death to our current
era, the Imperial system has not encountered much
substantial change. That is to say it is for all intents
and purposes it has remained an absolute monarchy
backed by an imperial bureaucracy and a massive
and well-organized army and the support of the
masses of Rome. Did perhaps the gradual
centralization of power somehow counter the
problems encountered during the slow death of the
Republican façade?
ROMA ETERNA 15
!
Or perhaps the Imperial system still contains
the systematic problems of succession exhibited by
the problems of the 8th
century AUC, and the
transition to absolute monarchy has only increased
the risks manifested by the degenerate, brutal, and
tyrannical actions of Imperators ascending to a
throne still limited by certain symbolic or political
considerations. In that case, perhaps these “Good
Emperors” are the outliers, a lucky streak of
competent men who can proficiently manage the
Imperial system.
It is not the task of this historian to fully this
answer. I urge the distinguished Senators and
magistrates to fully consider the history of
succession and decide upon a system that allows for
Rome to enjoy the posterity soon recently shattered
by the false Imperator Commodus.
If lions cannot decide peacefully who is king,
then there must inevitably be blood spilt. So choose,
brave Romans. Blood or words.
ROMA ETERNA 16
!
Unraveling Dream Rome has enjoyed the fruits of a hegemonic
peace for the last century, guided by the benevolent
hands of Imperators skilled in war but fair in peace.
The Imperium covers a vast territory, stretching
from the vast seascape of the World Ocean to the
trackless deserts of the Sahara, from the cold
northern wastes of Germania to the sunbaked
mountains of Armenia. Encircling the Mare
Nostrum, our ships sail from Byzantium, key of the
Bosporus, to resurrected Carthage, gateway to the
grain fields of Africa; our legions march from the
wilds of Caledonia, home of the last of the Celtic
tribes, to the sunbaked rocks of Masada, scene of the
Hebrew’s last resistance; and our wondrous
amphitheaters and aqueducts can be seen in every
settlement in all the lands in between. Truly, Rome
holds the entire world in the palm of her hand, and
Rome itself, the Eternal City of a thousand marble
monuments and a million living souls, lies at the
heart of it all, the city to which all roads lead.
Senator Gracchus
The successive fall of the false Imperator
Commodus and the idealistic Senator Gracchus has
shaken the Imperium at its very heart, but the
Imperium itself still stands strong, in large part
because the legions still guard the borders against
the barbarians beyond and preserve the peace in the
world within. It has been a century since the legions
last left their posts to intervene in the Imperial
succession, but a century means very little in the
grand schemes of eternity. Memories are long, and
perhaps even now ambitious generals in frontier
fronts are plotting to march their hardened veterans
from the barren edges of the Imperium to its living
rich heart, and to seize that heart for themselves.
Two centuries ago, the great Imperator
Augustus brought to an end the civil wars that had
plagued the death throes of the Republic, laying the
foundations of the Pax Romana. With peace finally
secured in the vast domains of the new Imperium,
Augustus decommissioned thousands of then
redundant veteran legionnaires, settling them in
military colonia throughout the provinces, leaving
the Imperator with some thirty legions under his
command, distributed along the borders. Although
the numbers have fluctuated slightly since the time
of Augustus with the rise and eventual defeat or
Rome’s armies, Marcus Aurelius left the Imperium
with thirty-two legions, stationed at virtually the
same positions as their predecessors two centuries
ago.
Current Situation!
ROMA ETERNA 17
!
Map of the Roman Empire, 125 A.D.
At the time of Commodus’s death, thirty
legions were posted along the Imperium’s frontier.
The following map indicates the position and
identity of each legion – although the map is rather
outdated, the legions and the borders they guard
have scarce changed in the years since.
Along with the legions, there were also
significant numbers of auxiliary forces – the
following chart gives a rough estimate of the various
dispositions at the death of Marcus Aurelius. In the
chaos of the last year, the numbers may have
fluctuated slightly due to desertion or unreported
recruitment by the provincial governors, but it is
unlikely that any single formation has been sizably
reinforced. It is to be assumed that in discussions of
“legions” auxiliary formations are also to be
included.
Command of each legion is given to a senior
officer known as the legatus, and the legions in each
province are under the ultimate direction of the
provincial governors. Originally the governors of
provinces with military forces were directly
appointed by the Imperator, but with the fall of
Commodus all provincial governors, military or civil,
are appointed by the Senator for a term that was
hastily set at one year. One of the Senate’s first
moves after reclaiming power was to recall all the
provincial governors to Rome, ostensibly to swear
loyalty to the reconstituted Republic, but many of
the military governors ignored or outright refused
the summons. No one party has yet acquired the
military force to make a bid for power, but it would
be foolish not to assume that several generals along
the frontiers have already begun forging alliances,
ROMA ETERNA 18
!
hoping to gather enough support to seize the
Imperial throne for themselves. Of the governors
who did heed the Senate’s call, most of the civil
governors, already loyal members of the Senate,
were returned to their posts without incident,
although the proconsul (a governor holding
proconsular powers and therefore elevated in rank)
of Africa suddenly decided that retirement to his
country estate seemed to be in order, while the
praefectus Aegypti (Egypt was a personal possession
of the Imperator and therefore a special governor
was traditionally appointed) suddenly disappeared
three days after returning to Rome. Given that the
governorship of Africa demanded a man of consular
rank, the leader of the Cornelli family, a man with
extensive administrative and political experience,
was offered the position; he has yet to accept or
decline the offer. The prefect of Aegyptus was
traditionally not drawn from the ranks of the
Senatorial order, and although some of the more
ambitious members of the Senate are pushing for the
termination of that tradition, a more conservative
bloc has yet to acquiesce to their colleague’s desires
– the governorship of Aegypt also remains to be
decided. The two military governors who did return
to Rome were charged with corruption and speedily
imprisoned and replaced – a member of the Fabii
family was sent to Cappadocia to take command of
the legion there, and a Valerian was given the
command in Tarraconensis.
Two of the legions, however, were not
stationed on the frontier. Legio II Italica and Legio
III Italica were raised exclusively for the bellum
Germanicum et Sarmaticum that the General
Maximus brought to a decisive end at the Battle of
Laugaricio, and were afterwards stationed at the
Rome’s port, Ostia. Those two legions, having
fought and died exclusively under Maximus’s
command, were intensely loyal even after the
general’s death, and Quintus, then still possessed of
all the authority of Praetorian Prefect, incorporated
the legionnaires into the otherwise apathetic and
even potentially hostile Praetorian Guard, bringing
the Guard’s manpower to near 10,000 active
personnel and providing him with just enough
support to survive the power transition after Senator
Gracchus’s death. Such a huge military force
obviously exerted serious logistical pressures on the
Roman supply network, but fortunately for the
prefect Senator Gracchus had appointed a
ferociously stubborn and efficient fellow Republican
named Senator Marcus Gracchus (a distant relation)
as Curator Alimentorum, who after the first
Gracchus’s death managed to maintain his position
as controller of Rome’s grain supply by reinstating
the dole. So long as Curator Gracchus controlled his
position, the Praetorian Prefect could keep his troops
fed – and so long as Praetorian cohorts wandered
past the house of the tresviri monetales (the mint
magistrate) every now and again, the troops would
also remain paid. And paid Praetorians are happy
Praetorians.
ROMA ETERNA 19
!
Traditionally, the Praetorians were the only
military forces in the capital that intervened in
politics, but that did not signify that they were not
the only armed formation in the city. Not only did
Augustus establish the Praetorian Guard (originally
simply bodyguards, the Praetorians soon became a
fully self-sufficient operating unit), but he also
commissioned three cohorts urbanae – Urban
Cohorts, trained as a paramilitary force capable of
handling heavy-handed policing actions. By the
reign of Marcus Aurelius, there were four cohorts in
the City, each numbering some 500 men, for a total
force of 2000, none of whom had any love for the
Praetorian Guard. Against the vast numerical
superiority of the Guard the Urban Cohorts
historically kept their silence and swords sheathed, a
precedent that they adhered to in the recent crisis.
Whether or not they continue to remain neutral is
largely dependent on the attitude and ambition of
the quasi-mayor of Rome, the praefectus urbi (urban
prefect) their commander – currently a young
member of the Cornelii, his predecessor having been
surrounded and lynched by the mobs at that plagued
Rome at the end of Senator’s Gracchus’s reign.
Although Rome has always primarily relied
on her legions and other terrestrial forces, the
Imperial Navy has also played a key role in the
history of the Imperium, notably at the critical battle
of Actium that confirmed the great Imperator
Augustus’s rule. In the decades and centuries after
Actium, there have been no significant naval
engagements; the Imperial Navy however has
proved its worth in numerous campaigns along the
rivers and seas at the fringes of the Imperium and
against the pirates that still oftentimes plague the
lucrative trade routes crisscrossing the Mare
Nostrum. There are a number of provincial fleets
stationed throughout the Imperium, supplemented
by provisional fleets created by commanders on site
to deal with military crises, but these fleets pale in
comparison to the four main fleets of the Imperium.
There are two “praetorian fleets”, based on either
side of the Italian peninsula and under the direct
control of the Imperator; these fleets deal with
routine patrols along the coast and also act as a
strategic reserve for the Imperial military forces. The
Classis Misenensis is based at Misenum at the
northern end of the Bay of Naples, and is comprised
of some 70 ships, of which 50 were triremes; Classis
Ravennas was based at Ravenna, nearing the tip of
the Adriatic, and included some 45 ships, also mostly
triremes. The other two main fleets of the Imperium
have more specialized roles: Classis Alexandrina (50
triremes) based at Alexandria in Aegyptus, is in
charge of escorting the massive grain shipments
from that province to Rome; and Classis Britannica
(40 triremes), based at Gesoriacum in Normandy, is
the link between the island of Britannica and the rest
of the Imperium (see Map 1 for location of these
major naval bases). These four fleets, commanded
by equestrians of the highest income and social
standing but manned by a mixture of maritime
Italians and Greeks, have thus far remained apathetic
to the conflict concerning the succession –
historically, the fleets will pragmatically support
whichever side appears to closest to victory. There is
no doubt however that even these fleets might be
enticed to support certain other political agendas
with the right incentive.
On the political front, two fractions have
begun to coalesce in the Eternal City – the
Imperialists and the Republicans. The names are
somewhat self-explanatory, but the composition of
each faction is somewhat more complex. The poorest
citizens, comprising a slight majority of the
population, miffed at the austere measures of
ROMA ETERNA 20
!
Senator Gracchus and fondly (and rather
mistakenly) remembering the excessive largesse of
the Imperators, are rabidly Imperialist, but will
likely be swayed if given the right incentive. The
more affluent plebeians, shopkeepers and minor
merchants, a quarter of the popularion, are in the
majority apathetic to the identity of their rulers, so
long as their feathers remain unruffled. Largely
unaffected by either the purges or the largesse of the
Emperors, save for the massive marble monuments
that many already take for granted, the affluent
plebeians have also long lost their taste for the
exercise of political power. If their interests are
threatened, however, they may yet find in their souls
a burning flame of self-preservation and self-
advancement, but otherwise they are more likely to
be conservative members of society. The equestrians,
or knights, are the lower order of the patrician class,
and are the primary economic movers of the
Imperium, controlling some of the largest businesses
and factors while also serving in prominent positions
within the Imperial bureaucracy. Their numbers
make up some ten percent of the city’s population.
Having benefited immensely from the Pax Romana
established by the Imperators and already in control
of many of the levers of the Imperium, the
equestrians are largely but not zealously followers of
the Imperial standard. Some of the perhaps cannier
equestrians see in the reestablishment of the
Republic an excellent opportunity to seize more
prominent positions within the state, both for their
order and for themselves. The Senatorial order of the
patrician class, though they constitute but a few
percent of the population, is politically dominant. Of
course they are mostly interested in the
reestablishment of the Republic, and with it the
return of the days when they firmly held the reigns
of the Roman state and controlled the destinies of
millions. But why should the Senators control Rome
when one Senator, or one family could do just as
well? There is a suspicion that the most prominent
members of the Senate would rather see the Imperial
system continued, so long as the Imperators hail
from the… appropriate lineage.
Of course, these generalizations hide a
hidden layer of complexity. Although elections have
been frozen and real power is rumored to be
concentrated in the hands of a shadowy group of
Senators and power brokers, the façade of the
Republic brings with it the possibility of mobilizing
the masses. The increased importance of public
support given the divided nature of the state has
meant the return of a bastardized form of the old
patronage system – simply put, politically powerful
patrons insure that their usually lower-class clients
accrue some kind of advantage in return for political
support. In the old days, the clients were expected to
mobilize themselves and their acquaintances to vote
for the correct measure – in these troubled times,
the clients may yet be asked to vote again, but
whether through ballots or clubs remains to be seen.
These personal relationships can supersede ties of
ROMA ETERNA 21
!
class, meaning that the aspiring politician has
multiple methods for wooing public support.
Of the two factions, one would expect the
Imperialists to be possessed of the simpler plan:
maintain the status quo, change nothing, and simply
decide who should succeed the quickly disappearing
shade of Commodus. The Imperial system, however,
is not without its defects, and some of the resigned
Imperialists would like to take advantage of the
tumultuous situation to enact certain reforms. The
current system, where all executive power is centered
on the Emperor and the army while administration
is left to a vast Imperial bureaucracy, leaves no room
for the Senate except as an oft ignored advisory
council. The proposals for reforming this system are
numerous, from decentralizing the Roman
bureaucracy to the provincial level to restricting the
Imperator’s residence to the city of Rome itself; the
debates over these reforms often leave the Imperial
group at the edge of implosion.
Then there are the survivors of the Imperial
family. Commodus died childless; his nephew
Lucius Verus, grandson of Marcus Aurelius and the
son of Aurelius’ late co-Imperator, Lucius is the
natural and obvious successor to the Imperial
throne. Remembered fondly as a fixture at the games
but free of the taint of Commodus’s cruelty due to
his innocent age, Lucius has become incredibly
popular with the masses, and many in the
Imperialist faction dearly wish to see him installed as
Imperator – with themselves as guardians, of course.
His mother Lucilla, however, rumored to be the
lover of the late hero Maximus, has skillfully
sculpted an image of moderate Republicanism for
the young boy. Noticeably silent during the
draconian regime of Senator Gracchus, Lucius has
since modestly indicated that he has no taste for
power and would wish to see the Senate restored to
its ancient glory. It is a pleasing song to the Senators
and generally approved of by the patrician class, who
think it simple enough to reduce the boy to a
figurehead, especially since his mother seems
perfectly content to adhere to the wishes of her dead
lover. The only segment of society who has been
noticeably cool to the young boy has been the
legions – distrustful of his mother’s influence and
aware of Lucius’s youth, there are many in the
legions and the Praetorian Guard who speak of
raising an older, more experienced man to the
Imperial purple – a man who has of course spent
time with the legions, for who else would be
experienced enough to handle the difficult task of
defending the Empire’s borders?
The Republicans would send the consuls to
command the legions – or the proconsuls. Or
perhaps it would be best to have a caste of
professional officers. Madness! They would not
interfere with the administration of the Republic!
We have not even decided how the Republic should
be administered! How can we expect the people and
Senate of Rome to govern a territory far
outstretching the limits of the city itself? What do
we do with the masses? How much power do we
accede them? None! Then what Republic do you
speak of – then what makes us better than the
Carthaginians, with their council of judges? A
Republic is not a democracy! We cannot allow the
mob to rule. Rome must again select her own
leaders, but they must be men worthy of that honor,
not the favorite of the rabble! You talk about
selection, yet I see no way to prevent the legions
from making their own selection the new Imperator!
I will die before I see another half-educated puffed-
ROMA ETERNA 22
!
up military peacock on the throne! For the Republic!
For the Republic! For the Republic!
ROMANS! I ask you this – one simple
question, and yet we have no answer: What is the
Republic?
The Republicans too suffer from the effects
of political infighting. That is why in the last few
months the Senate and the city itself have ground to
a half, embroiled in bitter factional dispute. It is one
of the reasons why there are whispers of a secret
cabal of important men who are working to find
some solution to the gridlock. It is one of the reasons
why the dream that is Rome is slowly, but slowly
faster, unraveling.
The economic situation of the Imperium is
also slowly unraveling. But one cannot understand
the process of decay without first understanding the
body – so too it will be necessary to survey the vast
scale of the Imperial economy before we proceed to
investigate its slow disintegration. Although the city
of Rome itself is a huge and sprawling urban center,
the Imperium itself is still largely rural and focused
on the production and movement of agricultural
goods. The driver of most of this economic activity
remains the Eternal City itself – with its huge
population, Rome requires the produce of several
provinces in order to keep its half-million hungry
mouths fed, and the vast trade network created by
the transshipment process makes trade one of the
key pillars of the Roman economy. Besides
agriculture and its attendant transportation
necessities, the largest economic sector in the
Imperium is mining – mining not only for the
precious metals found in Hispania but also for the
marble of Rome’s monuments and the iron of the
legionnaire’s gladius. Most of the material mined
from the earth is refined and crafted in the few
proto-industrial centers of the Imperium – Rome
and the urban centers of the East and Gaul. The rest
of the urban population is mainly engaged in the
business of maintaining the fabric of the cities
themselves – construction, distribution, service, and
entertainment. The urban poor find themselves
mired in poverty, laboring at the sweaty business of
hawking wares and smelting metal; the equestrians
on the other hand dominate the ranks of the
importers and real-estate managers, exploiting not
only the trade in agricultural produce but also in
luxury goods from the Orient, destined for the
consumers of the Senatorial class and Imperial
family. So the lives of millions are threaded together,
in a complex web of connections cemented by grain
and gold.
Given the predominant position held by
agriculture in the Roman economy, it is not
surprising that land and its distribution has been a
central economic and social issue since the time of
the Republic. Currently, there are three types of
landowners/land holdings in the large rural stretches
of the Imperium. The latifundia are large-scale tracts
of privately owned land specialized for the
production of grain, grapes, and olives – the cash
ROMA ETERNA 23
!
crops of the Roman world. Manned by masses of
slaves imported from both within and without the
Imperium, they are owned by rich equestrians,
successful provincials, and members of the
Senatorial class, and constitute a large degree of their
wealth. These latifundia are primarily concentrated
in the provinces, especially the grain producing
provinces of Sicily and Africa, breadbasket of Rome.
Although highly efficient and massive in scale, they
pale in comparison to the holdings of the largest
landowner in the Imperium – the Imperator
himself. Managed by the freedmen and equestrians
of the Imperial bureaucracy, these Imperial estates
are latifundia on a scale almost incomprehensible to
private citizens, and also constitute a strategic
reserve – it is primarily from these holdings that
Imperators dole out the land promised to veterans
who have completed their terms of service, settling
them in military colonies throughout the vast
reaches of the Imperium. These veterans are
included in the final category of landowners – small
private farmers who mainly can do more than
provide for their own sustenance and perhaps spare
some produce for the forum of a nearby settlement.
Hardworking, poor but not impoverished, these
families live and die in the soil – unaware and
uncaring of the grand machinations of Empire. From
the banks of the Nile to the plains of Campania,
these men and women seem to mold into the
continuous onward march of time, generations
cycling in their monotonously unique iterations.
They hardly stir – unless something or someone
disrupts the way of life they have known since time
immemorial.
Although some distribution of these three
types of holdings exist in all the provinces of the
Imperium, it must be noted that most
provinces are mainly self-sufficient or otherwise only
engaged in low-level regional trade – three
provinces hold the monopoly on large scale exports
of foodstuffs. These three provinces are Africa,
Sicilia, and Aegyptus – in Africa and Sicilia, the
main form of landholding is the latifundia, while in
Aegyptus and sheer number of small landowning
farmers and the legendary fertility of the Nile valley
produces a substantial surplus. If anything should
happen to the produce of these three provinces, it
may well be predicted that the citizens who depend
on the export of grain from these three provinces
will be liable to express extreme dissatisfaction with
whatever current regime appears to be holding
power. Those citizens mainly reside in the city of
Rome.
If Sicily, Africa, and Aegyptus are the
breadbasket of the Imperium, Italia and Graecia are
its quarries and Hispania, Dacia, Noricum, and
Britannica its mines. Although there are limited
mining operations in nearly all the provinces, there
are only significant reserves of mineral resources in
the above provinces, making them strategically
important – if any of these provinces were to
become separated from Rome itself, the long-terms
effects could be devastating. Noricum, Dacia, and
Britannica are the sources of much of Rome’s iron,
used both in the implements of peaceful production
and the weapons of conquest and war; Britannica
and Hispania contain most of the Imperium’s gold
mines and therefore serve as the foundation for the
Roman currency system.
The currency system itself is rather complex
and deserves mention. The two main types of coins
in circulation in the present period are the gold
aureus and the silver denarius; the former is hardly
used in transactions but instead serves as the
ROMA ETERNA 24
!
“currency of account” to which all other coins are
compared, while the denarius is the basic unit of
currency used in a Roman’s day to day life. A Roman
legionary currently makes 300 denarii a year, slightly
more than a day laborer world; Marcus Licinius
Crassus, the wealthiest man of the Roman Republic,
was worth some 50 million denarii. Currently, an
aureus is valued at somewhere near 25 denarii, but
crucially there has never been a way to enforce a
strict ration between the fluctuating silver content of
the denarius and to what is all intents and purposes
the gold standard embodied in the aureus.
Coinage takes up the vast majority of the
Imperium’s gold and river; the other baser metals
are shipped to the urban centers of the Imperium,
home not only to the workshops that make up
Rome’s industrial base but also another strategic
resource: population.
Although the Roman tax system allowed for
the “tribute” of agricultural goods in lieu of actual
specie, the urban populations of the provinces could
were still quite efficiently taxed by the
representatives of the Imperial bureaucracy, and
served as a great source of income of the Imperator.
Large populations also provided manpower –
although Rome’s armies have not resorted to
conscription in centuries, a lengthy conflict could
require the institution of conscription in order to
make up for losses among the professional legions.
Finally, urban centers are also nodes of trade.
Whoever controlled the strategic cities bestriding the
caravan and shipping routes of the Mediterranean
would be able to profit from the immense wealth
flowing through and besides their walls, and to a
great degree prevent some of that wealth from
reaching certain rivals.
So where are the urban centers of the
Imperium? Each province has a provincial capital
that represents the center of urban population in that
province, but there are five cities that deserve special
mention for their extraordinary concentration of
humanity. The first city of the Imperium is
obviously Rome itself – at the heart of Italia and
home of some half million souls, it is the preeminent
city of the Mediterranean world. Alexandria,
founded by Alexander the Great some four hundred
years ago, stands at the head of the Nile Delta and
controls access to and from the great grain fields of
the Nile Valley. Antioch in Syria serves as the
entrepot for the last leg of the Silk Road,
transferring the loads of caravans laden with the
goods of Asia to the trading ships of the
Mediterranean. Carthage in Africa exercises her
power over Mauretania and Numidia, another
sources of vital grain for the Imperium. And finally,
Ephesus in Asia Minor has emerged as the queen of
the old Hellenistic city-states, first among equals of
the heavily urbanized Aegean coast, rich in people,
production, trade, and the attendant wealth such
things bring.
Although much smaller in size, some other
provincial centers deserve mention because of their
strategic position and administrative importance.
The bases of the Roman legions shown in the maps
ROMA ETERNA 25
!
above are obviously the epicenters of Roman politics
on the frontier, but there are a number of civilian
centers which serve analogous functions for the vast
expanses of the Imperium’s interior. In Hispania,
Corduba holds sway over the plains of Andalusia
and the center of the peninsula, while Tarraco on the
Mare Nostrum coast is the link between the
peninsula and the rest of the Roman world. In Gaul,
the ancient city of Lugdunum shines as an example
of Roman urbanity in the center of the province,
while traveling south on the Rhone river will
eventually lead a traveler to the old Greek colony of
Massilia, the primary port of Roman Gaul. In far
northern Britannia, the walled city on the Thames,
Londinium, hosts the Roman governor and his
administration. Italia not only has the ports of
Ravenna and Neapolis (close to the naval fleet at
Misenum) but also the controller of the Po river
valley, Mediolanum. Sicilia is the home of Syracuse,
famed for its sailors and sculptors. Ancient Athens
still remains a center of culture and history, while
Byzantium sits at the crossroads of sea and land
routes spanning the divide between Asia and
Europa. Finally, Jerusalem in the sun-seeped lands
of Judea is the spiritual home to both a emerging
sect of religious devotees, the Christians, and a
stalwart group of old malcontents, the Jews.
Such are the cities of the Imperium, and the
general overview of the Roman economy.
And how exactly is such a massive web of
interconnections slowly, ponderously, splintering
into a thousand dying threads? Because in the end
the Imperial economy is not a monolith – it is a web,
and webs are liable to unravel. It begins with
inflation. The Imperators have continuously debased
the denarius over the last two centuries in order to
generate more currency for their own personal
projects, so that by the reign of Commodus the 300
denarii the legionary could expect in salary was
equivalent to some 240 denarii of the Augustus era.
The Imperial government has also continuously
demanded that taxes be paid in gold or silver specie,
leading to a slow reversion to a barter economy in
many of the provinces, where currency has grown
exceedingly scarce. Senator Gracchus in one of his
earliest reforms freed the provincials from the
obligation of paying their taxes in specie, instead
accepting agricultural goods – while popular with
the Imperium’s masses it also accelerated the
increasing regionalization of the economy. So long
as prices remain stable and the currency is not
further debased, inflation will likely remain steady,
but even with the Roman roads and the vast grain
fleets crossing the Mediterranean the Imperium has
seen a sharp downturn in trade and inter provincial
communication since the start of Commodus’s reign,
leading many to fear that the Empire will splinter
economically, and then politically.
Then there are the social and cultural
tensions within the Imperium. Although Rome
established her hegemony over Athens many
centuries ago, the Eastern half of the Imperium
remains highly Hellenized, especially Graecia itself
and Asia Minor. In the provinces of Syria, Judea, and
Aegyptus, indigenous cultures and civilizations mesh
uneasily with layers of Hellenization and
Romanization, creating an unstable mix of
somewhat Roman-Hellenistic elites and more
“native” populations. In the West, the populations
are all superficially Romanized, but they have no
more loyalty to Rome beyond the tips of their self-
interest. This is not the age of nationalism and there
are hardly any separatists movements based upon
ethnicity or culture, but the Imperium remains a
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conglomerate, a conglomerate that could very
conceivably split into many smaller parts without the
slightest bit of centripetal cultural opposition.
Finally, there is the slowly decaying moral
fiber of Rome. Ever since the rise of the Imperium
the population of Rome has become gripped by an
increasing disinterest in the affairs and
administration of governance. The masses still
demand their bread and circuses, that is true, and
the Senatorial elite still expect the social prestige and
influence of close Imperial connections, but the idea
of serving the Roman state, the very virtue of service
has slowly been extinguished from the minds of the
Roman people. They demand, but they do not give;
they expect, but they do not sacrifice. In the days of
the Republic, private self-interest was chaotically but
effectively unified with the interests of the Roman
state; personal glory reflected the city’s glory;
personal wealth would only be achieved by a
conquest or clever political pandering to the interests
of the people at large; and personal self-worth was
inextricably tied up with the success of the state.
Even then the masses and the politicians were
nakedly self-interested, but at least there remained a
conception of Rome – an idea, an entity worth
protecting, serving, and supporting. Now there is
just an empty word, a sullen reminder of glories
past, a façade and a mask and nothing to hide
behind but all the Senators and all the people try –
that is what Rome has become. The dream has been
unraveling for so long that it may now be too late to
try and hold all the loose threads together, too late to
salvage the battered and broken dream of history
and tradition. It may be too late; it may not be.
Rome simmers. The legions grumble at
their posts and prod their generals, the politicians
shout and debate and decide upon nothing, the ships
of trade sail to closer ports fewer times, and all across
the Imperium many forget the very essence of Rome,
what it meant, the dream behind the city that drove
it to chase eternity itself. Eternity marches onward, it
has no regard for the petty squabbles of mortals, it
cares not for politics and war and the thousand
insignificant scurrying’s of our little lives. Time will
not wait for us, dear Romans, and we are falling
behind.
The thousand myriad threads fray, and you
may yet despair of the complexity of the great beast
that is Rome. But stitch by stitch, action by action,
decision by decision, we may yet be able to slowly
heal the wounds of war and degeneracy and rebuild
the dream that was, and perhaps, against all that
stands against us, still is, Rome.
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The Three Families
As previously mentioned, there are three patrician families who dominate the Renovamen – the Cornelii,
the Fabii, and the Valerii. Over the centuries, the three families have developed certain connections and a certain
reputation with certain blocs of the Roman population.
The Cornelli have provided consuls for both the Republic and the Empire, and since time immemorial
have been one of the most respected patrician families of Rome. Noted for their elitism, stoicism, and righteous
integrity, the Cornelli are often portrayed as the heirs to a long-dead Republican tradition of governance, and as
such their prestige and influence among the Senators is especially high. They have long championed the rights
and privileges of the Senatorial class. Now that the Empire is in the throes of an existential crisis, many informed
observers have predicted that the Cornelli will be behind a concerted drive to resurrect the Republic, or at least to
expand the power and influence of the Senate in Rome’s affairs. Although the Cornelli have as of yet not made
explicit their plans and intentions, their supporters are expecting them to follow their Republican line, and would
be severely disappointed if they saw the Cornelli betray their roots - unless of course those doubting supporters
were… persuaded of the righteousness of the far-seeing Cornelli.
The Fabii have been one of the few patrician families in Rome’s history who have both demonstrated a
knack for political maneuvering and the business acumen necessary to amass one of Rome’s largest fortunes.
Possessed of vast estates throughout the Empire and with many connections to the equestrian businessmen who
dominate the industrial and commercial sectors of Rome’s economy, the Fabii are cynically expected to support
whichever person and group would best support their family’s interests. Politically ambiguous, the Fabii could be
the decisive factor that determines who wins in the contest between Republicans and Imperialists – or they could
be the dark horse lurking in the shadows.
The Valerii have produced a number of fiery populist champions since the early days of the Empire, and
they have since earned a place in the hearts of Rome’s plebeians. Always a supporter of more bread, circuses, and
land for the city’s poor, the Valerii are cordially detested by a large number of Senators but have such popular
support that they are considered critical to any solution to the crisis. Likely unwilling to give up their credibility
among Rome’s lower classes, they face heavy pressure to secure a return to the days of Imperial largesse, but more
subtle commentators believe that the so long as the Valerii are able to feed the mob the plebeians will not think too
much on the identity of the hand that feeds them.
The rest of the Renovamen have no distinctive tradition of support or expected ideological track. They
have no established base of political power and are therefore weaker than the families, but in contrast they are not
constrained by the wishes of constituencies.
Bloc Positions!
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The Journey into the Unclear Future
Who shall rule Rome? How shall they rule?
The old Emperor is dead, the dictator is dead, and the reins of power are waiting for a pair of strong
hands to seize them. But though they need not be a pair of hands, there must be hands to guide the rudder of the
ship of state, and those hands are most likely connected to a certain person or group of persons. Who will those
persons be? Who will emerge from the power vacuum and ascend to the power wielded by the kings, the consuls,
and the Emperors?
How will they rule, and over what? The Romans have seen monarchy, republic, and empire – perhaps
they shall return to these traditions. Perhaps they will strike again into the wilds of political innovation and
transform Rome into a shining vision of the future. And perhaps there shall be no Rome at the end of the journey,
or at least, nothing of the Empire that Rome ruled over.
For now, the future of Rome rests in the hands of the Renovamen, but they must now decide the shape of
that future emerging from the mists above the onrushing current of time.
Questions to Consider
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The Power in the Shadows
The Renovamen are not an officially sanctioned institution of the Empire, and therefore exercise no
official power. It is more akin to an association of highly placed individuals who are in a position to concurrently
sway the course of events in a desired direction. As individuals, the members of the Renovamen are extremely
influential and can shape the events of the government and economy, but currently ultimate executive power
remains officially vested in the hands of the two interim consuls and the larger body of the Senate, although even
their authority is restricted given the large segments of the army, the city, and general Roman society which still
support the old Imperial system. Insofar as the members of Renovamen control official positions within the
pseudo-Republican government they can exercise those officially prescribed powers on behalf of the committee.
Members are also likely to succeed to further positions as the course of events proceeds, and will be able to
exercise the powers associated with those positions on behalf of the committee. In limited circumstances, further
members may be added. As the Renovamen molds the directives of the Senate, it may vest itself with official
powers, or mutate the committee into another form that does possess official powers. In very rare circumstances,
the committee may even break apart or be otherwise disbanded.
Effectively, the Renovamen possesses enough influence to act as the secret executive council of the Senate,
but the Senate’s power is in practice limited at this juncture. It also has broad “unofficial” power derived from its
influence and connections. These powers are subject to the continued influence of the members of the committee
– if members fall from grace or are killed, the collective power of the committee will decrease.
But always remember this – the Renovamen were born to operate in the shadows, and only emerge into
the light at their own risk.
Role of the Committee!
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The Eagle’s Den
This committee is not only the supreme executive council of the Roman state; it is also a battleground for
some of the oldest rivalries in the Roman world. In its function as an executive organ, committee procedures will
function much like most other MUN committees, with one major exception – as an unofficial association of
asymmetrically powerful men, the committee has no sacrosanct constitution per se and voting rules in particular
are subject to the whims of the members. Currently, voting rules can be changed by approval of �’s of the
committee members, with the three paterfamilias holding veto power. Otherwise, resolutions and motions follow
the standard voting procedure – for now.
The committee is also a battlefield, and as Marcus Tullius once said “the sinews of war are infinite
money.” In theory, family members owe some degree of political loyalty to the paterfamilias by virtue of their
position in their family, but they are powerful individuals in their own right and are expected to operate
independently and for their own interests. The dynamic is particular noticeable when dealing with issues of
capital. The state itself has income that must be appropriated by the committee, but each family has their own
familial estates that are under the direct control of the paterfamilias. Each individual within the family also has
limited financial resources that can be increased or stripped, depending on the political climate. And of course
those members who do not belong to a family have their own considerable fortunes. Though Romans speak of
power, glory, and honor, the currency of the realm remains… currency. You’ll find that you require money to
carry out any schemes you might have.
Structure of the Committee!
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The Cornelii
Publius Cornelius Lentulus
Paterfamilias, Proconsular Rank
Age: 52
Publius Cornelius Lentulus is the current head of the Cornelii family, heir to a long line of highly successful
patrician statesmen dating to the years of the Republic. Upon the tragic death of his father, murdered by highway
bandits, the scrappy nineteen-year-old Lentulus became the embattled head of the vast Cornelii family, and
managed to survive the intrigues threatening to partition the family’s fortunes by becoming good friends and
political allies with the then still young Marcus Aurelius. Quick in mind but abrasive in manner, Imperial
patronage assured Lentulus a rapid rise in the Senatorial ranks, and he quickly leaped from quaestor to praetor,
praetor to consul, though he made a number of powerful enemies along the way. A tyrannical but excellent
manager of men and administrator, Lentulus has also served extensively in the provinces, most notably in the
prestigious post of Governor of Asia, which he was assigned immediately after his year in the consul’s chair.
Quietly retired from public offices after the ascension of the paranoid Commodus, Lentulus is still a well-regarded
elder statesmen and wields considerable influence among the large network of allies and clients he has built both
in Rome and in the cities of the Eastern provinces. A believer in the philosophy of Marcus Aurelius and a Cornelii
besides, he is a staunch Republican and has been one of the most vocal supporters of a return to Republican
tradition. He is currently considering an appointment to the governorship Africa, where he had served as an
adjutant to the old governor in this youth – but of course, such an appointment would require him to leave Rome,
at least for some amount of time.
Lucius Cornelius Rufinus
Urban Prefect, Proquaestor rank
Age: 29
One of the younger members of the Cornelii clan, Rufinus is considered the young prodigy of the line and carries
the burden of great expectations upon his thin shoulders. Never physically robust and teased since childhood
about his more bookish predilections and his love of Greek culture and drama, what Rufinus lacks in military
pomp he makes up for with a boyish charm and an easy acquaintance with his seniors and superiors, who are
usually deeply impressed by his oratorical and educational accomplishments. Well-regarded by almost all the
elder Senators, the brilliant young Rufinus was surprisingly chosen to be the urban prefect despite his relative
inexperience – he had only recently left the office of quaestor, during which he had spent most of his time helping
plan the memorial games for Marcus Aurelius. His inexperience did give him one immense advantage – having
only just recently stepped into the political arena, he is considered a political nonentity despite his Cornelian (and
therefore by default Republican) heritage and is thought to pose no danger to the established balance of power.
Now the de factor mayor of the largest city in the known world, Rufinus will need to quickly establish his
List of Characters!
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credentials with the bureaucracies controlling the actual operation of the city’s infrastructure, secure enough
support to maintain his political position with the Senate and the masses, and quickly learn the administrative and
managerial skills required to manage the affairs of such a large urban population. If he manages to succeed in his
position, he will become one of the major players on the Roman stage – perhaps even the leading player himself.
Gaius Cornelius Dolabella
Praetor, Propraetor Rank
Age: 39
Gaius Cornelius Dolabella was born under a baleful star, or so the stories say. Brash and arrogant as only a
member of the Cornelii can be, the still young Dolabella has always been burdened by a birth defect that has left
half of his face a disfigured morass of grotesquery. His natural bad temper has only been exasperated by the
shameful scorning he received as a youth, driving him to make up what he lacked in physical qualities with the
sheer force of his intellect and personality. He has since become the finest legal mind of his generation, but at a
price; in the course of many acerbic and draconian prosecutions Dolabella has managed to become cordially
despised by most of the Senators and feared by the masses, a political leper barely accepted by his own family.
Though hated, in the legal chaos following Commodus’s death there was no other man who had the credentials
and abilities to control and reform the legal system, and Dolabella was elected to the office of Praetor. The Senate
expanded upon the traditional judicial nature of the Praetorship and assigned Dolabella the task of reforming the
Roman legal code, granting him special dispensations to present new laws without amendment to the Senate and
to intervene as judge in any court case. Now finally Dolabella has attained the respect and power he has believed
himself to have so richly deserved – finally people have begun to treat him as befits one of the descendants of the
Cornelii family. But it is never enough. Nothing will ever salve the wounds that 39 years of pain and ridicule – no,
even the world is not enough. But it will do.
Sextus Cornelius Cethegus
Governor of Britannia, Proconsular Rank
Age: 44
Second-in-command of the Cornelii, Cethegus is the military mind of his generation, having served with
distinction during the recent war with the barbarians. Luckily for the then consul, Sextus was posted to contain
the northern German tribes, far enough from Maximus’s armies that he escaped the purge that accompanied
Maximus’s fall. Quickly declaring his loyalty to Commodus, Cethegus was rewarded with the Governorship of
ROMA ETERNA 33
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Britannia, a powerful post with the attendant command of three legions but also on the fringes of the Empire,
where the increasingly paranoid Emperor thought Cethegus would pose little threat. Now that Commodus is
dead, Cethegus has been caught in an awkward position. One of the few Cornelii to openly declare for the
Emperor, the Republican majority in the family regards him with faint distrust, but the Imperial partisans simply
cannot move past the Cornelius in his name and are also loath to trust him. With three legions behind him, he is
too dangerous for any individual bloc to oppose him and too important for the powerbrokers to ignore, so he was
duly invited to join the committee. Leaving his legions behind in his province as commanded, Cethegus has little
immediate military muscle but a large potential force should he be able to reach his island – military muscle that
could be used to support his family and the Republicans, the Imperialists who he had half-heartedly supported for
a few short months, or… himself.
The Fabii
Marcus Fabius Vibulanus
Paterfamilias, Proconsular Rank
Age: 57
Marcus Fabius Vibulanus is the richest man in Rome, perhaps the richest man in the world. Owner of a vast
system network of latifundia in Iberia and Gaul, the Fabian fortune is built on the backs of slaves and wine, wheat,
and the waves that carry those goods from the corners of the Empire to Rome. Now corpulent, good-natured,
even lazy, Vibulanus was once one of the keenest and most cleverly corrupt officials during Marcus Auerlius’s
reign, using his influence and political positions to secure extremely favorable tax and duty legislation for his
massive agricultural and shipping Empire. After his consulship a decade ago Vibulanus retired from public life
and ensconced himself in his massive country villa; many expected Vibulanus to remain there when Commodus
died, continuing his life of frivolous and decadent luxury, but surprisingly the man charged up from the coastal
plain and demanded a voice in the political process, ruthlessly bribing any who opposed his ambitions. No one
has yet discerned what has motivated the fatly content Vibulanus to dive back into the fray – is it latent ambition?
Opportunism? Boredom? Or ideology? Only time will tell.
Titus Fabius Vibulanus
Governor of Cappadocia, Proquaestor Rank
Age: 28
Marcus Fabius Vibulanus handed out quite a few bribes in the months after Commodus’s death – and some of
them eventually catapulted his nephew, Titus Fabius Vibulanus, to the governorship of Cappadocia. Owing his
position to a complicated political deal and corruption on a massive scale, Titus Vibulanus is thoroughly despised
by the other two families and generally considered an incompetent who has no skill save being related to his
thrice-damned uncle! During his term as quaestor Titus Vibulanus was known primarily for his party antics –
rumor tells that after being discovered in a brothel, he claimed to have been “inspecting the premises” before
ROMA ETERNA 34
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being hustled away by his manservants. Without any prior interest in political or military affairs (in fact, without
prior interest in anything beyond drinking and whoring), Vibulanus has not even left Rome since being appointed
Governor of Cappadocia. Whether or not there is hidden spine beneath the useless exterior waits to be seen.
Gaius Fabius Ambustus Pius
Censor, Propraetor Rank
Age: 51
There is a reason they call Gaius Fabius Ambustus “Pius” – unlike his distant relation Titus Fabius Vibulanus,
Ambustus is considered one of the most rigidly moral men of his generation. A devotee of Marcus Aurelius’
Stoicism but a staunch opponent of the very notion of Imperial power, Ambustus came close to being arrested and
executed many times during the course of Commodus’s reign; in fact, he came quite close to being arrested even
under infinitely more benevolent reign of Marcus Aurelius, so outspoken are his opinions and Republican
tendencies. A bit of a black sheep in his own family, Ambustus has nevertheless won the grudging respect of the
Senators and the masses. When the Senate chose to revive the powers of the censor, moral guardian of Rome and
possessed with the power to inspect and stripe Senators of their position, the impossibly integral Ambustus was
the clear choice. Immediately upon his ascension, Ambustus disgraced a group of five of the most corrupt
senators, including members of his own family, thoroughly alarming the establishment who had never imagined
that they had perhaps released a power they could not control. Apparently determined to recreate the Republic of
Cato, Ambustus will likely stop at nothing to purge the immorality and degeneracy of Rome. Except perhaps,
death.
Quintus Fabius Maximus
Governor of Germania Inferior, Propraetor Rank
Age: 55
After Sextus Cornelius Cethegus left Germania Inferior for Britannia, Quintus Fabius Maximus was sent by
Commodus to command the legions posted on the northern German frontier. With four decades of military
service, Maximus is a seasoned but relatively undistinguished soldier, having served in Africa and as a legate under
Cethegus in the recent campaigns. Thoroughly competent but never accused of brilliance, Maximus’s
appointment was the expected pinnacle for an undistinguished member of the famous Fabian family, a reward for
his long decades of service and his final opportunity for glory before being shelved in twilight appointments.
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Gruff, rustic, Maximus is often described as a “soldier’s soldier” and is well-respected by the military but fairly
unknown in political circles; those few times he has spoken in the Senate House have been to fully and uncritically
support the family’s positions. Now in a greater position of influence given the general turmoil, Maximus is
expected to continue his loyalty to the family and play his accustomed role of the unsophisticated and loyal
soldier. But soldiers have an odd tendency to become Emperor in chaotic times such as these.
The Valerii
Gnaeus Valerius Potitus
Paterfamilias, Proconsular Rank
Age: 48
There are a number of anecdotes concerning Gnaeus Valerius Potitus – but none so famous as the one jokingly
labeled the “Consul’s Wife.” Supposedly, at the age of eighteen the dashingly handsome and ferociously
personable Potitus took it upon himself to seduce the wife of an oppressive patrician consul named Lucius Gaius
Lepidus, who was known for his great cruelty against the plebeians. Potitus succeeded, naturally enough, but was
discovered by the consul, who proceeded to draw his blade – but not quickly enough. Barely past the cusp of
adulthood, Potitus became a killer. Instead of surrendering himself to the Urban Cohorts, who were under orders
to deliver a light sentence to the scion of the Valerian family, Potitus was audacious enough to flee the city to
nearby Neapolis, where he disappeared until the frustrated Marcus Aurelius declared the months-long manhunt
over and granted clemency to the young man. In the intervening years, Potitus has hardly lost the violent,
audacious streak of his youth – a firebrand and demagogue, he finds strict legal adherence ridiculous and fear an
incomprehensible concept. A fervent supporter of the power of the plebs, Potitus was exiled to his country estate
when Commodus ascended the throne but has since become uncomfortable bedfellows with the Cornellian
Republicans, but there are whispers that Potitus would prefer to see an even more radical form of government –
perhaps even that form of mob-rule known as democracy.
Tiberius Valerius Messalla Germanicus
Governor of Tarraconensis, Propraetor Rank
Age: 32
The son and grandson of legates and frontier governors, Messalla was born in the forward administrative center
of Germania Inferior, Colonia Agrippina, and is well known and fondly remembered by both the citizens and
soldiers of that province – many of them still consider his father’s governorship one of the most successful in
recent decades. Tales abound of the young Messalla running amok around town, but the young boy had a keen
eye for boundaries and never crossed them – toed them considerably, but never crossed. This devilishly accurate
emotional intuition made him one of the best dice players in the province, but all such distractions were never his
main interest in life. He spent more time in the armory than in the streets, more time reading than dicing. On his
sixteenth birthday, his father put Messala in command of a routine patrol, but the exercise in leadership soon
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devolved into an actual military situation when Messala’s men came up against a band of German raiders on the
wrong side of the Rhenus. After days of cat and mouse games, Messala cornered them against the Rhenus and
crushed the utterly. Since then, Messala has earned a reputation for both military and administrative competence
in his service in the German provinces, and his emotional intelligence has stood him in good stead since coming to
the Eternal City herself. Recently finishing a term of praetor under Commodus, the young man is considered an
up and coming provincial politician and soldier but has never been considered a contender in Rome’s much more
dangerous political game. Coming from the provinces, the senators saw no objection to sending him back to
another province, but for now Messala remains in Rome “arranging his affairs.” He’s playing a tight game – how
can he keep his unimpressive exterior but also insert himself into the power games of the Capitol? Well. He has
always been good at tight games.
Decimus Valerius Triarius
Aedile, Proquaestor Rank
Age: 36
Decimus Valerius Triarius is a bit of a black sheep when it comes to ambitious Romans. Instead of pursuing
military glory, legal mastery, political control, or oratorical domination, Triarius is interested in… architecture.
Which makes him perfect for the position of aedile, in charge of initiating and maintaining the public works of
Rome, but hardly a candidate for inclusion in the secret executive council of the Roman Empire. Triarius,
however, is not only one of Rome’s greatest civil engineers – he also possesses an incredibly talent for languages
and is an incredible mathematician besides. Well schooled in politesse, manners, and diplomatic maneuvering
(one does need a certain diplomatic skill to negotiate the right to pursue one’s odd little hobby as a serious
endeavor), Triarius has recently been recalled from the ambassadorship of the Parthian Empire, Triarius is
Rome’s greatest expert on the world outside of the Empire’s borders, and has been accepted in the Renovamen as
an integral advisory asset in these troubled and vulnerable times. The still youthful man appears completely
harmless and completely useful – he is perhaps the one man on the council who might be considered neutral. This
advantage, possessed with his numerous contacts in foreign nations, makes him a strange but incredibly strong
candidate for power – but Triarius has never sought power. So why would he start now?
Publius Valerius Laevinus
Pontifex Maximus, Propraetor Rank
Age: 41
Amongst the chaos and political convulsions following the deaths of Commodus and Gracchus, hardly anyone
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noticed the position vacated in the spiritual heart of Rome. On the day following the death of Dictator Gracchus, a
slave found the dead body of Lucius Aemelius Papus in the house of the Pontifex Maximus. In the rush of
consolidation that followed the rapid deterioration of the Imperial system, a number of minor offices were rapidly
emptied and filled with minimal examination by the Senate; somehow, the position of Pontifex Maximus,
guardian of Rome’s religious life, was included in those lists of “minor” offices. And such was how one of the
most mysterious men in Rome rose to one of the heights of Roman public life. Laevinus is an orphan – both his
parents hailed from impoverished branches of old patrician families; both succumbed to one of the many
aftershocks of the Antonine Plague. Shuttled from branch to branch within the Valerian family during his youth,
Laevinus grew up to be taciturn, severe, reserved, but also incredibly resilient. The sudden death of a bright young
quaestor gave Laevinus, then already resigned by the body of the Senate to the back benches, his first taste of
office; a few years later, a sudden illness took the life of a distinguished praetor and Laevinus was again able to
pick the fruit that had suddenly fallen from the tree of fate. Hardly anyone noticed; at least, not until they realized
that a silent specter had somehow occupied the house of the Pontifex Maximus. Now there are whispers –
whispers that the brooding and unloved Laevinus is connected to individuals whose main commodity is death.
Whispers that perhaps this shadow might hide the sharpest dagger.
Others
Lucius Sempronius Lucullus
Tribune of the Plebeians, Plebian
Age: 33
The people need heroes. They had Maximus, who fought against the terror of Commodus. They now have Lucius
Sempronius Lucullus, a former Praetorian officer, who in the turmoil following Gracchus’s death used the forces
at his disposal to disperse many of the mobs threatening the fabric of the city. Although discharged from the
Praetorian service for unauthorized military activities and despised by the more extreme and anarchic members of
the plebian partisans, Lucullus rode his military exploits to electoral victory, becoming tribune of the plebs.
Charged with representing the interest of the plebeians and possessing veto power on any magistrate, including
the consuls and other tribunes of the plebs, the Renovatem decided that at least one tribune was required on the
committee, lest their actions be blocked. Lucullus among all the other tribunes is the only one to have shown any
daring or initiative, but he is also plainly ambitious – neither megalomaniacal nor deluded, but keen to advance
his position in life. More importantly, the lack of any serious vice combined with his flair for seizing the occasion
has endeared him to the majority of the politically apathetic but security and prosperity conscious plebeian
demographic. A Republican by virtue of his position and class background, Lucullus could be well placed to secure
electoral victory in a stable Republic – but he could also ascend to high positions if he turned the power of the
center towards the Imperial camp.
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Gaius Appueius Diocles
Leader of the Blue, Plebeian
Age: 29
Gaius Appueius Diocles is a rough, cunning man, unscrupulous, charismatic in a raw and animal way, and fond of
horseflesh and women. Diolces was an orphan abandoned on the streets of Rome, doomed to an early death until
he found his way to chariot racing at the age of fourteen. Racing for the Blue faction, Diolces proved to be a
scrappy fighter both on and off the Circus Maximus, and with a well-provided lifestyle sponsored by rich
aristocratic patrons Diolces soon became one of the most successful and arrogant chariot racers of all times, living
a life of high-handed antics that only furthered his popularity with the masses. Probably the most popular man in
the entire city, Diolces theoretically possesses enormous influence but was at first ignored by the powers that be.
He had no business sticking his presumptuous nose into the affairs of Roman politics and statecraft! Stick to the
reins and leave the work of governing to real Romans. Denied a place in a political process dominated by
patricians, Diocles canvassed his vast networks and somehow managed to discover the existence of the
Renovamen. Waltzing into a secret meeting of Rome’s most powerful individuals, Diocles demanded a place at
the table; Rome’s leading families were stunned. The first immediate reaction was to call the guards to throw this
ruffian out – fortunately for the patricians some cooler heads had begun to wonder at the curious presence of a
chariot racer at what was supposed to be a secret meeting after all, and they eventually convinced their colleagues
that perhaps this chariot racer would be a good attack dog, a way to leash the masses. Diocles smiled when he
heard that the Senators had decided that yes indeed he did have a seat at the table; it was a smile that frightened
many of the rich and powerful men in that room. For a second, it was difficult to tell whether they had leashed a
good, or if the dog had perhaps leashed them.
Tiberius Claudius Chryseros
Secretary of the Imperial Treasury, Freedman
Age: 42
Tiberius Claudius Chryseros has dealt with numbers his entire life – for as long as he can remember he has served
within the golden walls of the Imperial Treasury. As a result, Chryseros never trusts anything that lacks statistical
support, triple checked and recalculated to insure accuracy. Once proved, the conclusion pointed to by the
numbers becomes the law of the universe, impossible to mold through human agency. Extreme, perhaps, but he
ROMA ETERNA 39
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was the official bean counter of the Emperors – anything less than paranoia could have led to his execution in the
wrong circumstances. He still commands the Imperial Treasury in this new era, but he now collects revenues from
only the Imperial provinces and the various Imperial estates throughout the Empire; these revenues are then made
available as investment or potential spending. The Renovatem could hardly ignore or forgo one-half of the
Empire’s revenue, and after determining that there were no outrageous Imperialist tendencies on the part of
Chryseros he was invited to join the group. Used to dealing with powerful personalities and overblown egos,
Chryseros has found the committee less than overbearing; instead he sees the committee as an excellent
foundation for several of his own more personal projects… what those projects are, however, are still unknown.
Aulus Julius Frontinus
Representative of the Publicani, Equestrian
Age: 49
Aulus Julius Frontinus always looks hungry. Sparse and lean, descended from undistinguished equestrian
businessmen, one would never expect this spartan character to be possessed of a vast material fortune. His
townhouse near the forum is well appointed by hardly palatial; his attire is appropriate and well crafted by hardly
opulent. It is generally agreed that these curious discrepancies between Frontinus’s resources and his expenditures
indicate a profound obsession with denarii, and his current position seems to be no exception. In the Senatorial
provinces, the governmental system can no longer effectively collect taxes through its own bureaucracy; instead,
the Senate has decided to revive the old Republican system of Publicani, in which corporations bid to win
contracts that give them the exclusive right to collect taxes in a certain province. Any revenue generated above the
bid will be awarded as profit to the publicanus. Low bids have larger profit margins but are hardly competitive;
high bids may secure the contract, but at the cost of little profit or even losses. Now that the publicani play such
an important part in the state’s finances, the three families of the Renovatem decided it necessary to secure the
support of these corporations, or at least their tacit agreement. Frontinus, already the controller of the largest of
these corporations, was the obvious choice as representative. As an intelligent and influential liaison to the
publicani he is an excellent link to the outside world; as someone considered singularly obsessed with money he is
perfectly unthreatening to the vested political interests of the three families.
ROMA ETERNA 40
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Recommended Reading
Caesar, The Gallic Wars
Livy, History of Rome
Polybius, The Histories
Tacitus, The Annals
Seutonius, The Twelve Caesars
Edward Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire
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