rha - medieval colours

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Medieval Coloursbetween beauty and meaning

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Índ

iceEditorial

Entrevista com Michel Pastoureau

conduzida por Adelaide Miranda e Ana Lemos

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Value and beauty: towards a double aesthetic of colours

in early Romanesque book illumination

Anja Grebe

Étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans l’image médiévale:

l’Évangéliaire d’Otton III, fin xe siècle

Marie Aschehoug-Clauteaux

Remarks on colours and pigments in the French court illumination

of the 13th century

Xenia Muratova

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Byzantine recipes and book illumination

Doris Oltrogge

The Strasbourg family texts: originality and survival.

A survey of illuminating techniques in medieval South Germany

Sylvie Neven

Les couleurs de l’enluminure: recettes de Michelino da Besozzo

et d’Antoine de Compiègne

Inès Villela-Petit

À propos d’une notice sur le vermillon

Horácio Peixeiro

Binding media in medieval manuscript illumination: a source research

Stefanos Kroustallis

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À la recherche des pigments

Claude Coupry

Colours versus colorants in art history: evaluating lost manuscript yellows

Mark Clarke

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The colour of medieval Portuguese illumination:

an interdisciplinary approach

Maria João Melo, Adelaide Miranda, Catarina Miguel, Rita Castro, Ana Lemos,

V. Solange F. Muralha, João A. Lopes and António e Pereira Gonçalves

Illuminations: secrets, alchemy and conservation in three case studies

Marina Bicchieri, Michela Monti, Giovanna Piantanida e Armida Sodo

Early Netherlandish manuscript illumination: technical aspects of

illuminations in the Rime Bible of Jacob van Maerlant

Arie Wallert

Analysis of the Anjou Bible

Marina van Bos e Lieve Watteeuw

That it seemeth to be the thing itself. The obsession of 16th century

miniature painters to imitate the beauty of nature

Timea Tallian e Alan Derbyshire

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Non-invasive XRF and UV-Vis-NIR reflectance spectroscopic analysis of

materials used by Beato Angelico in the manuscript Graduale n. 558

M. Picollo, A. Aldrovandi, A. Migliori, S. Giacomelli e M. Scudieri

A protocol for non-invasive analysis of miniature paintings

Maurizio Aceto, Angelo Agostino, Monica Gulmini, Eleanora Pellizzi e Valentina Bianco

The application of SR-XRF to the analysis of manuscript illumination

a case study

Marco Battaglia, Laura Alidori Battaglia, Richard Celestre, Peter Denes,

Dionisio Doering, Tae Sung Kim e Sarah Zalusly

Combining visible and infrared imaging spectroscopy with site specific,

in-situ techniques for material identification and mapping

Paola Ricciardi e John K. Delaney

RECENSÕES CRÍTICAS

Michel Pastoureau. Noir. Histoire d’une couleur. Éditions du Seuil, 2008

Adelaide Miranda e Rita Carvalho

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Mark Clarke. Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques:

The Montpellier Liber diversarum arcium. Archetype, London, 2011

Stefanos Kroustallis

VARIA

Des interactions entre scriptoria Portugais au XIIe siècle

Rémy Cordonnier

Highlighting manuscripts’ third dimension.

Access, documentation and display of micrometric details

Inês Correia

À volta de um vermelho. Apresentação de edição

d’O livro de como se fazem as cores, sob o olhar da ciência e tecnologia

Maria João Melo e Catarina Miguel

Interactive technology to explore medieval illuminations

Nuno Correia, Tarquínio Mota, Rita Carvalho e André Ricardo

NOTÍCIAS

Colour in Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts:

Between Beauty and Meaning

Maria João Melo

O projecto Imago

Ana Lemos

The awakening of the Manueline Foral charters

Ana Isabel Seruya e Maria Luísa Carvalho

Studies in medieval manuscript illuminations:

Master and PhD thesis

Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities and Faculty of Sciences and Technology,

New University of Lisbon

Seminário e Exposição. Os Livros de Horas do Palácio Nacional de Mafra

e a cultura artística do século XV

Ana Lemos

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Os códices medievais iluminados são testemunhos da

construção ideológica e cultural Europeia, assumindo-

se ainda como objectos artísticos. No caso de Portugal,

nos sécs. XII e XIII, constituem a única arte da cor, já

que se perderam as pinturas murais e sobre tábua.

Este número especial da Revista de História da Arte

apresenta o resultado científico do congresso «Medie-

val colours: between beauty and meaning. An interdis-

ciplinary conference on the study of colour in medie-

val manuscripts», que decorreu na FCT e na FCSH da

Universidade Nova de Lisboa, de 10 a 11 de Setembro

2009, sendo organizado conjuntamente pelo Depar-

tamento de Conservação e Restauro e pelos Instituto

de História da Arte e Instituto de Estudos Medievais.

O estímulo para a organização deste congresso nasceu

da investigação efectuada no âmbito de dois projec-

tos financiados pela FCT-MCTES e coordenados por

Adelaide Miranda e Maria João Melo. A equipa inter-

disciplinar pretende com estes projectos valorizar os

manuscritos iluminados medievais (sécs. XII/XIII), um

património riquíssimo, ligado à formação da nacionali-

dade, que alia a importância cultural dos textos à valo-

rização artística da iluminura.

Pela primeira vez foi possível reunir os mais notáveis

investigadores nesta área, incluindo químicos, histo-

riadores da arte, cientistas da conservação e restau-

radores, entre outros. Os conferencistas convidados,

Michel Pastoureau, Mark Clarke, Claude Coupry, Do-

ris Oltrogge e Yarza Luaces apresentaram o estado da

arte. As comunicações dos participantes de diferentes

origens e instituições (universidades, museus, labora-

tórios) possibilitaram uma discussão frutuosa das di-

versas abordagens de investigação. Concluiu-se que se

encontravam reunidas as condições necessárias para a

criação de uma rede de investigadores e de uma base

de dados internacional, que teria como objectivo prin-

cipal a construção de um Atlas dos pigmentos e coran-

tes medievais. Este Atlas será um passo importante no

conhecimento e divulgação dos colorantes e significa-

do da cor utilizada na iluminura medieval.

Os artigos deste número encontram-se, tal como no

congresso, organizados em torno de quatro eixos te-

máticos: significado da cor, cor nas fontes escritas

Ed

itor

ial Medieval illuminated manuscripts are among the most

valuable objects of the European cultural heritage, and

are testimonies to medieval ideas, religion and policy.

For Portugal, in the 12th-13th centuries, they may be

considered the only surviving artistic colour, because

both mural and panel paintings are practically lost.

This special issue of «Revista de História da Arte» is

devoted to the conference «Medieval colours: between

beauty and meaning. An interdisciplinary conference

on the study of colour in medieval manuscripts», or-

ganized by the Department of Conservation and Res-

toration (FCT) together with the Institute of Art History

and Institute for Medieval Studies (FCSH), on 10th-

11th September 2009. The impetus for organizing this

conference arose from research carried out under two

projects funded by FCT-MCTES and coordinated by Ad-

elaide Miranda and Maria João Melo. In these projects

the interdisciplinary team aimed to evaluate medieval

Portuguese illuminated manuscripts (12th-13th centu-

ries), a rich heritage, linked to the formation of nation-

ality, which combine the cultural importance of texts

with the artistic appreciation of illumination.

For the first time it was possible to bring together the

most eminent researchers in this discipline: chemists,

art historians, and conservation-restoration scientists.

The invited speakers, Michel Pastoureau, Mark Clarke,

Claude Coupry, Doris Oltrogge and Yarza Luaces, put

into context the state-of-the-art and methods in this

field. The communications presented by researchers of

diverse geographic origins and institutions (universi-

ties, museums, chemistry laboratories) enabled a fruit-

ful discussion of the different methods of research.

This conference and this publication demonstrate con-

clusively that genuinely committed and open interdis-

ciplinary collaboration is essential in colour research

and manuscript studies, and indicates the value of

«Technical Art History» across all fields of art histo-

ry. A wide knowledge of cultural history helps us (for

example) to avoid anachronistic interpretations of

colour meanings. The careful observations of conser-

vator-restorers, combined with chemical and physi-

cal analysis in the laboratory, helps us evaluate how

colours have altered or been lost; these observations

r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 9

medievais, os materiais da cor, novas perspectivas na análise

científica da iluminura medieval. Entrevista-se ainda Michel

Pastoureau, historiador e pioneiro nos estudos da cor numa

perspectiva social e simbólica, que nos alerta para as arma-

dilhas mais frequentes neste campo de estudos; mas que por

outro lado, nos chama a atenção para a potencialidade e rique-

za desta investigação desde que levada a cabo em contextos

específicos e combinando resultados alargados. O estudo da

história das cores é também atractivo e lúdico, como nos conta

Pastoureau «(...) avec mes enquêtes sur l’histoire des couleurs,

je semblais par trop me faire plaisir.» E é esse prazer que gos-

taríamos de poder partilhar com o leitor! •

Maria Adelaide Miranda, [email protected]

Maria João Melo, [email protected]

Mark Clarke, [email protected]

and analyses, when further combined with the insights and

knowledge from traditional art history, help us mentally re-

construct original appearances. Above all, interdisciplinary

discussion was shown to be the «royal road» to formulating

meaningful research questions – for the curator in the gallery,

the art historian in the study, or the chemist in the laboratory.

The papers published here are organized thematically: the

meaning of colour, colour in mediaeval written sources, the

materials of colour, and new trends in the analysis of medieval

manuscripts. An interview with Michel Pastoureau – historian,

anthropologist and pioneer of studies in the social and sym-

bolic meanings of colour – provides the perfect framework for

the topic. As an historian who pioneered the social and sym-

bolic studies in colour, he alerts us to the many traps that may

be found in this field of study, highlighting at the same time

the extraordinary impact and richness that the research on the

social history of colour may bring. Colour: between beauty an

meaning is also an extremely attractive field of research, or

as Pastoureau stated: as a researcher we can even have fun

with it!

«… avec mes enquêtes sur l’histoire des couleurs, je

semblais par trop me faire plaisir.» 1 •

1. «…with my researches in the history of colors, I seem to please myself

greatly.»

participantes do congresso «medieval colours: between beauty and meaning» na biblioteca da fct-unl, campus caparica, 10 setembro 2009

e n t r e v i s t a c o m m i c h e l p a s t o u r e a u


Michel Pastoureau*, né le 17

juin 1947 à Paris, est un his-

torien médiéviste français,

spécialiste de la symbolique des cou-

leurs, des emblèmes, et de l’héraldique.

Michel Pastoureau est le petit-cousin

de Claude Lévi-Strauss et le fils d’Henri

Pastoureau, proche des surréalistes ; ar-

chiviste paléographe, sa thèse de l’École

des chartes, soutenue en 1972, porte sur

le bestiaire héraldique du Moyen Âge.

Il est historien, et directeur d’études

à École des hautes études en sciences

sociales et à l’École pratique des hau-

tes études, où il occupe depuis 1983 la

chaire d’histoire de la symbolique occi-

dentale. Il a été élu le 28 avril 2006 cor-

respondant français de l’Académie des

inscriptions et belles-lettres. Il est mem-

bre de l’Académie internationale d’hé-

raldique et président de la Société fran-

çaise d’héraldique et de sigillographie.

Il a publié une quarantaine d’ouvra-

ges, dont certains traduits dans plu-

sieurs langues, consacrés à l’histoi-

re des couleurs, des animaux et des

symboles. Notamment, Couleur, ima-

ges, symboles, Bleu: l’histoire d’une

couleur, Une histoire symbolique du

Moyen-Age occidental, Jésus chez le

teinturier, Noir. Le 3 novembre 2010,

il reçoit le prix Médicis essai pour son

ouvrage Les Couleurs de nos souvenirs.

* Biografia adaptada da Wikipedia

michel pastoureau

r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 1

com michel pastoureau

c o n d u z i d a p o r

M A R I A A D E L A I D E M I R A N D A

A N A L E M O S

Michel Pastoureau, pouvez-vous nous raconter comment est née votre attirance, et même votre passion, pour les couleurs ?

Mon attirance pour les couleurs est née très tôt, dès la petite enfance. J’ai eu la

chance de naître dans une famille où la peinture occupait une place importante. Trois

des oncles de ma mère étaient artistes peintres et, même si je n’ai connu que l’un

d’entre eux, du côté maternel tous les appartements de mes grand-tantes, de mes

oncles et tantes, de mes cousins et même de mon arrière-grand-mère, morte à 96

ans, étaient encombrés de tableaux, certains de grand format.

Du côté de mon père, les peintres n’appartenaient pas à la famille mais au cercle

des amis proches. C’étaient tous des artistes s’inscrivant de près ou de loin dans la

mouvance surréaliste et essayant de vivre plus ou moins bien de leur peinture. Mon

père m’emmenait souvent dans leur atelier, terrain de jeux fascinant pour un petit

garçon. Parfois les peintres amis de mon père me faisaient cadeau de tubes de pein-

ture usagés, destinés à la poubelle mais représentant pour moi le plus beau des pré-

sents. Plaisir des yeux et du toucher plus que véritable bonheur créatif car ces tubes

presque vides et desséchés, s’ouvrant mal ou pas du tout, ne m’étaient guère utiles

pour peindre une fois de retour à la maison. Non seulement enlever le bouchon était

pratiquement impossible, mais je ne disposais ni du matériel ni des connaissances

nécessaires pour peindre à l’huile. J’étais cependant fier de détenir un tel trésor, de

classer les tubes par couleur, de caresser leur enveloppe de plomb, lourde et mate,

En

trev

ista



et surtout de les montrer fièrement à mes camarades, qui ne possédait qu’une boite

de crayons de couleur.

Je dois également à mon père une habitude qui m’a accompagné tout au long de ma

vie: la visite des musées et des expositions artistiques. Il m’y a emmené très jeune,

et ce goût pour les musées et les expositions ne m’a plus jamais quitté.

Mais je dois aussi à ma mère, passionnée de botanique, une partie de mon atti-

rance pour les couleurs. Elle était pharmacienne. Sa pharmacie, située à Paris tout

en haut de la butte Montmartre, était également pour le jeune enfant que j’étais

un magnifique terrain de jeux. J’aimais notamment observer comment les boîtes

de médicaments étaient rangées et classées par couleur: bleus pour les calmants et

les somnifères, orangés pour les produits toniques et reconstituants, bruns pour les

laxatifs, verts pour les produits à base de plantes. Le noir, signe de mort, n’était pas

utilisé en pharmacie, et le rouge servait à attirer l’attention sur les produits dange-

reux: «Ne pas dépasser la dose prescrite».

Je n’avais pas encore dix ans mais classer les couleurs était déjà chez moi un plaisir

récurrent. Que ce soit dans la pharmacie maternelle ou dans l’atelier des peintres, je

m’imaginais qu’il existait un ordre chromatique secret qu’il me fallait retrouver. En

grandissant, j’ai développé une sorte d’hypersensibilité aux couleurs (ce qui m’a par-

fois joué de vilains tours) et je me suis progressivement fabriqué un certain nombre de

principes personnels. Des principes pas spécialement originaux, mais acquis de bon-

ne heure et que par la suite je n’ai jamais eu motif ni envie de remettre en question,

pas même lorsque devenu historien j’ai compris qu’il n’y avait pas de vérités chroma-

tiques universelles mais qu’au contraire tout variait selon les époques et les sociétés.

Ces quelques principes, forgés dès l’enfance mais qui m’ont accompagné dans ma

vie adulte, dans mon travail de chercheur et même dans mes modestes activités de

peintre du dimanche, peuvent se résumer ainsi:

1. Le noir et le blanc sont des couleurs à part entière.

2. Il n’existe que six couleurs «de base»: le noir, le blanc, le rouge, le bleu, le jaune

et le vert.

3. Viennent ensuite cinq couleurs «du second rang», que l’on appelle à tort des «de-

mi-couleurs»: le gris, le brun, le rose, le violet et l’orangé.

4. Toutes les autres colorations ne sont que des nuances ou des nuances de nuances.

Comment s’est passé le début de votre carrière ? Quel rôle a pu jouer Georges Duby?

Jeune chercheur enthousiaste et naïf, j’ai commencé à m’intéresser à l’histoire des

couleurs – tous problèmes confondus – au milieu des années 1970. L’environne-

ment familial, la fréquentation des peintres, les visites régulières faites aux musées,

une attention maladive portée aux couleurs des vêtements et une thèse récemment

soutenue sur les armoiries médiévales: tout m’avait préparé et conduit vers de telles

recherches. Je les croyais faciles et estimables, bien acceptées dans le milieu des

historiens et pratiquées par de nombreux chercheurs. Je me trompais totalement.



A cette époque, chez les historiens, les archéologues et les historiens de l’art, per-

sonne, absolument personne ne s’intéressait aux couleurs. Même dans des domai-

nes où l’on se serait attendu à trouver des études sur un tel sujet, la couleur brillait

par son absence. L’histoire du vêtement, par exemple, était une histoire totalement

achrome. Les documents existaient pourtant, et en grand nombre, même pour les

époques anciennes, mais les spécialistes du costume ne s’y intéressaient pas. Seules

comptaient l’archéologie des formes et la nature des différentes pièces composant

le vêtement au fil des âges. L’idée d’un «système vestimentaire», se situant au coeur

de la vie en société et au sein duquel les couleurs auraient pu jouer un rôle essentiel,

leur était étrangère. Comme leur était étranger le nom de Roland Barthes…

Mais il y avait pire: l’histoire de la peinture. Dans une discipline où la couleur aurait dû,

par sa nature même, occuper le premier rang, elle était presque toujours passée sous

silence. Des livres entiers, épais, savants, s’écrivaient sur l’œuvre d’un peintre ou sur

tel ou tel mouvement pictural, sans que jamais leurs auteurs ne parlent des couleurs.

Trois cents ou cinq cents pages sans formuler une seule idée, une seule remarque, un

seul mot concernant les couleurs, pas même des mots comme «bleu», «rouge», «jau-

ne: à coup sûr, c’était une performance! Elle était courante, presque générale au mi-

lieu des années soixante-dix. La couleur était la grande absente de l’histoire de l’art.

Je tombais des nues. Mais je n’étais pas au bout de mes découvertes. Après quel-

ques mois d’enquêtes et de réflexions sur l’histoire des couleurs, terrain quasi vierge,

je constatais que mon travail était mal reçu. Soit un tel sujet semblait peu sérieux,

frivole même (j’avais pourtant commencé par l’historiographie), soit il semblait tota-

lement vain, à la fois inutile et impossible à conduire. En outre, il paraissait plus ou

moins immoral. C’était l’époque où les historiens – et d’une manière plus générale

les chercheurs en sciences humaines – avaient des devoirs envers la société mais fort

peu de droits, et surtout pas le droit de se faire plaisir. L’idée que le plaisir individuel

du chercheur pouvait être le moteur premier de sa recherche n’était pas dans l’air du

temps, ou bien était condamnée. Or, avec mes enquêtes sur l’histoire des couleurs,

je semblais par trop me faire plaisir. C’était une attitude individualiste, presque indé-

cente, sinon dangereuse, et en tout cas contraire à l’éthique du chercheur.

Heureusement, deux grands historiens médiévistes, qui n’étaient pas historiens de

l’art, m’ont encouragé dans mes recherches et en ont vu l’intérêt: Georges Duby et

Jacques Le Goff. Je leur dois beaucoup. Duby, qui à ses moments perdus peignait

quelques tableaux pour se détendre, dans un style semi-figuratif, a tout de suite vu

comment la couleur pouvait être un nouvel objet d’histoire. Il m’a poussé à conduire

mes enquêtes dans tous les domaines, du lexique aux symboles en passant par les

emblèmes et la création artistique. Le Goff, avec qui j’ai fait un séminaire commun

pendant un dizaine d’années, était plus attiré par l’histoire sociale des couleurs:

vêtements et codes vestimentaires, lois somptuaires, métiers de la teinturerie, place

des couleurs dans la vie quotidienne.

Votre approche de la couleur est tout à fait novatrice. Elle se situe au carrefour de l’histoire sociale, artistique culturelle et symbolique. Quels



conseils donneriez-vous aux jeunes chercheurs qui sont de plus en plus nombreux à s’intéresser à ce domaine de recherche ?

Aux jeunes chercheurs qui veulent se lancer dans l’étude des couleurs au Moyen Age

(ou bien dans l’Antiquité ou au début de l’époque moderne), je leur conseillerai de

se méfier de tout anachronisme.

Il est en effet impossible de projeter tels quels sur les images, les monuments, les

oeuvres et les objets produits par les siècles passés nos définitions, nos conceptions

et nos classements actuels de la couleur. Ce n’étaient pas ceux des sociétés d’autre-

fois (et ce ne seront peut-être pas ceux des sociétés de demain...). Le danger de

l’anachronisme guette toujours l’historien – et l’historien de l’art peut-être plus que

tout autre – à chaque coin de document. Mais lorsqu’il s’agit de la couleur, de ses

définitions et de ses classements, ce danger semble plus grand encore. Rappelons

par exemple que pendant des siècles et des siècles, le noir et le blanc ont été consi-

dérés comme des couleurs à part entière (et même comme des pôles forts de tous

les systèmes de la couleur); que le spectre et l’ordre spectral des couleurs sont pra-

tiquement inconnus avant le XVIIe siècle ; que l’articulation entre couleurs primaires

et couleurs complémentaires émerge lentement au cours de ce même siècle et ne

s’impose vraiment qu’au XIXe; que l’opposition entre couleurs chaudes et couleurs

froides est purement conventionnelle et fonctionne différemment selon les époques

et les sociétés. Au Moyen Age et à la Renaissance, par exemple, le bleu est considéré

en Occident comme une couleur chaude, parfois même comme la plus chaude de

toutes les couleurs. C’est pourquoi l’historien qui chercherait à étudier dans un vitrail

ou dans une miniature du Moyen Age ou bien dans un tableau de Raphaël ou du

Titien la proportion entre les couleurs chaudes et les couleurs froides et qui croirait

naïvement que le bleu y est, comme aujourd’hui, une couleur froide, se tromperait

complètement et aboutirait à des absurdités.

Les notions de couleurs chaudes ou froides, de couleurs primaires ou complémentai-

res, les classements du spectre ou du cercle chromatique, les lois de la perception ou

du contraste simultané ne sont pas des vérités éternelles mais seulement des étapes

dans l’histoire mouvante des savoirs. Ne les manions pas inconsidérément, ne les

appliquons pas, sans précaution aucune, aux sociétés du passé.

Prenons un exemple simple et attardons-nous sur le cas du spectre. Pour nous, de-

puis les expériences de Newton, la mise en valeur du spectre et la classification spec-

trale des couleurs, il est incontestable que le vert se situe quelque part entre le jaune

et le bleu. De multiples habitudes sociales, des calculs scientifiques, des preuves

«naturelles» (ainsi l’arc-en-ciel) et des pratiques quotidiennes de toutes sortes sont

constamment là pour nous le rappeler ou pour nous le prouver. Or, pour l’homme de

l’Antiquité, du Moyen Age et encore de la Renaissance cela n’a guère de sens. Dans

aucun système antique ou médiéval de la couleur, le vert ne se situe entre le jaune et

le bleu. Ces deux dernières couleurs ne prennent pas place sur les mêmes échelles ni

sur les mêmes axes; elles ne peuvent donc avoir un palier intermédiaire, un «milieu»

qui serait le vert. Le vert entretient des rapports étroits avec le bleu mais il n’en a



aucun avec le jaune. Au reste, que ce soit en peinture ou en teinture, aucune recette

ne nous apprend avant le XVe siècle que pour faire du vert il faille mélanger du jaune

et du bleu. Peintres et teinturiers savent fabriquer la couleur verte, bien évidem-

ment, mais pour ce faire ils mélangent rarement ces deux couleurs. Pas plus qu’ils ne

mélangent du bleu et du rouge pour obtenir du violet. Pour ce faire, ils mélangent du

bleu et du noir: le violet est un demi-noir, un sous-noir; il l’est du reste encore dans

la liturgie catholique et dans les pratiques vestimentaires du deuil.

L’historien doit donc se méfier de tout raisonnement anachronique. Non seulement

il ne doit pas projeter dans le passé ses propres connaissances de la physique ou de

la chimie des couleurs, mais il ne doit pas prendre comme vérité absolue, immuable,

l’organisation spectrale des couleurs et toutes les théories qui en découlent. Pour lui

comme pour l’ethnologue, le spectre ne doit être envisagé que comme un système

parmi d’autres pour classer les couleurs. Un système aujourd’hui connu et reconnu

de tous, «prouvé» par l’expérience, démonté et démontré scientifiquement, mais un

système qui peut-être, dans deux, quatre ou dix siècles, fera sourire ou sera défini-

tivement dépassé. La notion de preuve scientifique est elle aussi étroitement cultu-

relle; elle a son histoire, ses raisons, ses enjeux idéologiques et sociaux.

Et sans même solliciter la notion de preuve, que penser de l’homme médiéval – dont

l’appareil de vision n’est aucunement différent du nôtre – qui ne perçoit pas les

contrastes de couleurs comme l’homme d’aujourd’hui. Au Moyen Age, en effet, deux

couleurs juxtaposées qui pour nous constituent un contraste fort peuvent très bien

former un contraste relativement faible; et inversement, deux couleurs qui pour no-

tre oeil voisinent sans aucune violence peuvent hurler pour l’oeil médiéval. Gardons

l’exemple du vert. Au Moyen Age, juxtaposer du rouge et du vert (la combinaison

de couleurs la plus fréquente dans le vêtement entre l’époque de Charlemagne et le

XIIe siècle) représente un contraste faible, presque un camaïeu. Or pour nous il s’agit

d’un contraste violent, opposant une couleur primaire et sa couleur complémentaire.

Inversement, associer du jaune et du vert, deux couleurs voisines dans le spectre,

est pour nous un contraste relativement peu marqué. Or c’est au Moyen le contraste

le plus dur que l’on puisse mettre en scène: on s’en sert pour vêtir les fous et pour

souligner tout comportement dangereux, transgressif ou diabolique!

Quelles sont les autres difficultés que rencontre l’historien des couleurs?

Elles sont au moins de deux sortes.

Sur les monuments, les œuvres d’art, les objets et les images que les siècles passés

nous ont transmis, nous voyons les couleurs non pas dans leur état d’origine mais

telles que le temps les a faites. L’écart est parfois considérable. Or ce travail du

temps, qu’il soit dû à l’évolution chimique des matières colorantes ou bien à l’action

des hommes qui, au fil des siècles, ont peint et repeint, modifié, nettoyé, vernis

ou supprimé telle ou telle couche de couleur posée par les générations précéden-

tes, est en lui-même un document d’histoire. Dès lors, que faire? Faut-il, avec des

moyens techniques aujourd’hui très sophistiqués, «restaurer» les couleurs, tenter de



les remettre dans leur état d’origine? Il y a là un positivisme qui me paraît à la fois

dangereux et contraire aux missions de l’historien: le travail du temps fait partie

intégrante de sa recherche; pourquoi le renier, l’effacer, le détruire? En outre, les

grands peintres savent très bien que leurs pigments vont évoluer, que leurs couleurs

vont se transformer: ils agissent en conséquence, et ce qu’ils souhaitent pour la pos-

térité ce n’est pas l’état premier du tableau ou du panneau mais un état ultérieur,

qu’eux-mêmes ne verront pas. Ainsi, lorsque nous essayons de remettre tel tableau

ou tel œuvre d’art dans son état premier nous allons parfois à l’encontre de la vo-

lonté de l’artiste. La réalité historique n’est pas seulement ce qu’elle a été dans son

état d’origine, c’est aussi ce que le temps en a fait. Mais jusqu’où peut-on laisser le

temps faire son oeuvre?

Autre difficulté documentaire: nous voyons aujourd’hui les images et les couleurs du

passé dans des conditions d’éclairage très différentes de celles qu’ont connues les

sociétés antérieures au XXe siècle. La torche, la lampe à huile, la chandelle, le cierge,

la bougie produisent une lumière qui n’est pas celle du courant électrique. C’est une

évidence. Et pourtant quel historien, quel visiteur de musée ou d’exposition, quel

amateur d’art ancien en tient compte? Aucun. Or l’oublier conduit parfois à des ab-

surdités. Prenons pour exemple la récente restauration des voûtes de la chapelle Six-

tine et les efforts considérables – tant techniques que médiatiques – pour «retrouver

la fraîcheur et la pureté originelle des couleurs posées par Michel Ange». Un tel exer-

cice stimule certes la curiosité, même s’il agace un peu, mais il devient parfaitement

vain et anachronique si l’on éclaire à la lumière électrique les couches de couleurs

ainsi dégagées. Que voit-on réellement des couleurs de Michel Ange et de ses élèves

avec nos éclairages modernes? La trahison n’est-elle pas plus grande que celle qu’a

lentement opérée le travail du temps depuis le XVIe siècle? Plus inquiétante aussi,

quand on songe à l’exemple de Lascaux ou à celui d’autres sites préhistoriques,

détruits ou endommagés par la rencontre funeste des témoignages du passé et des

curiosités d’aujourd’hui. Mais, d’un autre côté, il est impossible, absurde même, de

remettre dans la chapelle Sixtine des chandelles ou des lampes à huile. Que faire?

Les éclairages du passé sont tous produits par des flammes. Celles-ci font bouger les

formes et les couleurs des images et des tableaux, elles les animent, les font vibrer,

les rendent même cinétiques (pensons à un document comme la broderie de Bayeux

regardé à la lumière de torches ou de chandelles). Nos éclairages électriques, au

contraire, sont relativement statiques, ils ne font bouger ni les formes ni les cou-

leurs. D’où un écart de sensibilité considérable entre notre regard et celui de nos

ancêtres. Qu’on le veuille ou non, nous ne percevrons jamais comme eux un objet,

un document, une œuvre d’art. Pour un œil antique, médiéval ou moderne, les cou-

leurs sont toujours en mouvement – Aristote souligne déjà combien toute couleur

est mouvement. Pour l’œil d’aujourd’hui les couleurs ne bougent pas, ou guère, elles

semblent immobiles: la différence de perception est immense.

De même, nous n’avons aucune difficulté pour éclairer de manière uniforme une

grande surface. Dans un musée contemporain, un tableau de trois mètres de haut

sur cinq de long ne présente aucune zone moins éclairée que les autres. Grâce aux



spots et à des lumières artificielles de plus en plus perfectionnées, le tableau est

parfaitement éclairé dans son entier sans que la couche picturale en souffre. Un tel

exercice est impossible pour les sociétés du passé. Quelles que soient leurs natures

et leurs performances, les éclairages à base de flammes ne peuvent éclairer de fa-

çon égale une surface un peu importante. Il y a toujours des zones bien éclairées et

d’autres qui restent dans l’ombre. D’où ces jeux de clairs-obscurs auxquels sont si

sensibles les artistes et les publics d’autrefois. L’arrivée de l’électricité a totalement

modifié le rapport du spectateur à l’objet, à l’œuvre d’art, à l’image et, peut-être

plus encore, à la couleur.

Quelles informations peuvent fournir, selon vous, les analyses matérielles et scientifiques de la couleur dans les documents et les œuvres d’art du Moyen Age? Vont-elles apporter à l’historien un regard nouveau sur ce champ d’étude?

Les analyses de pigments et de colorants peuvent apporter beaucoup. Je souhaite

qu’elles se multiplient et qu’elles s’appliquent à tous les supports de la couleur. Mais

cela à deux conditions. D’une part, il faut tenir compte des dangers de l’anachronisme

dont je viens de parler. Le savoir médiéval n’est pas le savoir d’aujourd’hui, et même

s’il est légitime d’utiliser nos savoirs d’aujourd’hui pour essayer de mieux comprendre

le passé, il faut le faire avec une certaines prudence. D’autres part, les analyses en

laboratoire n’ont de raison d’être que si elles sont reliées à une problématique. Que

cherche-t-on exactement? Faire des analyses pour faire des analyses ne sert à rien.

Or j’ai l’impression qu’assez souvent c’est ce qui se passe aujourd’hui: on fait des

analyses sans but très précis, sans problématique. Ou bien on oublie en cours d’ana-

lyse ce que l’on cherchait au départ. Il faut une collaboration plus étroite entre les

scientifiques qui effectuent les analyses en laboratoire, et les historiens qui indiquent

dans quelles direction les conduire. Il faut sérier les problèmes, les buts, les enjeux.

Il faut constamment se demander: «Des analyses, pour quoi faire?».

Dans certains domaines, l’étude en laboratoire des pigments apporte des informa-

tions importantes. Prenons un exemple simple : un panneau peint italien du XVe siè-

cle représentant une Vierge au manteau. A l’oeil nu, le bleu du manteau de la Vierge,

placée au centre du panneau, nous semblera identique aux autres bleus que l’on

peut voir ailleurs sur le panneau pour peindre d’autres figures. Mais en laboratoire,

on pourra constater que le manteau de la Vierge est peint avec du lapis-lazuli – un

pigment très cher au XVe – tandis que les autres figures sont peintes avec des pig-

ments plus ordinaires, de l’azurite par exemple, ou bien de l’indigo. L’oeil ne voit pas

la différente mais elle existe et est importante, notamment pour le commanditaire et

pour l’artiste. Dans ce choix de différents pigments bleus pour peindre les différentes

figures du panneau, il y a des enjeux économiques, cultuels, symboliques. La Vierge

est mise en valeur, honorée, vénérée même par le choix d’une matière colorante de

très grand prix, et pourtant le spectateur ne s’en rend pas compte. Cela nous en dit

long sur les pratiques médiévales de la couleur et de la matière. •


va l u e a n d b e a u t y : t o w a r d s a d o u b l e a e s t h e t i c o f c o l o u r s i n e a r ly r o m a n e s q u e b o o k i l l u m i n at i o n

Resumo

A investigação sobre manuscritos medievais iluminados é ainda muito dominada por uma análise baseada no estilo e na iconografia. Além disso, a maioria dos estudos sobre texto-e-imagem concentram-se no conteúdo e no significado simbólico da iluminura, enquanto questões ligadas à materialidade e paginação, que se situem para além da análise codicológica, são muitas vezes ignoradas. O mesmo acontece com a análise das cores: a investigação tem-se focado no seu significado religioso, dinástico ou ritual, considerando-as categorias abstractas sem uma materialidade específica. Mesmo um especialista em pigmentos medievais como Heinz Roosen-Runge (Roosen-Runge 1967), seguiu a tradição iconográfica da história da arte e interpretou as cores com base na sua função, por exemplo, como meio de represen-tação transcendental de ideias e ideais. Pelo contrário, historiadores como Michel Pastoureau (Pastoureau, 1990) trabalhando para «uma história social das cores», sublinharam a importância dos pigmentos e do seu simbolismo específico, e não de conceitos abstractos, para um melhor conhecimento da percepção medieval da cor.A tese de Pastoureau baseou-se principalmente na sua investigação sobre o papel da cor no vestuário e têxteis medievais. Com esta contribuição, desejo demonstrar que se tomaram atitudes semelhantes sobre a materialidade da cor em manuscritos iluminados. A recente investigação interdisciplinar sobre o «Codex Aureus Epterna-censis», produzido em torno a 1045 no mosteiro beneditino de Echternach, conser-vado no Germanisches Nationalmuseum em Nuremberg, lançou uma nova luz sobre a consciência que os iluminadores e seus patronos tinham da materialidade da cor e do seu valor. As minhas reflexões basearam-se na análise científica do «Codex Aureus» levada a cabo por Doris Oltrogge e Robert Fuchs (Fuchs and Oltragge 2009) e, nas minhas próprias pesquisas sobre o uso e estética das cores na Idade Média (Grebe 2007). O precioso Evangeliário contem mais de 40 miniaturas a página inteira, pin-tadas por vários iluminadores de oficina. Os iluminadores usaram uma paleta muito variada de cores e tons, por exemplo, o «vermelho» ou «púrpura» não são apenas representados por um, mas por dois ou mais pigmentos. Entre eles encontramos os muito raros e dispendiosos pigmentos «exóticos», como o lápis-lazúli ou o quermes, que foram abundantemente usados neste manuscrito quando comparado com ou-tros manuscritos românicos. Esta observação permite colocar como hipótese, que os iluminadores de Echternach e os seus patronos quiseram de facto usar o maior número possível de cores e as mais dispendiosas, para incluir a máxima variedade de cores no «Evangeliário Dourado».Outro nível de «consciência cromática» revelou-se pelo facto de muitas miniatu-ras do ciclo com a Vida de Cristo e a miniatura em duplo folio da Maiestas Domini (fol. 2v-3r) terem sido repintadas durante a produção do manuscrito. O retoque da maioria das carnações e fundos pode ser interpretado, numa primeira análise, como um «restauro estético». Surpreendentemente, os iluminadores não alteraram as composições na sua globalidade ou as formas das cabeças ou mãos, em vez dis-so, mudaram apenas o tom da pele e os fundos. O motivo foi, provavelmente, o de evitar contrastes violentos e unificar cromaticamente os duplo fólios executados por diferentes iluminadores. O «Codex Aureus Epternacensis» é, assim, a prova da ele-vada sensibilidade do período românico aos valores cromáticos e virtudes materiais de cores e pigmentos, que serão discutidos neste artigo. •

palavras-chave

evangeliáriomanuscrito iluminadoestética das coresotonianolápis-lazúli

Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho

de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

Abstract

Research on medieval manuscript illumination is still dominated by the analysis of style and iconography. Also, most word-and-image studies concentrate on the con-tent and the symbolical meaning of a miniature, whereas questions of materiality and layout beyond codicology are often neglected. The same is true for the analysis of colours: research so far focuses on the religious, dynastical or ritual symbolism of colours that are considered as abstract categories without a specific materiality. Even a specialist in medieval pigments like Heinz Roosen-Runge (Roosen-Runge 1967) followed the iconographical tradition of art history and interpreted colours with re-gard to their function, e.g. as media to represent transcendental ideas and ideals. On the contrary, historians like Michel Pastoureau (Pastoureau 1990), working towards a «social history of colours», have underlined the importance of pigments and their specific symbolism instead of abstract colour terms for a better understanding of the medieval notion of colours.Pastoureau’s thesis is based primarily on his investigations into the role of colours in medieval clothing and textiles. In my contribution, I am trying to show that similar attitudes towards the materiality of colours are manifested in medieval manuscripts. Recent interdisciplinary research on the «Codex Aureus Epternacensis», made around 1045 in the Benedictine monastery of Echternach, now in the Germanisches National-museum in Nuremberg has shed new light on the consciousness illuminators and patrons had of the materiality of colours and their respective value. My reflections are based on the technological examination of the «Codex Aureus» carried out by Doris Oltrogge and Robert Fuchs (Fuchs and Oltrogge 2009) and my own research on the use and aesthetics of colours in the Middle Ages (Grebe 2007). The precious Gospel Book contains more than 40 full-page miniatures painted by several illumi-nators of the Ottonian Echternach workshop. The illuminators used a very varied palette of different colours and tones, e.g. the colours «red» or «purple» are not only represented by one, but by two or more pigments. Among them we find many rare and expensive «exotic» pigments like lapis lazuli or kermes, which have been abundantly used in this manuscript compared to other Romanesque manuscripts. This observation leads to the hypothesis that the Echternach illuminators and their patrons explicitly wished to use as many and costly colours as possible to include the maximal variety of colours in the «Golden Gospel Book».Another level of «chromatic awareness» is revealed by the fact that many miniatures in the cycle with the Life of Christ and the double page miniature of the Majestas Domini (fol. 2v-3r) have been painted over during the making of the manuscript. The reworking of most of the fleshy parts and backgrounds can tentatively be in-terpreted as «aesthetical restoration». Surprisingly, the illuminators did not alter the whole composition or touch the forms of the heads and hands, instead, they only changed the tone of the complexion and backgrounds. The reason was probably to avoid violent colour contrasts and to chromatically unify double-pages executed by different illuminators. The «Codex Aureus Epternacensis» thus proves the high sen-sibility of the Romanesque period towards chromatic values and material virtues of colours and pigments, which will be discussed in the article. •

key-words

Gospel Book Illuminated ManuscriptAesthetic of ColoursOttonianLapis lazuli


value and beauty: towards a double aesthetic of colours in early romanesque book illumination

1. From Material to Medium

In 1508, Albrecht Dürer started to work on a large altarpiece depicting the «Assump-

tion of the Virgin» (Anzelewsky 1991, 221-228; Kutschbach 1995, 71-80; Decker

1996; Grebe 2006, 82-86; Pfaff 1971). The execution of the painting, which took

Dürer more than one and a half years to complete, was accompanied by an extensive

correspondence with the patron, the Frankfurt merchant Jakob Heller. Heller repeat-

edly complained about the delayed completion of the altarpiece and threatened to

withdraw his commission. Dürer countered the reproach by pointing to the quality of

the execution and his use of the best and «most beautiful colours» available. These

included «vltermarin», or lapis lazuli, worth more than 20 ducats, which he claimed

to have applied in 5 to 6 layers.1 And instead of apologizing to his patron, he dou-

bled the price of the altarpiece. His arguments were: a painting executed with the

maximum amount of materia and ingenium needed more time to finish, and it had

its price – which Heller actually agreed to pay when he finally saw the painting.

The Heller correspondence underlines the importance which was attached to certain

colours and pigments at the beginning of the 16th century. Lapis lazuli, for instance,

did not only provide a blue tone, but also represented quality and prestige (Pastou-

reau 2001; Fuchs and Oltrogge 1990; Bender 1990). The Latin name, «ultramarin»,

points to the far-off, exotic, and even mystical origin of the colour prepared on the

basis of Afghan lapis lazuli, which was the most expensive pigment apart from gold

and was therefore used as distinguishing feature in painting throughout the Middle-

anja grebe Department of Medieval Art History

University of Bamberg, Bamberg (Germany)

1. Letter to Jakob Heller dated November 4,

1508, ed. by Rupprich 1956, 67-68. Cf. the let-

ters to Heller dated March 21, 1509: «the colours

I used are worth more than 24 guilders» (Ruppri-

ch 1956, 69), and July 24, 1509: «I have been

working on it [= the altarpiece] for more than a

year using ultramarin for approximately 25 guil-

ders.» (Rupprich 1956, 71).

c o l o u r a n d m e a n i n g


2. Unfortunately, the original panel was des-

troyed by a fire in the Ducal Palace in Munich in

1729. Before the painting was sold to Archduke

Maximilian I of Bavaria in 1614 the Nuremberg

painter Jobst Harrich made a faithful copy of the

original, now in Frankfurt/Main, Historisches

Museum, Inv. Nr. B 265, which, however, does

not allow any judgement about the paints or pig-

ments used.

3. Cf. Welchman 1990, esp. 8: «From the time

of Plotinus (A.D. 205-70) until the High Re-

naissance, writers touching upon the arts and

mentioning color were forced to wrestle with the

troublesome and dangerous question of sensu-

ality. Although colors were perceived through

sight – the highest of senses – they were still

a part of the non-celestial substance of which

humankind was made. The only way to elevate

the colorful, and hence intrinsically sensual, hu-

man sense of sight was to celebrate the divine

nature of light.»

Ages. Dürer probably used lapis lazuli for the blue cape of the Virgin thus enhancing

its inherent symbolical value by the use of the precious and prestigious material.2 If it

had been his aim to communicate only the chromatic symbolism of blue as celestial

colour he could have used a less expensive pigment like azurite instead. In his letters

to Heller, however, Dürer does not mention the religious symbolism of colours, but

insists on the value of the colour in its literal, material sense.

One should think that the primacy of «materia» would have been outdated in the

age after Alberti. In his treatise «De Pittura» (1435/36), which Dürer knew from a

copy in possession of a Nuremberg humanist (Fara 2002, 171-347), Leon Battista

Alberti clearly put the referential value of colour, even of gold, above its material

value (Alberti 2000, 290-291). According to Monika Wagner, Alberti marks the be-

ginning of modern colour aesthetics: «Since Leon Battista Alberti […] colour was no

longer judged by its material value. Now, its task was to simulate all kinds of other

materials on the surface of the image.» (Wagner 2001, 17-18).

2. Colours in medieval book illumination: Colour systems and attempts at interpretation

In his «Theory of Colours» («Farbenlehre») of 1810, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe

gave priority to the metaphysics as opposed to the materiality of colours (Schmidt

1965). He described colours as «acts of light», referring to medieval colour theories,

where colours are described as reflections of the immaterial divine light which Saint

Augustine had designated as «queen of all colours». 3 Referring to Fritz Haeberlein’s

«Essential Features of a Post-antique Iconography of Colours» («Grundzüge einer

nachantiken Farbenikonographie»), Lorenz Dittmann characterised the colours in me-

dieval art as intended to represent the divine («Vorstellungsfarben»). Released from

all referential tasks colours could now function as «vocabulary» in the system of colour

symbolism (Dittmann 1987, 2-3). Although Heinz Roosen-Runge, in his fundamental

study on the «Colours and Techniques of Early Medieval Book Illumination», puts his

main focus on the material nature of colours, he nevertheless interprets them as a

means of representation for transcendental truth (Roosen-Runge 1967, vol. 1, 26-29).

Today, research on medieval manuscript illumination continues to be dominated by

the analysis of style and iconography. Also, most word-and-image studies concen-

trate on the content and the symbolical meaning of a miniature, whereas questions

of materiality and layout, which go beyond codicological issues, are often neglected.

The same is true for the analysis of colours: research focuses mainly on the religious,

dynastical or ritual symbolism of colours which are considered as abstract categories

without a specific materiality. In view of the role of colours as bearers of meaning

(«Bedeutungsträger») in medieval art and culture one has to ask for the specific use

of colours as well as the value(s) attached to them in the literal and figurative sense

to fully understand a work of art.



4. Cf. Pastoureau 1990, 38: «Avant tout codage

extra-pictural, venant de l’extérieur, la couleur

est d’abord codée de l’intérieur, par et pour un

document donné. [...] Elle est à la fois surface,

matière, lumière, éclat, fluide, rythme, construc-

tion, syntaxe, marque, emblème, symbole, idée,

mode, atmosphère, style, art, technique, prix,

beauté – tous termes certes vagues et discuta-

bles mais dont la liste [...] souligne parfaitement

ce caractère polysémique et plurifonctionnel de

la couleur. »

Until now, such questions have mainly been asked by historians. Michel Pastoureau,

above all, has been working towards a «social history of colours» («histoire sociale

des couleurs»), that takes into consideration the percipient against the backdrop

of his culture, ideas, experiences and sensitivity (Pastoureau 1990, 22). According

to Pastoureau, research into the use of colours in the Middle Ages should not be

based on abstract theory but on the objects and their specific colouring in which the

polysemantic and multifunctional character colours is manifested.4 This leads to the

hypothesis, that people in the Middle Ages in many cases did not perceive colours

as abstract chromatic values, but in their material form as pigments. The case of the

red pigment called sanguinis draconis, for instance, clearly shows that it is necessary

to develop a kind of «pigment symbolism» instead of abstract colour terms to help

with our understanding of the medieval notion of colours:

«Quand au XVe siècle un peintre utilise pour tel élément de son tableau le

célèbre pigment sang-dragon plutôt que tel ou tel autre pigment rouge, c’est

sans doute pour des raisons à la fois économiques, techniques et artistiques,

liées au prix de ce pigment, à son pouvoir couvrant, aux effets qu’il permet

d’obtenir, mais c’est aussi et surtout pour des raisons symboliques, liées au

nom même de ce pigment et aux rêves que ce nom suscite chez l’artiste et son

public.» (Pastoureau 1989, 39-40)

3. The values of colour between consciousness of material («Materialbewusstsein»), symbolic function and aesthetics

Michel Pastoureau’s thesis is based primarily on his investigations into the role of colours

in medieval clothing and textiles. In the following, I would like to show that medieval

manuscripts manifest similar attitudes towards the materiality of colours. The investi-

gations of Heinz Roosen-Runge and Johan Jakob Tikkanen (Tikkanen 1933, 352-443)

have shown that medieval illuminators possessed a very detailed knowledge of colours

and pigments, which was transmitted orally, by written treatises such as the «Mappae

Clavicula», the «Heraclius» or the «Theophilus», and by numerous individual collections

of recipes and guidelines (Oltrogge 2006; Gullick 1995; Roosen-Runge 1967; Bartl et.

al. 2005, 17-34). These texts consist mainly of practical instructions in the preparation

and handling of colours. Sometimes however, the introductory remarks contain theo-

retical reflections on the meaning of colours as well as on the conjunction of «materia»

and «ingenium». A 12th-century copy of the «Mappae Clavicula» provides an example:

«The arts are learned little by little, step by step. The art of painting is pre-

ceded by the preparation of colours. Thus, you should first pay attention to the

mixing of each colour. Only then should you start on the actual work, but you



5. Translated from Halleux 1990, esp. p.

179: «C’est peu à peu, partie par partie, que

s’apprennent tous les arts. L’art des peintres

est précédé par la confection des couleurs. En-

suite, que votre esprit tourne ses soins vers les

mélanges. Alors, passez à l’oeuvre, mais soumet-

tez tout à la rigeur, pour que ce que vous pein-

drez soit orné, et comme naturel. Ensuite, par

bien des preuves d’ingéniosité, l’art augmentera

l’oeuvre, comme le montrera ce livre.» («Sensim

per partes discuntur quaelibet artes/Artis picto-

rum prior est factura colorum/Post, ad mixtu-

ras convertat mens tua curas/Tunc opus exerce,

sed ad unguem cuncta coerce/ut sit ad ornatum

quod pinxeris, et quasi natum/Postea multorum

documentis ingeniorum/Ars opus augebit, sicut

liber iste docebit.») Theophilus, who treats co-

lours always as pigments, shortly mentions the

material importance of colours in the preface of

his treatise, cf. Brepohl 1999.

6. Up to now, there are very few publications on

the technical examination of manuscripts from

the 10th and 11th centuries. Roosen-Runge

1967 focuses on English illuminated manuscripts

from the 11th and 12th centuries. On Ottonian

book illumination in Trier see Oltrogge and Fuchs

2005. On the Echternach «Codex Caesareus» in

Uppsala see Fuchs and Oltrogge 1998.

7. Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum,

Hs 156142.

should always strive to let your painting appear decorative as well as natural.

This book shows how artistry in combination with ingenuity will enhance your

work.» (cf. Halleux 1990, 179) 5

In the Early Romanesque period, it is not only treatises, but the works of art them-

selves which testify to the awareness of illuminators and patrons towards the mate-

riality of colours and their respective value. Up to now, nearly all attempts to draw

up a kind of general «chromatic grammar» or system of colour symbolism based on

the use of colours in illuminated manuscripts have failed. It has become clear that

the application and distribution of colours varies from book to book, even when

entire pictorial cycles are based on the same, constantly repeated models, as in the

case of the so-called «Reichenau» and «Echternach» schools.

4. Colours in the «Codex Aureus of Echternach»

The following reflections are based on the technological examination of the «Codex

Aureus Epternacensis», now in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Nuremberg,

which was carried out by Doris Oltrogge and Robert Fuchs in 2006, as well as my

own research on the use and the aesthetics of colours in manuscript illumination.6

The «Codex Aureus», made around 1045 in the Benedictine monastery of Echternach,

where it remained until the French Revolution, is one of the rare medieval Gospel

books entirely written in gold ink (Oltrogge and Fuchs 2009; Grebe 2007; Kahsnitz

[ed.] 1982).7 It is also one of the largest and most richly decorated manuscripts, with

more than 50 large-format illuminated pages. These include a sumptuous double-

page depicting the Majestas Domini, while each Gospel is preceded by a sequence

of equally lavish double-pages with the portraits of the Evangelist (fig. 1), full-page

decorative initials, other decorative pages as well as four sequences of scenes from

the life of Jesus. The texts of the Gospels themselves are not interrupted by scenic

illustrations like in other Ottonian manuscripts.

The codex is the work of at least eight illuminators, some of which executed only ex-

ecuted a single page. They must have been working together very closely and within

a short period of time. In several cases, recto and verso of one and the same sheet

of parchment are executed by different illuminators who possessed a distinctive style

yet used nearly the same palette of colours. The technological examination of the

manuscript has revealed a very rich and varied palette, in which nearly all the colours

and hues available to 11th century scriptoria occur (Oltrogge and Fuchs 2009, 153-

162, 163-167). The colours «red», «blue» or «purple», for instance, are represented

not by a single, but by two or more pigments. Among these we find many rare and

expensive «exotic» pigments like lapis lazuli or kermes, which were actually used

quite abundantly in this manuscript as compared to other Ottonian manuscripts.

This observation leads to the hypothesis that the Echternach illuminators and their

patrons explicitly wished to use as many and as costly colours as possible to provide



fig.1 codex aureus of echternach, st. john the evangelist, f. 112v.© nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum



the maximum variety of colours for the «Golden Gospels». Lapis lazuli, for instance,

can be found as a distinguishing colour for the garments of the protagonists, but

was used also for backgrounds, e.g. in the Pentecost scene (fig. 2B), where we would

fig.2a+b codex aureus of echternach, double-page with scenes of the passion

and pentecost, f. 111v-112r. © nuremberg, germanisches

nationalmuseum



expect a less expensive pigment like azurite. In the eyes of the contemporaries, the

prodigal use of the most expensive pigment must have enhanced the exceptional

character of the manuscript (Pastoureau 2001, 32-40).



The most dominant colour in the codex is purple (fig. 3), a synonym of sumptuous-

ness and costliness and symbol both of God and the Emperor, which occurs in dif-

ferent tones and shades both in the miniatures and the decorative pages (Muthesius

1997, 27-33; Steigerwald 1990; Fuchs and Oltrogge 2007, 82-98). The extensive

use of purple enhances the religious significance of the book as an embodiment of

God’s words. The illuminators did not apply the «real» Tyrian purple extracted from

the murex shell («murex brandaris»), but used less expensive pigments made from

plants like different kinds of the Rocella (or auricella) or the Ochrolechia as well as

Kermes vermilio, which were perhaps also better suited for the preparation of body-

colours (Oltrogge and Fuchs 2009, 155-159). Technological examination has revealed

fig.3 codex aureus of echternach, initial page of the gospels of st. matthew, f. 22r. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum

fig.4 codex aureus of echternach, scenes of the infancy cycle, f. 19r. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum



a preference for the darker Rocella purple, which was easier to procure, for the less

prominent sections of the miniatures, whereas clothing is more often painted in

the more costly Kermes purple, which had to be imported from the Mediterranean

(Oltrogge and Fuchs 2009, 34-50). Thus, in the case of purple, the illuminators

probably wished to enhance the more important parts of a figure or scene by using

a more expensive pigment, again displaying an awareness of the material quality of

colours (Oltrogge and Fuchs 2009, 34-50).

Another level of this «chromatic consciousness» is revealed by the fact that many

full-page miniatures, amongst others the double page depicting the Majestas Domini

(f. 2v-3r , fig. 6A), the Evangelists as well as most of the miniatures in the cycle of

fig.5 codex aureus of echternach, third page of the infancy cycle with alterations by the «master of the long nosed figures», f. 19v© nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum



the life of Jesus (fig. 4-5), were partially painted over at some point. This must have

taken place in the workshop itself either during the making of the manuscript or

immediately after the illuminations had been finished, but before the final binding

fig.6a+b codex aureus of echternach, majestas domini double-page, f. 2v-3r

© nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum



of the pages. The retouches were carried out by the same group of illuminators who,

probably with one exception, had been responsible for the original or first phase of

the work. Curiously enough, these alterations, which were done using the same col-



ours and pigments as before, only concerned the backgrounds, the tone of the flesh

and the hair of the figures, leaving the form of the heads and hands as well as the

rest of the composition untouched (Oltrogge et Fuchs 2009, 34-35, ill. 57-72).

In the case of the Majestas Domini double-page, the alterations can partly be de-

tected with the naked eye (fig. 7-8). The figure of Christ enthroned, the angel sym-

bolising St Matthew or the personification of Prudentia (fig. 9-10) each possess four

eyes: one pair of eyes belongs to the «actual» face, while below this which appear

two dark points that belonged to the original features. Investigation with infra-red

light has revealed that the second illuminator completely covered the fleshy parts,

but did not touch the original version which is entirely conserved.

fig.7 codex aureus of echternach, majestas domini, detail of the head of christ, f. 2v. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseumfig.8 codex aureus of echternach, majestas domini, detail of the head of christ (infrared reflectography), f. 2v. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum



The alterations seem to be highly unusual and demand an interpretation. A «practical»

explanation could be that we are faced with an early repair of defective portions or

layers of paint which were corrupted or chipped. This, however, can be rejected in the

view of the remaining, fully conserved original faces. A second hypothesis concerns

the content of the miniatures. It states that the makers of the manuscript may have

wished to change the character of a figure or a scene. There is, however, no substan-

tial evidence for this explanation either. While the illuminators would frequently alter

the tone of the flesh and some of the facial features, they would generally not change

the posture of the head or the line of sight. One of the few exceptions is the «Noli

me tangere» scene, where the painter corrected the orientation of the angels’ heads,

which had originally looked straight ahead (fig. 11-12). By re-directing them to the

right the illuminator enhanced the focus on Christ as the central figure of the scene,

but did not completely change the meaning of the image. Similar changes do also

occur with some of the minor figures which are part of the decorative framework and

do not carry any particular meaning. This observation suggests another explanation.

The alterations were probably carried out for aesthetical reasons and can tentatively

be interpreted as «aesthetical restorations». Interestingly enough, the illuminators did

fig.9 codex aureus of echternach, personification of prudentia, detail from the majestas domini double-page, f. 3r. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum

fig.10 codex aureus of echternach, personification of prudentia (infrared reflectography), f. 3r. © robert fuchs/doris oltrogge, university of applied sciences, cologne



not paint over entire figures, which would probably have been easier, but instead only

retouched the fleshy parts, making sure that the renewed face fitted between the

hairline and the neckline. In the case of the Majestas Domini and related pages, the

rather long-nosed «face-lifting» did not really result in an improvement in appear-

ance. However, as technological analysis has revealed, the more harmonious general

features of the first version had been combined with a rather garish pink skin colour

and blue hair as seen in the portrait of St John. Some minor figures preserve this

colouring, and these give us an idea of the original facial tones: the ox symbolising

St Luke (f. 2v), the grotesque masks in the frame of the decorative initial page of

the Gospels of St John (f. 114r) and St Peter in the scene of the «Doubting Thomas»

(f. 111v). Some of the trumpeting angels as well as St John the Evangelist (f. 112V)

even retained their original blue hair (fig. 1).

These examples suggest that the true reason for the alterations was probably to

avoid violent colour contrasts within the images, and to create a chromatic har-

mony between several of the double-pages which had been executed by different

illuminators. The new, brownish skin colour and black hair, for instance, do indeed

match better with the colours of the clothing and backgrounds. Thus, the «Codex

Aureus» underlines the high level of sensitivity of the Romanesque period towards

both chromatic values and material virtues of colours and pigments.

fig.11 codex aureus of echternach, passion cycle, noli me tangere scene, detail: angel, f. 111v. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum

fig.12 codex aureus of echternach, passion cycle, noli me tangere scene, angel (infrared reflectography), f. 111v. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum



The astonishing insights into the production of the codex reveal a twofold aesthetic

of colours, which had both the materiality of the colours or pigments and their

chromatic interaction in view. Instead of focusing only on the symbolism of certain

colours, which was the general supposition of research until recently, the makers

of the manuscript actually gave priority to chromatic variation. Their aim seems to

have been to enhance the status of the codex as an actual materialisation of the

word of God by endowing it with the finest of colours both in the material and the

artistic sense. Hopefully, the new interpretation proposed here of the employment

of colours and the importance attached to chromatic values in medieval and espe-

cially in Romanesque book illumination may be supported by further technical and

art historical research into other manuscripts in the nearby future. •

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Biography

Anja Grebe studied Art History, History, and French Literature at the University of

Constance (Germany) and Paris, La Sorbonne. 1995 M.A. Dissertation on Modern

French Artists’ Books. 1996-1997 Research assistant at the University of Constance,

Department of Art History. 1997-2000 Graduate school «Medieval Writing Culture» at

the University of Münster; PhD Dissertation on «Art on the Edge: Book Design in the

Burgundian Netherlands after 1470». Since 2001 Research assistant at the Germanisches

Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg and Associate lecturer at the University of Erlangen,

Department of Art History.

Institutional affilation: Assistant professor of Medieval Art History at the Otto-Friedrich-

University, Bamberg.


étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans l’ image medievale: l’evangeliaire d’otton i i i , fin xe siècle

Resumo

O período que se estende entre o fim do século X e os finais do século XII é uma época de mutações. É por isso, que ele me parece interessante para estudar a emergência de um código da cor do corpo. A minha investigação actual articula-se em torno dos laços que existem entre a cor e os corpos na imagem medieval. Dou uma atenção muito especial sobre a cor do nu e a sua relação com a cor do vestuário que o cobre: será que existe um laço entre estes dois «espaços» da cor, o da pele e o do vestuário? A cor do corpo, nu ou vestido, desempenha um papel no estatuto das personagens representadas?O pequeno número de manuscritos a cor que chegou até nós, o seu estado de conservação por vezes mau e a dificuldade de aceder às fontes, não parece , à primeira vista, justificar a minha opção cronológica. Contudo, estes documentos parecem-me reveladores duma época em plena mutação e são portadores de índices dessas mesmas mutações. As minhas pesquisas permitiram-me constatar que não haverá ainda um sistema cromático definido, mas tendências. O que é verdadeiro para um manuscrito não o é para os outros. O estado transitório do período que aparece por vezes em filigrana num manuscrito e a escassez de fontes directas ou indirectas sobre a cor das personagens aconselham uma grande prudência nas minhas conclusões. Na minha investigação sobre as relações que existem entre a cor e o corpo representado, interrogo-me sobre a forma como se exprime iconograficamente a cor do corpo. Focalizo a minha atenção na presença ou não de técnicas cromáticas para traduzir a cor da nudez, da pele, dos cabelos, mas também na forma de representar o vestuário. Para poder responder, finalmente, à questão de saber se a cor em geral, a cor do corpo em particular, desempenha uma função no estatuto da personagem representada nas imagens. Com efeito, notei em certos documentos, um esforço para diferenciar, pela cor, a pele positiva da pele negativa e, para lá da pele, o estatuto da personagem apresentada. Este esforço de classificação pode ir em certos casos, até dar ao corpo mais valorizado, o de Cristo, uma cor particular.De modo a responder às questões que me coloco, pareceu-me prudente centrar a atenção sobre o estudo dum manuscrito otoniano datado de finais do século X, o Evangeliário de Otão III. O manuscrito, produzido em torno de 997, é um dos mais belos exemplos do atelier da abadia alemã de Reichenau. O conjunto iconográfico é composto de 35 pinturas a página inteira, o que faz dele um dos mais importantes da época. A riqueza de tons e a densidade da cor, o excelente estado de conservação das pinturas, a relação estreita entre a cor do corpo e o estatuto das personagens representadas, fazem desta obra um elemento chave no meu estudo sobre as cores do corpo.A gama cromática do manuscrito é caracterizada pela variedade das tintas, o jogo de matizes e o perfeito estado de conservação e saturação das cores. Ao olhar para este rico mostruário de cores («nuancier»), três elementos atraíram a minha atenção: a delicadeza do trabalho do artista para criar uma vasta gama de brancos, a presença de um matiz de vermelhos e castanho na cor do vestuário principal. E, enfim, a riqueza dos tons para a cor da pele.O Evangeliário de Otão III não cessa de levantar um grande número de questões. A cor aparece aí codificada e pensada em função dum contexto bem particular. Mas este estudo obriga a uma grande prudência, pois este documento permanece uma excepção. Ele obriga-me a modelar pouco a pouco e sensatamente a minha análise, pois o que é válido para este manuscrito não o é para a maior parte dos integram o meu estudo. •

palavras-chave

corcorpoimagemmanuscrito

ano 1000



Abstract

The period stretching from the end of the 10th century to the end of the 12th century is a time of many changes. This is why it seems interesting to us to study the emer-gence of a code of colour for the body. My current research is based on the existing links between the colour and the body in medieval imagery. I pay particular attention to the colour of the naked body and its relationship with the colour of the clothing that it covers: Is there a link between these two «spaces» of colour, which are the skin and clothing? Does the colour of the body, naked or dressed, play a role in the status of the various represented characters? The small number of manuscripts with colours remaining to this day, their state of conservation sometimes bad and the difficulty to access the sources does not seem, initially, to justify our chronological choice. However, these documents appear to us as an insight into a time in complete transformation and they are, at the same time, carrying the indications of these changes. My research identified that there was not a defined chromatic system yet, but some tendencies. What is true of one manuscript is not of others. The transitory state of the period that appears sometimes pen flour-ished initials in the manuscripts and the scarcity of the direct or indirect sources on the colour of the characters, forces the greatest of caution regarding our conclusions.In my search for existing links between the colour and the depicted body, I question the way in which the colour of the body is represented from an iconographic point of view. I concentrate my attention on the presence or not of chromatic techniques to translate the colour of nudity, of the skin, of the hair, but also to represent clothing. Ultimately, the question is to know if the colour in general, the colour of the body in particular, plays a role in the status of the represented characters in my pictures. Indeed, I have noticed that on certain documents an effort to differentiate, by using the colour, the positive skin from the negative skin and, beyond the skin, the status of the character represented in the scene. This effort of classification can, in certain cases, lead to giving to the most valued body, that of Christ, a particular colour. In order to answer the questions that we ask ourselves, it seemed judicious to focus our attention on the study of an Ottonian manuscript dating from the end of Xth century, the Evangeliar of Otto III.1 The manuscript, made around 997, is one of the finest examples of the workshop of the German abbey of Reichenau. Its iconogra-phy consists of thirty-five full-page paintings, making it one of the most important iconographic programs of the time. The richness in the tinge and density of the col-our, the excellent state of conservation of paintings, the close relationship between the colour of the body and the status of the characters represented makes this work a key element in our study on the colours of the body. The colour chart of the manuscript is characterized by the variety of colours, a set of shades and the perfect state of preservation and saturation of colours. In this rich colour chart, three points have caught my attention: the delicate work realized by the artist to create a wide range of white, the presence of shades of red and brown in the colour of the main clothing and, finally, the richness of nuances in the color-ing of the skin.The Evangeliar of Otto III continues to raise many questions. The colour appears codi-fied and thought in terms of a particular context. But this study requires the utmost caution, this document remains an exception. It forces me to adjust gradually and carefully my analysis, because what is valid for this manuscript is no longer valid for the great majority of the manuscripts of my study. •

key-words

colourbodyimagemanuscriptyear 1000

1. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm.

4453, towards 997.


étude des rapports entrela couleur et le corps dans l’image médiévale:l’évangéliaire d’otton iii,fin xe siècle

La période allant de la fin du Xe siècle à la fin du XIIe siècle est une époque de mu-

tations. C’est pourquoi, elle me semble intéressante pour étudier l’émergence d’un

code de la couleur du corps. Mes recherches actuelles s’orientent autour du rapport

qui existe entre la couleur et le corps dans limage médiévale. la couleur joue-t-elle

un rôle dans les différents statuts du corps représenté? Afin de répondre à cette

question, il m’a semblé judicieux de focaliser l’attention sur l’étude d’un manus-

crit ottonien datant de la toute fin du Xe siècle, l’Évangéliaire d’Otton III.1 Pour

cette étude, je n’ai malheureusement pas eu accès au manuscrit original conservé à

Munich, ce dernier étant très difficile d’accès. Pourtant, consciente des difficultés

d’analyse que cela engendre, la consultation du fac-similé m’a permis de soulever

un certain nombre de questions. De ce fait, la richesse des nuances et de densité de

la couleur, l’excellent état de conservation des peintures, le rapport étroit entre la

couleur du corps et le statut des personnages représentés font de ce manuscrit un

élément clé dans mon étude sur la couleur du corps.

L’Évangéliaire d’Otton III, réalisé vers 997, est l’un des plus beaux exemples de l’ate-

lier de l’abbaye allemande de Reichenau. Il fait l’objet d’une commande du jeune

empereur Otton III (983-1002). Après la mort subite de ce dernier,2 le bel Évangé-

liaire revient à son cousin éloigné et successeur Henri II (973-1024) qui, à son tour,

l’offre au trésor de la cathédrale de Bamberg.3 L’ensemble iconographique est com-

posé de trente-cinq peintures à pleine page, parmi lesquelles vingt-neuf miniatures

mettent en scène la vie du Christ et quatre miniatures sont consacrées à la figuration

des évangélistes et de leurs symboles. Le programme pictural et christique de notre

marie aschehoug-clauteaux

École Pratique des Hautes Études, Paris

(France)

1. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm

4453.

2. Otton III meurt à l’âge de 19 ans au nord de

Rome. Ne laissant pas d’héritier mâle, la suc-

cession de l’empire devient incertaine. Henri II,

ayant entretenu par le passé des bonnes relations

avec son cousin, s’empresse à prendre la succes-

sion, avant même qu’une élection aie lieu.

3. Après la mort de son père, en 985, Henri II de-

vient alors duc de Bavière. Il épouse Cunégonde

de Luxembourg (978-1040) vers l’An Mil. C’est

sous son règne, en 1007, que la ville de Bamberg

devient un évêché.



Évangéliaire est l’un des plus importants de l’époque. Après les douze Canons de

Concordance, le cycle d’images s’ouvre sur deux peintures se faisant face, aux folios

23 v. et 24: les quatre provinces impériales, Sclavinia, Germania, Gallia et Roma,

prêtent hommage au jeune empereur Otton III. Ce dernier est représenté en majesté,

entouré de nobles, clercs et laïcs. (Fig.1)

La gamme chromatique du manuscrit est caractérisée par la variété des teintes, le

jeu des camaïeux et le parfait état de préservation et de saturation des couleurs.

J’ai relevé pas moins de cinquante-huit nuances différentes. Parmi ces nuances, l’or

a une place centrale: il est la couleur principale des fonds des peintures. Toutefois,

il est intéressant à remarquer que la mise en scène de la majesté impériale et les

quatre dernières images du cycle christique, la Passion et la Résurrection du Christ,

ne sont pas figurées sur un fond d’or mais sur un fond polychrome. C’est comme si

ces fonds de couleur rappelaient la nature terrestre du pouvoir impérial et la nature

humaine du Christ.

Au regard de ce riche nuancier, trois éléments ont attiré mon attention. Tout d’abord,

le délicat travail que réalise l’artiste pour créer une vaste gamme de blancs. Ensuite,

la présence d’un camaïeu de rouges et de marron dans la couleur des vêtements

principaux est intéressante à signaler. Enfin, la richesse des nuances dans la mise en

couleur de la peau est un élément qui pose un grand nombre de questions.

Le minutieux travail artistique pour représenter une riche gamme de blancs est un

point intéressant. La couleur blanche, lorsqu’elle est appliquée au vêtement des

personnages, n’est pas une couleur «pure», totalement blanche. La peinture blanche

pure est seulement réservée aux rehauts de couleurs de la peau, des yeux et des plis

des étoffes. Le blanc vestimentaire est toujours un blanc bleuté, ou bien un blanc

fig.1 folios 23 v. et 24 (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)



grisâtre, parfois même violacé. Ce blanc est la couleur la plus claire, généralement

réservée au vêtement porté le plus près du corps: la tunique, la tunique du dessous

ou la chemise, certains bas-de-chausses et les voiles des femmes. Par exemple, au

folio 24, la tunique du vieux laïc à gauche d’Otton III est d’un blanc bleuté, tandis

que le linceul de Lazare, au folio 231 v., est d’un blanc violacé. J’ai remarqué qu’il

était parfois difficile de différencier le blanc du gris. Le gris permettant d’enrichir la

gamme des blancs, l’idée serait d’avoir une couleur claire pour le vêtement le plus

près du corps. (Fig.2)

Lorsqu’un groupe est représenté, aux tuniques blanches viennent s’ajouter des tuni-

ques jaunes. Par exemple, au folio 116 v., les jeunes enfants qui entourent le Christ

portent des tuniques blanc violacé et jaune clair de manière intercalée. En rythmant

l’image, ce jeu de couleurs semble donner vie au groupe et rendrait la scène moins

monotone. (Fig.3)

Mais l’usage du jaune comme couleur associée au blanc peut aussi créer une tension

au sein d’un couple de personnages. Dans la scène du Baiser de Judas, au folio 244

v., le Christ et Judas portent tous les deux des tuniques claires. Pourtant, celle du

Christ est blanc grisâtre tandis que celle de Judas est jaune clair. Leurs manteaux

sont rouges, mais celui du Christ est rouge violacé, plus foncé que celui de Judas, qui

est rouge orangé. Le contraste de couleurs apparaît à la fois faible et extrêmement

subtil. Par la couleur, l’artiste n’a-t-il pas voulu traduire l’ambiguïté de ce baiser et,

au-delà du baiser, la complexité du geste de Judas? (Fig.4)

Cette figuration d’habits qui ne sont pas réellement blancs n’est-elle pas le reflet

d’une réalité vestimentaire, c’est-à-dire l’impossibilité de teindre les étoffes en blanc?

fig.2 folios 24, 60 v., 94 v., 97 v., 113 et 231 v. (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

fig.3 folio 116 v. (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)



Le fait de représenter des tuniques aux diverses nuances de blancs et de jaune

n’est-il pas une manière d’exprimer la couleur changeante des tissus non-teints?

Les tissus blancs sont généralement les tissus de couleur naturelle, ou qui ont subi

des techniques d’éclaircissement comme le séchage au soleil. C’est pourquoi, à

l’époque qui nous concerne, il est presque matériellement impossible d’avoir des

étoffes réellement blanches. Généralement, celles-ci sont de couleur écrue, ou bien

grisâtre ou brunâtre.

Précédemment, nous avions mentionné la présence d’un camaïeu de rouges dans

la palette vestimentaire des personnages. Le rouge est enrichi de diverses nuances,

tirant parfois même vers le marron. Dans certaines images, il est même difficile de

distinguer le rouge et le marron. Cela m’amène à penser que le marron, dans ce

manuscrit-ci, fait partie de la palette des rouges. La diversité des nuances rouges

et leur récurrence sur le vêtement semble imposer l’idée d’une couleur foncée pour

l’habit des personnages principaux. Au folio 24, l’empereur Otton III est vêtu d’une

luxueuse tunique rouge violacé et d’un manteau vert. La longue tunique du dessous

est blanc bleuté. On peut remarquer que la couleur foncée du vêtement principal

contraste avec la couleur claire du vêtement le plus près du corps. (Fig.5)

De son côté, au folio 34 v., le Christ revêt un manteau couleur rouge ou marron.

Comme pour le vêtement impérial, la couleur du manteau du Christ contraste toujours

avec la couleur claire de sa tunique. À une exception près. (Fig.6)

La seule scène où le Christ ne porte pas de couleur foncée, rouge ou marron, est

celle de la Transfiguration, au folio 113. Il y est vêtu d’une tunique blanche et d’un


fig.5 folio 24 (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

fig.6 folios 34 v., 97 v., 192, 231 v. et 251 (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002) > fotofig.6.jpg



4. Depuis l’Antiquité, le rouge est la couleur par

excellence. À l’époque romaine, la plupart des

pigments qui servent à teindre en rouge pénè-

trent mieux les fibres textiles. Les différentes

gammes de rouges sont plus résistantes que les

autres couleurs. Les belles étoffes sont donc gé-

néralement de couleur rouge, dont les teintes

sont extrêmement diversifiées. (Lire à ce sujet le

chapitre consacré aux couleurs et aux teintures

dans l’ouvrage de PASTOUREAU Michel, Cou-

leurs, Images, Symboles, Paris, Ed. Le Léopard

d’Or, 1989, pp. 20-31).

manteau orangé. La couleur claire de l’habit du Christ se ferait l’écho de ce «vêtement

d’une blancheur éclatante» dont parlent les Évangiles. (Fig.7)

La richesse des nuances de rouge et de marron sur la tunique d’Otton III et sur le

manteau du Christ confirmerait le statut encore exceptionnel qu’a le rouge dans le

monde occidental aux alentours de l’An Mil.4

Le travail réalisé par l’artiste sur la couleur de la peau mérite notre attention tant il

est extrêmement subtil. Une première couche de couleur saturée est posée sur l’es-

pace destiné à la peau. Pour la couleur de cette couche de base, j’ai relevé pas moins

de onze nuances différentes: beige moyen rosâtre, beige verdâtre, beige jaunâtre,

jaune verdâtre, beige clair, beige rougeâtre, blanc verdâtre, marron clair, verdâtre,

beige clair rosâtre et gris verdâtre composent le nuancier de la peau. Ensuite cette

couche de base est relevée de reflets blancs et d’ombres de couleurs diverses. J’ai

remarqué que la couleur des ombres variait en fonction de la couleur de base de la

peau. Par exemple, au folio 24, la peau des laïcs figurés auprès de l’empereur est

beige, relevée d’ombres marron rougeâtre, alors que la peau d’Otton III, jaune ver-

dâtre, est rehaussée d’ombres verdâtres. (Fig.8)

fig.7 folio 113 (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002) fig.8 folios 15 v., 17 v., 18, 23 v., 30 v., 32 v., 60 v., 97 v., 113 et 149 v. (détails) (briechle

andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

Pourquoi retrouve-t-on tant de couleurs différentes pour la peau? Afin de répondre

à cette question, je ferai appel à sept cas de figure qui me paraissent significatifs: la

peau d’un vieillard indigent, celle de Satan, celle du lépreux, celle de Lazare, celle des

quatre provinces impériales, celle de l’empereur Otton III et, enfin, la peau du Christ.

Au début de notre cycle d’images, au-dessus de l’une des Tables de Concordances,

au folio 17 v., nous remarquons un vieillard courbé, tunique courte et pieds nus,

en train de se chauffer les mains auprès d’un feu. Sa peau est beige verdâtre. Face

à lui, un jeune vigneron est aussi vêtu de court et les pieds nus. Mais sa peau est

marron clair. Ici, la couleur de la peau semble établir une frontière entre deux âges,

la jeunesse et la vieillesse. (Fig.9)

Pourtant, un feuillet plus loin, au folio 18, un jeune homme et un vieillard ont été

également figurés au-dessus des Tables de Concordances. Ce sont des artisans. Leurs

fig.9 folio 17 v. (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)



5. Sur l’aspect péjoratif d’une couleur saturée

pour le corps, lire PASTOUREAU Michel, Cou-

leurs, Images, Symbolique, Paris, Ed. Le Léopard

d’Or, Paris, 1989, pp. 95-97.

tuniques sont courtes et leurs jambes et leurs pieds sont recouverts. Et, surtout, ils

ont tous les deux la même couleur de peau, beige jaunâtre. La couleur de la peau

ne crée plus seulement une distinction entre deux âges, mais elle semble établir un

écart social entre l’univers des paysans et le monde des artisans. Le vieillard qui se

réchauffe les mains auprès du feu, vêtu dune courte tunique, jambes et pieds nus,

pourrait être un indigent. La couleur de sa peau, beige verdâtre, contraste avec celle

des trois autres travailleurs représentés: l’homme est non seulement un paysan, mais

il est surtout un exclu. (Fig.10)

Dans les trois scènes des Tentations du Christ, au folio 32 v., Satan a la peau beige

rougeâtre, beaucoup plus sombre que celle du Christ, qui est beige clair. Son corps

est recouvert d’une étoffe marron clair. La manière dont est posée l’étoffe sur le corps

du diable est particulière: elle cache une partie tout en découvrant l’autre partie.

L’ambivalence vestimentaire, doublée d’une couleur sombre de peau, soulignerait

le caractère sournois et inquiétant de Satan.5 (Fig.11)

fig.10 folio 18 (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

fig.11 folio 32 v. (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)



6. Sur le tacheté de la peau, lire PASTOUREAU

Michel, Couleurs, Images, Symbolique, Paris, Ed.

Le Léopard d’Or, Paris, 1989, pp. 92-95.

7. La lèpre serait la plus visible des maladies de la

peau. Elle représente ainsi l’archétype de la ma-

ladie de peau. (Lire à ce sujet TOUATI François-

Olivier, Archives de la lèpre: Atlas des léproseries

entre Loire et Maine au Moyen Age, Paris, 1996).

8. Le lépreux ouvre la voix du salut par la cha-

rité qu’il appelle. (Lire TOUATI François-Olivier,

Maladie et société au Moyen Age. La lèpre, les

lépreux et les léproseries dans la province ecclé-

siastique de Sens jusqu’au milieu du XIVe siècle,

Bruxelles, De Boeck Université, 1998).

9. Lire, à ce propos, l’article d’ALIBERT Domini-

que, “Approche de l’iconographie politique autour

de l’An mille”, in Gerberto d’Aurillac, da Abate di

Bobbio a Papa dell’Anno 1000, Atti del Congres-

so Internazionale, Bobbio, Archivum Bobiense.

Le lépreux, au folio 97 v., est peint le corps courbé, une corne attachée en bandou-

lière autour de son torse. Sa peau est marron, semée de taches sombres.6 C’est un

personnage singularisé, par la couleur de sa peau et par le bruit qu’il fait avec sa

corne. Et ainsi différencié, on peut mieux le mettre à l’écart, l’exclure.7 Toutefois, je

me demande si la figure du lépreux est aussi négative que cela dans notre manuscrit.

Non seulement le lépreux bénéficie de la compassion du Christ, mais aussi il jouit

d’un traitement de couleur particulier: sa peau, aussi dévalorisée soit-elle, n’est pas

de la même couleur que celle de Satan.8 (Fig.12)

Plusieurs feuillets plus loin, au folio 231 v., lorsque Lazare, couvert d’un linceul, est

ressuscité par le Christ, sa peau est gris verdâtre. C’est comme si cette association

du gris et du vert signifiait le mieux la pâleur cadavérique. (Fig.13)

Les personnifications féminines des quatre provinces impériales, au folio 23 v., se

prêtent également à un intéressant jeu de couleurs de la peau. La couleur est inter-

calée d’une femme à une autre. De cette manière, Roma et Germania ont la peau

de couleur jaune verdâtre, tandis que celle de Gallia et de Sclavinia est marron clair.

Placée de manière intercalée, la couleur de la peau donne du rythme à l’image. Or,

est-ce que c’est un hasard si la peau de Roma, la province placée le plus près du pou-

voir impérial, est de la même couleur que celle de l’empereur Otton III?9 (Fig.14)

Au folio 24, l’empereur Otton III, figuré en majesté, a la peau jaune verdâtre. À sa

droite, les deux clercs ont aussi la peau jaune verdâtre, tandis qu’à sa gauche, les

laïcs l’ont beige. La couleur de la peau semble rapprocher l’empereur des clercs, le

pouvoir impérial de l’Église. Est-ce qu’elle ne traduit pas les enjeux idéologiques de

la politique impériale des ottoniens? La peau du Christ pourrait donner un début

de réponse. (Fig.15)





J’ai relevé trois nuances différentes pour la peau du Christ: beige clair, blanc ver-

dâtre et verdâtre. Pourquoi ces différenciations? J’ai remarqué que Jésus avait la

peau beige dans toutes les scènes qui ont un rapport avec sa vie terrestre et publi-

que. Je pense ici, aux scènes du Baptême, des Tentations, des enseignements, des

guérisons et de la Passion. J’ai également observé qu’il avait la peau couleur blanc

verdâtre dans les scènes où la nature divine du Christ était mise en avant, comme

celle du Christ en majesté ou bien de la Résurrection. Enfin, dans la scène de la

Transfiguration, la peau du Christ est entièrement verdâtre. Une couleur de peau

particulière, unique dans le manuscrit, qui s’accorde avec la couleur claire de son

vêtement. Comme si le verdâtre était la nuance de peau qui se rapprochait le mieux

du divin. (Fig.16)

À quelques feuillets d’intervalle, la majesté impériale et la majesté du Christ se font

écho. Comme s’il n’y avait aucun intermédiaire entre l’empereur et le Christ. La peau

de l’empereur et celle du Christ divin tendent toutes les deux vers le verdâtre. À une

nuance près: celle de l’empereur est jaune verdâtre tandis que celle du Christ est

blanc verdâtre. La couleur de leur peau se ressemble, mais n’est pas la même. Tout

en faisant partie du monde spirituel, voire de la mouvance divine, Otton III n’est pas


fig.15 folio 24 (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)



le Christ, l’empereur n’est pas Dieu. Serait-il hasardeux de dire que la couleur est un

outil de pouvoir dans l’idéologie impériale?

L’Évangéliaire d’Otton III est extrêmement intéressant par le nombre de questions

qu’il ne cesse de soulever. La couleur y apparaît codifiée et pensée en fonction

d’un contexte bien particulier. Comme si sur ces deux espaces que sont la peau et

le vêtement il existait un chiasme de couleur du clair vers le foncé et du foncé vers

le clair. La peau claire et le vêtement foncé étant mieux mis en avant que la peau

foncée et le vêtement clair.

Mais l’étude de la couleur dans ce manuscrit force à la plus grande prudence. Car

au vu de l’ensemble de mon corpus, ce document demeure une exception. Il force

à moduler peu à peu et prudemment mon analyse, car ce qui est valable pour ce

manuscrit ne l’est plus pour la grande majorité des manuscrits de mon étude. Pour

la période choisie, fin Xe – fin XIIe siècles, en pleine mutation, la norme n’est jamais

de mise. •

Biography

Je suis d’origine franco-vénézuelienne. Après des études d’Histoire à l’Institut Catholique

de Paris puis à l’Université La Sorbonne-Paris IV, je suis en train de terminer un Doctorat

en Histoire médiévale à l’École Pratique des Hautes Études (E.P.H.E.), à Paris, sous la

direction de Monsieur Michel PASTOUREAU. Le sujet de la Thèse est: «Les couleurs du

corps nu et vêtu dans les manuscrits enluminés des Xe-XIIe siècles: une étude des rapports

entre la couleur et le corps dans limage médiévale». Publication: Article «Ich halte Dich

am Bart: Spiel der Hände, Spiel der Farben in einem Ritual zwischen Männern», in Edgar

BIERENDE, Sven BRETFELD et Klaus OSCHEMA, Riten, Gesten, Zeremonien, Trends in

Medieval Philology, Volume 14, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin, New-York, 2008, pp. 69-78.

Adresse e-mail: [email protected]

fig.16 folios 174 v., 34 v. et 113 (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

© Crédits photographiques:

BRIECHLE Andrea, FOX Angelika, MEYER Carla,

Das Evangeliar Kaiser Ottos III: eine Handschrift

zum Blättern, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Mün-

chen, Clm 4453. Augsburg, Haus der Bayerischen

Geschichte, Bayerisches Staatsministerium für

Wissenschaft, 2002.



Resumo

Este artigo discute as cores e pigmentos utilizados numa das cópias d’O bestiário

do amor de Richard de Fournival, datado do 3.º quartel do séc. XIII. A aplicação de

uma certa paleta cromática bem como de certas especificidades iconográficas faz-

-nos pensar que este artista conhecia as técnicas utilizadas na produção bem mais

sofisticada da Cappella Regis sob o patronato de S. Luís: o Saltério de S. Luís que

se encontra na BNF, em Paris, e o ms designado por Saltério de Isabella no Museu

Fitzwilliam, em Cambridge. •

Abstract

This paper considers the colours and pigments of a manuscript of the Bestiary of Love

of Richard de Fournival from the third quarter of the 13th century. The particularities

of the use of the chromatic palette in this manuscript, together with several icono-

graphical devices, allow one to reflect on the knowledge, by the artist who decorated

this manuscript, of the methods of work used in the most sophisticated products of

the Cappella Regis under Saint Louis: the Saint Louis Psalter in the BNF of Paris and

the so called Isabella Psalter in the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge. •

palavras-chave

corpigmentoiluminuraRichard de Fournivalbestiário

key-words

colourpigmentilluminationRichard de Fournivalbestiary


remarks on colours and pigments in the french court illumination of the 13 th century

The aim of this paper is to present the study of colours, pigments and of the picto-

rial technique in an illuminated manuscript of the Bestiaire d’Amours of Richard de

Fournival, the so called manuscript T of this work (Switzerland, private collection)1.

Rather modest in size (23 folios, of the dimension 17 x 12 cm), it is, nonetheless,

one of the most important manuscripts of this famous work. It is not only one of the

most ancient known manuscript of the Bestiary of Richard de Fournival (it can be

dated from the 1260s-1270s, whereas the other 23 known manuscripts of this work

date from between the 1270s and the 15th century ). Written in «francien», the Ile-

de-France version of the Old French, it is, also one of the most ancient illuminated

vernacular manuscripts known to us.

Another important point is its relationship to the French court: the miniature of the

Vulture, allegory of the persecution of a beloved by her lover in the ironical inter-

pretation of this fine writer of the 13th century, presents the images of Saint Louis

followed by his son-in-law Thibaud V, count of Champagne and king of Navarra

(1235-1270), easily recognizable by their arms. It is probable that the manuscript

(or its model) was commissioned by or for Thibaud of Navarra, and it cannot be ex-

cluded that the manuscript, the last miniature of which represents the God of Love,

served as a wedding present.

The miniatures of this manuscript give an exciting possibility for the close investiga-

tion of colours, pigments, of their deterioration and transformation, their reaction

with the parchment and their modification visible on the reverse side of the leaves.

This study shows us the proceedings employed by an artist who knew the methods

xenia muratova Professor Emeritus

[email protected]

1. X.Muratova, B. Roy, Le manuscrit T du Bestiaire

d’Amour de Richard de Fornuival. Edition cri-

tique et étude des enluminures, Ramsen, in print.



2. R.Branner, Manuscript Painting in Paris Dur-

ing the Reign of Saint Louis, Berkeley and Los

Angeles, 1977, pp.5, 132-137, 238-239;H.

Stahl, Picturing Kingship. History and Paint-

ing in the Psalter of Saint Louis, University

Park, Philadelphia, 2007; X.Muratova, B.Roy,

op. cit.; X. Muratova, «Officina di miniatori

della Cappella Regis all’epoca di San Luigi»,

Medioevo: Le Officine. I Convegni di Parma

XII. Atti del Convegno internazionale di stu-

di, Parma, 22-27 settembre 2009, a cura di A.

C. Quintavalle, Milano, 2010, pp. 511-516.

3. S. Cockerell, A Psalter and Hours Execut-

ed Before 1270 for a Lady Connected with St.

Louis, Probably His Sister Isabelle of France,

London, 1905; S.Panayotova, «The Psalter and

Hours of Isabelle of France», The Cambridge

Illuminations. Ten Centuries of Book Produc-

tion in the Medieval West, Catalogue of the

Exhibition, ed. by P. Binski & S. Panayotova,

Cambridge, 2005, London-Turnhout, 2005,

pp.178-180; X.Muratova, «Officina…», op. cit.

4. X.Muratova, «Un episode de la pratique de

travail des enlumineurs au XIIIe siecle: l’utilisation

des motifs bibliques pour illustration des ecrits

profanes», Imagenes e promotores en el arte me-

dieval. Miscellanea en homenaje a Joaquin Yarza

Luaces, Barcelona (Bellaterra), 2001, pp. 545-554.

of work and the repertory of forms used by an important group of artists which

executed the French Royal Psalters of the 1260s, the Saint Louis Psalter, ms. 10525

of the BNF of Paris2 and the so-called Isabella Psalter, ms. 300 of the Fitzwilliam

Museum in Cambridge3.

It is difficult to say if he belonged himself to this group of artists; but in any case he

was acquainted with their work. At the same time he was confronted with an unu-

sual task: to ornate a profane, vernacular manuscript for the decoration of which he

was not always provided with the iconographical devices of several scenes4. Beside

that, the study of the technique of the execution of the manuscript gives rather an

impression that the order was particularly urgent and that the work was executed

in a hurry.

Sixty-four small miniatures of the manuscript (the height of the majority of them

takes between three or five lines of the text) are placed on a blue or a pink water-

colour background but the tonality of these colours (especially a very deep, brilliant,

transparent blue) as well as the technique of the transparent watercolour itself used

for the background are closer to the chromatic devices and to the technique used

by English illuminators or by those who had an English training or were strongly

influenced by it. It is not an exception in the North French and Parisian miniature

of the 13th century.

But the use of the watercolour for the backgrounds can be hardly found in the ma-

jority of the French miniature production of this period. However, it is characteristic

for full-page miniatures of the two Royal Psalters where the coloured parts of the

background surround the central parts painted in gold.

In the Bestiary manuscript, the slightly orange pink colour is also used in watercolour

technique and covers the surface of the background in a rather irregular manner.

This orange pink is very close to the same colour in the Saint Louis Psalter. In rare

cases, however, the painter used a small amount of a binder or of a white in order

to unify the tone. But his mixtures were too fragile and led to the deterioration of

the some paintings. Perhaps, these mixtures were prepared too rapidly, the binders

were used in a too precipitated manner or, what is also possible, the degree of the

heating of the mixture was too high or too rapid.

In his work, the artist transgressed several norms adopted in the French manuscript

production of the 13th century. The alternation of blue and pink backgrounds is not

regular, as in the majority of the French manuscripts where this kind of alternation

constituted a system of personal marks in cases of the decoration of manuscripts of

the a large size. The artist of the Ms. T demonstrated a surprising freedom regarding

several norms which characterized the work of established workshops of illumina-

tors and book-makers. His practices are those of the illuminators who were called

to execute the decoration of small vernacular manuscripts, where many rules used

in the ateliers specialized in the production of important Latin manuscripts were

simply neglected and disregarded.

It is also difficult to judge whether the designer and the painter who just coloured

the silhouettes were the same person. It seems, in fact that the quality of the design,


r e m a r k s o n c o l o u r s a n d p i g m e n t s i n t h e f r e n c h c o u r t i l l u m i n a t i o n o f t h e 1 3 t h c e n t u r y

vivid, light and rapid, in some cases is superior to that of the colouring but several

deterioration of the pictorial layer and of pigments prevent us from making a definite

judgment about the execution of the miniatures by one or by two artists.

The colours and the pigments of the ms. T were studied essentially de visu, with a

magnifying glass and a microscope. A physical-chemical analysis was attempted in

a local laboratory but was not carried through to its end for several reasons having

nothing to do with scientific research. No radiographical or microspecrometrical

analysis was ever produced. Some physical-chemical results confirmed hypotheses

made during my study of pigments with a microscope.

In several cases the artist did not follow the rules of the utilisation of pigments set

in the known manuals of medieval illuminators, which is by itself not an important

exception in the work of the medieval illuminators who worked in the milieu domi-

nated by an oral tradition and where the individual experience of each artist who

transmitted it to his workshop, to his pupils and to his professional surrounding

played the primary role.

I don’t think that the deteriorations of pigments in several miniatures are due to a

bad knowledge of the technique; the manuscript was undoubtedly decorated by a

fine professional artist, but I am inclined rather to think that he had too short a time

for the execution of his order and that is why he could not respect the time needed

for the «rest» (or suspension) necessary for the preparation of pigments and their

mixtures. He may also have found himself in a particular situation, outside of a work-

shop, travelling, for instance, which obliged him to use the «moyens de bord».

Yellow: the frames, very simple, of miniatures are painted in a very pale yellow which

imitates probably, the golden frames. The presence of the infinitesimally small parti-

cles of gold (which can be observed through the microscope and in several cases can

be observed even with a magnifying glass) in this yellow pigment shows the use of

the orpiment, the auripigmentum album obtained from sulphur of arsenic and used

with parchment glue as a binder.

Blue: the chromatic palette is distinguished by the use of various tones of blue. First

of all, it is the deep blue sapphire colour of the backgrounds, in several cases strongly

dissolved and clear; in some other cases it becomes blackened because of the oxida-

tion of the ornamental motives painted on the surface of the backgrounds.

In many cases the dissolved blue pigment has transgressed the lines of the silhou-

ettes of animals and of personages, even if the artist seems to do everything to avoid

this extension of the blue This blue pigment, cold and intense, has corroded the

parchment and produced visible traces on the reverse of the sheets (where it gave

clear green traces); thus, it included corrosive substances which have profoundly

penetrated the texture of the parchment. This type of deterioration of the parchment

shows the use of a rather active corrosive substance, the azurite, a mineral pigment

based on the acetate or a carbonate of copper.

The blue of garments and vestments is also intense, profound and a brilliant colour

but it has not the transparency of the blue of the backgrounds. It is not the same

pigment used in more concentrated proportions and in a more dense manner. This

fig.1 the unicorn and the vultur, bestiaire d’amours of richard de fournival, switzerland, private collection, ms. t, fl. 10v and 23r, respectively.



blue pigment has none of the corrosive proprieties of the blue of the backgrounds

and did not attack the parchment. This blue was obtained from indigo. Thus, the

palette of our artist has several blue pigments, rather close in their chromatic effect,

but of different origin.

In several cases one can observe the clearer, and more opaque blue due to the mix-

ture with the white lead in various proportions. In several cases of the utilisation of

this mixture one can observe small losses of the pictorial layer.

There is also the blue-grey, very clear, and, finally, a very rare blue grey, transpar-

ent, very clear and cold. This colour has a slightly corrosive action: from the other

side of the sheet it gives an effect of a dark yellow or a slightly orange colouring on

the vestment of the Allegory of the Memory (Figure 2). This corrosive effect shows

equally the use of a pigment containing the copper oxide, prepared probably on a

base of the fusion of various substances and based on copper sulphate.

One should note that this pale blue colour, transparent and cold, very rare and

particular, has analogies with the pale blue which can be found in the Saint Louis

Psalter (Figure 3) but in this manuscript a different or better cleaned pigment was

used and it had no corrosive action on the parchment. A similar tone of the pale and

transparent blue is used also in the Cambridge Isabella Psalter (Figure 4).

A unique case where the blue colour which has a blue celestial tone, is that of the

lapis-lazuli with which were painted the vestment and the banner of the King Louis

IX in the miniature of the Vultur: in is interesting to note that in the same miniature

the painter used an extremely mordant pigment to paint in blue the back legs of the

horse of Thibaud, King of Navarra.

Small touches of blue grey (in the neighbourhood with the touches of clear brown

colour) were used for modelling the silhouettes of animals painted in beige or in

clear yellow. This perfect knowledge of the use of the complementary colours and

the taste for the modelling and the plastic quality in the treatment of forms can

unfortunately be appreciated very rarely: this extremely delicate finish and its nu-

ances were effaced because of the extensive use of the manuscript and the fragility

of the technique and can be only guessed at in certain miniatures.

The variety of the blue tones shows a rather refined taste but only more profound

scientific analysis could help to conclude which were exactly the resources of the

painter in the matter of pigments. In any case, the use of these resources was ex-

tremely masterly: already in the unique initial of the manuscript representing the

Allegory of the Memory (Figure 2) one can find four tones of blue and five tones of

pink-beige colours, some of them were produced thanks to the mixture with white

lead and with other pigments.

Green: as to the green, the dominant tone is that of a vivid and almost emerald

brilliant green, very widespread in the medieval miniature and produced from the

basic copper acetate, called in the Middle Ages Iarim or Iarin and a common name

of which was a verdigris. It is used for the painting of silhouettes of animals, for

vestments, trees and grass. As is well-known, it is one of the most aggressive pig-

ments of the medieval painting which corrodes and penetrates the parchment and

fig.2 allegory of the memory, bestiaire d’amours of richard de fournival, switzerland, private collection, ms. t, fl. 1r (ou 25v?).

fig.3 saint louis psalter, paris, bnf, ms.10525, fl. 9r.



becomes visible on the reverse of the sheet. Several silhouettes painted in green

preserve the rest of the modelling executed with the same colour, a little darker or

a little clearer. Thus, it was a rather refined and skillful painting where the painter

knew how to use the possibilities of each pigment which he worked with a great

refinement and savoir-faire.

However, one should note that normally this brilliant tone of green is not charac-

teristic of Parisian painting of the 13th century, where the artists, who always used

verdigris, preferred the tones of bottle green and of grass green and in general used

the green pigment rather rarely, knowing its destructive properties (Figure 5). In

fact, the use of green constitutes one of the sensitive points of the Paris illumina-

tion. On the contrary, in the English miniature, the green lavis (in fact the pigment

is generally dissolved with water) is one of the preferred means of chromatic expres-

sion. Its extensive utilisation in our manuscript is another testimony of the training

of the artist not in Paris but in the North of France, in any case, under the strong

influence of practices adopted in English illumination. A similar bright and brilliant

green is characteristic for the painting in both Royal Psalters.

Pink, beige, orange, brown: the manuscript T has a very particular pink orange

colour used for the backgrounds where it is put by means of a transparent brushwork

painting and in a very irregular and unequal manner which creates the darker and

clearer parts of the painted surface. It is not at all common for Parisian and North

French illumination where the pink colour, called often the «rose de Paris» and ob-

tained from a mixture with lead, covers the surface in a dense, opaque, equal and

regular manner. Here it is a saffron colour, intense and brilliant. This orange pink,

as well as the watercolour technique of its utilisation which gives an impression of

the irregularity of the pink orange tone can be found only in the Saint Louis Psalter

executed by the artists attached to the Cappella Regis, especially in the architectural

parts of miniatures.

Several other orange and beige colours, their tones and nuances were used for the

silhouettes of animals, attributes and vestments. One of these beige-pink pigments

has corrosive action on the parchment and is visible from the other side of the leaf

(Figure 5), testimony of the use of pigments rich in iron oxide and other metals. This

effect could be also produced through the use of the extract of fish gall.

A clear pink colour of this manuscript is extremely fragile and inclined to deteriora-

tion: its surface is often covered with small spots. This deterioration is due to the

fermentation of the clarea – egg white – probably heated too rapidly. In fact, the

painter illuminating a vernacular manuscript, even if he knew the old traditions and

rules, was no longer strictly attached to them; the work on the order obliged him

to neglect several old rules and led sometimes to a too rapid and hurried prepara-

tion of colours.

White is used to paint the silhouettes and vestments: it is an extremely white,

limpid, brilliant and transparent colour obtained by the use of chalk. The drawing

is perfectly visible through the its surface. The traditional lead white is, of course,

also used rather widely.

fig.5 the tiger, bestiaire d’amours of richard de fournival, switzerland, private collection, ms. t, fl. 10r.

fig.4 isabella psalter, cambridge, fitzwilliam museum, ms.300, fl. 1v



Black ink was employed for the drawing of the contours and parts of silhouettes.

Grey is dissolved black ink. Very light grey, mixed with white lead was used for the

modelling of faces and silhouettes. Faces are painted with touches of light grey and

pink. Several silhouettes are of a dark grey colour. In several miniatures one can ob-

serve the degradation of the grey colour because of the use of an unadapted binder

(or too hurried heating of the clarea which «turned» during the heating).

Red is used only for the rubrics: it is a vivid and brilliant red obtained from natural

cinnabar, red sulphate of mercury.

Gold, silver and other metallic pigments are absent at a first glance. The gold

particles, which can be observed in the yellow of frames and in some attributes, is

due to the effect of the orpiment.

It is probable however that the gold or its substitute was used for the decoration of

ornamental scrolls on backgrounds of several miniatures. A small portion of such a

scroll is visible in the lower part of the miniature of the Wild Ass. The disappearance

and the oxidation of the scrolls (Figure 6) painted with metallic pigments or their

substitutes shows that the essential rules of the work with these pigments were not

followed by the artist.

At the same time, these scrolls are so blackened and oxidized that their traces ap-

pear on the reverse of the folios. It is not an effect which could be produced in the

case of the use of white lead for the painting of the scrolls. Besides that, white lead

doesn’t show through the parchment.

The black traces left by the pigment used for the painting of the decorative scrolls re-

veal the use of a substitutive pigment for the gold, may be of silver which often attacks

the parchment, shows through it and leave the black traces on the reverse of the folios.

The almost total disappearance of this part of the decoration of our manuscript

changed considerably the initial aspect of the manuscript. There is no doubt that in

the beginning it produced an impression of a much more sumptuous object.

It is difficult to make a definitive conclusion as to the pigments used in the ms. T

without a new verification of chemical results and microspectoscopic analysis. How-

ever, observations concerning the colours and the chromatic palette permit one to

make several observations and to propose a number of hypotheses.

The choice itself of the chromatic palette, based on the tones of blue, green, grey,

pale yellow, beige and pink orange is very particular. It is a choice which is not due

to the limited means which were at the disposal of the artist. This choice is due to

his training and to his personal inclination. Even if numerous elements of the deco-

ration have disappeared or were modified with time, the analysis of pigments and

the choice of the chromatic palette show a refined artistic taste.

At the same time, it is not a palette characteristic of the Parisian workshops of the

middle of the 13th century and of its third quarter. These workshops attached a great

importance to a perfect balance of blue and pink colours retouched with a parcimo-

nious and skillful use of red and green.

In the production of the illuminated manuscripts in vulgar languages during the third

quarter of the 13th century, this kind of approach characterizes especially the deco-

fig.6 the panther, bestiaire d’amours of richard de fournival, switzerland, private collection, ms. t, fl. 10v.



ration of books executed by artists working North of the capital, and independent

in their chromatic tastes from Parisian norms.

Thus, on one hand, the use of pigments and colours in this manuscript shows a rather

free approach to the colour; on the other hand it demonstrates the knowledge of

English illumination and of its chromatic devices. The chromatic palette of the ms.

T, in its present state, in any case, reminds one of the favourite palette of English

artists of the second and third quarters of the 13th century.

At the same time, in relation with the majority of illuminated manuscripts of this pe-

riod coming from workshops of the North and East from Paris, with their variegated

colours, thick linear drawing and absence of modelling, the ms. T impresses one by

the grace and vivacity of its linear drawing, freshness of the narration, refinement

of modelling in painting and its remarkable choice of he chromatic palette.

The disregard of traditional rules, indicated in the medieval manuals of painting, in

the use of mixtures of pigments, is a feature which seems rather becoming to the

work of artists who were not bound by the secular traditions of the professional

production of Latin manuscripts. These artists began to specialize independently in

the decoration of manuscripts written in vulgar languages.

It is particularly interesting to note that in this case the artist based his work partly

on the experience of artists who did not belonged to big Parisian workshops but who

constituted a group of artists attached to the Capella Regis and working together on

the decoration of Royal Psalters obviously intended for the French court. •

Biography

Xenia Muratova is a Professor Emeritus of French Universities. She studied History of

Art in Russia, in France and in Germany. Her work is dedicated to various problems of

medieval art, especially to the study of the 12th and 13th centuries, of methods of work

of the medieval artist, of the medieval illumination and of medieval bestiaries. She is

the author of several books and numerous articles and essays on these topics, the most

important of these publications are monographs: Masters of the French Gothic, 1988;

The Medieval Bestiary, 1984; Le Bestiaire medieval, 1988; Storia universale dell’arte. Arte

del secolo XI, 2003; Storia universale dell’arte. Arte del secolo XII, 2005. Xenia Muratova

works also as art critic and writes on Modern and Contemporary painting as well as on

the History of the history of Art. She is member of numerous associations and scientific

societies in Europe and in America.


byzantine rec ipes and book illumination

Resumo

Conhecem-se centenas de receitas medievais para a produção de cores, iluminuras e

tintas, no Ocidente latino. Pelo contrário quase nada parece ter sobrevivido do mun-

do bizantino que lhe foi contemporâneo. Há uma enorme lacuna entre os papiros de

Estocolmo e Leiden, datados aproximadamente da terceira centúria (c.), e os tratados

pós-bizantinos como o Anónimo 1566 de Jerusalém e, o mais conhecido, Herme-

neia do séc. XVIII, escrito por Dionísio de Phourna. Tem sido muitas vezes assumido

que os textos pós-bizantinos reflectem mais fielmente as tradições bizantinas, mas

uma análise rigorosa desses tratados tardios revela, afinal, em parte, influências das

técnicas ocidentais pós-medievais. Portanto, não podem ser tomados sem alguma

cautela como substitutos dos textos bizantinos perdidos. Além disso, durante os

1000 anos que durou o Império bizantino, a arte bizantina não foi uniforme – nem

em estilo, nem textualmente. A técnica da pintura varia entre scriptoria de diferen-

tes regiões e cronologias, novos pigmentos foram inventados (amarelo de estanho e

chumbo, azul de esmalte) – mudanças que os textos pós-bizantinos não referem. Do

tempo bizantino, encontram-se publicadas apenas umas poucas receitas, sobretudo

de tintas. Num projecto coordenado por Peter Schreiner (Universidade de Colónia)

e Doris Oltrogge (Fachlochshule Koln), a pesquisa sistemática em manuscritos ca-

talogados poderá ampliar este número para cerca de 80 receitas relacionadas com

a produção de manuscritos. Os principais tópicos são tintas, crisografia, douradura,

a produção de vermelhão e de laca vermelha. Os primeiros textos datam do séc. XII,

tendo muitos deles sido escritos nos sécs. XIV e XV.

Até agora não sobreviveram tratados sobre técnicas artísticas comparáveis a Theo-

philus ou Cennino. Há igualmente poucos vestígios de papiros da Antiguidade Tardia.

Sendo a maioria das receitas «novas» e únicas, algumas técnicas são comparáveis às

que são descritas nos textos do Ocidente, mas é apenas possível referir uma influên-

cia directa nos manuscritos escritos por gregos exilados na Itália do séc. XV. Algumas

das técnicas descritas podem ser observadas nos manuscritos bizantinos. Por outro

lado, há ainda muito poucas receitas para a produção de pigmentos sintéticos, mesmo

quando as análises científicas mostram que alguns pigmentos sintéticos importantes,

tais como, o amarelo de estanho e chumbo foram usados na iluminura bizantina mais

cedo que no Ocidente – podendo ter sido inventados em Bizâncio. •

palavras-chave

bizâncioreceitasiluminurascrisografiapigmentos



Abstract

Hundreds of mediaeval recipes on colour production, book illumination and inks are

known from the Latin West. On the contrary nearly nothing seems to have survived

from contemporary Byzantium. There is an enormous gap between the late antique

papyri in Stockholm and Leiden, dating from about the 3rd century, and the post-

byzantine treatises like the 1566 Anonymous in Jerusalem and the better known

18th-century Hermeneia, written by Dionysios of Phourna. It has often been assumed

that the post-byzantine texts reflect rather faithfully byzantine traditions, but a close

analysis of these later treatises reveals at least partly influences of postmediaeval

Western techniques. Therefore, they cannot be taken without reservations as substi-

tute for lost Byzantine texts. Furthermore, Byzantine art is not uniform – neither in

style nor in text – during the 1000-year-period of the Byzantine Empire. The painting

technique varies between scriptoria of different times and locations, new pigments

were invented (lead-tin yellow, smalt) – changes on which the post-byzantine texts

give no information. From the Byzantine time, only some few recipes, mainly on

inks, are published up to now. In a common project of Peter Schreiner (University of

Cologne) and Doris Oltrogge (Fachhochschule Köln) a systematic survey on cata-

logued manuscripts could enlarge this number to about 80 recipes dealing with the

techniques of manuscript production. The main topics are inks, chrysography, gild-

ing, and the production of vermilion and of red lakes. The earliest texts date from

the 12th century, most of them were written in the 14th and 15th centuries. So far no

treatise on art technology – comparable to Theophilus or Cennino – has survived.

There are also only few traces of the late antique papyri. Most of the recipes are

«new» and unique. Some techniques are comparable to those described in Western

texts but a direct influence can only be stated in manuscripts which were written by

Greek exiles in 15th century Italy. Some of the techniques described can be observed

in Byzantine manuscripts. On the other hand, there are still extremely few recipes for

the production of artificial pigments, even if analysis can show that some important

artificial pigments like lead tin yellow were used in Byzantine illumination earlier

than in the West – and were perhaps invented in Byzantium. •

key-words

byzantium,recipes,book illumination, chrysography,pigments


byzantine recipesand book illumination

More than 400 mediaeval manuscripts dealing with the production of pigments and

inks, with binding media, and with the techniques of painting and book illumina-

tion have survived from the Latin West.1 On the contrary nearly nothing seems to

have come down to us from contemporary Byzantium. This is more than strange if

we consider that the earliest known Latin source – the Carolingian Lucca manu-

script – is clearly a translation from the Greek (Clarke 2001, 8). There are, however,

Greek texts on art technology from Antiquity: information on pigments are found

in the Book on stones written in the 4th century BC by Theophrast or in the medical

treatise of Dioskurides, dating from the 1st century AD. Probably in the 3rd century

AD the Leyden and Stockholm papyri were written, which transmit the most com-

prehensive collection of recipes for metallurgy, dyeing and alchemy (Halleux 1981).

The art of writing is considered in 16 recipes for true and false chrysography (Trost

1991, 58-102).

On the contrary, texts on art technology seem to be nearly non-existent in Byzantine

times, that is in the period between ca. 500 and 1453 AD.2

The Postbyzantine tradition

Due to this lack of original sources from mediaeval Byzantium studies on Byzantine

painting technique usually refer to the Hermeneia tis zographikis (the Treatise of

Painters) written in 1730-1733 on Mount Athos by the painter-monk Dionysios

of Phourna (Papadopoulos-Kèrameus 1909; Hetherington 1974; Bentchev 2004).

This treatise is generally assumed to transmit rather faithfully the earlier Byzantine

tradition. This is certainly true for large parts of the iconographical section: post-

byzantine wall and icon painting depends largely on mediaeval models and so do

Dionysios’ descriptions of the major scenes from the New Testament. However it has

been stated that in some cases the iconography follows the more modern types of

the Cretan school which was clearly influenced by Italian, namely Venetian paintings

from the middle of the 16th century onwards (Bentchev 2004, 67). And also some of

doris oltrogge Cologne Institute for Conservation Sciences

Cologne University of Applied Sciences

D-50678 Köln (Germany)

1. For the most comprehensive overview see:

Clarke 2001.

2. In this article «Byzantine» is strictly defined

as a period term, i.e. the time before the fall of

Constantinople in 1453. Texts written by Greek

scribes before the middle of the 15th century in

places outside the Byzantine Empire – especially

since the later 14th century in areas already un-

der Turkish dominion or by exiles in Italy or else-

where – are considered as Byzantine. The major

Greek texts on painting technique dating from

the 16th century onwards belong to the post-

byzantine period.

c o l o u r i n w r i t t e n m e d i e v a l s o u r c e s


3. Dionysios of Phourna, §34 (BENTCHEV 2004,

92).

4. Anonymous § 35 (BENTCHEV 2004, 57);

Dionysios § 42 (BENTCHEV 2004, 95).

5. Anonymous § 39 (BENTCHEV 2004, 58);

Dionysios § 45 (BENTCHEV 2004, 97).

the technical recipes reflect the techniques of Italo-Cretan and Italian oil painting

(Bentchev 2004, 40; 67).

The technical section of Dionysios’ Hermeneia can be traced back to about 1566,

the date proposed for two anonymous treatises which were copied in a 17th century

manuscript in the Library of the Greek Patriarchate in Jerusalem (Bentchev 2004,

39). Anonymous I quotes as references the painters Panselinos, who most probably

lived in the 14th century, and Theophanis the Crete, who worked in the second half

of the 16th century on Mount Athos. Dionysios also mentions Panselinos, but not

the name of the more recent painter, whose recipes he however copied (Bentchev

2004, 41).

Besides, two other postbyzantine Greek treatises on painting technique are

known.

In 1720, the Ionian painter Panagiotes Doxaras (1662-1729) translated Leonardo’s

Trattato della pittura into Greek, and in 1726 he wrote himself a treatise on painting

Peri zographias (Bentchev 2004, 130). This treatise as well as Doxaras’ translation of

Leonardo’s Trattato were used as references by the icon painter and engraver Christo-

for Žefarovič in his Instructions for young people desiring to learn the art of painting

(Koinēnou thesia ētē Hermeneia eis tous neous…), a work written most probably in

Church Slavonic but translated also into Greek (Bentchev 2004, 154s).

Žefarovič is the most Western of these authors, besides Leonardo’s Trattato he used

the German Kunst- und Werck-Schul of 1705 and Pictorius’ Lackir-Kunst of 1708.

However, he also knew the Greek tradition of the Jerusalem treatises which was the

major source for the Hermeneia of Dionysios of Phourna (Bentchev 2004, 156).

But how Byzantine is this later Greek tradition? The translators of the Hermeneia

have remarked that the text of Dionysios as well as that of the Jerusalem manuscript

is full of unusual terms, words of Italian, Turkish and even German origin. So the

German term γόλι φάρπε (Goldfarbe – gold colour) is used explicitly to explain a

Venetian gilding technique considered as unusual to Greek traditions.3 Turzisms are

not unusual in the late Byzantine period, especially in the parts of the Byzantine

Empire which were already occupied by the Turks before 1453.

Even more interesting are some of the Italianisms. In a recipe for the making of ver-

digris 4 the product is not called ios or ios chalkou as it should be in classical Greek

but vardáramon which clearly derives from the Italian verderame. Another recipe

of the Jerusalem manuscript and the Hermeneia describes the production of a blue

or red colour: 5 First a lye is made from quicklime and potash. Then wool shearings

are put into the lye and cooked until the colour is extracted. Afterwards alum and a

little glair are added to the filtered colour extract. Depending on the colour of the

shearings the pigment obtained will be blue or red.

The recipe describes thus the making of an indigo pigment from blue shearings

and of red lakes from the shearings of scarlet cloth. Similar recipes have often been

copied in Western manuscripts from the 14th century onward (Wallert 1991). Is this

a Byzantine technique taken over by the Latins? Or was a Western recipe adopted

in late or postbyzantine time by the Greek? The terminology used by the Jerusalem



6. The edition is planned for 2010 (Wien: Öster-

reichische Akademie der Wissenschaften).

Anonymous and Dionysios points to the latter: the shearings are called tzimarísmata,

a word so uncommon in Greek that it has lead to some confusion in the various

translations of the Hermeneia. Even Bentchev who recognised the meaning of the

recipe translates it inexactly as Stofflumpen (rags). The word clearly derives from

the Italian cimatura (shearing), therefore most probably the recipe is a translation

from the Italian. Whether this was done already in the Byzantine period or only by

the Anonymous of the 16th century cannot be decided.

Byzantine texts on manuscript production

These few examples show that the Hermeneia of Dionysios of Phourna and the

earlier Jerusalem Anonymous should not be taken without restrictions as sources

for painting techniques of the Byzantine period. The immense gap between the 3rd

century papyri and the postbyzantine treatises still remains open.

But at least a small number of recipes have survived which give us some isolated

information on art technology in mediaeval Byzantium. A few instructions for making

vermilion are transcribed in alchemical manuscripts (Berthelot 1887). Some ink reci-

pes have been published by Zerdoun Bat-Yehouda in 1983. A major finding was done

by Peter Schreiner, former chair of Byzantine Studies at the University of Cologne,

when he discovered the first known small treatise on manuscript production from

the Byzantine Period, written in the early 15th century by Isidor of Kiev (Schreiner

1988, 116-125). The problem to understand the techniques described, often with

ambiguous or unusual terms, led to an interdisciplinary project with Professor Schrei-

ner as Byzantine philologist and myself as an expert for art technology. The aim of

this project is not only the publication of the small text compiled by Isidor of Kiev,

but a commentated edition of all available Byzantine recipes on the techniques re-

lated to writing and book illumination. 6 Purely alchemical treatises are not part of

the project. For practical reasons, the search had to concentrate on catalogues so

that libraries without or with very old catalogisation are not considered. Therefore

new findings will be possible when more libraries are made accessible by useful

catalogues.

Nevertheless the number of recipes concerned with the art of manuscript production

could already be increased to about 80, and furthermore, with Isidor’s of Kiev text

there is a first indication for the existence of more or less systematic art technological

recipe collections in Byzantium. The earliest texts date from the 12th century, most

of them were written in the 14th and 15th century.

Compared with the abundant Western tradition the number is still very meagre. It

seems that art technology plays an extremely smaller role in the surviving Byzan-

tine manuscripts than in their Western counterparts. It is difficult to decide what

the reasons are. Was there less interest in the practical arts by the literate people in

Byzantium? Or got the manuscripts simply lost after the fall of Byzantium because

the Western collectors were more interested in luxurious codices or in literary and



scholarly pretensious texts than in recipe collections of doubtful literary quality and

perhaps even «bad» Greek?

At least, there are some arguments for the latter hypothesis: First, there was a tra-

dition of technical texts in Greek Antiquity – as documented in the papyri – which

must have been still well known at least in the early Byzantine period, when the

group of recipe texts known as Mappae Clavicula was translated into Latin (Oltrogge

2006, 555). The two translations of this text – the version of the late 8th century

Lucca manuscript with its numerous graecisms and the philologically more correct

Mappae Clavicula version which became the standard for later Latin copies – docu-

ment the great interest of the Carolingian West in Greek technological literature

which would be difficult to understand if this tradition would have been already

interrupted in contemporary Byzantium. A second argument for the assumption that

the scarce number of texts is mainly a question of survival are the few documents

which have come down to us, especially the treatise of Isidor of Kiev.

Topics

The main interest of the scribes was their writing material, first of all iron gall inks.

Another large group of recipes deals with chrysography, that is gold script; the reci-

pes describe the production of gold ink, but also the application of gold leaf. Both

techniques are also appropriate for illumination. Remarkably smaller is the group of

colour recipes. The production of vermilion is either described in alchemical manu-

scripts or related to its use for writing. A number of recipes deals with the red lakes

lachas and barzion. Instructions for other pigments are extremely rare, one for the

refining of lapis lazuli, one for a green ink, another for dyeing bones with copper

green. Information can also be found on glues for sizing paper, but also on casein

glues for other purposes. Very few recipes do not belong to the art of manuscript

production: oil varnishes, a recipe for an artificial steatite and a unique description

of a pseudo-sgraffito.

The recipes are found in rather different types of manuscripts. The most compre-

hensive recipe collection is that of Isidor of Kiev with 14 recipes (an extremely small

number compared to Western manuscripts). Isidor begins with chrysography, gold

inks and grounds for gold ink and gold leaf, he continues with iron gall inks, ver-

milion for the rubrication and starch glue for sizing the paper. At the end he returns

to chrysography with three recipes for a gold ground made from brazil wood. The

compilation was not written continuously, at a later date, Isidor added two reci-

pes for chrysography on a blank space on fol. 2r, just after the iron gall inks. The

interest of Isidor is clearly the interest of a scribe. Isidor, born about 1380/90 in

Monembasia (Peloponnes) was highly esteemed for his erudition, his political and

rhetorical qualities; he became monk, greek ambassador at the Conciles of Bale and

Ferrara, Roman Cardinal and finally Unionist Patriarch of Constantinople. After the

fall of Constantinople he had to exile to Rome where he died in 1463. Despite his



7. Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms. Canon. gr. 39. brillant career he was an industrious copyist and compilator whose scholarly interests

included theology, philosophy, rhetorics, natural sciences and – as we see – also

the technological aspects of writing materials. (Schreiner 1996) The Codex Vatica-

nus graecus 914, which contains our small treatise, is a good example of Isidor’s

occupations, the contemporary binding unites the recipe collection with rhetorical

texts, medical excerpts, geometrical and metrological treatises and some alchemi-

cal notes by Hermes Trismegistos. Isidor must have collected recipes over a certain

period, because he copied one of the recipes on iron gall ink and the instruction for

making vermilion also on the last, blank leaf of an older manuscript with the works

of Xenophon. 7 To these notes he added also another recipe for iron gall ink and for

paper size which are not found in the Vatican codex.

In other cases we are not so well informed on the compilators. Moreover are the reci-

pes usually more isolated. Instructions for iron gall ink often stand on fly leafs or are

added on blank spaces of pages with completely different content: patristic, rhetoric,

law, literature. The recipes for pigments and chrysography are more often found in

miscellanous manuscripts on nature sciences: medicine, astronomy, astrology and

alchemy. Sometimes but not necessarily they are embedded in alchemical texts. But

even in this context we find seldom more than five recipes in a sequence.

Recipes and workshop practice

InksAs said before, one of the main topics are writing inks. There is one recipe for a

gall nut ink, the other 22 instructions deal with iron gall ink. Most of them are very

common: a mixture of gall nuts, vitriol and gum together with a liquid, which can

be water, vinegar or wine. Variations are given by the quantities of the ingredients

and the heating or not heating of the ink. Additions like nutshells or the fruits of

cypresses occur in two recipes. On the whole, the group of iron gall ink recipes

seems not to be very different from their Western counterparts, even if up to now

no exact parallel could be found. But it is striking, that the Greek scribes were more

interested in different colours of their inks. A number of recipes explicitly state that

the ink should become black or light, and sometimes recipes of both types stand

in a sequence. The black inks are always genuine iron gall inks without any addi-

tions of carbon black. Nevertheless carbon black inks or mixtures from iron gall inks

and carbon black were used in some Byzantine scriptoria, especially in the Greek

monasteries in the Arabian countries or in the border areas to the Muslim world. An

interesting example is a New Testament, written in Syria in 1273 (Rome, Vatican Li-

brary, Cod. Borg. gr. 18). The iron gall ink which had first been used did not adhere

well and was obviously too pale on some places. Therefore the scribe overwrote his

text partly with another iron gall ink mixed with carbon ink. With the same ink he

added the initial which was embellished with gold powder sprinkled upon the wet

ink. This sprinkling technique as well as the carbon ink are characteristic for Arabian



scriptoria. From the Arabian countries also a number of recipes for carbon inks are

known (Schopen 2004). Comparable recipes have also survived from Armenia, where

carbon inks and mixtures with iron gall inks were common writing materials (Eliazane

& Engel 2006). It is amazing that in the Liber Illuministarum and some other German

manuscripts of the 15th century the production of a carbon ink is explicitly called

incaustum graecum, «Greek ink». (Bartl et al. 2005, 92). But up to now no written

Greek source is known. And the practice to use a carbon ink for writing was restricted

to very few scriptoria, the common writing ink of Byzantine scribes was the iron gall

ink which is rather good documented in the recipes.

Chrysography and gildingThe next large group of Byzantine recipes concerns the gold writing, chrysography.

This technique was highly esteemed in the Byzantine culture, golden – and silver –

script was usually written by specialists, the chrysographers. It is therefore not amaz-

ing, that more than 35 recipes are related to this topic. They describe the production

of gold inks, and the application of gold inks and gold leaf on grounds.

Three different methods for the preparation of gold powder can be distinguished.

The most simple is the mechanical grinding of gold leaf. Grainy additives like salt

pulverise the tender gold leaf and can afterwards easily be diluted in water. But also

viscous materials like honey, gum or glue are suited to disperse the gold powder.

These methods are already described in the late antique Greek papyri. It is amazing

that none of the Byzantine recipes is copied from these older texts, the method is

comparable but the text of the recipes is new!

In practice the grinding with salt must have been rather common because in a

number of manuscripts with silver ink the presence of silver chloride could be proved.

When silver is ground with salt it reacts easily with the natrium chloride to silver

chloride. Gold on the other hand is inert so that the use of salt is more difficult to

prove. In the Greek Psalter in Zürich, written in the 7th century, on some places pure

natrium chloride could be analysed in the gold ink – obviously the gold powder had

not been washed carefully after grinding (Fuchs & Oltrogge 2007, 84).

Another, more sophisticated method is the preparation of gold powder with the

help of an amalgam. Gold leaf or gold filings are ground together with mercury, the

amalgam is heated, the mercury evaporates and a very fine gold powder remains.

Also this method was already described in the 3rd century papyri but again none

of the Byzantine recipes is a direct copy from these ancient models. There is no

information on the diffusion of this method in practice, to my knowledge residues

of mercury have so far not been detected in any gold ink. But this may be also a

question of analysis.

Six recipes describe a third method to prepare gold powder: gold is mixed with sul-

fur and mercury, then heated at a rather low temperature. At first sight this recipe

looks like a confusion of the amalgam method with the production of vermilion. The

alchemical terminology of some of the recipes makes it even more conspicious. But a

more detailed analysis gives sense to the instruction. The addition of sulfur to gold



8. The analysis was done with spectrophotometry

with which it is not possible to distinguish be-

tween the lakes of the different scale insects, lac

lake, Kermes, Polish or Armenian cochineals.

9. Fuchs, Oltrogge (forthcoming).

and the heating at low temperature is one possible process of cementation, a proc-

ess to remove impurities from gold. Silver and copper – which are often present as

impurities in gold – react at low temperatures with sulfur to silver respectively copper

sulfide, gold does not react. The best results are obtained when the gold is already

pulverised. This seems to be the reason for the addition of mercury, even if the de-

scription in the recipes is not always very clear. It seems that first a gold powder is

produced with help of the amalgam and after the mercury has evaporated the gold

powder is cementated with sulfur. Craddock (2000, 67) supposed that the cementa-

tion with sulfur was already known in Antiquity even if the first precise description

is found in Agricola. Our six Byzantine recipes, all in 14th century manuscripts, add

precious information on the diffusion of this technical knowledge.

Red lakesAbout 20 recipes deal with the application of gold on a ground or with the prepara-

tion of this ground. Most often it is made from a red lake (lachas and barzion). The

lachas can be produced from a material called lachas or from brazil wood (barzion).

Some recipes mention, that both materials should give a red colour. The preparation

of lachas from lachas is always described in a similar manner: the lachas is crushed,

then heated with soda, alum and water. Afterwards the red liquid is filtered and dried.

It can be cut to pieces and warmed with a little water for painting.

The term lachas is derived from the hindi lakka, the name of the Indian lac insect.

The red dye is embedded in a resinous matrix and cannot be extracted in pure water.

On the other hand it can be easily extracted in alkaline solutions. A soda solution

gives a deep red purple extract, from which a purple red lake can be precipitated

with alum. This is the process described in the Byzantine recipes. We can therefore

conclude, that the lachas material is the crude lac. The red lake produced with this

method still contains some resins, so that the powder can be dispergated in water

and painted without another binding medium.

Crude lac was also known in the Latin West where it is documented as very expensive

raw material for dyeing textiles and leather and for the preparation of red lakes for

painting. It is possible that lachas was also a rather precious pigment in Byzantium.

At least it is striking that the term lachas which originally meant a material could also

be used to designate a red lake in general. The earliest example for the use of lachas

in the sense of red lake is found in a 13th century recipe for a brazil lake.

Brazil wood is the second base material for red lakes mentioned in Byzantine manu-

scripts. The colorant is extracted with glair, vinegar or red wine, and stabilized with

alum. Interestingly both, the recipes for the lac lake and for the red lakes from brazil

wood are never intended for illumination or other painting but always for gilding and

writing. The red lake should be written as underlayer for chrysography or painted

as ground for gold leaf. A red underlayer for chrysography can often be observed

in Byzantine manuscripts (Mokretsova 2003, 217). It could be identified as a scale

insect lake 8 for example in a patristic manuscript from the 11th century in Weimar

(Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek, ms. Q 741; fig. 1). 9



10. Fuchs, Oltrogge (forthcoming).Grounds for gold leaf made from red lakes can be observed in initials or in the

kephalia – the ornamental head pieces – in a number of Byzantine codices (Mokret-

sova 2003, 224). Certainly these red lakes could also be used in illumination, even

if the recipes do not mention this. In an 11th century Gospel Book in Weimar a lake

insect dye was used as rose colour in the decoration (Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibli-

othek, ms. Q 743; fig. 2). 10

In few cases it is not explicitly stated that gold should be laid on top of the red

lake script and it is possible that the rubrication is meant. Rubrics in Byzantine ma-

nucripts are often written with vermilion but also with red lakes. There are still too

few analysis to know if the one or the other material was prefered in certain periods

or scriptoria. But at least in the 15th century there were scribes who used both, lakes

and vermilion, for example, Isidor of Kiev in the Vatican codex gr. 914.

Gold groundsRed lakes were not the only gold grounds mentioned in the recipes. There are also

some other pigments, mainly red: vermilion, armenian bole, red ochre, but also yellow

ochre. Again, they were thought both as underlayer for gold inks and for gold leaf.

This is different from most of the Western recipes where usually coloured grounds

fig.1 weimar, haab, q 741, fol. 1r (11th century): the red lake used as underlayer for the gold ink in script and kephalion is made from scale insects. the yellow is lead tin yellow. (robert fuchs, cics, 2009)

fig.2 weimar, haab, q 743, fol. 39 (11th century): a red lake from scale insects is used as underlayer for gold leaf and to paint the red decorations. (robert fuchs, cics, 2009)



are only described for gold or silver leaf and not for metal inks. An exception is The-

ophilus (I, 29) who mentions a mixture of red lead and vermilion as underlayer for

gold inks. This mixture on the other hand is not described in our Byzantine texts. In

the Byzantine recipes only the gesso grounds – for which two examples are known –

are restricted to gold leaf. They are coloured red-rose with either vermilion or ar-

menian bold. Coloured grounds seem to have been typical for gilding in Byzantine

manuscripts (Mokretsova 2003, 224).

In the already mentioned Gospel Book in Weimar, yellow ochre is used as an under-

layer for the gold leaf in the miniatures, whereas in the kephalia the gold leaf is put

on top of a red scale insect lake, the same red lake is the underlayer for the gold ink

of the script. Because of these differences in materials and techniques between the

miniatures and the decoration of the script it is most likely that both were executed

by different painters.

PigmentsBesides iron gall ink and gilding there are few recipes on proper colours, most of

them dealing with the making and tempering of vermilion and with its use either

as gold ground or as rubrication. As mentioned vermilion was used as one of the

rubrication materials by Isidor of Kiev who also copied a recipe for grinding and

tempering the pigment.

Only one recipe describes the refining of lapislazuli. The pigment powder is mixed

with resin, colophonium and linseed oil and than thrown into hot water. The process

is repeated twice so that at the end three fractions are produced. This 14th century

instruction is comparable to many Western texts even if up to now no exact parallel

could be found. Lapislazuli has been proven in Byzantine illumination (Mokretsova

2003, 213), but also scribes like Isidor of Kiev wrote sometimes initials or did some

decoration with it. Isidor does not transcribe a recipe for the refining.

It is amazing that up to now no recipe for the making of verdigris could be found,

a process already described in Greek in the 1st century by Dioskurides. Sure, there

exist Byzantine copies of Dioskurides but these copies were probably done only for

literary purposes. There is one recipe using verdigris, it is a translation from an Italian

text, using also Italian terms like verderami, but in this case verdigris is not produced

but put into vinegar to dye bones. The only Byzantine recipe to produce a green

colour describes a mixture made from indigo and a yellow colorant.

Besides the production of vermilion, no Byzantine recipe for any artificial pigment

is known up to now. But certainly other artificial pigments were well known to

Byzantine painters. In the already mentioned patristic manuscript in Weimar most

of the pigments analysed are artificial: red lead, lead white, a copper green – which

presumably is an artificial pigment but amorphous and thus not identifiable in the

X-Ray-diffraction – and even lead tin yellow. This proves that in Byzantium the

technique for the production of lead tin yellow was already well known in the 11th

century – about 150-200 years before the earliest occurences in the West. But no

Byzantine recipe for this process is known.



Resume

It is possible to fill the gap between the late antique papyri and the postbyzantine

Hermeneia at least with a small number of recipes. They concern mostly the art of

writing: inks, chrysography, pigments for rubrication. The recipe are also useful to

illuminators even if this is not explicitly stated. But they do not give the whole pal-

ette for illuminators and scribes. Other arts are occasionally touched. The information

dates mostly in the Palaeologan period, that is the 14th and 15th century, no recipe

was written before the 12th century.

To the contrary to what one would expect direct copies from the papyri are extremely

rare. The relationship to the Western recipes is very loose in the beginning, but in

the 15th century we find translations and adaptations of Latin and Italian recipes

easily to recognise because of their terminology. In some cases we can prove that

the scribes were sitting in Italy as exiles from the already Turkish parts of Byzantium.

Up to now no Byzantine recipe was found which could have served as a model for a

translation into a Western language. •

Bibliography

Bartl, Anna et al. 2005. Der «Liber illuministarum» aus Kloster Tegernsee. Stuttgart: Franz

Steiner Verlag.

Bentchev, Ivan. 2004. Griechische und bulgarische Malerbücher. Recklinghausen: Museen

der Stadt Recklinghausen.

Berthelot, M. 1887. Collection des Anciens Alchimistes Grecs. Paris: Georges Steinheil.

Clarke, Mark. 2001. The Art of All Colours. Mediaeval Recipe Books for Painters and

Illuminators. London: Archetype.

Craddock, P.T. 2000. Historical Survey of Gold Refining. Ramage, Andrew, Craddock, P.

(Ed.): King Croesus’ Gold. London: British Museum, 54-71.

Eliazane, Gayane & Engel, Patricia. 2006. Ink Manufacturing Methods Used in Ancient

Armenia. Buletyn Informacyjn Konserwatorów Dziel Sztuki. 17, 94-112.

Fuchs, Robert & Oltrogge, Doris. 2007. Il salterio purpureo Zentralbibliothek Zürich, RP

1. Segno e testo 5, 31-98.

Halleux, Robert. 1981. Les alchimistes grecs.Paris: Les Belles Lettres.

Hetherington, Paul (Ed.). 1974. The «Painter’s Manual» of Dionysius of Fourna. An English

Translation. Isleworth: Saggitarius Press.



Mokretsova, Inna et al.2003. Materials and Techniques of Byzantine Manuscripts. Moscou:

Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation.

Oltrogge, Doris. 2006. Rezeptsammlungen und Traktate. Die Vermittlung kunsttechnischen

Wissens im Früh- und Hochmittelalter. Stiegemann, Christoph and Wemhoff, Matthias

(Ed.). Canossa. München: Hirmer, I, 555-562.

Papadopoulos-Kèrameus, A. 1909. Denys de Fourna. Manuel d’iconographie chrétienne.

St. Petersburg. Reprint Athen: Spanos.

Schopen, Armin. 2004. Tinten und Tuschen des arabischen Mittelalters. Göttingen:

Vandenhoek & Ruprecht.

Schreiner, Peter (Ed.). 1988. Codices Vaticani Graeci. Cod. 867-932. Città del Vaticano:

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.

Schreiner, Peter. 1996. Literarische Interessen in der Palaiologenzeit anhand von

Gelehrtencodices: Das Beispiel des Vaticanus gr. 914. Seibt, Werner (Ed.). Geschichte

und Kultur der Palaiologenzeit. Wien: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften,

205-219.

Trost, Vera. 1991. Gold- und Silbertinten. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Wallert, Arie. 1991. «Cimature di grana»: Identification of Natural Organic Colorants and

Binding Media in Medieval Manuscript Illumination. Zeitschrift für Kunsttechnologie und

Konservierung 5, 74-83.

Zerdoun Bat-Yehouda, Monique. 1983. Les Encres Noires au Moyen Âge. Paris: Éditions

du CNRS.

Biography

Study of art history and archaeology in Göttingen and Bonn (PhD 1987 «Die

Illustrationszyklen der Histoire ancienne, 1250-1400»). Since 1987 researcher for art

technology and book illumination (University of Göttingen, since 1996 Cologne Institute

of Conservation Science). She published widely on the painting technique and materials

of medieval book illumination as well as on sources for art technology. She curates

an online-database of art-technological sources of the Middle Ages and Renaissance

<www.re.fh-koeln.de>. Among her recent publications are, together with Anna Bartl,

Christoph Krekel and Manfred Lautenschlager Der Liber Illuministarum aus Kloster

Tegernsee (2005); with Robert Fuchs Ein Meisterwerk im Wandel: Untersuchungen zur

Maltechnik des Codex Aureus Epternacensis (2009). Forthcoming: Byzantinische Tinten-

Tuschen- und Farbrezepte. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien 2011

(together with Peter Schreiner).


the strasbourg family texts: or ig inal ity and survival

Resumo

Durante muito tempo, os Manuscritos de Estrasburgo foram considerados as fontes

mais antigas, em língua germânica, para o estudo das técnicas de iluminura no Norte

da Europa. Perdidos em 1870, no fogo da biblioteca de Estrasburgo, o seu conte-

údo técnico só sobreviveu graças a uma transcrição feita por Sir Charles Eastlake,

no séc. XIX. Vários estudos como os de Ploss e, mais recentemente, os de Oltrogge

têm destacado a existência de textos com conteúdos semelhantes, agrupando-os

sobre o nome de «Família de Estrasburgo». A partir destes estudos, foi possível de-

finir claramente um corpo de manuscritos como pertencendo a esta família e nova

evidência textual tem vindo a ser descoberta. Os procedimentos e receitas artísticas

descritas nestes manuscritos são, na sua maioria, dedicadas à pintura e iluminura e,

em especial, à preparação de cores. Existe ainda um grande número de receitas que

descrevem quais as combinações mais adequadas de pigmentos e quais os ligantes

a usar na iluminura. Graças a uma análise filológica e codicológica, podemos propor,

para esta família de manuscritos, não só uma área geográfica mas também uma data

para a sua produção, entre 1400 e 1560. Através destes textos, temos assim, dentro

de um quadro preciso, os dados para uma história dos materiais e técnicas.

A descoberta de novos manuscritos e o seu tratamento, levou à criação de uma base

de dados. Inicialmente, esta centrou-se nos manuscritos escritos durante o período

medieval, especialmente na Alemanha e nos países limítrofes. Até agora, mais de

uma centena de manuscritos foram tratados e quatro mil receitas foram transcritas.

Cada instrução foi codificada numa combinação especifica de ingredientes, reunidos

de acordo com a ordem em que aparecem na receita. Graças a esta base de dados

é possível analisar para cada ingrediente, a sua frequência global ou a sua repetição

no corpus de textos. Além disso, podemos também observar para certas combinações

de ingredientes, i.e., nas receitas, qual a estrutura básica, qual a sua frequência no

corpus e evolução, de forma a perceber de que maneira uma receita foi sendo mo-

dificada ao longo do tempo ou por acção de certos factores externos.

Uma comparação com um corpus maior de textos artísticos medievais provenientes

de países de língua germânica permitir-nos-ia destacar a originalidade e a novidade

de certos processos para a produção de cores descritos nos textos da «família de

Estrasburgo». Além disso, também é possível relacionar a história de um número de

prescrições e correlacioná-las com técnicas de mais ampla difusão. •

palavras-chave

técnicas de iluminuramanuscritosreceitas artísticasmateriaisbase de dados



Abstract

For a long time, the Strasbourg Manuscript has been seen as one of the oldest

German-language sources containing instructions on North European illuminating

techniques. Lost in the 1870 Strasbourg Library fire, its technical content only sur-

vives in a nineteenth-century transcription made for Sir Charles Eastlake. Several

studies like those of Ploss and, more recently, those of Oltrogge have highlighted

the existence of texts with very similar contents, grouping them under the name of

the ‘Strasbourg Family’. Since the appearance of these studies, a clearly defined

corpus of manuscripts has been established as belonging to this family and new

textual evidence has been discovered. The artistic instructions of these manuscripts

are mostly dedicated to painting and illuminating and, especially, to the preparation

of colours. A great number of recipes are also concerned with suitable combinations

of pigments and specific binding agents used in illumination. Thanks to a philologi-

cal and codicological analysis, we can propose both a geographical area in which

the manuscripts of the so-called Strasbourg tradition were produced as well as a

chronological range from 1400 to 1560. Through these texts, we thus have a survey

of artistic materials and techniques within a precise framework.

The discovery of new witness manuscripts and their treatment has necessitated the

creation of a database. Initially, this database concentrated on manuscripts written

during the medieval period, especially on those from Germany as well as from some

border countries. Up until now, more than one hundred manuscripts have been treat-

ed and four thousand recipes have been transcribed. Each instruction has been coded

in a specific association of ingredients, assembled according to the order in which

they appear in the recipe process. Thanks to this database it is possible to examine

for each ingredient its global frequency or repetition in the corpus of texts. Moreover,

we can also observe in the associations of ingredients, i.e. recipes, the basic structure,

their frequency in the corpus and their evolution, in order to perceive in which way

a recipe has been modified over time or by other external phenomenon.

Comparison with a larger corpus of medieval artistic texts emanating from German-

speaking countries would allow us to highlight the originality and the newness of

certain processes for the manufacture of colours described in the Strasbourg family

texts. In addition, it is also possible to relate the history of a number of prescriptions

to, and to correlate them with, more widely diffused techniques. •

key-words

illuminating techniques manuscriptartistic recipesmaterialsdatabase


the strasbourg family texts: originality and survivala survey of illuminating techniques in medieval south germany

The Strasbourg Manuscript and its technical tradition

The evidence provided by, and the usefulness of, artistic recipe books for a better

knowledge of artistic practices and materials has been debated by several authors

for some decades (Ploss, 1962; Clarke, 2001; Oltrogge, 2005). This paper does not

intend to present a summary of their characteristics and history, or even discuss their

relevance when using them as a source for the historical study of artistic practices

and materials. Instead, it will focus on a specific textual tradition of this kind of

literature. For a long time, the Strasbourg Manuscript has been seen as one of the

oldest German-language sources containing instructions on North European painting

techniques. Its text was generally dated to the fifteenth century. However, for some

specialists, such Sir Charles Eastlake, first director of the London National Gallery, the

practices described may perhaps date from an earlier period (Eastlake, 1847, 126).

Taking into account these characteristics, this manuscript was especially famous for

containing recipes for the manufacture of oil media at a very early period. But, apart

from these instructions, the manuscript is mostly dedicated to painting and illumi-

nating and, especially, to the preparation of colours. A great number of recipes are

also concerned with suitable combinations of pigments and specific binding agents

used in illumination. This text is thus, at different levels, a precious witness for the

sylv ie neven Université de Liège, Liège (Belgium)

c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s


1. This project forms part of my doctoral thesis,

some results of which are presented in this paper.

2. For example, in the ‘Amberger Malerbuch’, we

can observe an automatical «diphthongization»

of alemannic monophthongs (sey instead of si(e)

‘her’) (ff. 219-220, recipe 15) or misunderstand-

ing of south-western stat ‘stands’ (south-east:

stet) (f. 220, recipe 16).

3. Other arts have also been entered, such as

metalwork, and the dyeing of textiles, leather,

wood or bone.

illuminating practices in medieval times. Unfortunately, the manuscript was lost in

the 1870 Strasbourg Library fire. However, the artistic recipes have survived in a

nineteenth-century transcription made for Charles Eastlake. Since this date, several

editions of the text have been published, firstly those of Eastlake, with the Material

for a History of Oil Painting (Eastlake, 1847), those of Berger (Berger, 1897) and

those of Borradaile (Borradaile, 1966).

Like most medieval recipe books, the Strasbourg Manuscript results from compila-

tion of older or contemporary texts. It thus shares some of its content with other

books. Relevant studies like those of Emil Ploss (Ploss, 1962, 1964, 1971) and more

recently those of Doris Oltrogge (Oltrogge, 2005) have highlighted the existence

of texts with very similar contents, grouping them under the name of the ‘Stras-

bourg Family’. Since the appearance of these studies, a project has been initiated at

Liège University in order to define a clearer corpus of manuscripts belonging to this

family 1. For two years, new textual evidence has been discovered and the Strasbourg

family currently corresponds to a corpus of sixteen manuscripts.

Thanks to a philological and codicological analysis, it is now possible to propose

not only a geographical area in which the manuscripts of the so-called Strasbourg

tradition were produced, but also a chronological range from 1400 to 1560. The

manuscripts of the Strasbourg family mainly originate from the south of Germany

(Upper German). The three main dialects of this region (Franconian, Alemannic and

Bavarian) can be identified in the different versions. Some of them present consist-

ent feature errors suggesting transpositions of an Alemannic original 2.

In the first instance, the opportunity of such a group would offer us not only a

chance to reconstruct the text of the lost manuscript but also to compare different

versions of a nearly identical text in order to visualize a structural basis, to study its

recurrence and its evolution through time and the different members of the family,

at each stage of the copying process.

The «Strasbourg family database»

The discovery of new witness manuscripts and their treatment has necessitated the

creating of a database. Initially, it focussed on manuscripts written during the medi-

eval period and especially on those from Germany and some border countries. More

than 250 examples have been systematically recorded in a specific setting within the

database, containing information about the title, the current location, place and date

of origin, scribes or authors when possible, description of the other contents and

additional information. As a second step, their content has been divided according to

each of the recipes that they contain. Up until now, over 100 manuscripts have been

treated and 4,000 recipes have been transcribed. The greatest part of these instruc-

tions relate to colours used in painting and illuminating 3. They have been recorded

in a second dedicated file which is accessible from the first interface, dedicated to

descriptions of the manuscripts.



Key manuscriptRecipe indexAssociation

ManuscriptKey manuscriptRecipe indexRecipe numberTitleSubjectPaginationTranscriptionEditionAdaptationTechniqueIngredientQuantityMaterialAssociationRemarks

DB_Recipes

Link to DB_RecipesLink to DB_Glossary

Link to DB_RecipesLink to DB_GlossaryTranscription

DB_Transition

Key manuscriptKey edition1

Key manuscriptTitleAuthorConservationStarting dateEnding dateOriginal dateOriginal placeStateLanguagePaginationArtistic contentTechniqueOther contentsDescriptionRemarksEdition

DB_Manuscripts

clé_ms

Ms_TitleCurrent siglumOld siglumContentFormatPaleographyBindingFoliationQuiringsWatermarksSupport qualityPrevious ownerPrevious locationDecoration styleHandsMarginal notesExamination dateExamined by

DB_Codicology

Key edition

AuthorTitleEdition placeEditorRevueVolumePagesDateTopicKeywordsStateLibraryRemarks

DB_Bibliography

Index_association

Index_associationGlobal2CountNumber_association

DB_Association

Key ingredient

IngredientOriginal languageFrenchLatinEnglishGermanDutchSynonymDefinitionUsingRemarks

DB_Glossary

From these instructions, a complete index of ingredients has been set-up. This glos-

sary file lists each ingredient and includes their original formulation, the actual

appellation (in German, English and French) and a short description. For most of

them, the glossary also mentions their scientific name. Futhermore each ingredient

has been coded using an abbreviation corresponding to the first letter of its name

and a consecutive number. The glossary file is linked to a list from which it is pos-

sible to select an ingredient according to its abbreviation. This technique allows to

encode each recipe as a succession of abbreviations, which reflects the specific as-

sociation and chronological intervention of ingredients in a given recipe. Thanks to

this abbreviation technique, it is possible to retrieve the recipes linked to a specific

ingredient or a specific preparation process.When creating these associations, we

have borne in mind that some ingredients were not explicitly cited. This is frequently

the case when the scribe makes an allusion to an ingredient prepared in a previous

recipe. Next, each association has been recorded in another file of the database

fig.1 schema of the structure of the database



which cross-references the number of recurrences and indicates the manuscripts

where this specific association appears.

The database has been cross-checked for integrity and consistency using random que-

ries techniques. Thanks to subject classifications, queries can also be done by keywords

for specific recipes, methods or materials. The global frequency and recurrence for

each ingredient can be derived from the corpus of texts. Moreover, it is possible to ob-

serve, through factors such as frequency in the corpus, basic structure, and evolution,

the way in which recipes were modified over time or by other external phenomenon.

Functions of the database

A survey of the materialsIn parallel to scientific research and material analysis, information about the possible

use of certain materials, ingredients and techniques can be obtained from the re-

search of historical written sources. Our database enables access to this kind of infor-

mation by allowing the researcher to find quickly and easily the technical instructions

he needs. Searching with the database is carried out using keywords arranged in dif-

ferent thesauri that allow us to fine tune the result. We can thus combine the search

of an ingredient, mentioned in a specific group of texts (Strasbourg Family, Heraclius,

Mappae Clavicula, Theophilus,…) with a specific technique (illuminating, painting,

dyeing,…). The database will count the number of recipes dedicated to this ingredi-

ent or involving it in a procedure. As an example, graph 1 presents pigments used in

the Strasbourg family recipes that produce a red coulour. We note the frequent recur-

rence of cinnabar and Brazil wood mentioned in recipes dedicated to illumination and,

less frequently, the use of gum lake but also Papaver Rhoeas L. species (poppies).

graph 1 red colouring pigment found in the strasbourg family texts

0

50

100

150

200

250

300

Red Brazil wood Red paris Cinnabar Lake Poppies

Pigments

Nu

mb

er o

f recip

es



The associationsConcerning associations, initial research was solely concentrated on the associa-

tions or recipes which are similar to those found in the Strasbourg Manuscript. This

helped us not only to recognize the witnesses belonging to the Strasbourg family

but also to demonstrate their membership. So far, 200 recipes have been found

to be common to at least two manuscripts of the Strasbourg family. These similar

recipes have been put in parallel as a means of comparing them.This comparative

approach allows us to highlight the basic structure of certain recipes. Quite often,

it corresponds to a small number of frequent ingredients associated together in a

great number of recipes.

As an example, one of the most repeated associations is a recipe employing cop-

per and acetic acid contained in vinegar. This instruction usually serves to obtain

a green copper pigment. This was a very well known procedure in the Middle Ages

and has been detected in a great number of cases in the Strasbourg family texts.

Moreover, it has been identified in a very consistent formulation,which involves an

identical text. We also noted that more complex procedures, involving a certain

number of ingredients, are repeated less frequently in the same form throughout

the different manuscripts. Of the 254 recipes dedicated to the preparation of green

copper pigment using copper and vinegar, 66 include tartar, 53 add honey and 30

involve salt.

Moreover, amongst the 200 recipes common to at least two manuscripts of this

tradition, many of the instructions are not isolated recipes but they are contained

in different sequences. These sequences are often characterised by a more or less

similar order and a specific artistic technique. These common sequences may be

interpreted as the reflection of older – and probably lost – artistic manuals which

perhaps served as a (partial) basis for the compilation of the manuscripts of the

fig. 2. diagram of the partial compilation process of manuscripts of the strasbourg family



Strasbourg group. When we concentrated solely on the Strasbourg Manuscript, we

observed that it seems to derive partly from two distinct sequences. The first one

appears to correspond to a treatise on illumination, which has been frequently copied

over time and place and from which at least a small part is found in each manuscript

of the family.

The oldest manuscripts partly originated from this treatise on illumination and their

recipes seem to respect more or less the same order. In the later manuscripts, the

content has been reorganised, perhaps with a view to improving the manuscripts’

practical use by ordering their material by subject, media and so on but also by in-

cluding new procedures dedicated to other artistic techniques.

The second sequence from which the Strasbourg Manuscript may derive appears to be

a more local treatise – which is only otherwise found in the so-called Colmarer Kunst-Colmarer Kunst-Colmarer Kunst

buch and the Bamberger Malerbuch – and mostly dedicated to the mixing of colours

and the preparation of media. Therefore, the Strasbourg Manuscript is largely the re-

sult of a text that was widely diffused and modified, as well as another more local one.

These observations may be put in parallel with an examination of the recurrence or

diffusion of recipe procedures within the Strasbourg family. For example, a great

number of recipes are related to Brazil wood: most of them are dedicated to the

preparation of this pigment; a great number are also dedicated to its application

with a suitable media; others are concerned with the mixture of several pigments

including Brazil wood.

Graph 2 presents the relative percentage of recipes dedicated to the preparation of

Brazil wood in the different texts of the Strasbourg family, arranged according to

their date. We observe that the older ones contain a great number of recipes dedi-

cated to the preparation of Brazil wood but that this number decreases more or less

linearly, especially in the earliest manuscripts, except for the Colmarer Kunstbuch

graph 2 frequency of recipes dedicated to brazil wood in the strasbourg family texts

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

S (ca

140

0)

P (1

450-

60)

M1(

1464

-82)

T (1

465-

1475

)

B1 (1

475-

77)

B2 (1

478-

79)

L (ca 14

90)

A (ca

149

0)

M3 (1

500-

12)

B3 (1

503-

09)

M4 (1

532-

35)

N1 po

st 153

5

H (15

63)

N2 (e

nd X

VIth)

Strasbourg Family Texts

Rela

tive p

ercen

tag

e o

f recip

es



(B2). However, we have already noted that this manuscript is specifically dedicated

to the mixing of colours and is less focussed on preparation.

We have observed that the older examples are those which are closest to the Stras-

bourg manuscript’s first sequence (fig.2). This sequence is thought to correspond to

a lost treatise on illumination. It would thus seem plausible to find a greater number

of recipes dedicated to preparation of Brazil wood. In the earliest examples, we have

also seen that this sequence has been modified, there are fewer recipes in common

and these manuscripts are also characterised by new additions to their content in

the form of treatises on metalwork for example (with the exception of the Codex

Palatinus Germanicus 489 – H1 – and the manuscript N2 which is a manuscript copy

of the Illuminier Buch of Valentin Boltz von Ruffach).

Evaluating the modification of recipe processNot all manuscripts belonging to the Strasbourg family have their entire contents

in common with each other. Moreover, the degree of similarity is quite sometimes

different between the examples. Thanks to the database, we can examine not only

the recurrence and the diffusion of a recipe or a type of recipe within the family but

also its modification through time or through the different examples of the family.

When looking at the relation between the recipes of the Strasbourg texts, we can

observe, on the one hand, a certain number of instructions which are exactly the

same (or which perhaps differ only in the dialect or the use of some words). This

implies both a similar procedure but also an identical text. On the other hand, some

recipes are slightly different in terms of the modification of vocabulary, additions or

suppression of information.

Quite often, we observe that the change of recipe process is often due to the ad-

dition or suppression of an ingredient. So, as the recipe books evolved and were

modified by adding new texts and procedures, the recipes themselves could be modi-

fied in their technical formulations during their transmission from one manuscript

to another. Frequently, the copyist was free to add, to remove or to modify some

ingredients and/or procedures. It is often stated that the main reason for this change

is the role the text played as a technical and instructive text. It therefore seems likely

that an author may, voluntarily, have corrected the text, or added information to it.

However, a great deal of evidence suggests that these recipes were also assembled

in book form to serve a more literary, non-practical purpose.

This phenomenon could indeed be explained in several ways: it could be due to an at-

tempt to improve or to diversify a previous formula; it could correspond to a «quid pro

quo», in which an unknown or expensive ingredient was replaced by a more well known

one or a less expensive one; it may have been a voluntary reduction of the recipe text.

In the later case, the most obvious parts of the recipe are not recorded, the copyist

conserving only the essential part of the recipe (as in the case of an «aide-mémoire»).

Furthermore, changes to the recipe may occur with a misunderstanding of the pro-

cedure. This could happen when the copyist was not a practitioner or when he was

not able to translate and/or to transcribe an unreadable formula (Halleux, R., 1989).



Looking at the first sequence from which the Strasbourg Manuscript originated, the

procedures are almost the same to the ones occuring in the older examples of the

family. They seem to respect more or less the same order of recipes. In the later ones,

the content has been reorganised and the recipes are more complex.

If we focus more specifically on the procedure in itself within the texts of the Stras-

bourg family, and looking at instructions dedicated to the preparation of the Brazil

wood, the database counts up to sixty five entries.

graph 3 typical procedures for the preparation of the brazil wood and their frequency in the strasbourg texts

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

B32+L9+A12+A6

B32+W1+A6

B32+L9+A6

B32+ W

1

B32+W1+E2+A6

B32+V4+A6

B32+V4+A6+C7

B32+L9+C7

B32+L9+C7+A6

B32+U1+A6

B32+U1+C7

B32+U1+C7+A6

B32+E2+C7

Basic recipes

Recip

e f

req

uen

cy

Graph 3 summarizes the basic procedures and their frequency in the family texts.

The most repeated recipe dedicated to this procedure corresponds to an association

of Brazil wood with potash lye made of ashes from different trees and alum (B32

+ A12 + L9 + A6). Another frequently repeated recipe consists of the extraction of

the colorant agent in Brazil wood through water and the addition of alum (B32 +

W1 + A6). We find a fewer number of preparations that specify Brazil wood plus an

undetermined lye (B32+L9+ A6) and, even less frequently, the use of Brazil wood

and water (B32 + W1).

In the Strasbourg family texts, we noted in particular two different ways in which

the recipe is modified:

Modification 1 (addition)

Comparing the characteristic associations, we see that some basic recipes are still

present as a sort of nucleus to which other ingredients may have been added. One

of the simplest only consists of Brazil wood whose colorant is extracted by putting

it in a lye (B32 + L9). The colour can next be fixed on alumine or alum. The addition

of alum allows a beautiful red colour to be obtained (B32 + L9 + A6). Some other

chemical agents can also be added in order to modify the pigment’s hue or charac-



teristics. As an example, the addition of white lead serves to obtain a more opaque

colour (B32+L9+A6+W5).

Example 2 (substitution)

In some other cases, ingredients have been replaced by other ones.

As an example, in the later manuscripts of the family we find the typical association

of Brazil wood extracted with water and fixed with alum (B32 + W1 + A6), or Brazil

wood extracted in a lye and fixed with alum (B32 + L9 + A6); in the oldest ones, the

lye may be replaced by urine ( B32 + U1 + A6) or vinegar (B32 + V4 + A6). Chalk

can be added in order to modify the characteristics of the colour. Quite often, it is

obtained from crushed egg shell. In the earliest ones, we found recipes where vinegar

is mixed with beer or the lye is mixed with urine. Generally, these changes are due

to technical or aesthetic reasons but sometimes, when comparing a certain number

of recipes, we can conclude that the the name of an ingredient has probably been

misunderstood and replaced by another substance’s name whose presence cannot

be justified in the recipe process from a technical or aesthetic point of view.

Thanks to the database, it is possible to identify the basic structure of a great number

of recipes as well as study the differences and modifications appearing in the Stras-

bourg family texts. It is also possible to try to postulate in which ways the procedure

has been modified, and, by highlighting similar or parallel recipes, to trace back the

route of the artistic instructions, in a certain way, to reconstruct the life of a recipe.

Comparison with a larger group

This method makes sense in the current framework of my PhD thesis which seeks to

demonstrate and to study the place and the originality of the Strasbourg Manuscript

within the family. However, comparison with a larger corpus of medieval artistic texts

emanating from German-speaking countries would allow me to highlight the original-

ity and the newness of certain processes for the manufacture of colours described

in the Strasbourg family texts.

Example of anthocyanin recipesAs an example, we have seen that the Strasbourg family texts convey recipes dedi-

cated to the manufacture of red pigment or more exactly colorant obtained from

poppies (graph1). The typical red colour of this species is due to the presence of

anthocyanin colorant.

The use of anthocyans is very frequent in the Strasbourg family texts. If we compare

it to a larger group we see that more than sixty percent of the procedures including

anthocyans come from the Strasbourg family texts. Graph 4 presents the proportion

of recipes found in the database and employing several species of flowers or fruits

for their anthocyanin colorant agent. The Strasbourg family texts are marked in red

and the other encoded manuscripts are in blue. We observe the use of poppies and



cornflowers but also bilberry is also a lot more frequent in the Strasbourg familly

texts than in other texts. Eighty percent of recipes that include poppies can be found

in the Strasbourg family and more than seventy percent of recipes with cornflowers.

Oppositely, the use of berries such elderberry or other Sambucus species is more

frequent in the other texts.

Conclusion and perspectives

Up until now a comparative analysis has been performed for every recipe in common

between the Strasbourg Manuscript and the other witnesses of the textual tradition

in order to study the recurrence and evolution of the recipes.

One may think that, through these texts, we have a survey of illuminating practices

in a more or less clearly-defined framework. However, these manuscripts convey

texts that could be qualified as «living», since they have not always been the object

of a simple copy but have been adapted and modified in several manuscripts. So, if

their «textual architecture» is more or less stable over nearly one and a half centuries,

the ingredients used in the recipes have been modified, and some procedures have

been expanded with other ingredients. Several explanations may be suggesting for

explaining these modifications. Moreover, the nature of certain variations or errors

across the text can often tell us something about the author and the context of

compilation. Let us take the example of substitution, which is a change in ingredi-

ents used in a recipe. On the one hand, substitution may be due to palaeographi-

cal problems that resulted in a word being misunderstood and thus being replaced

by another well-known one; on the other hand, it may correspond to a deliberate

technical improvement by the scribe of the recipe.

graph 4 number of recipes using anthocyanin colorant in the strasbourg family texts and in the other manuscripts contained in the database

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

Papaver Rhoeas L. Centaurea Cyanus L. Vaccinium Myrtillus L. Sambucus Ebulus Sambucus Nigra

Anthocyanin species

Nu

mb

er o

f recip

es



Finally, as illustrated through these few examples from a well known family texts, we

would insist on the fact that a recipe or a manuscript should not be studied in isola-

tion. Comparison with a larger corpus of medieval artistic texts coming from german

language countries allows us to underline the originality and the newness of certain

processes for the manufacture of colours described in the Strasbourg family texts.

On another way, it is also possible to relate the history of number of prescriptions

and to correlate them with more widely diffused techniques.•

Bibliography

Berger, Ernst. 1897. Quellen und Technik der Fresko-, Oel- und Tempera Malerei des

Mittelalters. Munich: Georg D.W. Callwey.

Borradaile, Rosamund and Viola. (eds). 1966. The Strasburg Manuscript: A Medieval

Painters’ Handbook Translated from the Old German. London: Tiranti.

Clarke, Mark. 2001. The Art of All Colours: Mediaeval Recipe Books for Painters and

Illuminators. London: Archetype Publications.

Eastlake, Charles.L. 1847. Materials for a History of Oil Painting. London: Longman,

Brown, Green and Longmans.

Halleux, Robert. 1989. Recettes d’artisan, recettes d’alchimistes. Artes Mechanicae.

numéro 34 : 25-49.

Oltrogge, Doris. 2005. The Cologne database for painting materials and reconstructions. M.

Clarke, J.H. Townsend and A. Stijnman (eds), Art of the Past: Sources and Reconstructions,

9-15. London: Archetype Publications.

Ploss, Emil. 1962. Ein buch von alten Farben.Technologie der Textilfarben im Mittelalter

mit einem Ausblick auf die festen Farben. Heidelberg: Verlag Heinz Moos.

Ploss, Emil. 1964. Ein Malerbüchlein aus dem Bamberger Karmelitenkloster. 100. Bericht des

Historischen Vereins für die Pflege der Geschichte des ehemal. Fürstbistums Bamberg: 331-346.

Ploss, Emil. 1971. Das Amberger Malerbüchlein. Zur Verwandtschaft spätmittelhoch-deutscher

Farbrezepte. Festschrift Hermann Heimpel, 693–703. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht.

Biography

After a Master’s degree in History of Art and Archaeology, I am now conducting research into

historical artistic practices with a specific focus on the medieval period and, more precisely,

the techniques of painting and illuminating. I am studying the written sources for art

technological research and, notably artist’s recipe books. As part of my PhD, I studied the

so-called Strasbourg Manuscript and the other witness manuscripts in relation to its texts.

Dr. Sylvie Neven, Université de Liège, PhD Student, Université de Liège, Département

des sciences historiques, Histoire de l’Art et Archéologie, Quai Roosevelt, 1B, B – 4000

Liège, Belgium, phone: +32 4 3665443, [email protected]



Resumo

As cores da iluminura: receitas de Michelino de Besozzo e Antoine de Compiègne.

O Liber colorum do humanista francês Jean Lebègue, datado de 1431, contem, entre

outros textos, receitas de cor recolhidas poucas décadas antes por Giovanni Alcherio

de Milão, algumas no Norte da Itália e outras em Paris. A receita para a produção

do azul de lápis-lazúli é fornecida pelo grande pintor Michelino de Besozzo, que

parece ter utilizado profusamente este pigmento, o mais caro da paleta medieval,

nos poucos e extraordinários livros que iluminou em Milão e Veneza. Um conjunto

de quatro receitas, com o título de De coloribus ad illuminandum libros, foi ditado

pelo iluminador francês Antoine de Compiègne. A primeira receita destina-se a um

processo de douramento, a segunda à produção de laca de pau brasil, e as últimas

de dois tipos de verde de cobre. O vermelho de sinópia, o amarelo açafrão e o

lazurium estão igualmente contemplados. Dados biográficos permitem-nos propor

que o iluminador seja o dito Mestre de Policraticus, activo em Paris no último quartel

do séc. XIV. •

Abstract

The Colours of miniature paintings: recipes from Michelino da Besozzo and Antoine

de Compiègne. The Liber colorum of French humanist Jean Lebègue, dated 1431,

contains among other texts colour recipes collected a few decades earlier by a Gio-

vanni Alcherio from Milan, some in Northern Italy and the others in Paris. One, for

the manufacturing of lapis-lazuli blue, came from the great painter Michelino da

Besozzo, who seems to have made extensive use of this most expensive pigment of

the mediaeval palette in the few exquisite books he illuminated in Milan and Venice.

A set of four recipes, with the title of De coloribus ad illuminandum libros, was dic-

tated by the French illuminator Antoine de Compiègne. The first recipe is a gilding

process, the second for brazil lake and the last ones for two kinds of copper-green,

but sinopis red, saffron yellow and lazurium are also quoted. Biographical datas sup-

port an identification of the illuminator with the so-called Master of the Policraticus,

active in Paris in the last third of the XIVth Century. •

palavras-chave

azullápis lazúliverde de cobreJean LebègueMestre de Policraticuses

key-words

bluelapis-lazulicopper greenJean LebègueMaster of the Policraticus


les couleurs de l’enluminure:recettes de michelino da besozzo et d’antoine de compiègne

Le Liber colorum ou «recueil de Jean Lebègue» (Paris, BnF, lat. 6741) est un recueil

de recettes techniques pour la préparation des couleurs compilé au début du XVe

siècle 1. Il inclut des textes plus anciens comme le traité de Théophile 2, mais aussi

des recettes des environs de 1400. Parmi ces dernières, nous examinerons ici celles

attribuées à l’enlumineur parisien Antoine de Compiègne, ainsi qu’une recette du

peintre lombard Michelino da Besozzo, qui fut également enlumineur. Certaines

séries de recettes du Liber colorum reproduisent en effet des carnets de peintres

et peuvent être qualifiées de recettes d’atelier 3. Quoique les modalités en soient

assez variables, il faut entendre par là les recettes transcrites sur un calepin, un pe-

tit aide-mémoire ou vademecum du peintre conservé dans le fonds de l’atelier, au

même titre sans doute que les esquisses et les carnets de modèle. De telles recettes

d’atelier, consignées, recueillies ou recopiées par le milanais Giovanni Alcherio dans

les années 1390, furent à la base de la constitution de son recueil, copié par la suite

par l’humaniste Jean Lebègue 4.

Le monde en bleu de Michelino da Besozzo

«La recette qui suit fut obtenue à Venise le mardi 4 mai 1410, de Michelino da Be-

sozzo, le meilleur peintre du monde» (Recueil de Jean Lebègue, fol. 39)... Du pein-

tre Michelino da Besozzo nous ne possédons qu’une seule recette (n.°117 dans le

recueil), et encore celle-ci n’est-elle pas très originale puisqu’il s’agit de l’une des

nombreuses recettes de purification du lapis-lazuli 5. C’est peu pour le plus excellent

Inès Villela-Pet it Bibliothéque Nationale de France, Paris

(France)

1. Une première version de ce texte avait été pré-

sentée le 9 novembre 2006 au Séminaire sur les

matériaux du livre médiéval de l’IRHT – Institut

de Recherche et d’Histoire des Textes à Paris. Il

correspond à deux chapitres de ma thèse: I. Ville-

la-Petit, La Peinture médiévale vers 1400 autour

d’un manuscrit de Jean Lebègue, édition du Li-

ber colorum (Ecole nationale des Chartes, 1995),

«Le monde en bleu de Michelino da Besozzo»

et «Frère Denis, Thierry de Flandre, Antoine de

Compiègne et quelques autres».

2. I. Villela-Petit, «Imiter l’arc-en-ciel: la règle

des couleurs dans la Schedula diversarum artium

de Théophile», Histoire de l’Art, t. 39: La Cou-

leur, octobre 1997, p. 23-36, pl. IV et V; et I.

Villela-Petit, «Copies, Reworkings and Renewals

in Late Medieval Recipe Books», dans J. Nadolny

éd., Medieval Painting in Northern Europe: Tech-

niques, Analysis, Art History, Studies in comme-

moration of the 70th birthday of Unn Plahter,

Londres, 2006, p. 167-181. Sur les réceptaires,

voir aussi: M. Clarke, The Art of All Colours: Me-

diaeval Recipe Books for Painters and Illumina-

tors, Londres, 2001.



3. I. Villela-Petit, «Recettes de couleurs et ana-

lyses scientifiques, esquisse d’une confrontation

devant l’œuvre de Giovanni da Modena», Archives

internationales d’histoire des sciences, n.° 143,

vol. 49, 1999, p. 269-280. Voir aussi: I. Villela-Pe-

tit, «Alberto de Porcellis: une école de calligraphie

au Moyen Age», communication au Séminaire sur

les matériaux du livre médiéval, 16 juin 2005.

4. S.B. Tosatti, Trattati medievali di tecniche ar-

tistiche, Milan, 2007, chap. VII: «Giovanni Alche-

rio e Jean Lebègue, Imprenditori artistici tra Mi-

lano e Parigi intorno al 1400», p. 129-148; et G.

Ouy, «Jean Lebègue (1368-1457), auteur, copis-

te et bibliophile», dans G. Croenen et P. Ainswor-

th éd., Patrons, Authors and Workshops: Books

and Book Production in Paris around 1400, Lou-

vain, 2006, p. 143-171.

5. Texte latin et traduction sont donnés en annexe.

6. I. Villela-Petit, «Propositions pour Jean d’Ar-

bois», dans La création artistique en France

autour de 1400, actes des XIXes rencontres de

l’Ecole du Louvre (Paris – Dijon, 7 au 10 juillet

2004), Paris, 2006, p. 315-344.

7. R. Longhi, Arte lombarda dai Visconti agli Sfor-

za, Milan, 1958, préf. p. XXVIII; et R. Longhi, «Il

Tramonto della pittura medioevale nell’Italia del

Nord», dans Lavori in Valpadana dal Trecento al

primo Cinquecento, Florence, 1973, p. 137-138.

8. Et non 1430 comme écrit erronément dans le

Dictionnaire des peintres, sculpteurs et graveurs

de Bénézit, t.1, et l’Allgemeines Lexikon der bil-

denden Künstler de Thieme et Becker, t.24.

9. Sur les vitraux de Michelino da Besozzo, voir

le Corpus vitrearum Medii Aevi – Italia, t.IV: La

Lombardia, t.1: Le Vetrate del Duomo di Milano,

Milan, 1986, p. 97-118.

10. L’or est posé sur une assiette fortement en-

collée et moulée en relief.

11. L. Castelfranchi Vegas, «La formazione e

gli esordi di Michelino da Besozzo miniatore»,

Prospettiva, t. 83-84, 1996, p. 116-127; et G.

Algeri, «Un Boccacio pavese del 1401 e qualche

nota per Michelino da Besozzo», Arte Lombarda,

1996, p. 40-51.

des peintres (pictor excellentissimus inter omnes pictores mundi, selon Alcherio),

que les Annales du Dôme de Milan où il travailla aussi qualifient de pictor supre-

mus, qu’un chroniqueur de l’époque, l’humaniste Uberto Decembrio, voit comme

un nouvel Appelle 6 et que le grand historien de l’Art Roberto Longhi nommait «le

Watteau du gothique international» 7. Il faut d’ailleurs remarquer que l’estime dont

témoigne Alcherio envers lui – estime partagée par ses contemporains – est sans

doute la cause première qui le pousse à consigner cette recette, somme toute banale,

et à en souligner la source illustre. Même si la rencontre avec l’artiste fut brève et

peu enrichissante pour son projet de réceptaire, une indication de Michelino méritait

d’être fièrement signalée comme telle.

Michelino Molinari, dont la famille était originaire du village de Besozzo sur le lac

Majeur, est d’abord attesté à Pavie vers 1388, ce qui lui vaut le surnom de Michele da

Pavia dans les Annales de la Fabrique du Dôme de Milan où il est mentionné en 1404.

Giovanni Alcherio le rencontra le 4 mai 1410 à Venise 8 où Michelino aurait participé

à la décoration du Palais des Doges et où il semble avoir séjourné quelques années.

A partir de 1420, il est à nouveau cité dans les Annales de la cathédrale de Milan:

Michelinus de Molinari de Besuccio, pictor supremus et magister a vitreatis 9, et est

attesté sur le chantier du Dôme jusqu’en 1442. La mention d’Alcherio nous renseigne

donc sur une période à mi-parcours de sa longue carrière: il est alors en pleine pos-

session de ses moyens et sa renommée s’est propagée de Lombardie jusqu’en Véné-

tie. Sa seule œuvre signée serait un peu postérieure. Il s’agit d’un Mariage mystique

de sainte Catherine (Sienne, Pinacothèque), peint sur panneau vers 1415-1420. De-

vant un fond d’or où les auréoles et les noms des saints personnages sont inscrits en

relief a pastiglia 10, la Vierge drapée dans un manteau d’un bleu profond tient l’Enfant

Jésus sur ses genoux. Celui-ci se tourne vers la sainte au visage enfantin agenouillée

en manteau rose doublé de blanc. Derrière, un saint Jean-Baptiste en tunique bleu-

mauve fait pendant à un saint Antoine vêtu de noir à parements d’or... A côté de

cette palette séduisante, la recette de Michelino fait pauvre figure et les indications

du recueil Lebègue sur sa palette sont maigres: un bleu..., du bleu et rien de plus!?

Cependant, Michelino fut aussi un peintre d’enluminures très recherché 11. Son œu-

vre enluminé comprend notamment un livre d’heures de la Bibliothèque municipale

d’Avignon (ms. 111), le Sermo in exsequiis Johannis Galeatii ducis Mediolani de

Pietro da Castelleto (Paris, BnF, lat. 5888), des Epîtres de saint Jérôme exécutées à

Venise en 1414 (Londres, British Library, ms. Egerton 3266), ou encore un précieux

livre de prières dit à tort «heures» Bodmer 12 (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library,

ms. 944), qui n’est pas comme on croit une commande vénitienne mais bien un

manuscrit des Visconti. Dans ce dernier, parmi les scènes de la vie du Christ et les

représentations des saints, un feuillet retient plus particulièrement l’attention. Il

s’agit de l’illustration d’une prière à saint Luc, que Michelino da Besozzo a choisi de

représenter non pas tant en évangéliste, bien que son symbole soit figuré à ses pieds,

mais en patron des peintres, ce qui en fait aussi une manière d’autoportrait du pein-

tre lui-même (fol. 75v). Le saint y apparaît en pied, vêtu d’un ample manteau diapré

de vert et bleu, tenant un petit pinceau et mettant la dernière main à un panneau


l e s c o u l e u r s d e l’ e n l u m i n u r e : r e c e t t e s d e m i c h e l i n o d a b e s o z z o e t d ’ a n to i n e d e c o m p i è g n e

12. C. Eisler, The Prayer Book of Michelino da

Besozzo, New York, 1981.

13. Cennino Cennini, Il libro dell’arte, éd. F. Frez-

zato, Vicence, 2004, chap. LXXVII à LXXX.

de dévotion, tandis que ses godets de couleurs sont posés à proximité. Le morceau

de bravoure que constitue la diaprure du manteau, qui passe insensiblement d’une

couleur à l’autre, correspond à ce qu’un autre recueil de recettes de son temps, le

Libro dell’Arte de Cennino Cennini nomme «cangianti» 13. La représentation de saint

Luc est donc pour Michelino l’occasion de déployer toute la virtuosité de son art.

Dans cette image emblématique, le bleu le plus saturé, pur lapis-lazuli à n’en pas

douter, est celui dont le peintre fait le manteau de la Vierge du petit panneau. La

couleur bleue et le pigment qui lui correspond y sont ainsi à l’honneur.

L’exemplaire officiel de l’éloge funèbre de Jean-Galéas Visconti, enluminé en 1403,

est un autre exemple éloquent de l’importance de ce bleu. La page d’ouverture

(fol. 1) présente une composition raffinée avec un tableau, une lettrine et une bor-

dure comprenant trente quadrilobes où alternent petits prophètes en buste tenant

des inscriptions à la gloire du défunt et écus à ses armes. Dans la scène principale, le

duc de Milan, agenouillé devant la Vierge, est couronné par l’Enfant Jésus. Au-des-

sous, la lettrine «Heu» montre l’auteur, l’augustin Pietro da Castelleto, prononçant

l’oraison lors des funérailles. Effectivement, on y trouve du bleu; mieux même, dans

les deux cas, le bleu domine. Il est omniprésent. Dans la scène céleste, la Vierge

porte sa traditionnelle robe bleue, les anges qui l’entourent sont en bleu et vert,

quelques Vertus aussi sont en bleu, et le fond tout bleu décoré à l’encre d’or. Il y a

ici autant de variations sur le bleu qu’on en peut souhaiter. Le rouge vif du manteau

ducal, d’un cimier et du cercle des séraphins tranche et forme comme un contrepoint

à la tonalité bleue générale, malheureusement écaillée par endroits. La lettrine, de

même, est toute en bleu et or. Ce bleu – ou du moins une partie des différents bleus

employés – est vraisemblablement du lapis-lazuli, comme le suggérait déjà la recette

de Michelino. Mais on peut distinguer au moins trois tons dans la scène céleste.

Le bleu de la Vierge qui trône au milieu attire l’attention par sa densité. Le bleu du

second cercle d’anges est moins soutenu, et celui qui habille les Vertus manifeste-

ment désaturé, ce qui lui donne une nuance plus terne et plus pâle qu’accentuent

les lignes blanches marquant le plissé.

Ces trois tons de bleu pourraient correspondre à ceux que laissent les trois eaux

successives de lavage du lapis broyé et malaxé avec une pâte qui en retient les im-

puretés, trois eaux de lavage que mentionnent d’ordinaire les recettes, même si celle

de Michelino évoque une gradation plus subtile, partant de la meilleure qualité de

lapis, celle obtenue lors du premier lavage de la pâte, puis un nombre indéterminé

de tons obtenus par lavages successifs en augmentant progressivement la tempéra-

ture de l’eau (gradatim) jusqu’à ce que la pâte ne dégorge plus de pigment du tout.

Le principe cependant est toujours le même et l’on se référera à d’autres recettes

du recueil Lebègue pour avoir les précisions voulues sur ces différentes variétés de

poudre de lapis. La première eau, et donc la portion de pigment recueillie la pre-

mière, fournit un excellent bleu, dit «bleu parfait» (recette n.° 114) ou encore «fleur

du bleu» (n.° 111). Excellent ou «parfait» doivent s’entendre comme le plus pur, le

plus riche en pigment, donc le plus saturé, ce qui correspond à la fois visuellement

et symboliquement au ton réservé à la Vierge. La seconde et la troisième eau don-



14. J. Plesters, «Ultramarine Blue, Natural», dans

A. Roy éd., Artists’ Pigments, A Handbook of

their History and Characteristics, vol. 2, Washing-

ton, 1997, p. 37-54.

15. M. Pastoureau, «Les couleurs médiévales:

systèmes de valeurs et modes de sensibilité»,

dans Figures et couleurs, Paris, 1986, p. 35-49,

à la p.38: «cela est caractéristique de la sensibi-

lité médiévale: une belle couleur est une couleur

franche, lumineuse et saturée»; et M. Pastoureau,

Bleu, histoire d’une couleur, Paris, 2000.

16. Cl. Coupry et M.-T. Gousset, «Les manuscrits

médiévaux vus par laser» La Recherche, t. 205,

1988, p. 1524-1526: «Les spectres Raman des

échantillons bleu clair [de manuscrits de Cor-

bie du XIIe siècle où le seul bleu rencontré est

le lapis] n’indiquent pas la présence de pigment

blanc (céruse, craie, gypse, kaolin). La technique

utilisée pour ces variations de teinte est donc la

dilution plus ou moins grande du bleu dans le

liant et non l’adjonction d’un autre pigment».

nent encore un pigment de qualité, mais moins pur et de plus en plus mêlé de ces

impuretés qui se rencontrent nécessairement dans la roche, des traces blanchâtres

de calcite notamment 14. Le bleu ainsi produit est alors moins vif et mêlé de blanc,

donc nécessairement moins bon pour une époque et une esthétique qui valorisent

pureté et richesse du matériau, densité, vivacité et saturation de la couleur 15.

En l’absence d’analyses physico-chimiques sur le manuscrit, on ne peut cependant

exclure l’emploi d’autres pigments bleus (indigo, azurite) pour obtenir les valeurs sou-

haitées, valeurs qui sont une façon de créer une hiérarchie dans l’image entre centre

et périphérie, et entre les personnages représentés formant cette pyramide céleste où

trône la Madone. D’autre part, la plus ou moins grande pureté du pigment, en l’occur-

rence du lapis-lazuli, n’est pas le seul facteur de modulation. Le choix et la proportion

du liant 16 (gomme arabique, blanc d’œuf, colle liquide ou huile de lin, comme l’indique

le n.° 118), d’éventuels ajouts (d’autres bleus ou de blanc), le nombre et la nature des

sous-couches (le lapis n’étant pas très couvrant), les glacis, voire la simple proximité

d’autres couleurs peuvent jouer et modifier notablement la résultante.

Il est toujours intéressant d’observer les rapports qu’entretiennent les couleurs entre

elles dans une image donnée. Ici bleu virginal et rouge de royauté se complètent

et se rehaussent l’un l’autre, tandis qu’on remarque une équivalence entre le bleu

délavé et le rose, le violacé tendre, le vert ou le mordoré des robes des Vertus qui

forment la cour céleste, comme des demoiselles d’honneur de la Vierge. Ces tons

doux marquent dans la hiérarchie un degré en dessous du couple bleu-rouge saturé

(lapis et vermillon?). Mais encore, bleu et vert sont associés, soit que le bleu – la

robe de Marie – se double de vert avec un liseré d’or, soit qu’il ait été ombré de

glacis verts comme les armures bleues des anges placés de profil ou de trois-quart,

dans leur côté perdu, caché aux yeux du spectateur supposé se trouver en face et en

contrebas de ce monde divin. Le vert (un vert de cuivre sans doute) fait donc office

de bleu désaturé ou de seconde catégorie, réservé aux doublures des vêtements,

mais aussi d’ombre du bleu, et en complète l’usage.

Dans la lettrine cependant, la nuance dominante n’est pas la même. Le bleu en est

très sombre et quelque peu usé aussi, rendant sa lecture plus difficile. Hormis les

visages et les mains des personnages, ce bleu-noir est la seule couleur de la scène

funèbre, tandis que l’encadrement est d’un bleu plus clair avec épigraphie, lui-même

entouré d’or bruni. Les figures sont vêtues du ton le plus sombre, peut-être un vé-

ritable noir, couleur de deuil. Le rideau du fond est un ton en dessous, bleu nuit. Et

dans le toit en bâtière résonne un simple bleu pur. On discerne donc une opposition

colorée entre monde terrestre où prend place la scène du deuil et monde céleste

au bleu vif où le défunt est accueilli. Deux valeurs symboliques sont donc possibles

pour la couleur: bleu-noir de la souffrance terrestre – lapis, indigo, ou quelqu’autre

pigment mêlé de noir de charbon?, – et bleu saturé de la joie céleste – pur lapis-

lazuli? C’est-à-dire, un couple bleu-nuit, bleu-jour; bleu triste, bleu joyeux; bleu

éteint, bleu éclatant, qui lie les deux scènes: mort et résurrection bleues.

En sus d’une préférence du peintre et du goût général du gothique international

pour l’emploi du lapis-lazuli, le choix si manifeste de cette couleur dans le Sermo in

michelino da besozzo, mariage mystique de sainte catherine (vers 1420), pinacothèque de sienne



17. Sans doute après le conclave qui vit l’élec-

tion de l’antipape Jean XXIII (17 mai 1410 – 29

mai 1415).

exsequiis a bien sûr des raisons symboliques. C’est d’abord la couleur de la Vierge

à qui l’image est en quelque sorte dédiée et sous la protection de laquelle vient se

placer le duc. C’est aussi la couleur du ciel et, assimilée au noir, de la mort, qui sont

les sujets mêmes de l’enluminure. Le bleu est encore une des couleurs héraldiques

des Visconti de Milan, dont le blason (d’argent à la guivre d’azur hissant de gueules)

et les pennons, alternés avec ceux d’autres possessions de Jean-Galéas (duchés de

Pavie, Vertus, comtés de Bologne, Pise, Sienne et Pérouse), parsèment le champ

de l’image. Le bleu de la guivre se sera, pour ainsi dire, propagé emphatiquement

jusqu’à constituer le ton dominant de l’image. Enfin, le faste déployé dans ce luxueux

manuscrit à la gloire du duc et de son lignage justifiait l’emploi des matériaux les

plus précieux, parmi lesquels le lapis. Le bleu de lapis-lazuli répondait donc au mieux

à toutes ces modalités.

S’il peut paraître hasardeux d’identifier un pigment à l’œil nu, la réalisation d’un

manuscrit de cette qualité, confiée à l’un des meilleurs peintres de son temps, requé-

rait en tout cas des pigments de prix. Le lapis-lazuli purifié par le procédé des trois

lavages en fait partie: «le premier vaut son pesant d’or, le second son poids d’argent

et le troisième est bon pour les sous-couches», dit encore une recette (n.° 349). La

question serait plutôt de savoir s’il est le seul bleu employé. Nous avons relevé plu-

sieurs tons. Sont-ils obtenus avec des poudres de différentes qualités? en variant les

proportions de liant et de poudre? en mêlant le lapis et d’autres pigments, blancs ou

noirs? en employant le lapis-lazuli pour les parties principales (la Vierge) concurrem-

ment avec d’autres pigments bleus (Vertus, fond)? On ne saurait extrapoler à partir

d’une seule recette que c’était-là le seul bleu de Michelino, même si la vogue de la

couleur au gothique international et le renom du peintre pouvaient amener celui-ci

à l’employer plus qu’un autre. Nous avons simplement, recueillie par Alcherio, du

meilleur des peintres la plus prisée de ses couleurs.

Antoine de Compiègne, enlumineur à Paris

«Le jeudi 8 août de l’an de la Circoncision de notre Seigneur Jésus Christ 1398,

Giovanni Alcherio a écrit et recopié à Paris, chez l’enlumineur Antoine de Compiè-

gne, homme d’un grand âge, d’après les paroles de celui-ci qui toute sa vie durant,

comme il a dit, avait éprouvé l’ensemble des recettes qui suivent, à savoir les recet-

tes pour l’enluminure. Et par la suite, en décembre 1411, le même Giovanni revenu

de Lombardie – c’est-à-dire de Bologne où la Curie Apostolique était nouvellement

assemblée 17 – à Paris depuis plus d’un an déjà, les corrigea en plusieurs endroits

suivant plusieurs informations qu’il avait reçues depuis de plusieurs livres authenti-

ques portant sur le sujet et par d’autres moyens, et mit au net ce qui suit.» (Recueil

de Jean Lebègue, fol. 87)

Le jeudi 8 août 1398, quelque dix ans avant sa rencontre avec Michelino à Venise,

Giovanni Alcherio, séjournant alors à Paris, avait rendu visite à l’enlumineur Antoine

de Compiègne in domo suo. Déjà âgé, antiquus homo, celui-ci résidait au quartier

michelino da besozzo, livre de prières bodmer, new york, pierpont morgan library, ms. 944, fol. 75v : saint luc

michelino da besozzo, frontispice de l’eloge funèbre de jean galéas visconti par pietro da castelleto (1403), paris, bnf, lat. 5888, fol. 1



18. D’après A. Boinet, Les édifices religieux mé-

diévaux et Renaissance, Paris, 1910 (collec. Les

richesses d’art de la ville de Paris).

19. Abbé Lebeuf, Histoire de la ville de Paris, t.1,

1883, p. 102, cité par H. Martin, Les miniatu-

ristes français, Paris, 1906, p. 212. Je remercie

Monsieur François Avril de m’avoir signalé cette

référence.

20. P. De Winter, «The Grandes Heures of Philip

the Bold, Duke of Burgundy: The Copyist Jean

L’Avenant and his Patrons at the French Court»,

Speculum, 1982, t. 57, n.° 4, p. 786-842.

21. Ph. Lorentz, «Les carnets de dessins, labora-

toires de la création artistique», dans Paris 1400

– Les arts sous Charles VI (1380-1422), Paris,

Musée du Louvre, 2004, p. 304-306.

22. I. Villela-Petit, «Brésil et autres rouges: dix

recettes de laque médiévales», Technè – Revue

du Laboratoire de Recherche des Musées de

France, n.° 4: La couleur et ses pigments, 1996,

p.68-73; P. Roger, S. Vandroy et I. Villela-Petit,

«Les laques de brésil dans l’enluminure médié-

vale: reconstitution à partir de recettes ancien-

nes», Studies in Conservation, t. 48, n.° 3, 2003,

p. 155-170.

Saint-Séverin, quartier de nombreux peintres où il devait avoir aussi son atelier, et

peut-être maison et atelier ne faisaient-ils qu’un. Une inscription lapidaire autrefois

en l’église Saint-Séverin confirme la réalité historique du personnage, autrement

connu essentiellement à travers le recueil Lebègue. L’église de cette vaste paroisse

de la rive gauche était en chantier depuis le milieu du XIIIe siècle. En 1347, le pape

Clément VI avait d’ailleurs accordé des indulgences aux généreux donateurs qui

aideraient à sa reconstruction. Or, le second pilier du premier bas côté sud de la nef

portait encore avant la Révolution une inscription en cuivre indiquant qu’il avait été

élevé en 1414 aux frais de la succession d’Antoine «de Compaigne», enlumineur, et

de sa femme Odette 18. Le texte en était le suivant: «Les exécuteurs de feux Antoine

de Compiègne [ou Compaigne], enlumineur de pincel, et de Oudette sa femme ont

fait faire ce pilier du résidu des biens desdits défunts l’an M. CCCC. XIIII» 19. L’enlu-

mineur devait donc jouir d’une certaine aisance matérielle à la fin de sa vie. Il décéda

une dizaine d’années après la visite d’Alcherio qui remarquait déjà son âge avancé

(1414, terminus ante quo), et fut probablement enterré dans l’ancien cimetière de

l’église, actuel jardin du presbytère. Les débuts de sa carrière remontent en effet au

milieu du XIVe siècle et il est déjà attesté trente ans avant cette rencontre, puisqu’il fi-

gure, mais comme libraire, au nombre des artisans du métier du livre qui, en tant que

jurés de l’Université de Paris, furent exemptés du guet par un privilège du roi Charles

V en date du 5 novembre 1368 20. Antoine s’était ensuite spécialisé dans l’enlumi-

nure: illuminator librorum, nous dit la notice du recueil Lebègue (n.° 297). N’ayant

pas de carnet de recettes, c’est par oral qu’il transmit son savoir-faire au visiteur.

Il s’agit de quatre recettes prises sous la dictée et complétées par la suite par Alcherio

qui les intitule De coloribus ad illuminandum libros: or bruni, rose de bois brésil et

deux verts de cuivre, constituant une palette des plus réduites mais d’autant plus

intéressante pour nous que les circonstances dans lesquelles ces recettes furent re-

cueillies attestent que ces pigments-là étaient encore fabriqués dans l’atelier alors

que d’autres, la céruse par exemple, s’achetaient chez l’apothicaire. Dans la première

(n.° 298), outre le parchemin et le papier, supports habituels de l’enluminure, sont

aussi mentionnés les panneaux de bois blanchis à la craie, car le procédé (ici la pose

de la feuille d’or) est le même. De telles planchettes apprêtées, réunies en carnet par

des lanières, servaient souvent de carnet à dessin. Quelques-uns se sont conservés

tel le carnet de buis de Jacquemart de Hesdin 21 (New York, Pierpont Morgan Li-

brary, M.346), daté vers 1385-1400. Une assiette rigide composée de craie, d’ocre

et de blanc d’œuf, suivant la méthode traditionnelle, permet à la feuille d’or qu’on

y pose de supporter le brunissage. La recette de rose 22 (n.° 299) indique les mêmes

supports (parchemin, papier, panneaux de bois apprêtés). La laque de brésil fixée

sur une base de craie et d’alun est employée avec de la gomme arabique. Elle peut

servir en peinture et pour dessiner, mais aussi comme encre rose.

Suivent deux verts tous deux faits à base de vert de gris, bien qu’aux propriétés

inverses. L’un (n.° 300) est transparent, a peu de substance, sans corps dit le texte,

et ne doit servir qu’en une sorte de glacis. Il reste terne, obfuscatus, et les couleurs

sur lesquelles il serait posé transparaîtraient. Mais le principal défaut de ce vert est



23. G. Banik, «Green copper pigments and their

alteration in manuscripts or works of graphic

art», dans B. Guineau éd., Pigments et colorants

de l’Antiquité et du Moyen Age, Paris, 1990,

p.89-102; H. Kühn, «Verdigris», dans A. Roy éd.,

Artists’ Pigments..., p. 131-147.

24. I. Villela-Petit, «Historié de blanc et de noir:

la tradition du ‘portrait d’encre’ dans l’enluminu-

re parisienne des XIVe-XVe siècle», à paraître dans

Les rapports des arts monochromes à la couleur,

actes du colloque de juin 2009 au Centre d’Etu-

des Supérieures de la Renaissance de Tours.

25. I. Villela-Petit, «Palettes comparées: quelques

réflexions sur les pigments employés par les en-

lumineurs parisiens au début du XVe siècle», dans

M. Hofmann et C. Zöhl dir., Quand la peinture

était dans les livres: Mélanges en l’honneur de

François Avril, Berlin, 2007, p. 382-391.

d’être très corrosif 23 et de gâter les autres pigments. Les superpositions sont donc

à éviter, y compris l’habituelle préparation blanche. Ce vert particulier sans autre

liant que le vinaigre s’employait à même le parchemin ou le papier pour colorier des

formes préalablement tracées à l’encre noire. La recette concerne donc uniquement

l’enluminure et relève d’une technique moins coûteuse et moins précieuse que la

peinture «en pleines couleurs», celle du dessin colorié. Dite «dessin d’encre», cette

technique fut couramment employée par les enlumineurs parisiens de la fin du XIVe

siècle 24, ainsi dans l’exemplaire de dédicace de L’Apparition de Jean de Meun d’Ho-

noré Bovet destiné vers 1398 à la duchesse d’Orléans, Valentine Visconti (Paris, BnF,

fr. 811). Les couleurs y sont en nombre très réduit: un lavis d’encre pour les drapés,

quelques rehauts de rose pour les carnations, d’or pour les couronnes et, pour le

sol, un vert ou un jaune quasi sans substance, sans densité, comme ce vert n.° 300.

Rose, vert et or, ce sont là les couleurs du De coloribus placé sous le nom d’Antoine

de Compiègne. L’autre vert, tout au contraire, est dulcis et corpulentus (n.° 301).

Il peut donc servir aussi bien sur papier et parchemin que sur toile ou panneau de bois

blanchi, car il ne contient pas de vinaigre, et le vert de gris est censé être tempéré

par les sucs d’herbes ou de fleurs qui entrent dans sa composition. Lié avec une eau

de gomme arabique soigneusement purifiée, il sert d’encre ou de peinture, s’emploie

aussi bien en glacis qu’en sous-couche, et l’on peut également poser l’or par dessus.

Ainsi passe-t-on ce vert en rehauts sur une couche de vermillon, de lapis-lazuli, de

rose brésil ou toute autre, ce qui n’est d’ailleurs pas sans rappeler la technique des

«cangianti» qu’affectionnait Michelino da Besozzo.

Toutes ces recettes sont assez précises dans l’indication des proportions à respecter,

de la durée, de la consistance (par exemple, au n.° 298, la consistance à recher-

cher pour l’assiette de l’or ou putrefactio), de l’effet visuel (transparence, opacité)

et des incompatibilités entre pigments (n.° 300). Les deux dernières en particulier

contiennent un préambule relatif à la nature, aux propriétés, à l’usage, aux défauts

et aux qualités respectives des verts de cuivre. S’agit-il d’un topos, d’ajouts dus au

compilateur Giovanni Alcherio d’après des ouvrages de référence (libri autentiqui),

ou du reflet de l’expérience authentique du peintre? Les trois à la fois peut-être.

La «palette» d’Antoine de Compiègne peut s’étendre aux autres couleurs citées: or

bruni, rouge vermillon (ici sous le nom de sinopis), rose de brésil, bleu de lapis-lazuli

(lazurium), vert-de-gris inconsistant, vert-de-gris consistant et jaune safran, soit sept

couleurs auxquelles il faut encore ajouter le blanc de céruse 25. Et, bien qu’incomplet,

ce De coloribus rédigé sur les indications de l’enlumineur est moins pauvre qu’il y

paraît puisqu’il fait allusion aux superpositions de teintes, technique courante mais

rarement citée dans les recettes puisqu’elle relève déjà de la phase de mise en œuvre

du pigment. Une couche de vert viendra se superposer à une couche de vermillon,

modulera une sous-couche bleue, ombrera un rose... Autant de nouvelles nuances

dont il faut créditer l’expérience du maître et qui enrichissent sa palette.

Jusqu’à il y a peu, on ne pouvait guère en dire davantage sur la manière d’Antoine

de Compiègne, aucun manuscrit ne lui étant attribué. Tout au plus pouvait-on le

compter au nombre des enlumineurs parisiens de la seconde moitié du XIVe siècle (je

maître du policratique de charles v, chronique de bernard gui (après 1384), besançon, bm, ms. 677, fol. 13 : le songe de nabuchodonosor



26. I. Villela-Petit, «Maîtres peintres et enlumi-

neurs: identités incertaines», dans Paris 1400...,

p. 203.

27. Fr. Avril, «Le parcours exemplaire d’un enlu-

mineur parisien à la fin du 14e siècle: la carrière et

l’œuvre du maître du Policratique de Charles V»,

dans B. Fleith et F. Morenzoni éd., De la sainteté

à l’hagiographie. Genèse et usage de la Légende

Dorée, Genève, 2001, p. 265-282.

le rapprochais en 1995 du groupe aux Boqueteaux). J’ai cependant proposé en 2004,

sans avoir alors le loisir d’étayer mon propos 26, de reconnaître en lui un enlumineur

de ce cercle baptisé «Maître du Policratique de Charles V» d’après le manuscrit BnF,

fr. 24287. La carrière de l’artiste, reconstituée par François Avril 27, présente en effet

des coïncidences troublantes avec la biographie d’Antoine de Compiègne. On peut

mettre l’une et l’autre en parallèle (voir le tableau ci-après).

Bien que fragmentaires, les données disponibles concordent et permettent à mon

sens d’identifier notre artiste avec le Maître du Policratique. Les nombreux manus-

crits enluminés par celui-ci illustrent au mieux la mise en œuvre des recettes du pe-

tit De coloribus ad illuminandum libros inclus dans le Recueil Lebègue, notamment

cette technique du dessin d’encre à rehauts de lavis qui semble être la destination

ordinaire du vert translucide d’Antoine de Compiègne. •



Antoine de Compiègne Maître du Policratique

Attesté à partir de 1368 – † entre 1398 et 1414 En activité de 1366 à 1403

Libraire-juré de l’Université de Paris (1368) Enlumine un Décret pour l’Université de Paris

Demeure au quartier Saint-Séverin, comme l’enlumineur Perrin Rémiet (et le libraire Regnault du Montet)

Reçoit commande des abbayes voisines, Sainte-Geneviève (1380) et Saint-Victor (1392); collabore avec Perrin Rémiet

Un des enlumineurs parisiens les plus considérés à la fin de sa vie, rangé aux côtés des plus grands artistes dans le recueil Lebègue

Travaux d’enluminure pour Charles V, Louis d’Anjou, Philippe le Hardi, Jean de Berry et Louis d’Orléans

Reçoit la visite du milanais Giovanni Alcherio en 1398 Travaux pour Pasquino Capelli, conseiller du duc de Milan (vers 1390-1395) et pour Valentine Visconti (1398)

Encore actif à la fin du XIVe siècle et fait alors référence Un des rares enlumineurs importants actifs à Paris à cette époque où les maîtres pucelliens ne sont plus et ceux de la génération suivante débutent à peine

Assez fortuné pour offrir un pilier à l’église Saint-Séverin sur sa succession

Un atelier très productif, dont on peut supposer qu’il était rentable

Antiquus homo en 1398 Signes de sénescence de son style vers 1400

Palette: vert pour le dessin d’encre, safran, azur, encre rose, or, céruse, ocre, vermillon; assiettes, superpositions

Dessin d’encre, enluminures en pleines couleurs, bordures; verts, jaune diaphane (safran?), lapis-lazuli, rose brésil, or, vermillon, bleu-gris, etc.



Recette de Michelino da Besozzo

Item in eodem exemplari sic erat scriptum: Hoc sequens experimentum hujusmodi, in Veneciis,

die martis IIII maii, anni 1410, a Michelino de Vesucio, pictore excellentissimo inter omnes

pictores mundi.

De même se trouvait dans le modèle la mention suivante: «La recette qui suit fut obtenue à

Venise le mardi 4 mai 1410, de Michelino da Besozzo, le meilleur peintre du monde».

n.° 117 – Azurium sic fit: Recipe libram unam lapidis lazuli et tere bene in lapide porfirico.

Postea ablue ipsum cum aqua clara, deinde desica et reduce ipsum in pulverem.

Pastillum sic fit: ad libram unam pulveris lapidis, pone libram unam picis Grece, oncias II vernicis

liquide, onciam I masticis; ponantur in olla rudi oncias III olei communis, idest lini vel olive, et

boni, et fac bullire, et tunc masticem et vernicem pulverizatam pone in oleo et bene moveas

cum ligno. Et cum videas resoluta, pone piscem pulverizatam et permitte parum bullire donec

omnia fuerint bene incorporata. Postea cola per pannum in aqua frigida et mancetur manibus

unctis oleo communi, et postea pulver lazulli incorporetur super lapidem cum dicto pastillo et

optime, et dimittatur per tres dies in dicto pastillo.

Postea extrahatur azurrum de pastillo hoc modo: misceatur cum baculo in aqua calida parum

plusquam tepida, et taliter teneatur quousque aliquid exiverit. Si vero non exiret, ponatur aqua

magis calida, et sic gradatim, mittendo aquam calidiorem et miscendo donec aliquid exiverit.

Ultimo ponatur aqua quando magis fervet, et extracto toto azurro et separato ab aqua et

sicato, fiat lexivium fortissimum et ponatur azurrum in planis vasis et superius ponatur lexivium,

sicut nosti, ut exeant immondicii pastilli, quo purgato, dulcifica cum aqua clara, etc.

117 – Le bleu se prépare ainsi: Prenez une livre de lapis-lazuli et broyez-le bien sur une meule

de porphyre. Puis lavez-le d’eau claire, faites sécher et réduisez en poudre.

La pâte se prépare ainsi: pour une livre de poudre de lapis, prenez une livre de poix grecque,

deux onces de vernis liquide, une once de mastic; mettez dans une marmite neuve trois onces

de bonne huile commune, c’est-à-dire de lin ou d’olive et faites bouillir, ajoutez alors dans

l’huile le mastic et le vernis en poudre et remuez bien avec un bout de bois. Lorsque vous le

verrez dissout, ajoutez la poix en poudre et laissez légèrement bouillir jusqu’à ce que tous les

ingrédients soient bien incorporés. Puis filtrez dans l’eau froide à travers un tissu et malaxez

avec les mains ointes d’huile commune, puis incorporez soigneusement sur la meule la poudre

de lapis-lazuli dans cette pâte et l’y laissez reposer trois jours.

Le bleu s’extrait ensuite de la pâte de la façon suivante: mélangez la pâte avec un bâton dans

de l’eau plus chaude que tiède et continuez ainsi tant que de la couleur en sortira. Mais s’il

n’en sort pas, mettez de l’eau un peu plus chaude et ainsi par degrés, ajoutant de l’eau tou-

jours plus chaude et mélangeant jusqu’à ce que la couleur sorte. En dernier lieu, ajoutez de

l’eau bouillante, puis une fois le bleu entièrement extrait, séparé de l’eau et séché, faites une

lessive bien forte, mettez le bleu dans des récipients à fond plat et versez dessus la lessive,

comme vous savez, pour que sortent les saletés de la pâte amollie par l’eau claire dont vous

l’aviez purgé, etc.



Recettes d’Antoine de Compiègne

De diversis coloribus in sequenti tractatur, et primo, modus prohemii:

n.° 297 – Anno circoncisionis domini Jesu Christi 1398 die Jovis octavo augusti, Johannes

Alcerius scripsit et notavit in Parisius in domo Anthonii de Compendio illuminatoris librorum,

antiqui hominis, a verbis que ipse Anthonius sibi dixit, et qui omnia que secuntur tentaverat toto

tempore vite sue, ut dixit, de coloribus scilicet ad illuminandum libros, sequencia capitula. Et

postea anno 1411 de mense decembris, idem Johannes qui jam per plusquam annum reversus

fuerat a partibus Lombardie, videlicet a Bononia, ubi erat curia apostolica noviter unita, cor-

rexit in pluribus partibus ea, secundum plures informationes quas inde postea per plures libros

autentiquos de talibus narrantes, et aliter habuerat, et rescripsit ea ad nettum ut sequitur.

Traité de diverses couleurs, et d’abord, en guise d’introduction:

297 – Le jeudi 8 août de l’an de la Circoncision de notre Seigneur Jésus Christ 1398, Giovanni

Alcherio a écrit et recopié à Paris, chez l’enlumineur Antoine de Compiègne, homme d’un

grand âge, d’après les paroles de celui-ci qui, toute sa vie durant, comme il a dit, avait éprouvé

l’ensemble des recettes qui suivent, à savoir les recettes pour l’enluminure. Et par la suite, en

décembre 1411, le même Giovanni revenu de Lombardie – c’est-à-dire de Bologne où la Curie

Apostolique était nouvellement assemblée – à Paris depuis plus d’un an déjà, les corrigea en

plusieurs endroits suivant plusieurs informations qu’il avait reçues entre-temps de plusieurs

livres authentiques portant sur le sujet et par d’autres moyens, et mit au net ce qui suit.

n.° 298 – Ad ponendum aurum super diversis quod burniatur, et de diversis cautelis utendis

super hoc illuminando libros:

Ad ponendum aurum in papiro, in pergameno seu carta, et in tabulis ligneis creta alba deal-

batis quod aurum burniatur seu poliatur, accipe gersam seu cretam albam et modicum ocre de

ru, per tertiam partem quantitatis crete et totum simul subtilia, et tere cum aqua clara magis

spissum quam poteris, idest cum pauca aqua, super lapidem equalem durum cum molleta lapi-

dis similiter. Postea pone ipsum colorem, qui aliter tempera vel assisia auri dicitur, in conchilla

aut in scutella figuli vitriata aut in vase vitri.

Et cum operari vis, accipe de ipso in conchilla alia parviori quantum vis et modera ipsum cum

claro ovi spongiato ad rationabilem molliciem seu liquiditatem pro pingendo aut scribendo de

ipso. Et si habes tempus cum temperaveris, dimittas inveterari per plures dies vel septimanas

ipsam temperam, quia melior erit putrida quam recens. Postea de ipsa scribe, pinge et protrahe

que vis et ubi vis, et dimittas siccari.

Postea sis in loco recluso cum aurum vis ponere et elige tempus ydoneum ut supra dictum est.

Et habitis ydoneis loco et tempore et remediis, ponas aurum in locis carte vel papiri quibus

ipsum colorem vel assisiam posuisti, et super trahe et premendo primo leviter, postea fortius

burnissorem, scilicet dentem apri vel equi, et polias tantum dictum aurum quod adereat colori

et lucidum fiat ut supra jam dictum est.

Ideo cum aurum poni vult, color talis remansus de alia positione auri alias facta melior est,

dum ex interpollata visitatione deductione et ovi aut aque interpositione conservatus sit in

debita liquiditate, ita quod ad totalem siccitatem vel nimiam putrefactionem et alterationem

deductus non sit.



298 – Pour poser de l’or à brunir sur diverses matières, et des nombreuses précautions à

prendre pour enluminer les livres:

Pour poser de l’or sur papier, parchemin et panneaux de bois blanchis à la craie, de manière que

l’or soit bruni ou poli: prenez de la craie blanche et un peu d’ocre de ru pour environ le tiers

de la quantité de craie, broyez le tout en poudre fine avec de l’eau claire le plus densément

que vous pourrez, c’est-à-dire avec peu d’eau, sur une meule de pierre dure et plane au moyen

d’un pilon également de pierre. Puis mettez cette couleur autrement appelée assiette de l’or

dans une coquille ou une écuelle d’argile vernissée, ou dans un récipient de verre.

Et quand vous voudrez vous en servir, versez-en à volonté dans une plus petite coquille et

délayez de blanc d’œuf battu jusqu’à la consistance ou la fluidité requises pour en peindre

ou en écrire. Et si vous avez le temps, lorsque vous l’aurez détrempée, laissez cette assiette

vieillir plusieurs jours ou semaines, parce qu’elle est meilleure gâtée que fraîche. Puis écrivez,

peignez et dessinez-en ce que vous voudrez et où vous voudrez, et laissez sécher.

Soyez en un endroit fermé lorsque vous voudrez poser l’or et choisissez un temps favorable,

comme il est dit plus haut. Et une fois réunis le lieu, le temps et les moyens adéquats, posez

l’or aux endroits du parchemin ou du papier où vous aurez mis de la couleur ou assiette, frot-

tez dessus en appuyant d’abord légèrement puis plus fort le brunissoir, c’est-à-dire la dent

de sanglier ou de cheval, et polissez suffisamment l’or pour qu’il adhère à l’assiette et qu’il

brille, comme il a déjà été dit.

C’est pourquoi, lorsque vous voulez poser l’or, l’assiette restant d’une précédente dorure est

meilleure, pourvu qu’elle ait été conservée à la fluidité voulue par une surveillance renouve-

lée pour la remuer et l’additionner d’œuf ou d’eau, de manière qu’elle ne soit amenée ni à se

dessécher complètement, ni à trop se gâter et s’altérer.

n.° 299 – Ad faciendum rosam:

Ad faciendum rosam pro operando in carta et in papiro et in ligneis tabulis creta dealbatis, acci-

pe brixillium rasum subtiliter cum cutello vel cum vitro et liga in subtili pecia lini non stricte, sed

late et fluctuanter. Et sic ligatum, pone in vase figuli vitriato novo ad temperandum in lixivio aut

in urina hominis ebriatoris potantis forte vinum, et si urina sit vetera tanto melius. Et si non possis

habere talem, accipe lessivium fortissimum et pone de creta alba in ipso lessivio, cum dicta pecia

in qua est braxillium et per quantitatem de tribus vel quatuor vicibus quantitatis brixilii ad pondus

et etiam sicut inspiciendo melius videbis convenire plus et minus secundum bonitatem brixillii.

Postea pone de alumine glacie crudo, pisto in pulverem, quod sit tantum quantum est quartum

dicte crete vel circa, et ante plus quam minus, et misceas hec omnia insimul dimittendo semper

ligatum in dicta pecia dictum brixillium et dimittant sic per horam unam vel circa. Postea ponas

vas ad ignem non lignorum sed carbonum et bulliant non nimis fortiter et per spacium quarte

partis hore vel minus, ita quod solum alumen fondatur.

Postea de ipso vase tollatur dicta pecia brixillii et exprimatur et extorqueatur fortiter ut color

de ipsa totaliter exeat in eodem vase. Postea tollatur ipse color ita calidius ab igne et ponatur

super lapidem crete concave vel super laterem de terra etc. ad hoc, quod urina seu lessivium

intret in lapidem subito et color ipse remaneat ibi inspissatus et semisiccus. Postea facias ex

toto siccari ad solem, deinde eleva ipsum colorem, que rosa est cum cutello a lapide vel latere,

et repone servando pro usu.



Et cum de ipsa operari vis, accipe de ipsa quantum vis et subtilia, idest tere super lapidem

durum et planum cum aqua gummata que fit per duas partes gummi arabici fusi in tam pauca

aqua, quod pene coperiatur ipsa gumma cum in ipsa ponitur aqua, et colati postea per telam

lineam, et per tertiam partem sit aqua clara insimul cum dicto gummi fuso et colato. Et de ipsa

aqua gommata ipso modo facta distempera dictam rosam ad debitam molliciem et operaberis

de ipsa que volueris, tam scribendo quam pingendo ac protrahendo.

299 – Pour faire du rose:

Pour faire un rose à employer sur parchemin, papier et panneaux de bois blanchis à la craie,

prenez du brésil finement râpé avec un couteau ou avec du verre, et lier-le dans un morceau de

lin sans serrer, mais de manière lâche et flottante. Et ainsi attaché, mettez-le dans un récipient

neuf d’argile vernissée à tremper dans de la lessive ou de l’urine d’ivre amateur de vin fort,

et tant mieux si l’urine est vieille. Mais si vous ne pouvez en trouver de cette sorte, prenez

une lessive très forte et mettez-y de la craie blanche avec le tissu contenant le brésil, soit en

poids une quantité trois à quatre fois supérieure à celle de brésil ou plus ou moins selon ce

qui à vue d’œil semblera mieux convenir et suivant la qualité du brésil.

Puis ajoutez de l’alun de glace cru et réduit en poudre, qui fasse autant ou à peu près que le

quart de la craie, et plutôt plus que moins, mélangez tout cela ensemble en gardant toujours

le brésil attaché dans son tissu et qu’ils reposent ainsi environ une heure. Puis mettez le ré-

cipient au feu non de bois mais de charbons et qu’ils ne bouillent pas trop fort pendant un

quart d’heure ou moins de manière à ne faire fondre que l’alun.

Otez ensuite du récipient le tissu contenant le brésil, pressez-le et tordez-le avec force pour

en faire complètement sortir la couleur; puis retirez du feu le récipient avec la couleur ainsi

chauffée et versez-la sur un morceau de craie creux ou sur une brique de terre, etc. de sorte

que l’urine ou la lessive soit aussitôt absorbée par la pierre et que la couleur y reste compacte

et à demi sèche. Faites-la entièrement sécher au soleil, puis enlevez de la pierre ou de la brique

cette couleur rose à l’aide d’un couteau, et conservez pour l’usage.

Quand vous voudrez vous en servir, prenez-en à volonté et affinez, c’est-à-dire broyez-la sur

une meule de pierre dure et plane avec de l’eau de gomme faite pour deux tiers de gomme

arabique dissoute dans juste assez d’eau pour que la gomme en soit presque recouverte quand

vous y verserez l’eau, et filtrée ensuite au travers d’une toile de lin, et pour un tiers d’eau

claire ajoutée à cette gomme fondue et filtrée. Et de l’eau de gomme ainsi faite détrempez

le rose jusqu’à la consistance voulue et vous pourrez en faire ce que vous voudrez, tant pour

écrire que pour peindre ou dessiner.

n.° 300 – Ad faciendum viride corrosivum absque substancia seu corpore:

Ad faciendum viride in substancia clarum et non corpulentum, idest substanciam non haben-

tem, ut verbi gratia clarus atque sine substancia est color safrani, idest croci qui non cooperit

alios colores pro ejus subtilitate, claritate et raritate, qua alii colores apparent per medium

ipsum et ex hoc ipse pro raritate sua, ut et dictus color viridis remanet obfuscatus, et nil vel

minimum apparet, neque multum apparere potest super alios colores.

Sed ipse color viridis non est dulcis sicut est dictus color croci, ymo ex sua natura est acer et cor-

rosivus, et taliter quod destruit et rodit alios colores si ponatur super ipsos, vel ipsi super ipsum,

et hoc pro viride eris qui in ipso ponitur, et est talis conditionis. Et ponitur in carta et in papiro.



Accipe viride eris et modicum de feve vini sicca et fina, que dicitur in latino ‘tartarus’ et in

gallico ‘gravella’, et subtilia et tere super lapidem durum et planum insimul que dicta sunt cum

aceto. Postea omnia que in carta et in papiro protrahere vis, protrahe, ac vacuum, videlicet

per lineas de colore scilicet nigro, postea de ipso colore viridi sic facto ut dictum est, colora ad

libitum ea que ut dictum est protraxeris.

Et nota quod super ipsum colorem viridem ut dictum est, nullus alter color debet poni neque

ipse super alios nisi solum super cartam albam vel papirum, et non super colorem aliquem

album artificiatum seu pictum, quia ipse color viridis illo modo factus est fortis seu acer et pro

sua acritudine destruit alios colores ut supra jam dictum est.

300 – Pour faire un vert corrosif sans corps ni substance:

Pour faire un vert transparent et sans corps par nature, c’est-à-dire dépourvu de substance,

comme, pour prendre un exemple, le jaune de safran, transparent et sans substance, qui n’a

aucun pouvoir couvrant du fait de sa ténuité, de sa transparence et de son peu de matière au

travers de laquelle les autres couleurs se voient; c’est pourquoi, en lui-même, comme le vert,

il reste éteint du fait de son peu de matière et ne se voit pas ou peu, et posé sur d’autres

couleurs il ne peut pas se voir beaucoup non plus.

Mais ce vert n’est pas inoffensif comme le safran, au contraire il est par nature acide et corrosif

de sorte qu’il détruit et ronge les autres couleurs s’il est posé dessus ou dessous, et ce à cause

du vert de gris qu’il contient: telle est sa nature, et on l’utilise sur parchemin et sur papier.

Prenez du vert de gris et un peu de lie de vin séchée en fine poudre qui se dit tartre en latin

et gravelle en français, broyez-les ensemble et réduisez-les en poudre sur une meule de pierre

dure et plane avec du vinaigre. Puis dessinez tout ce que vous voulez sur le parchemin et le

papier et laissez blanc l’espace entre les traits tracés au noir, puis de la couleur verte ainsi pré-

parée, remplissez à votre guise ce que vous aurez dessiné. Notez bien qu’on ne doit recouvrir

ce vert d’aucune autre couleur, comme on l’a dit, ni le poser lui-même par dessus d’autres, si

ce n’est seulement sur le blanc du parchemin ou du papier, mais non sur quelqu’autre couleur

blanche fabriquée ou peinte, parce que le vert ainsi fait est corrosif ou acide, et du fait de son

acidité il détruit les autres couleurs, comme indiqué précédemment.

n.° 301 – Ad faciendum colorem viridem cum corpore et non corrosivum:

Ad faciendum colorem viridem dulcem et corpulentum, pro operando in pergameno, in papiro,

in telis et in tabulis ligneis dealbatis, accipe viridem eris seu arani et succum herbe que dicitur

in gallico ‘flamma’ et ipsum succum herbe cola per telam lineam et cum ipso tere super lapi-

dem viridem suprascriptum, addendo aliquantulum de aqua gommata. Postea ipsum pone in

conchella vel in scutella figuli vitriata, et distempera cum dicta aqua gummata et cum dicto

succo ipsius herbe. Et dicta aqua gummata debet fieri de gummi arabico lucido et collata, ne

cum infusum sit gummi in ipsa, adsint in ipsa ulle pallee, terra vel alie turpitudines. Et postea

de ipso colore viridi scribe, protrahe et pinge que vis.

Et nota quod succus rute esset melior quam suprascripte herbe ad ponendum in dicta com-

positione dicti viridis coloris. Et alii sunt qui ponunt succos quarumdam aliarum herbarum. Et

color suprascriptus est talis qnod potest super ipso pingi cum aliis coloribus, et super ipso poni

aurum etc., sicuti posset fieri super sinopide vel super lazurio, vel super rosa et aliis similibus,

quia ibi non est acetum, et acritudo viridis eris mitigata est dicto succo herbe.

r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 0 1


301 – Pour faire une couleur verte non corrosive et qui a du corps:

Pour faire une couleur verte inoffensive et consistante à employer sur parchemin, papier, toile

et panneaux de bois apprêtés, prenez du vert de gris et du suc de l’herbe dite clématite flam-

mule en français, filtrez celui-ci au travers d’une toile de lin et broyez avec sur une meule le vert

susdit en ajoutant un petit peu d’eau de gomme. Puis versez le vert dans une coquille ou une

écuelle d’argile vernissée, et détrempez de cette eau de gomme et du suc de cette herbe. Et

l’eau de gomme doit être faite de gomme arabique transparente et purifiée afin que, lorsque la

gomme s’y sera dissoute, ne se retrouvent dans l’eau aucune paillette, trace de terre ou autres

impuretés. Puis écrivez, dessinez et peignez ce que vous voulez de cette couleur verte.

Remarquez que le suc de rue serait meilleur que l’herbe susdite pour entrer dans la compo-

sition de ce vert. D’autres y mettent du suc de certaines autres herbes. Et la nature de cette

couleur est telle qu’on peut peindre dessus avec d’autres couleurs ou poser de l’or, etc. comme

on peut le faire sur le cinabre, l’azur, le rose et autres semblables, car elle ne contient pas de

vinaigre, et l’acidité du vert de gris est atténuée par le suc d’herbe.

Biography

Inès Villela-Petit is an Art Historian and, since 2003, a Curator at the Cabinet des médailles

et antiques in Paris – Bibliothèque national de France. She has published two books:

Le Bréviaire de Châteauroux (2003), and Le Gothique international – L’art en France

au temps de Charles VI (2004). Her research work concerns mainly three fields: Colour

recipes and painting technics, Illuminated manuscripts, and the Arts of the XIVth and XVth

Centuries. Personal website: www.i-villela-petit.fr


à p r o p o s d ’ u n e n o t i c e s u r l e v e r m i l l o n

Resumo

A Crónica Geral de Espanha, códice conservado na Academia das Ciências de Lisboa a

partir de 1879, é a cópia do «Quatrocentro» da Crónica de 1344 de D. Pedro Afonso,

conde de Barcelos. Abundantemente iluminado, mostra-nos uma cor e uma técnica

de aplicação devedora da tradição local propagada por tratados e formulários, se

bem que seja claro uma nova linguagem e um gosto internacional.

A notícia que se encontra sobre o «termho do Chão de Bellotas» remete-nos para as

diversas produções da região, entre as quais o azougue de que é extraído «muyto

vermelhon et muy bõo». Esta informação é importante do ponto de vista do estudo

da cor e, particularmente, da cor na iluminura. De facto, permite relacioná-la com a

abundância do vermelho na iluminura portuguesa, a partir dos primeiros exemplos,

como nós viemos a verificar desde 1986, com Luísa Alves, a quem eu presto aqui

a minha homenagem, e, ainda, revelar uma tradição corroborada por formulários

e tratados. O vermelho é, sem nenhuma dúvida, a cor mais abundante no fundo

de Alcobaça, como também, no de Santa Cruz de Coimbra e Lorvão; e o colorante

que, quase sempre, entra na sua composição é conhecido por vermelhão. N’ O livro

de como se fazem as cores, tal como no Mappae Clavicula, encontra-se a receita

do vermelhão que nós vemos utilizada na iluminura portuguesa e na rubricação.

A interessante coincidência entre os dois formulários mostra-nos uma tradição

desenvolvida em Santa Cruz de Coimbra, em que o Mappae Clavicula está registado

num inventário de livros emprestados, do primeiro quartel do séc. XIII (1218), ainda

que em Alcobaça não se encontre nenhuma menção de receituários de pintura,

assunto que não mereceu a atenção da sua Livraria, o que poderia significar a pouca

importância que se dava à cor mas, também, uma maneira de produzir e aplicar as

cores de acordo com uma tradição local. Esta tradição do vermelhão pode seguir-se,

mais tarde, no Breve Tratado de Illuminação, escrito por um monge da Ordem de

Cristo, em Tomar, e no seu contemporâneo, Arte da Pintura Symmetria e Perspectiva,

de 1615, escrito pelo dominicano Filipe Nunes.

Mas, esta notícia sobre uma matéria prima tão abundante e boa pode ser uma das

justificações para que o vermelho seja a cor das imagens do rei representadas na

Crónica, sendo lícito pensar que ele continua a ser, nas Espanhas, a cor principal, não

acompanhando o triunfo do azul na Europa medieval, a partir de inícios do séc. XIII. •

palavras-chave

crónica geral de espanhavermelhãocor vermelhaimagem do rei



Resumée

La Crónica Geral de Espanha, codex appartenant à l’Académie des Sciences de Lis-

bonne, depuis 1879, est une copie du «Quatrocento» de la Crónica de 1344 de D.

Pedro Afonso, comte de Barcelos. Abondamment illuminée, elle nous montre une

couleur et une technique de son application redevable de la tradition locale propa-

gée par des traités et des formulaires, bien que soit clair un nouveau langage et un

goût international.

La notice qu’on y trouve sur le «termho do Chão de Bellotas» rapporte les diverses

productions de la région, parmi lesquelles l’azougue dont est extrait «muyto ver-

melhon et muy bõo». Cette notice est importante du point de vue de l’étude de la

couleur et, notamment, de la couleur dans l’enluminure. Du fait, il permet de la rap-

porter avec l’abondance du rouge dans l’enluminure portugaise, depuis les premiers

exemples, comme nous sommes venus à vérifier depuis 1986, avec Luisa Maria Al-

ves, a qui je prêt mes homages, et, encore, révéler une tradition corroborée par des

formulaires et traités. Le rouge est, sans aucun doute, la couleur la plus abondante

aux fonds d’Alcobaça, comme, aussi, à ceux de Santa Cruz de Coimbra et Lorvão; et

le colorant que, presque toujours, entre dans sa composition est celui qui est connu

par vermillon. Dans O livro de como se fazem as cores, telle que dans le Mappae Cla-

vicula, on trouve la recette du vermillon que nous voyons utilisée dans l’enluminure

portugaise et dans la rubrication. L’intéressante coïncidence entre les deux formu-

laires nous montre une tradition développée à Santa Cruz de Coimbra, où le Mappae

Clavicula est rapporté dans un inventaire de livres prêtés, du premier quart du XIIIème

siècle (1218), bien que à Alcobaça on ne trouve aucune mention de formulaires de

peinture, sujet qui n’a pas mérité l’attention de sa Librairie, ce que pourrait signifier

la petite importance qu’on prêtait à la couleur mais, aussi, une façon de produire

et appliquer les couleurs conformément à une tradition locale. Cette tradition du

vermillon pour écrire peut se suivre, plus tard, au Breve Tratado de Illuminação, écrit

par un moine de l’Ordre de Christ, à Tomar, et au son contemporain, Arte da Pintura

Symmetria e Perspectiva, de 1615, écrit par le dominicain Filipe Nunes.

Mais cette notice sur une matière-première aussi abondante et aussi bonne, peut être

une des justification à ce que le rouge soit la couleur des images du roi représentées

dans la Crónica, étant licite de penser qu’il continue à être, dans les Espagnes, la

couleur principale, en n’accompagnant pas le triomphe du bleu en Europe médiévale,

à partir des débuts du XIIIème siècle. •

mots-clés

crónica geral de espanhavermilloncouleur rougeimage du roi


à propos d’une notice sur le vermillon

La «Crónica Geral de Espanha», manuscrit appartenant à l’Academia das Ciências

de Lisbonne depuis 1879, est une copie du XVème siècle de la Crónica de 1344 de

D. Pedro Afonso, Comte de Barcelos.

Le sujet de cette intervention est une brève notice, trouvée au folio 15r de ce ma-

nuscrit. Dans les premiers chapitres, l’Auteur fait une description des fastes légen-

daires des premiers temps d’Espagne; au chapitre XII commence la description de sa

géographie, de Cordoue à Éciga; et, au chapitre XXXIII, est, ainsi, décrit le territoire

de «Chão das Bellotas» et de Ariz.:

«Du territoire du Chão de Bellotas: Chão de Bellotas confine avec le territoire d’Ariz

et le Nord de Cordoue. Ariz est une ville habitée, jadis, par les barbares. On y trouve

une colline où est située une mine de mercure, exporté vers toutes les régions d’Es-

pagne. On y extrait, beaucoup de vermillon, de très bonne qualité, qui on ne connait

un autre aussi bon que celui ramené de la terre d’outre-mer. Sur ce territoire les seuls

arbres qui existent sont des chênes verts, raison pour laquelle cette terre s’appelle

«Chão de Bellotas» – terroir des glands. Ces glands sont les plus doux et savoureux

de toute l’Espagne. Là se trouve la ville, très ancienne, de Bued.» 1

Ce que cet auteur du XIVème siècle nous raconte était connu depuis l’Antiquité 2: la

richesse en mercure du centre-sud de la Péninsule Ibérique.

Les territoires d’Ariz et de Chão de Bellotas se situent au nord-ouest de Cordoue

et, d’après la «Crónica», confinent avec Feriz ou Constantina, non loin d’Almadém,

ou il y a beaucoup de gisements de mercure. La «terre d’outre-mer», que le texte

cite comme zone d’origine d’un vermillon de pareille qualité, était, d’après Pline, en

Méditerranée orientale, comprenant Éphèse (où on trouvait un cinabre très prisé par

sa couleur rouge vif et d’extrême pureté) et la Colquide, en Mer Noire 3.

Cette notice est très significative dans le contexte seigneurial de la «Crónica», car

l’auteur cherche à rehausser l’importance des Espagnes, vu son Histoire et ses ri-

chesses naturelles. 4 Au Prologue il indique l’objectif à atteindre avec son texte:

préserver la mémoire des exploits «des très nobles et sages barons», dont la lignée

descend du «grand Hercule de Grèce.» (fl 2r); ensuite il fait, aussi, l’éloge des terres,

pleines de toute sorte de richesses. «En Espagne existent plusieurs noblesses que ne

horácio pe ixe iro Instituto Politécnico de Tomar, Tomar

(Portugal)

1. «Do termho do Chaão das Bellotas. O termho

do Chaão das Bellotas parte per o termho d’Aariz

e jaz antre ho ouriente. e jaz contra o ssepten-

trion de Cordoua. E Aariz he uylla em que mo-

raron os barboros. E en seu termho he o monte

em que há o uyeiro de que sacam o azougue e

dally o leuã pêra todallas partes d’Espanha. E

dally sacam muyto uermelhon e muy boõ que nõ

saben outro tã boõ se nõ aquelle que tragem da

terra d’ultra mar. E ēna demais desta terra nõ há

outras aruores senõ azinheiras. E por esta rrazon

o chamon o Chaão das Bellotas. E som tã doces

e tã saborosas que nõ as há tanto ē Espanha. E

em este chaão iaz a cidade de Bued que he muy

antiga cidade.» (fl. 15r.)

2. La production référée vient mentionnée en

divers auteurs anciens. Le cinabre – désigné par

cinnabar ou minium – était des pigments les plus

prisés dans l’Antiquité. En citant Théophraste,

Pline signale ses locaux d’origine en Espagne.

Vitruve, aussi, rapporte ce pigment pour rappe-

ler sa faible résistance à la lumière et aux agents

chimiques atmosphériques, à cause, selon lui, de

l’extraction du mercure – argentum vivum – en

lui provocant la perte de la vis vitalis. Voir Plínio

XXXIII, 119; Vitrúvio VII, 8-9; Luciana COLOM-

BO, I colori degli antichi. Fiesole, Nardini Editori,

1991, cap. IV.

3. Pl. XXXIII, 119.

4. La louange de l’Espagne, terre admirable, pré-

destinée par Dieu, où non seulement des mer-



veilles naturelles naîtraient, mais aussi des hom-

mes courageux, vient en Isidore de Séville (Laude

Spaniae) et continue dans l’historiographie his-

pano-arabe, étant insérée, a partir d’ici, dans

la Crónica do Mouro Rasis et dans la Cónica de

1344. Voir António REI, O Louvor da Hispânia

na Cultura Letrada Medieval Peninsular. Das

suas origens discursivas ao Apartado Geográfico

da Crónica de 1344. Dissertation doctorale en

Histoire Culturelle et des Mentalités Médiéva-

les, présentée à la Faculdade de Ciências Sociais

e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lis-

bonne, 2007, et aussi, sous le même titre, revue

Medievalista on line, année 5, n.º 6, 2009.

5. «Em Espanha há muytas nobrezas, as quaaes

nom podem seer comtadas; e porende os antigos

que a começaram a pobrar muito a preçaram por

as bondades que en ella vyron”. (fl 10)

6. Les images de la Crónica, surtout l’ornemen-

tation des marges, avec scènes champêtres, bu-

coliques, de chasse, de pêche, sont le réflexe de

l’abondance e de la douceur du lieu.

7. «metaees de chumbo, d’estanho, de cobre, d’ar-

gem vyvo, de ferro, de ouro e de prata. E esto por

grande multidom de vyeiros que há ē Espanha e

especialmente em as partes de Ocidente.» (fl. 11)

8. «qual seerya aquelle grande príncipe ou senhor

de grande poder ou muy forte baron que nõ fora

contento de seer senhor de tal terra?» (fl. 11)

9. Cette dissertation, ayant le titre: Missais ilumi-

nados dos séculos XIV e XV – Contribuição para

o estudo da iluminura em Portugal, je l’ai pré-

sentée en 1986, étant soutenue l’année suivante;

elle n’est publiée que partiellement.

10. Lire: BNL – Bibliothèques Nationale de Lisbon-

ne: BPMP – Bibliothèque Publique Municipale de

Porto ; ANTT – Archive Nationale Torre do Tombo.

11. Voir la dissertation que j’ai présentée comme

épreuves publiques au concours pour professeur

coordinateur, Um olhar sobre a iluminura do

Apocalipse de Lorvão. Tomar, 1998. Voir, aussi,

«Animalia et aliae bestiae: Representações do

peuvent être racontées; c’est pour cette raison que les anciens que sont vénus, en

premier lieu, les peupler, l’ont beaucoup prisée, vues les bontés qu’ils y ont trouvé.»

(fl. 10) 5 En Espagne on trouve beaucoup de rivières et de sources, bons airs, hautes

montagnes, larges vallées et plaines, ou ce trouve tout ce que l’homme peut désirer.

Ainsi certains ont dit que «l’Espagne est l’égale du paradis de Dieu» 6 (fl. 10). Elle

est riche en poisson, fruits, pain, lait, bétail, gibier et vins, et «riche aussi en plomb,

étain, cuivre, argent vif – mercure – fer, or et argent. Et cela grâce au grand nombre

de mines que s’y trouvent, particulièrement dans la partie occidentale.» 7 (fl. 11).

Par ça, «quel serait le grand prince ou puissant seigneur ou très fort gentilhomme

que n’aimerait pas posséder ces terres?» 8 (fl. 11). C’est dans ce contexte qu’ensuite

sont décrites les bontés et noblesses des différentes villes et ses territoires, dont

celui qui est l’objet de cette notice.

Mais, au delà des éloges sur la terre et ses lignées, on peut trouver d’autres indica-

tions dans cette intéressante information, nommément sur:

• L’abondance de vermillon, ce que suggère qu’il était fréquemment utilisé en

peinture et en enluminures;

• Une justification pour le fait que le rouge continue á être la couleur princi-

pale, même quand ce n’était plus le cas dans les régions d’Europe.

1. L’usage du vermillon en enluminure

Depuis quelque temps déjà, nous avons vérifié, à propos des enluminures du fond

d’Alcobaça de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Lisbonne, que la plus abondante et

simple initial colorie, ne présentant d’autres éléments distinctifs que la taille et la

couleur, apparaît, en plus de la moitié des manuscrits des XIVème et XVème siècles, avec

le rouge en alternance avec d’autres couleurs – vert, bleu et violette – et que, pour

un quart des manuscrits, le rouge est la seule couleur utilisée. Donc, est de signaler

la présence dominante du rouge.

Au moment ou l’étude de la couleur des enluminures connait un nouveau élan au

Portugal – ce que je salue avec beaucoup de plaisir et satisfaction, – permettez-moi

de, à ce propos, rappeler brièvement les premiers essais en laboratoire, faits parmi

nous et, en même temps, d’évoquer la mémoire de quelqu’un que nous a déjà quittée

et fut pionnière en ces domaines.

En 1984, dans le cadre d’assistance à l’élaboration d’une thèse de maîtrise à présen-

ter au Département de Histoire de l’Art de l’Université Nouvelle de Lisbonne, Luísa

Maria Alves, chef du laboratoire du – au temps – Institut José de Figueiredo, utilisant

les méthodes pour l’analyse des peintures, initia un travail que, malheureusement,

n’a pu avoir une dimension plus significative. Les critères d’échantillonnage étaient

peu sélectifs. On cherchait une vision générale sur les matériaux des couleurs des

enluminures et les techniques d’application, pour un ensemble de manuscrits du



bestiário no Apocalipse de Lorvão”. In Animalia

Presença e Representações. Lisbonne, Ed. Coli-

bri, 2002, p. 79-99.

12. Luisa Maria P. A. ALVES, «Alguns aspectos

relativos ao estudo dos materiais que entram na

composição de alguns códices iluminados dos

séculos XIV e XV» in 2.º Congresso Nacional de

Bibliotecários, Arquivistas e Documentalistas.

Coimbra, Liv. Minerva, 1987, p.439-465.

13. Les anciens appelaient minium secundarium

ou cerusa usta à l’oxyde salin de plomb que,

autant le moine Théophile que l’auteur anonyme

du «De arte illuminandi», de même que Cennino

Cennini et la plus part des auteurs de traités, pré-

fèrent considérer comme minium à proprement

dire. Cf. Franco BRUNELLO, De arte illuminandi

e altri trattati sulla tecnica della miniatura me-

dievale. Vicenza, Neri Pozza Editore, 1992, pp.

211-212 e 234-235. Aussi l’abbé Frère João de

Jesus Maria, du monastère bénédictin de Santo

Tirso et professeur de pharmacie et directeur du

Laboratoire Pharmacien du Jardin Botanique, à

propos de la description du sang de dragon, dans

un traité pharmacien inédit du XVIII siècle, His-

tória Pharmaceutica das Plantas Exóticas (…) –

1777 –, p. 209 e s., dit que celui ci ne se doive

pas confondre avec le cinabre minéral, «chamado

dos gregos minio; nome que hoje em dia uni-

camente se confere àquella operação feita de

chumbo de que se dá notícia na Pharmacopeia

Dogmática.» («appelé chez les grecs minium;

nom donné aujourd’hui uniquement à l’opération

faite de plomb de qu’on donne notice dans la

Pharmacopeia Dogmática.») Cette œuvre corres-

pond aux deux premiers tomes, déjà édités, étant

la part inédite, le tome III, une adjonction.

14. Voir, Adelaide MIRANDA, et alii, «A cor na

iluminura portuguesa – Uma abordagem inter-

disciplinar», in Revista de História da Arte, nº.5,

Instituto de História da Arte, 2008, p. 228-245.

L’ampleur de cet étude, comprenant centaines

d’observations, ne peut pas être comparé avec

la limitation de l’essai de caractérisation de la

couleur que j’ai entrepris dans l’étude référé sur

l‘enluminure de l’Apocalipse de Lorvão. Malgré

tout, je registre, avec satisfaction, la coïncidence

XIVème et XVème siècles, tout en partant de livres de recettes, parmi lesquelles O Livro

de que como se fazem as cores das tintas todas para aluminar os livros.

Une sélection fut faite, de vingt trois manuscrits, la majeure partie datant des XIVème

et XVème siècles, appartenant au fond d’Alcobaça de la BNL, au fond de Stª Cruz de

la BPMP, au ANTT 10, à la Bibliothèque et au Musée de la Cathédrale de Viseu et à la

Biblioteca Pública e Arquivo Distrital de Évora; au total on a couvert les différentes

couleurs utilisées pour l’enluminure et l’écriture en 112 essais. Quelques années

plus tard, en 1997-98, semblable recherche, plus limitée, fut faite ayant pour base

le Livre de l’Apocalypse de Lorvão 11. Les résultats furent publiés pour la première

fois dans le Deuxième Congrès National de Bibliothécaires, Archivistes et Documen-

talistes, en 1987. 12

Plusieurs pigments sont utilisés pour obtenir le rouge, mais cette recherche a révélé

que le pigment qui est presque toujours présent c’est le vermillon, «minium» pour

les anciens, qui donnaient ce nom au cinabre, ou «vermiculum» (vermillon – sulfure

rouge de mercure) 13. En regardant les résultats provisoires présentés dans l’étude

«A cor na iluminura portuguesa», du groupe pluridisciplinaire de l’UNL (que heureu-

sement organisa cette conférence), on peut aussi vérifier l’utilisation de ce pigment

dans les deux manuscrits référés (l’Apocalipse de Lorvão et le Livro das Aves) et la

présence du rouge dans presque touts les autres sept documents 14. L’ampleur de

cette étude, avec centaines d’observations, comme nous avons vu dans ces deux

jours, se situe dans une échelle complètement différente de mes modestes et pres-

que solitaires recherches. Je registre, quand même, quelque coïncidence d’analyse,

comme celle la.

Dans «O Livro de que como se fazem as cores», ainsi que sur le «Mappae Clavícula»

on trouve cette recette de vermillon utilisé dans l’enluminure portugaise et dans la

rubrication, au moins depuis l’Apocalypse de Lorvão, du final du XIIème siècle, aux

manuscrits d’Alcobaça des XIVème et XVème siècles 15. La procédure est la même pour

les deux livres de recettes, bien que les proportions de soufre et de mercure soient

différentes: Un de souffre pour cinq de mercure, dans O livro de como se fazem as

cores; deux pour un, dans le Mappae Clavicula (un par deux dans le Theophile).

Cette coïncidence, fort intéressante – pour d’autres recettes aussi – nous révèle une

tradition, développée, peut-être, à Santa Cruz, de Coimbra, ou le «Mappae Clavicula»

est cité dans une liste de livres prêtés, du premier quartier du XIIIème siècle (1218),

transcrit au manuscrit St.ª Cruz 34/43 16. La même tradition ce trouve aussi dans

les autres «scriptoria», bien que, on ne trouve plus aucune mention de recettes de

peinture. À Alcobaça, la seule recette technique que j’ai trouvée dans le fond de

manuscrits décrit la façon de coller (solfar) le parchemin 17. Ici, dans ce période, la

couleur n’avait pas l’importance du siècle précédent, regardant le soin technique et

la diversité de la production, comme Adelaïde Miranda a démontré ce matin. Cette

tradition de l’usage du vermillon pour écrire, se retrouve plus tard dans le «Breve

Tratado de Illuminação», écrit par un frère de l’Ordre du Christ, de Thomar, et dans

son contemporain «Arte da Pintura Symmetria e Perspectiva» de Filipe Nunes, Do-

minicain, texte de 1615. 18



d’analyse relativement a ce manuscrit.

15. Voir O livro de como se fazem as cores, cap.

XV: «Para fazeres vermelhon, toma cinco libras

de fujativo . ides. azogue e põe-no en ũa arre-

doma o tigela grande vidrada e toma ũa libra de

pedra de enxofre been miuda e deita-lhe o poo

do enxofre poco e poco sobre o arjen vivo ata

que seja been encorporado, e toda via mecen-

doo con pee de cão con sua pele e sa laa ata

que se torne o fogo como cinza e depoes que

asi for mortificado deitao en duas olhas novas

que sejam feitas como aredomas enjas de joso e

estreitas encima e não fique por encerar de elas

senão un furaco pequeno por o saya o umor e

porás as olhas sobre o fogo en suas fornalhas e

baras ben con o baro e poen ũa tijela en cima

dos purados e quando o fumo vires que sal ver-

melho e não feder mete dentro no furaco un es-

peto delgado e si algua cosa se apegar ao espeto

tira as olhas do fogo e leixão esfiar e depoes que

for frio quebranta as panelas e ajaraa o berme-

lhõo feito .e por este peso faras quanto vermel-

hon quisieres fazer e a ũa terça doazogue poye 5

libras do enxofre e a 5 libras da azogue ũa libra

de enxofre equilheres ental guisa o fogo que não

se queme edalhe fuego temperado nen bivo nen

manso e te se per ventura sese quemar o verme-

lhão quebranta as olhas e moiyo e encorporao e

misturao con otro peso dazogue e de enxofre e

poeno en otras olhas e faze como dito e: e para

been mentes nos fumos como saen asi e nunca

eraras.» (Revista da Faculdade de Letras. Lisboa,

S. 3 (4), 1960,(transcription provisoire de José

Ramos); voir aussi le Mappae Clavicula, la pre-

mière recette: «De vermiculo. Si vis facere Vermi-

culum, accipe ampullam vitream et lini deforis de

luto, et sic accipe unum pondus vivi argenti, et

duo pondera sulfuris albi aut crocei coloris, et

mitte ipsam ampullam super iij. aut iiij. petras, et

adhibe ignem in circuitu ampulle ex carbonibus,

ignem tamen lentissimum, et sic cooperies am-

pullam ex parvissima tegula: et, quando videris

fumum exire ex ore ampullae blavum, cooperi: et

quando exierit fumus crocei coloris, iterum coo-

peri: et quando videris exire fumum rubeum quasi

vermiculum, sic tolle ignem, et habeas vermicul-

lum optimum in ampulla». Au chap. CV on voit

un autre recette très pareille à celle du Composi-

2. La signification de l’usage du vermillon

Brièvement, dans l’étude effectuée, on a vérifié que, pour la période du XIVème et

XVème siècles, 19 dans les différents fonds, il y a une pauvreté de la palette, la coïn-

cidence des formules et procédures utilisés avec des livres de recettes, l’utilisation

systématique de certains pigments, faciles à obtenir, et des procédures peux élabo-

rées, comme par exemple la dorure. 20

Le rouge, centre de l’ancien système ternaire des couleurs, qui a pour pôles le blanc

et le noir 21, est tenu, dans tout l’Occident, depuis les temps Protohistoriques, comme

la première de toutes les couleurs, la couleur par excellence, avant «l’éclatement»

de ce vieux schéma au XIIIème siècle 22. L’importance donnée à cette couleur, dans

les «scriptoria» portugais (et aussi dans les ateliers de peinture), pourra signifier la

permanence de vestiges de l’ancien système de couleurs que, d’après Michel Pas-

toureau, commence à se décomposer entre les siècles XI et XIII, pour donner place

au système plus linéaire qu’on utilise encore aujourd’hui. 23

Mais, au de la de la facilité d’obtention, il faut aussi tenir compte le coût, relative-

ment bas.

Au livre des dépenses du Couvent du Christ à Thomar 24, de la première moitié du

XVIème siècle, on trouve une série de prix des pigments pour les enlumineurs et pour

les peintres, ce que peut-être utilisé pour faire une comparaison de coûts relatifs.

On peut admettre que ce rapport se maintient, «grosso modo», dans des périodes

antérieurs. Ainsi, le vermillon coûtait entre 120 et 53 Réis la livre (arrátel), selon la

qualité du produit, alors que pour le bleu, la valeur va de 400 Réis la livre (arrátel)

à 1050 l’once (28, 69 grammes) 25, prix du «bleu fin». Le prix du mercure (azougue)

était de 100 Réis la livre (arrátel). Selon le même registre de dépenses, l’enlumineur

António de Hollanda était payé de 6000 Réis pour chaque frontispice, 500 Réis pour

chaque «lettre à vignette», 80 Réis pour lettre simple en indigo (anil), bleu et or, et

40 Réis pour lettre en noir.

On voit, donc, que le prix du bleu courant 26 était, plus ou moins, trois fois et demie plus

cher que celui du vermillon, alors que le «bleu fin» (peut-être du lapis-lazuli) était 140

fois plus cher. Le bleu était le plus cher des pigments indiqués. Il suffisait à António

de Hollanda d’enluminer une «lettre à vignette» pour pouvoir acheter quatre livres de

vermillon, mais seulement un peu plus d’une livre de bleu courant; et il lui faudrait un

frontispice pour s’offrir une once de bleu fin. L’abondance de vermillon explique, pro-

bablement, non seulement son coût relativement bas, mais aussi son usage fréquent.

Revenons à la Crónica Geral de Espanha. On ne pourra y parler ni de pauvreté de

palette, ni de contentions, tel que dans d’autres manuscrits du XVème siècle 27. Le

recours aux commandes royales, de que ce manuscrit est exemple, pendant le XVème

et le XVIème siècle, introduit une certaine opulence et une mise au goût international

dans la production de manuscrit. Bien que pour la «Crónica» on ne dispose d’aucune

étude en laboratoire pour les pigments et agglutinants, on peut essayer, avec toute

prudence, pour ce que j’ai dénommé de deuxième style d’ornementation 28, un certain

rapport avec des manuscrits de la même époque, où on trouve l’emploi d’identiques



tiones ad tingenda – «De compositione cinnaba-

rin – Tolles ydroargiris (mercure) mundi partes

ii et sulfuris vivi partem i et mitte in ampullam,

sine fumo, et lento igni, decoquens, facies cinna-

barin, et lava utiliter.» (Thomas Phillips, Mappae

Clavicula; manuscript traetise on the preparation

of pigments, and on various processes of the de-

corative arts practised during the Middle Ages.

London, 1847, p. 7). Dans un autre traité, le Ma-

nuscrit de Bologne – Libro dei colori (moitié du

XVème s.), écrit en l’Italie, où, tel qu’en Espagne,

abondait le mercure, on peut voir deux recettes

dont les coïncidences avec le Mappae Clavícula

sont évidentes: «Ad faciendum cinabrium – Tolli

una parte de argento vivo et doi parte de sol-

fo giallo e necto e bem macinato poi pone omne

cose in una bocia et incoprila legiermente cum

luto de sapientia poi la pone in lo fornello et dalli

da prima lo foco ligireo et copre la boca della bo-

cia cum una tegola, e quando tu vederai lo fumi

giallo continua lo foco per in fino che vedrai usci-

re el fumo rosso o vermeglio alora tolj via lo foco

et quando será freddo troverai bello cinapro.»

«– Ad idem alio modo. – Habeas unam ampol-

lam vitream lutata de luto sapientie usque ad

summum collj deinde recipe partes duas sulfo-

ris albi et bene triti et partem unam argenti

vivi postea pone in ampulla sopradicta et fac de

carbonibus ignem lepidissimum et circa eam cum

quatuor lapidibus et ponem ampullam desuper

et coperi eum cum tegula et sepe discoperias et

quando videbis fumum lividum coperi dummodo

videbis exire fumum rubeum tunc tolle ab igne

quod factum erit.» (M Merrifield, p. 326. Cap.

VII, n. 182 e 183 – Secreti Per Colori.)

16. Voir António CRUZ, Santa Cruz de Coimbra

na cultura portuguesa da Idade Média. Porto,

1964, p. 203.

17. Voir l’Ordinário do Ofício Divino, BNL, Alc.

63, fl. 147v.

18. Breve Tratado de Ilvminação composto por

hum religioso da ordem de Xp.º (...). Bibliothè-

que Générale de l’Université de Coimbra, Col.

Jardim Histórico, vol XXXVII, ms. n.º 344. Voir

au chap. IX,, part 1.ère, une recette pour faire

motifs et de procédures d’usage de la couleur: lettres phytomorphiques, ramures avec

feuilles d’acanthe e lancéolées que se prolongent, en tige, vers les zones périphéri-

ques, mais aussi une évolution de la palette depuis la période antérieure et, princi-

palement, le perfectionnement des procédures, créant un plus large chromatisme. 29

Les images de la «Crónica», dessinés et colorées, comme on l’a déjà dit, au XVème

siècle, nous fournissent une donné intéressante, sur les couleurs utilisées pour les

représentations du roi, la figuration la plus importante. Tout d’abord on trouve l’or

comme fond en toutes les pages, lettres ornées et miniatures, ce qui est rare dans

l’enluminure portugaise de cette époque ; cela la transforme en ouvrage d’apparat,

où la filigrane, l’ornement le plus courant, disparaît complètement. D’autre part,

à l’envers du reste de l’Europe, la couleur principale pour les vêtements royaux

est le rouge, à deux exceptions prés, ou le bleu domine: le roi décédé Alphonse VI

(fl. 289r.) et le roi enfant Henri I de Castille (fl. 285r.), le voyant, dans la scène de

l’acclamation, sur une estrade recouvert dans drap rouge. 30

Ce langage des images, incorporées dans la «Crónica» à un moment différent de

celui de l’écriture, 31 introduit un nouveau discours, ou le roi est présent et domine,

jouant le rôle principal. C’est en lui qui se fonde la légitimité, renversant, ainsi, le

ton seigneurial sous-jacent au texte de la «Crónica». Ça veut dire que la façon de

représenter le roi, n’est pas dépendent d’une raison graphique ou d’une combinaison

chromatique, par exemple, la loi de l’alternance: mais son image est construite avec

une intentionnalité, montrant clairement ses attributs.

Nous allons vous présenter l’exemple le plus significatif.

L’image du folio 185v, représente le roi Jacques II d’Aragon (1291-1329), frère de

la reine Sainte Isabelle, épouse de D. Dinis. La figure, un buste, est inscrite dans

l’initial D, construite avec des motifs architecturaux, en fond d’or piqué. Le roi est

représenté de front, avec des cheveux coupés court, mode la plus répandue dans la

«Crónica» 32, avec une longue barbe en boucles et peigné en deux; coiffé d’une riche

couronne, il est habillé en rouge. Cette image du roi, avec la force du portrait, est la

plus élaborée de toute la «Crónica», ce que relève l’importance, dans ce manuscrit,

de l’iconographie des rois d’Aragon. Avec de belles proportions et un aspect solen-

nel, nous sommes tentés de y voir l’allégorie de la «Cour Impériale» (Corte imperial

– XIVème siècle), ouvrage existant à la bibliothèque du roi D. Duarte, ou se décrit la

figure de l’Empereur – le Christ – « visage vénérable, inspirant l’amour et la crainte,

une barbe abondante, divisée en deux au menton, des yeux beaux, simples et clairs,

avec une couronne de pierres précieuses sur la tête. C’était, on le voyait, le plus

parfait des hommes.» 33 Le traitement spécial de la tête du roi, la partie la plus noble

du corps, montre que le roi est la tête du royaume, tout comme le Christ l’est par

rapport à l’Église. Cette image peut, donc, évoquer la grâce spéciale du roi – une

sorte de dualité, comme le Christ, que vient de la grâce divine 34 – mise en évidence

par l’or, la couleur de la divinité, et par le rouge, la couleur de l’humanité.

D’autres exemples de l’iconographie royale pourraient être indiqués, démontrant

la préférence pour le rouge, comme c’est le cas du célèbre portrait de D. João I, au

Musée National de L’Art Ancien de Lisbonne, dont la datation du XVème siècle fut,



(«aparelhar») le vermillon à écrire. Filipe NUNES,

Arte da Pintura Symetria e Perspectiva. Com-

posto por Philippe Nunes natural de Vila Real.

Ed. Fac-similé a partir de l’éd. de 1615, avec in-

troduction de Leontina Ventura. Porto, Ed. Pai-

sagem, 1982. Voir ici les fls. 65 e 66: «Tomase

hum pucaro nouo, e nelle se bota o enxofre. E

o azougue partes iguais, e depois se barra muito

bem que não saya o bafo fora, e posto ao fogo

até que se encorpore hũa cousa com outra por

espaço de sinco ou seis horas.»

19. Voir la dissertation citée (note 9), Missais ilu-

minados dos séculos XIV e XV […]. On a utilisée

les études réalisées au Laboratoire Centrale de

l’Institut José de Figueiredo, publiées, aussi, par

Luísa Maria P. A. ALVES, O.c., note 1.ère.

20. En Alcobaça, la dorure est très imparfaite

quant à la préparation et quant aux résultats ob-

tenus. Alors on peut penser que dans ce scrip-

torium on prêtait peu d’attention a cette procé-

dure, dispensable dans la notation du texte, au

contraire des traités de recettes, tel que le Map-

pae Clavícula ou le O Livro de como se fazem as

cores, où on peut trouver une large quantité de

recettes dédiées à cette procédure.

21. Thomas de Verceil, dans sa théorie mysti-

que de la couleur, définit Dieu comme blanc et

rouge, lumière e chaleur: «Indicibiliter se candi-

dum et rubicundum ostendit (Deus) [...] ita ut

nihil aliud sit sua luciditas quam sua igneitas,

nec minus igneitas quam luciditas» Cit. em E. de

BRUYNE, La estética en la Edad Media. Madrid,

Visor, 1994, p. 130. Au Portugais on continue a

utilisé les mots «corar» et «corado» (coloratus)

pour indiquer l’action de donner une teinte ou

de rougir ou quelque chose coloré de rouge, ves-

tiges de l’importance du rouge comme couleur

par excellence.

22. Michel PASTOUREAU, Figures et couleurs –

Études sur la symbolique et la sensibilité médié-

vales. Paris, Le Léopard d’Or, 1986, p. 37.

23. Cf. M. PASTOUREAU, Couleurs, images et

symboles – Études d`histoire et anthropologie.

Paris, Le Léopard D’Or (1988), p. 23.

récemment, mise en cause 35, ou l’image de D. Manuel, comme roi David, du «Missal

Rico» de S. Cruz de Coimbra 36. Or et rouge paraissent être attributs royaux, couleurs

présentes aussi dans les armoiries des rois portugais.

De la simple notice, du XIVème siècle, qu’on a lu dans un manuscrit écrit et enluminé

au XVème siècle, on peut déduire, grâce à quelques donnés et une certaine fantaisie,

que le vermillon, abondant dans la Péninsule Ibérique, continue d’être une source

privilégié et plus bon marché pour obtenir ce rouge lumineux qu’on trouve dans

notre enluminure et que va garder ici, pendant tout le Moyen Age, le statut de color

principalis. 37 •

Biographie

Email: [email protected] / [email protected]

Né en 1945, a fait la licence en Histoire (Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa,

1976) et la maitrise en Histoire de l’Art (Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da

Universidade Nova de Lisboa 1986). Professeur Coordinateur au Instituto Politécnico

de Tomar les dernières 22 années de ça carrières, actuellement est en retraite. Dans les

prochaines années est proviseur de l’étudiant au même Institut.

Ses études sur le livre manuscrit sont centrés sur l’enluminure portugaise aux XIVème et

XVème siècles.

le roi jacques ii d’aragon – crónica geral de espanha – academia das ciências – lisbonne, ms. 1 azul, fl. 185v.



24. ANTT, Livro 23, Despesa das obras do

convento de Tomar, feita por Fr.Gaspar, fora

da empreitada de João de Castilho, Tomar,

1533-1539. Inédites. Fl. 137-185. Cf. Sylvie

DESWARTE, Les Enluminures da la Leitura Nova.

1504-1552 – Études sur la culture artistique au

Portugal au temps de l’Humanisme. Paris, F.C.

Gulbenkian, 1977, p. 211. L’auteur transcrit les

payements faits à António de Holanda. Voir,

aussi, Maria Amélia P. S. CASANOVA, A pintura

de Gregório Lopes em Tomar sob o mecenato de

Frei António Lisboa. Lisbonne, 2002, thèse de

maitrise, sous presse. Ici l’auteur collige la do-

cumentation complète relative aux contrats avec

les enlumineurs et les dépenses faites dans les

achats des matériaux.

25. L’ «arrátel» fait 0,459 kilo et seize onces et

l’once fait 28,69 grammes.

26. L’atelier du peintre Gregório Lopes (c. 1485-

c.1550) utilisa, pour le bleu, l’azurite, et pour

le rouge on employait toujours le vermillon et

fréquemment l’ocre rouge, la garance et le ker-

mès. Voir Luísa Maria ALVES et Vitor SERRÃO

(Coord.), Estudo da Pintura Portuguesa – Oficina

de Gregório Lopes. Lisbonne, Instituto José de

Figueiredo, 1999, pp. 179-232.

27. Voir les manuscrits produits dans l’entourage

de la cours d’Avis: Leal Conselheiro e o Livro da

Ensinança de Bem Cavalgar – B. Nacional de Pa-

ris, Fonds portugais, n.º 5 (1433-38); Vida e Fei-

tos de Júlio César – Escorial, Monasreio de San

Lorenzo, Q-I-37, (1446-85); Ordinários do Ofício

divino – Alc. 62 (1475) et Alc. 63 (1483); Mis-

sal Cisterciense – Alc. 459 (2.ª moitié do XVème

s.); Livro da Virtuosa Benfeitoria – cód. 9, Real

Ac. de Hist. de Madrid – il a appartenu au fils

de D. Pedro, le connétable – (ca. 1430), et un

autre exemplaire de la Biblioteca Municipal de

Viseu, cofre n.º 14 (ca. 1430); Vida de Cristo de

Ludolfo de Saxónia – Alc. 451-453 (1440-50).

Dans l’Alc. 451 on voit, au fl. 56v. «Ata aqui fez o

scripvam del Rey» (Jusqu’ici il était fait par l’écri-

vain du Roi) et au fl. 57r l‘indication de qu’il en

a achevé d’écrire et relier Fr. Bernardo de Alco-

baça, 1445-1446.

28. Le deuxième style on peut le caractériser par

les feuillages et les ramures. Plus simple et re-

tenu, ce programme privilégie la lettre initiale,

quelques fois se prolongeant sur les marges,

en excluant toute sorte de figuration. C’est ce

modèle qui on voit aussi dans d’autres manus-

crits sortis du même atelier royal, tel que le Leal

Conselheiro et ceux qui sont désignés dans la

note précédente, où c’est possible voir l’identité

de motifs et procédés.

29. Les nuances appliquées sur le tom de base

ont l’objectif d’obtenir non seulement les lumiè-

res (lumina) et l’ombre (tractus), comme il vient

décrits dans le De diversis Artibus du moine

Théophile, mais, surtout, le modelé, avec éviden-

tes influences de la technique de la peinture. On

assiste, nommément, au retour du jaune (étain et

plomb) et à l’élimination du contour en noir.

30. Les autres représentations du roi, trouvées à

la Crónica, son les suivantes: fl.155r. – Le roi avec

manteau rouge, assis, dans la scène du taureau;

fl. 160r – Le roi maure de Tolède avec son man-

teau rouge prenant sa femme chrétienne; fl. 182 r

– Le roi Pierre III d’Aragon avec manteau écarlate

et vert; fl.185v. Le roi Alphonse III d’Aragon s’ha-

bille en rouge et bleu; Jacques II d’Aragon s’ha-

bille en rouge; fl. 205 r – Rencontre amoureux

de D. Urraca et El Cid; fl. 266r – La reine Urraca

s’habille en rouge et son amant le comte de Lara,

en écarlate; fl. 287 v – Tête de roi dans un fond

rouge; fl.318r. – Le roi Alphonse X, le sage, s’ha-

bille en rouge écarlate.

31. Sur ce sujet j’ai écrit un petit texte, en train

d’être publié à la Revista de História da Arte, de

l’Institut d’Histoire de l’Art, Faculté de Sciences

Sociales et Humaines de L’Université Nouvelle

de Lisbonne, inséré au Project Imago, développé

dans le même Institut: Imagem e tempo – Repre-

sentações do poder na Crónica Geral de Espanha.

Là je pose l’hypothèse de la «Crónica» pouvoir

être enluminée pendant le règne de D. Duarte

ou, même, dans la période de la régence do son

frère, l’Infant D. Pedro.

32. La mode des cheveux coupés courts, rasés

dans la nuque et sur les oreilles, tombant en

frange sur le front, semble être initié en France

vers 1420. Voir QUICHERAT, J., Histoire du cos-

tume en France depuis les temps les plus reculés

jusqu’a la fin du XVIIIe siècle. 1875-77, p. 256. On

peut voir que les figures représentées dans le po-

lyptiques de La Vénération de S. Vincent, du Mu-

sée National de L’Art Ancien de Lisbonne, œuvre

contemporaine ou presque de les images de la

«Crónica», ont les cheveux coupés de la mêmes

façon, nommément le personnage que la tradi-

tion a identifié comme l’Infant D. Henrique, mais

que probablement sera son frère, le roi D. Duar-

te. Le costume a, aussi, des éléments communs.

33. Voir Mário MARTINS, «A Corte Imperial».

Alegorias e símbolos e exemplos morais da lite-

ratura medieval portuguesa. Lisbonne, Ed. Bro-

téria, 1980, p. 208.

34. WIRTH, Jean, L’image médiévale. Naissance

et développements (VIe- XVe siècle). Paris, Méri-

diens Klincksieck, 1989, p. 211.

35. Voir José Alberto Seabra CARVALHO, «O re-

trato de D. João I – Revisão crítica». Revista de

História da Arte, nº. 5, 2008, p. 67-75.

36. Voir Horácio A. PEIXEIRO, «Um missal ilu-

minado de Santa Cruz», in A Luz do mundo –

Oceanos, 26, Avril-Juin, 1996, pp. 60-69.

37. Je remerci Manuel Guedes Vieira de la tra-

duction en français de ce texte.



Resumo

A escolha do ligante para as tintas da iluminura foi um dos aspectos técnicos mais

importantes a ter em conta no passado, uma vez que este pode interagir de forma

diferente com os pigmentos e contribuir de forma decisiva para o efeito visual.

O temperar dos pigmentos para a iluminura ocupa uma parte significativa da maioria

dos tratados medievais sobre técnicas artísticas, sendo descrito com detalhe tanto

a sua preparação como as misturas e aplicações. Este artigo estuda e organiza a

informação relativa aos ligantes referidos em importantes fontes históricas e textuais,

com o objectivo de esclarecer se a escolha de um certo ligante estava associada ao

tipo de pigmento ou ao efeito visual final; e também, de fornecer um instrumento

útil de apoio à documentação necessária às análises em laboratório e à própria

interpretação dos dados analíticos. •

Abstract

The choice of the binding media in manuscript illumination was one of the most

important technical aspects as each medium interacts differently with pigments and

optical results can be quite different. Most medieval treatises on art technology dedi-

cate extensive parts on tempering pigments for illumination, explaining with details

their preparation, mixtures and use. The paper will study and organize the informa-

tion regarding binding media quoted in these important historic textual sources,

with the aim to clarify several technical issues concerning the choice of a binder in

relation to the pigment to be used or the wanted final appearance of colours; and

second, to provide a useful tool for the documentary support of laboratory analysis

and for the correct interpretation of analytical results. •

palavras-chave

liganteiluminuratratados medievaisinvestigação das fontes

key-words

binding mediamanuscript illuminationmedieval treatisessource research


binding media in medieval manuscript illumination: a source research

Introduction

Manuscript illumination is an aqueous painting technique and therefore needs a

binder to keep the pigment particles together, facilitate its application with a reed,

quill or brush, and also improve its adherence to the surface of parchment, the writ-

ing material par excellence in European Middle Ages.

The choice of the binding medium was very important because each medium inter-

acts differently with pigments and can change its optical properties. Thus, medium

preparation and mixture with pigment was one of the essential parts of the whole

process of manuscript illumination. A good example is the scheme of painting ma-

terials and techniques in medieval treatises on art technology, where tempering is

as important as pigment identification, preparation and mixtures. What is more,

the anonymous author of the late eleventh century treatise De clarea warns that to

make something beautiful it is necessary to prepare materials properly, in his case

the different ways to prepare glair (Thompson 1932: 15).

Medieval treatises on art technology are one of the most important sources for the

study of binding media in manuscript illumination (Clarke 2001). Illumination was

a major sumptuary art, as illuminated manuscripts were gifts of high esteem due to

the wealth of materials and the symbolic value of images. For this reason, it is not

surprising that illumination is one of the techniques that constantly appear in these

treatises, either as specific technical process or as part of pictorial arts. The study and

organization of this information can, first, clarify several technical issues concern-

ing the choice of a binder in relation to the pigment to be used or the wanted final

appearance of colours; and second, can provide a useful tool for the documentary

support of laboratory analysis.

stefanos kroustall is [email protected]



1. At the De clarea treatise we have a very good

description and even a drawing of this wooden

whisk (f. 2r). At the De arte illuminandi a brush

(pinzellum situlare) was also used to whip egg

(Brunello 1992: 89). An anecdotic case is de-

scribed in an Italian recipe from the XIII century

where glair was the binding media for vermilion

applied with quill «bene rocta con la spongna o

con la scopa et con l´artifiggio delfico» (Tossati

Soldano 1978: 142).

2. Current research considers that the treatise is

a composite text and the author (or authors) was

a compilation; see Clarke, M. (2011) «Rework-

ing Theophilus: adaptation and use in workshop

texts», in: A. Speer et al.(eds.) Die «Schedula di-

versarum artium» – ein Handbuch mittelalterli-

cher Kunst? (in series Miscellanea Mediaevalia).

Berlin–New York: W. de Gruyter.

3. For example, Experimenta de coloribus (Merri-

field 1967: 56); De coloribus diversis modis (Mer-

rifield 1967: 265); Liber diversarum arcium (Libri

1849: 765; Clarke 2011 §1.22.1); Libro secondo

de diversi colori where the author recommends to

use four sponges bound together (Wallert 1995:

40, 42); or the fifteenth century Bolognese man-

uscript (Merrifield 1967: 466).

Binding media

The principal binding media used in manuscript illumination were clarified egg white

or glair (clare, albumen, glarea, albugine ovi); gums, such as gum arabic (gumma):

and glues, such as fish glue (ichtyocollon), casein glue (glutine casei) or parchment

size (cola pergamena). In most cases binders were applied alone, but depending on

the technique or pigment, mixtures were also prepared in different proportions.

GlairGlair (from the late Latin clarea, from Latin clarus, clear) is the settled liquid of the

egg white froth. There are three ways to prepare glair that, ultimately, are the three

ways to make the egg white in to foam. First, by whipping egg whites (verberata,

fracta, percutita) with a wooden whisk 1 or spoon; second, by pressing and squeez-

ing them with a sponge (cassata, spongiata); and, third, by passing them through a

wool or linen cloth. A survey of medieval treatises points out that until the twelfth

century whipping was the only method used. The reason is given by the anonymous

author of De clarea treatise who states that the use of a sponge or a filter could con-

taminate glair either with grease and dirt of hands or with impurities of the sponge

or cloth and the result would be a weak and brittle binding media (Thompson 1956:

15). When Theophilus in his Schedula diversum artium 2 refers to glair it is always

the one prepared by whipping (Hawthorne and Smith, 1979: 31-38). However, it

seems that since the thirteenth century the sponge method gained currency and

the references to clara ovi spongiata become more common 3. In very few cases it is

recommended the use of a funnel-shaped wet linen filter to prepare glair (Heraclius

treatise, Merrifield, 1967: 233).

Glair beating was a laborious and complicated process, mostly because any failure

would mean the loss of its adhesive power. De clarea text is quite explicit: contain-

ers should be very clean without grease and brass vessels shouldn´t be used, as glair

can turn greenish (Thompson 1932: 17). The last comment is interesting because it

shows also how everyday experience interferes with artistic praxis: copper containers

stabilize egg white foam and does not settle, something desired for culinary purposes

but not for artistic ones (McGee 2004: 102-103; Perego 2005: 511). Moreover, if

egg white is not well beaten pigments could not be tempered easily, states again our

anonymous author (Thompson 1932: 19). Glair consists mainly of water (circa 88%;

Colombini and Modugno 2009: 167) and proteins (with hydrophilic and hydrophobic

amino acids) and a strong beating that creates foam means that proteins become

completely denaturized and, once settled, glair can be mixed with water and become

a binding medium for manuscript illumination. Again the author of the De clarea

treatise draw special attention to the fact that if glair was not well beaten it would

behave as if it was glue, so pigments would not run well from the pen of the scribe

and the colour would appear unsightly on parchment (Thompson 1956: 19). The

proof that glair was well whipped was that foam could remain adhered to the contain-

er without running. Then glair was left to rest with the container tilted, so when the


b i n d i n g m e d i a i n m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t i l l u m i n a t i o n : a s o u r c e r e s e a r c h

4. Old glair was a very common varnish in manu-

script illumination and bookbinding as it forms

resistant and elastic films, although its perme-

ability and solubility decreases with ageing (Co-

lombini and Modugno 2009: 238). For example,

Theophilus recommends old glair to varnish gild-

ed areas (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 37).

foam would become liquid it could be easily collected. In that moment it was really

important to control environmental conditions as low temperatures could freeze glair

and high ones could dry it. Finally, glair was kept in a glazed clay pot or even in the

shell of the egg because according to a widespread medieval belief, the natural con-

tainer of substances was the best to conserve them. It seems that old glair was more

appreciated than the new one. The author of De coloribus faciendis recommends to

use a three or four days old glair as a binder for the mixture of red lead and vermil-

ion, because colour would look shine with a short of varnish brilliancy (Merrifield

1967: 142) and the author of De coloribus naturalia used old putrefied glair to give

shine and strength to blue pigments (Thompson, 1935: 139). Glair could be modified

with water to improve pigment’s fluidity, once tempered. Theophilus in his treatise

recommends beating egg white with water in summer and without it in winter, so

it would never become too dry or too aqueous (Hawthorne and Smith, 1979: 36).

Glair was an optimal medium for miniature painting, free flowing and easily appli-

cable, but there were also some inconveniences in its use as a binding media, be-

sides the above-mentioned difficulties. The main disadvantage was the formation

of bubbles while pigments were tempered (spumositates de coloribus), which was

really annoying to illuminators. The recommendation of almost all authors to avoid

this problem was to add earwax (ceroti auricule) in the mixture, especially if it was

going to be used with azurite blue and vermillion (Liber diversarum arcium, Libri

1849: 747; Clarke 2011 §1.3.19). Another problem was the fact that if glair stayed

too long mixed with pigments it could damage them. It seems that, again, blue pig-

ments were the problem, as many authors warn not to work more than a day with

the pigment tempered with glair, because becomes darker and its beauty gets spoiled

(Livro de como se fazen as cores, Blondheim 1930-1: 82; De coloribus faciendis,

Merrifield 1967: 134; Bolognese manuscript, Merrifield 1967: 410). As glair reduces

the natural saturation of colours, sometimes pigments had to be varnished after

drying 4. Another inconvenience is that, unlike egg yolk and gums that can be used

more or less immediately, glair needs to be prepared a few hours before it can be

used, as it has to sit and the older it is, the better it gets. Many of these difficulties

were resolved with the mixture of adhesives. For example, as glair dries fast, yolk

was added and, at the same time, the intensity and brilliancy of yolk was combined

with the durability of glair (Bolognese manuscript, Merrifield 1967: 410).

Egg yolkEgg yolk (vitello ovi) was the foremost medium for panel painting in late medieval

and early Renaissance Europe. But, according medieval treatises on art technology,

it was rarely used alone as a binder in manuscript illumination. As the author of De

clarea stated, the reasons was that it had not a good adhesive power, as it is more

greasy than glair, pigment surface cracked and made spots (Thompson 1932: 73).

But as egg yolk left pigments brighter, he also recommended mixing it with glair and

taking advantage of the characteristics of both media. The use of this mixture is also

found in the Marciana manuscript, where putrefied glair and yolk is specially recom-



5. The term albam here is not used in the sense

of something opaque white, but in the sense of

something bright and transparent; for example,

a common adjective for water is also albam. That

is why the author of De Arte Illuminandi recom-

mends to chose always a gum that is lucidisima

or albam et claram (Brunello 1992: 99).

6. It seems that Theophilus´ recommendation to

use local products, equally good and less expen-

sive, rather than imported ones is quite applica-

ble in this case (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 12).

mended for «colours which have no body» (Merrifield 1967: 610). The anonymous

author of the twelfth century Hi sunt omnes colores also quotes the use of yolk as a

binding media for illumination, together with glair and cherry gum (Novák 1996: 77).

Finally, pigments tempered only with yolk clot on the brush, so only a small amount

could be applied each time. Therefore, the amount of water in the tempering process

would be really important, as it could influence the transparency of the colour. The

preparation process was really easy: egg yolk was removed from its sac by making

a hole very carefully with a thorn or a needle and it was mixed with a drop of water

(De coloribus et artibus romanorum, Merrifield 1967: 235).

GumsGum arabic was one of the most common binding media for pigments in manuscript

illumination and the exclusive medum in writing inks. As the author of the Liber

diversarum arcium states (Libri 1849: 766; Clarke 2011 §1.23.1), this gum was

imported from Arabia and there were commercially available three kinds, according

colour: the best quality was the white one (albam 5) and of a lower quality was the

yellow (citrinum) and the pink (subrussum). The gum was very easy to prepare and

use: it was commercialized in solid lumps, which were powdered or soaked in water,

until they were completely dissolved. Then it was tested with fingers: if they stuck

together tightly, then it was well done, if not, more gum should be added. Finally,

it was filtered with a linen cloth and mixed with pigments. The main advantages of

gum arabic are its high solubility in water, its good adhesive power, and the fact that

gives intensity to colours, as it saturates pigments. The disadvantage is its brittleness,

and normally it had to be emulsified with natural plasticizers like honey.

However, we must take into account that during Middle Ages «gum arabic» was also

a generic term to refer to any kind of gum used as a binding medium in painting

techniques. In the case of manuscript illumination cherry and plum gums (the «local»

ones 6) were frequently used. It is obvious that access to true gum arabic depended

on commercial routes to and from Northeast Africa (Senegal still is the main gum

Arabic producing country), something that not always was possible. Yet in the six-

teenth century the famous Spanish physician Andrés Laguna, stated that in his time

«the ordinary gum arabic in drugstores unworthily have such a name [...] as it was

born here, among us, from plums, pear, cherry and almond trees» (Laguna 1556: 87).

That is why, in this case, the commercial aspect was very important as, according

Prosperus Alpini, the fact that the gum came directly «from Egypt or Arabia then was

the original, as they don´t have plum, cherry or other gum trees» (Alpini 1592: f. 5r).

But the fact that it was very common to commercialize local fruit trees gums under

the name of gum arabic does not mean necessarily that artists were tricked into us-

ing a gum of lower quality. It is well known that in Middle Ages the appearance of

a substance prevailed over any other property and a gum that was a good binder in

manuscript illumination could be perfectly considered as «gum arabic». For example,

in the text Hi sunt omnes colores we read that pigments for books were tempered with

cherry gum, because it could be used either with water or wine and it could maintain



its strength even for a year (Novák 1996: 77). A century later, the author of the trea-

tise De coloribus naturalia exscripta et collecta, gives a recipe to prepare an artificial

gum arabic, using also cherry gum (Thompson 1935: 143). In the Liber de coloribus

illuminatorum sive pictorum the author tells us that the gum from plum tree was also a

good binder (Thompson 1926: 287). Cherry gum gives great transparency and bright-

ness to colours, but it is only partially soluble in water (60% soluble fraction and 40%

insoluble one; Perego 2005: 338). In the above mentioned text Hi sunt omnes colores

cherry gum was prepared either by softened in water a whole night or by boiling it

with water or with wine (Novák 1996: 77). Also Theophilus recommendation that cher-

ry and plum gums should be left in sun, during summer, or close to fire, during winter,

is probably due to this low solubility of both gums (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 33).

A prolonged boiling can transform them into a substance similar to gum arabic (Perego

2005: 340). The advantage of using cherry gum in tempering pigments for illumination

is that it is less viscous than gum arabic, although cherry gum films chips easily if used

alone and for that reason it has to be emulsified also with honey or fig tree sap.

It seems that also almond tree gum was used a binder, but less frequent than cherry

or plum tree gums. For example, in the text Tractatus qualiter quilibet artificialis color

fieri possit almond gum was mixed with glair in a gilding process with gold leaves

(Thompson 1934-5: 467-8).

Gum tragacanth (adragante, draganto) appears in De arte illuminandi as a binder in

manuscript illumination but its use is anecdotic (its adhesive power is less than other

gums) and only as an additive to other gums or glair (probably as an emulsifier) for

the tempering of blue pigments (Bolognese manuscript, Merrifield 1967: 410) or in

parchment gilding (De arte illuminandi, Brunello 1992: 45). The use of tragacanth

gum is problematic due to, first, the fact that it is only partially soluble in water and

it is one of the most viscous vegetables gums; and, second, it gives mat pictorial

films (Perego 2005: 334-335).

GluesGlues of animal origin were used since Antiquity in art techniques (Pliny, Historia Nat-

uralis: 28.236), particularly in woodworks, sculpture, panel or wall painting, textiles.

Animal glues derive from collagen, a protein present in skins, bones, and connective

tissue. Various types of animal glues are available, according to animal or the part

used. In illumination techniques parchment size (cola pergamena) and fish glue (cola

piscium, ichtyocola) are the ones that most often appear in medieval treatises on art

technology, mainly in gilding, chrysography, tempering certain colours or as addi-

tives to glair or gum arabic. Recipes for its preparations are very common in medieval

treatises like De arte illuminandi (Brunello 1992: 93), Livro de como se fazen as cores

(Blondheim 1930-1: 82) or De coloribus faciendis (Van Acker 1972: 190). Parchment

size was considered as the highest quality of all animal glues and it was prepared by

boiling parchment clippings, until broth got concentrated (Heraclius treatise, Mer-

rifield 1967: 230); then it was strained through a piece of cloth and allowed to cool.

Parchment size was used mostly in gilding on parchment. Parchment size does not



7. See for example the recipe for cheese glue in

De coloribus faciendis (Van Acker 1972: 180) or

in Il libro dell’ arte de Cennino Cennini (Brunello

2002: 151-2).

8. Francisco Pacheco and Antonio Palomino, the

well known Spanish painter and writer, quotes

that by adding branches and leaves of fig tree

to parchment size, the glue remained liquid and

did not need heating (Pacheco 2001: 451-2;

Palomino 1724: 80). However, still it is not very

clear the purpose of the use of fig tree sap and

alternative explanations can be found like fun-

gicide replacing the use of vinegar or because it

clots and holds together egg temple (Villarquide

Jevenois 2004: 392).

spread so easily as gums or glair, so they are easier to use when precision is needed

but shrinkage is considerable and plasticizers should be used (Horie 2005: 143).

Fish glue (or «isinglass» when it was prepared from swim bladders) was prepared in a

similar way, by boiling skins or bones in water, although for the purest form the swim

bladders were used. The most famous fish glue was the one made from the sturgeon

fish (Heraclius treatise, Merrifield 1967: 192), but other fishes were also used, like

pike or eels (Il libro del arte, Brunello 2002: 148-9; Schedula of Theophilus, Dodwell

1961: 29). It seems that fish glue was a common binder in manuscript illumination

on parchment, as the eighth century manuscript Compositiones ad tingenda quotes

(Hedfors 1932: 33), although in latter treatises fish glue was used normally in gilding

techniques, chrysography and argyrography (Experimenta de coloribus, Merrifield

1967: 56). Fish glue is transparent, with good adhesive power and it does not darken

as do other animal glues (Colombini and Modugno 2009: 168) and its solutions

resist gelling in room temperature (it can melt even at 6º C while parchment size

has to be kept warm during use, as it needs 30-50º C; Horie 2005: 143). Fish glue

is too sensible in the presence of salt (Perego 2005: 220), so it is incompatible with

pigments like salt verdigris.

Cheese glue (or casein glue) was another animal protein glue based on casein and

obtained from milk or cheese, mixed with an alkali 7 (Horie 2005: 144). If the alkali

is lime the adhesive is highly water resistant (Gettens and Stout 1966: 8).

AdditivesAdditives to modify the properties of binding media and facilitate their preservation

were two very important aspects in medieval workshop praxis. That is why a series of

substances were added in the tempering mixture. Increase the flexibility of the adhe-

sive film once dried was a key point, as the turning of book pages could deteriorate

pigments. Honey and sugar was the most employed additives to prevent binders be-

coming brittle (Borradaile 1966: 59). According the author of De arte illuminandi an

illuminator should have always prepared a «water of honey» or a «water of sugar» as

an additive to glue or glair (Brunello 1992: 100-103). But the same author also warn

not to put too much honey otherwise pigments will get spoiled as they will not dry

easily (Brunello 1992: 81). Fig tree sap also provided flexibility and, moreover, due to

latex, could increase adhesive power and water-proof the painting film 8 (Blondheim

1930-1: 80; Libri 1849: 765; Clarke 2011 §1.22.1B; Pomaro 1991: 120, Merrifield

1967: 475). Only rarely fig tree sap was used alone as a binder, as in a case of yellow

colour made by orpiment and sulfur (Experimenta de coloribus, Merrifield 1967: 96).

In animal glues wine and vinegar (alcohol) could prevent the formation of a gel at

room temperature. Vinegar was added to gum arabic (aceto gumato) when used with

colorants in order to control pH and consequently the tone of the colour (Pomaro

1991: 115). Small quantities of vinegar added to animal glues facilitate their solubility

as an agent against gelification (Perego 2005: 216-7). Finally to prevent from mould

and insects, arsenic, camphor, clove, myrrh or even orpiment (in glair) were added

(Brunello 1992: 97; Wallert 1995: 42; Borradaile 1966: 29; Merrifield 1967: 676).



The tempering of pigments

The basic technical principle that always should be followed in the tempering of

pigments and colorants was that for illumination they should be prepared in order

to be applied more than one time, in order to create light and shadows effects.

Theophilus in his treatise De diveris artibus made it quite clear in stating that «in a

book all pigments should be applied twice, first very thinly, then more thickly; but

only once for letters» (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 38). In this regard it is understand-

able the choice of gum Arabic as the only ink binder: an adhesive that technically is

stronger than glair (good covering) but weaker than animal glues (less crackling pos-

sibilities) and, moreover, saturates pigments increasing their intensity. On the contrary,

in the illumination of manuscripts technical aspects such as the necessary drying time

of the pigment or its opacity were more important. The same Theophilus argues that if

someone wanted to spread up his work, then he had to use cherry or plum tree gum,

as it dries faster than the others (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 33). And Heraclius in

his De coloribus et artibus romanorum recommends to use instead of oil yolk, other-

wise orpiment will never dry (Merrifield 1967: 235). Cherry or plum gums were added

to other binders to control fluidity, as we see in Mappae clavicula (Phillipps 1846:

223) or in De coloribus faciendis (Van Acker 1972: 195). The technique where both

glair and gum Arabic were used as binding medium allowed a slow and careful work,

as the pigment could run easily from the pen (Liber diversarum arcium, Libri 1849:

746; Clarke 2011 §1.3.17A) and tiny strokes could be employed for details, as colour

would be bright and opaque enough. Finally, the anonymous author of the Strasbourg

manuscript warns about the necessity to control the relationship between binding me-

dia (glue) and pigment (vermilion) for a satisfactory result (Borradaile 1966: 23-24).

Manuscript illumination was a sumptuary art, thus aesthetic criteria had also to be

taken into account. Probably the most important aesthetic aspect was the fact that in-

tense and brilliant colours were synonymous with richness and beauty. We can see this

in several medieval illuminated manuscripts where scenes were developed in intense

gold or blue backgrounds, with detailed representations of clothing, jewellery, furni-

ture, etc. Technically this means that the artist had to work with pigments and binders

that give intensity and lustre with opaque or semi-opaque pictorial layers. In this sense

it should be interpreted the reference in the small treatise on book illumination that

precedes the main text of Mappae clavicula (a later addition commonly referred to as

De coloribus et mixtionibus) that all colours on parchment should be «spissi et clari»

(Phillipps 1846: 188). Such a preoccupation is very common in treatises on art technol-

ogy. For example, the author of De clarea states that vermilion tempered with yolk will

be very bright and that it could be used to dye low quality parchments, so it looked like

purple has been employed (Thompson 1932: 71). Centuries later, painter Pierre Lebrun

and author of the so called Brussels manuscript (1635 AD) quotes that gum is used

in illumination because gives lustre and brilliancy to colours (Merrifield 1967: 784).

Some technically interesting results of a survey on medieval treatises on art technology

regarding pigments and their binders in manuscript illumination will now be detailed.



9. But the fact is that the same author contra-

dicts himself as in the first recipe on salt verdigris

he recommends the use of wine or vinegar.

10. Copper salt-based pigments like verdigris can

react with proteinaceous material, as egg yolk

and animal glues (Easteaugh et al 2004: 135).

Casein glue was used traditionally for woodwork (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 26)

or as an additive to earth plasters or as binding media in the «a secco» wall painting

technique. In manuscript illumination its use in not so frequent and appears almost

exclusively in the preparation of the pigment folium on parchment (De coloribus

faciendis, Van Acker 1972: 180; Liber diversarum arcium, Libri 1849: 757; Clarke

2011 §1.13.3-4), probably because folium changed colour according to acidity or

alkalinity of its environment (rubeum, purpureum or saphireum) and casein does not

denature in strong alkaline solutions. Theophilus used folium purpureum without any

tempering, but he warned that once illumination was finished, the whole area had to

be varnished with old glair (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 40). Casein glue of a high

pH values is incompatible with pigments that contain aluminium (Perego 2005: 166)

so it could not be a binding media for any lake pigment.

Normally lead white and verdigris were used on parchment diluted with wine or

vinegar (Liber de coloribus illuminatorum sive pictorum, Thompson 1926: 293; Map-

pae clavicula, Phillipps 1846: 189). But, as master Peter of St. Omer stated in his

De coloribus faciendis, this was right only for artificial greens and whites prepared

without salt 9 (Van Acker 1972: 177). Well known is Theophilus´ recommendation

not to use salt verdigris on books (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 38) because it is too

reactive, and probably this is the reason of master Peter´s previous recommendation.

Nevertheless, it is also equally common to find recipes where lead white and verdigris

were tempered with glair or egg yolk (Liber de coloribus illuminatorum sive pictorum,

Thompson 1926: 289; De diveris artibus, Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 38; De arte

illuminandi, Brunello 1992: 105; Il libro del arte, Brunello 2002: 101) 10. The reason

of this could be the fact that yolk is a fat medium and glair, once dry, is impermeable

to air and humidity; therefore, they would be good binders for reactive or artificial

pigments like the above mentioned lead white and verdigris or orpiment and vermil-

ion (Experimenta de coloribus, Merrifield 1967: 234; Liber diversarum arcium Libri

1849: 752; Clarke 2011 §1.7; Bolognese manuscript, Merrifield 1967: 502) that could

interact easily both with their environment or with nearby pigments. Gum arabic was

used as a binder for verdigris on parchment or paper mostly in the «not corrosive»

version, where the pigment was mixed with the juice of gladiolus (De coloribus di-

versis, Merrifield 1967: 286). It has already been mentioned that yolk gives intensity

to colours, that is why azurite and vermilion were also tempered like this. However

Vasari in his Introduzione alle tre arti (Pittura, cap. V) comments that earlier paint-

ers were tempering blues with animal glue because yolk turned colour to greenish

hues (Brunello 2002: 151). Another reason is given by the author of the Liber di-

versarum arcium who explains that colours tempered with a mixture of egg yolk and

glair would flow better from pen or quill (Libri 1849: 746; Clarke 2011 §1.3.17A).

It seems that there was also a tendency to temper some vegetable colorants, like

indigo or saffron, and lake pigments (like brazil) with glair (De coloribus faciendis,

Van Acker 1972: 181; Experimenta de coloribus of J. Le Begue, Merrifield 1967: 54;

De arte illuminandi, Brunello 1992: 113, 127). A possible reason could be the fact

that normally alum was used in their preparation. Technologically there is a certain af-



11. Although we will only refer to binding media

for parchment gilding, the same materials were

also used to gild other surfaces (silver, tin, cop-

per, wood, leather) and in other techniques (sil-

ver writing, gold leaf imitations, etc.).

finity in the use of alum and glair, as both were the principal ingredients for alumine

zuccarino, a base for lake pigments and, moreover, alum was distempered always with

glair (Easteaugh et al 2004: 12). Alum can form a complex with egg white, presenting

a neutral pH and stabilizing it (Cunningham 1995: 298). Another reason could be the

fact that pH of glair close to neutral (around 7,4; Perego 2005: 511) and it could not

alter the tone in animal or vegetable colorants sensitive to pH changes.

Gilding media

Gilding was one of the most important techniques in manuscript illumination 11. Gold

was applied in fine gold leaf or in powder and, according to the desired results, the

surface was polished or not. In this case, workshop practises are more clear. For exam-

ple, Theophilus in Schedula, or the anonymous compiler of Compositiones ad tingen-

da, write that when gold leaves were applied directly on the parchment glair should be

used (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 31; Hedfors 1932: 23, 31), as does the anonymous

author of the Bolognese manuscript, but in this case fig tree sap is added (Merrifield

1967: 462); whereas Alcherius in his treatise De coloribus diverisis modis not only

recommends parchment size, but also quotes that glair is more rigid and less flexible

and that gilding could fall off from parchment or paper (Merrifield 1967: 269). For

gesso mordants, gum or glue was used more frequently, because as the author of the

Bolognese manuscript writes, glair can crack it; but he also gives a recipe «according

to the German manner» where gesso and white clay were tempered with glair and fig

tree sap (Merrifield 1967: 446, 474). Cennini also tempers gesso mordant in gilding on

parchment or on paper with «well beaten glair» (Brunello 2002: 196-7). To apply gold

powder Theophilus recommends parchment size or fish glue for gold powder either

for writing (chrisographia) for use in gilding of illuminated manuscripts. But he warns,

firstly to pay special attention in fish glue preparation as if it is left too thick during

boiling gold will flake, and secondly to apply glue moderately otherwise gold leaf will

lose brilliance and it will be spoiled (Hawthorne and Smith, 1979: 36). On the contrary,

master Peter of St. Omer in his treatise De coloribus faciendis writes that gum arabic is

excellent for gilding on parchment (Van Acker 1972: 192). In this binding media selec-

tion process other technical criteria were also taking into account, such as the type of

parchment to be gilded: for parchment made of sheep´s skin several a mixture of glair

and plum tree gum or gum arabic was specially recommend, as this type of parchment

is too fat and a stronger binding media might be needed (De coloribus faciendis, Van

Acker 1972: 192). The anonymous author of the Liber illuminatorum sive pictorum

adds also that such gilding method should be carried out in a damp place, especially

in warm weather, otherwise burnished gold will get spoiled (Thompson 1926: 305).

Incompatibilities

The presence of tannins in the tempering process could be a great inconvenience.

As was mentioned earlier, most authors when referring to gum arabic advised to use



12. The fact that these texts were written by

practising artists indicates more a traditionalism

of workshop practices than a mere copy of old

contents.

the most transparent one. This was really an important aspect as the most coloured

gums contain tannins, due to long contact with bark (Perego 2005: 336) and tan-

nins can react with iron ions (iron based pigments or pigments where iron can be

present as impurity) and the result is a dark coloration that could easily spoil the final

colour. Moreover, parchment size and fish glue in the presence of tannins become

insoluble (Perego 2005: 217).

Gum Arabic is also incompatible with gelatin, mostly is presence of salt (Perego

2005: 336) and probably this is the reason why the mixture of parchment size with

gum Arabic is not so frequent in the tempering of pigments.

Conclusions

Glair and gum Arabic were the main binders for pigments in medieval illumination

techniques and they were used continuously throughout Middle Ages and it is im-

posible to establish any chronological criteria for their use. For example, there is a

very common assertion that until the fourteenth century the widely used binding

medium for illumination was glair and after was replaced with gum Arabic, due to

aesthetic criteria, like the preference for bright and vivid colours since that century.

However, medieval treatises on art technology do not corroborate such a hypothesis,

as parchment size, glair and gum Arabic are mentioned constantly in texts from XV,

XVI and even XVII century 12 (Bolognese, Marciana, Paduan or Brussels manuscripts,

Merrifield 1967: 408, 610, 664, 786).

In short, the use of glair or gum in the tempering process is a technical aspect that,

together with the nature of pigments, determines the election of the two possible

– grosso modo – illumination techniques as described by the Spanish painter and

writer Pacheco in his Arte de la Pintura (1649). The author states that in his days in

manuscript illumination the colour of parchment was used as «light» with transparent

pigments and subtle tones (so gum arabic or one of its mixtures should be used),

unlike what happened with what he calls «the old temple» where opaque and intense

colours were used, «closer to oil painting» (so glair or one of its mixture were more

suitable) (Pacheco 2001: 454-5).

This optical behaviour of binders once tempered with pigments was well known and

much employed by medieval illuminators as a technique to achieve different tones

and hues in the same work. We have several examples of this use. The anonymous au-

thor of De clarea quotes that to control glair and water in the tempering process was

very important as the artists could do things as he wished, glossy or mat (Thompson

1932: 75). In the Bolognese manuscript we read that for body colours blue should be

tempered with animal glue or parchment size and vermilion with glair and fig tree sap;

but if they supposed to be used in capital letters or decorative motives, for blue gum

arabic or glair was more appropriate and for vermilion glair and yolk (Merrifield 1967:

408, 500). In the same way, the author of the Livro de como se fazen as cores advises

to use gum for a dark tone in blue, or glair for lighter one (Blondheim 1930-1: 75).

In this sense we have to interpret also the fact that there is no clear criterion on the



use of a specific binder with each pigment, as most of them were tempered one way

or another depending on the necessities of the illuminator or even on workshop (or

school) traditions: Egg yolk increase intensity and gives depth; glair without varnish

gives a flat mat finish; gum Arabic gives a glossy appearance; cherry gum makes

colours brighter. That is why the binder should be the last ingredient to add in order

to control the development of the tone, and when a gum or glue was used in the

grinding process normally the pigment was washed to remove the excess of adhesive,

and then it was tempered. Cennino Cennini makes a very interesting comment when

he writes that for illumination on paper only gum arabic should be used (Brunello

2002: 198). Such an observation shows that technical limitations were equally (or

even more) important in artistic praxis: paper is more flexible and absorbent than

parchment, thus washing techniques and gum arabic as binder are more appropriate.

The progressive use of paper as support for writing and illumination meant that, since

the sixteenth century onwards, gum arabic appeared almost exclusively in printed

treatises of painting techniques 13. And consequently it was felt that the gum arabic

was the binding media par excellence even in medieval illumination.

Probably the only valid conclusion we can draw is that artistic praxis was strongly

influenced by traditions (local or international) and workshop experience. Distemper-

ing of pigments is a good example, as it is very common to find in medieval treatises

expression like «do what from your experience seems better to you» (De arte illumi-

nandi, Brunello, 1992: 105) or «according to the choice of the artist and the nature

of the work which is to be done» (Experimenta de coloribus, Merrifield 1967: 110).

A representative case is the use of fish glue as a binder for all pigments, recommended

in the oldest treatises on art technology in the Occident such as the Compositiones ad

tingenda (Hedfors, 1932: 33) and Mappae clavicula (Phillipps 1846: 218). Both works

show a strong Byzantine influence and it seems that the use of fish glue can also

relate to this tradition, as animal glues were very common in icon painting. Two cen-

turies later things changed as in the small treatise on book illumination that precedes

the main text of Mappae clavicula (the De coloribus et mixtionibus) where we read

that all colours on parchment should be tempered with glair (Phillipps 1846: 188).

As we have seen, medieval illuminators used binding media and pigments according

to their specific characteristics and properties and according the illumination tech-

nique they thought appropriate in order to carry out their work. Moreover, illumina-

tor’s guild rules obliged the use of specific pigments in different parts of illumination

as, for example, azurite in pictures and only lapis lazuli in capital letters. This techni-

cal and historic aspects should be always taken into account, first, because many aes-

thetic studies and laboratory analysis dedicated to medieval illumination, are based

on exceptional pieces, luxury books for wealthy patrons, that by no means could

be representative of the common practise in manuscript illumination; and second,

because the place where a sample was taken for analysis becomes really important

as results can vary (different binders and pigments in capital letters, backgrounds,

foliage, etc.) and conclusions might be wrong or over generalized. •

13. Francisco Pacheco (1649) and Vicente Car-

ducho (1633) describe the «aguadas de colores»

as the appropriate type of painting executed on

paper (Pacheco 2001: 452; Carducho 1633: 132).

The almost exclusive use of gum arabic is also

found in Salmon´s Polygraphice (1685: 95, 447);

Jenner`s A Book of Drawing, Limning, Washing

or Colouring of Maps and Prints (1652: 20-1);

and Félibien´s Des principes de l’architecture, de

la sculpture, de la peinture. (1690: 621).



Bibliography

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Borradaile, V.; Borradaile, R. (1966): The Strasburg Manuscript. A Medieval Painters´

Handbook. London: Alec Tiranti.

Brunello, F. (1992): De arte illuminandi. Vicenza: Neri Pozza.

Carducho, V. (1633): Diálogos de la Pintura, Origen, Esencia, Definición, Modas y

Diferencias. Madrid: Fr. Martínez (impr.).

Clarke, M. (2001): The art of all colours. London: Archetype.

Clarke, M. (2011) The Medieval Painter’s Methods (The Montpellier ‘Liber Diversarum

Arcium’). London: Archetype Publications.

Colombini, M.P. and Modugno, F. (2009): Organic Mass Spectrometry in Art and

Archaeology. Chichester: Wiley.

Cunningham, F.E. (1995): «Egg-product pasteurization», in Stadekman, W.J. and Cotterill,

O.J. (eds.), Egg science and technology. New York: Food Products Press: 289-315.

Eastaugh, N; Walsh, V.; Chaplin, T.; Siddall, R. (2004): Pigment Compendium: A Dictionary

and Optical Microscopy of Historic Pigments. Oxford: Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann.

Félibien, A. (1690): Des principes de l’architecture, de la sculpture, de la peinture. Paris:

La Veuve and fils Jean Baptiste Coignard (impr.).

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London: M. Simmons (impr.)

Hawthorne, J.G.; Smith, C. (1979): Theophilus. On divers arts. New York: Dover.

Hedfors, H. (1932): Compositiones ad tingenda musiva. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wicksells

Boktryckeri-AB.

Horie, C.V. (2005): Materials for conservation. Organic consolidants, adhesives and

coating. Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann.

Laguna, A. (1556): Pedacio Dioscorides Anarzabeo, acerca de la material medicinal y de

los venenos mortiferos traduzido de lengua griega en la vulgar castellana e illustrado con

claras y substanciales Annotaciones y con las figures de numerosas plantas exquisitas y

raras. Salamanca: Mathias Gast (impr.).

Libri, M.; Ravaisson, F. (1849): Catalogue Général des Manuscrits des Bibliothèques

Publiques, vol. 1. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale.

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York: Scribner.

Merrifield, M. (1967): Original treatises on the arts of painting, v. I. New York: Dover

Publications.

Novák, A. (1996): «Hi sunt omnes colores. Text from the 12th century from the Library

of St Peter´s Monastery in Salzburg a XI 4, fol. 241», Technologia Artis, 4: 77-9.



Pacheco, F. (2001). El arte de la pintura. Madrid: Cátedra (edición, introducción y notas

de Bonaventura Bassegoda i Hugas).

Palomino de Castro y Velasco, A. (1724): El Museo Pictórico y Escala Optica, t. II. Madrid:

Viuda de Juan García Infanzón (impr.)

Perego, F. (2005): Dictionnaire des matériaux du peintre. Paris: Belin.

Pomaro, G. (1991): I recettari del Fondo della Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze.

Milan: Editrice Bibliográfica.

Salmon, W. (1685): Polygraphice: or the arts of drawing, engraving, etching, limming,

painting. London.

Thompson, D.V. (1926): «Liber de coloribus illuminatorum sive pictorum from. Sloane Ms.

No. 1754», Speculum, I: 280-307.

Thompson, D.V. (1934-5): «Medieval color-making: Tractatus qualiter quilibet artificialis

color fieri possit from Paris B.N., Ms. Latin 6749», in Isis (23): 456-468.

Thompson, D.V. (1935): «De coloribus naturalia exscripta et collecta, from Erfurt,

Stadtbücherei, Ms. Amplonius Quarto 189 (XII-XIV century)», Technical Studies in the

Field of the Fine Arts III (3): 133-45.

Thompson, D,V. (1956): The materials and techniques of medieval painting. New York: Dover.

Tosatti Soldano, B. (1978): Miniature e vetrate senesi del secolo XIII. Genova: Universita

di Genova (Collana Storica di Fonti e Studi, 25).

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Mediaevalis, XXV. Turnhout: Brepols: 145-246.

Villarquide Jevenois, A. (2004): La pintura sobre tela. I. San Sebastián: Nerea.

Walert, A. (1995): «Libro secondo de diversi colore e sise da mettere a oro», in Wallert,

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Practice. Los Angeles: Getty Trust Publications.

AcknowledgmentsI would like to thank Mark Clarke for his comments and his open-handed exchange of

knowledge.

BiographyDr. Stefanos Kroustallis is a researcher into historic art materials and techniques, especially

in medieval sumptuary arts. He is a graduate in history (University of Athens, Greece), in

conservation and restoration (Escuela Superior de Conservación y Restauración de Bienes

Culturales of Madrid, Spain) and he received his doctoral degree (Complutense University,

Madrid) on medieval art technological source research. Currently he is working on

developing a Thesaurus data base on art materials and techniques for museum cataloguing.



Resumo

Em trabalhos anteriores, estudaram-se os pigmentos azuis e verdes, de manuscritos

franceses, por microscopia Raman. Este artigo, para além de incluir os resultados mais

relevantes que entretanto foram publicados, propõe uma cronologia para o uso dos

pigmentos azuis, índigo, lápis lazúli e azurite. Não foi possível a identificação dos

pigmentos verdes em manuscritos dos sécs. X-XI, por microscopia Raman, devido à

forte emissão de fluorescência que domina os espectros. São ainda discutidos outros

pigmentos verdes, analisados noutros manuscritos, sugerindo-se a possibilidade de

se tratar de verdigris, dado o seu teor em cobre. •

Abstract

Blue and green pigments in French manuscripts have been investigated in previous

works by Raman microspectrometry. Including the most significant published results,

this report reveals a chronological use for the blue pigments, indigo, lapis-lazuli and

azurite. Raman microscopy was unable to identify green pigments in X-XI manu-

scripts, as spectra are dominated by a strong fluorescence. Different green pigments,

identified in other manuscripts, are considered. Because of their copper-content, the

hypothesis of verdigris is suggested. •

palavras-chave

identificaçãoanálise físico-químicapigmentos azuispigmentos verdes

key-words

identificationanalyse physico-chimiquepigments bleuspigments verts


a la recherche des pigments

A la fois matière et beauté, les pigments illuminent de leurs couleurs les manuscrits.

Pour le copiste, le peintre, l’artiste, comptent, avant tout, leur teinte, leur éclat,

leur stabilité, souvent leur prix, parfois leur symbolique, rarement leur nature. Au

contraire, l’historien va s’intéresser particulièrement à cette dernière caractéristique.

Produit naturel ou préparé? S’il s’agit d’un produit naturel, d’où vient-il? Est-il de

provenance locale ou a-t-il nécessité un long voyage? Par quelles routes commer-

ciales, traditionnelles ou de tracé récent? Pour un produit fait de main d’homme,

par quel(s) procédé(s), à partir de quels composés? Les changements observés dans

le choix des pigments utilisés sont d’un grand intérêt et les raisons peuvent en être

multiples: produits nouveaux ou artisans novateurs, amélioration ou changement

dans les techniques, effets de mode… A la variété des produits, s’ajoutent les pos-

sibilités de leur mise en œuvre dans des mélanges aux tons subtils.

Une recherche sur la nature des pigments décorant les manuscrits apparaît ainsi com-

me riche d’informations pour l’histoire des techniques, du commerce, des pratiques

artistiques. Soulignons que les conclusions ont un sens lorsque que les manuscrits

sur lesquelles elles s’appuient sont parfaitement datés et localisés. La collaboration

entre historiens de l’art et analystes est indispensable pour l’intégration des résultats

dans une problématique historique.

Notre propos n’est pas de parcourir l’éventail exhaustif des produits et des palettes

utilisés, mais de dresser un bilan simple sur les pigments de deux couches colorées,

bleues et vertes, qui témoigne de l’apport et des difficultés de ces études. De même,

un nombre restreint de manuscrits, étudiés pour la plupart au Laboratoire de Dyna-

mique, Interaction et Réactivité 1 (LADIR), est présenté, les plus significatifs pour

étayer notre démarche.

Plusieurs approches, correspondant à des niveaux différents d’information, permet-

tent d’étudier les pigments dans les manuscrits médiévaux, L’observation à l’œil nu

puis sous microscope est une première étape indispensable alors que son intérêt est

souvent sous-estimé. L’appréciation de la forme et de la taille des grains de pigments

fournit des éléments de caractérisation. Les produits naturels minéraux, obtenus

par broyage de minéraux, de dimensions supérieures au micromètre, présentent des

claude coupry Ingénieur honoraire, Centre National de la

Recherche Scientifique (France)

1. UMR CNRS – Université Paris VI – Pierre et

Marie Curie.

t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r


2. Travaux réalisés en collaboration étroite avec

Marie-Thérèse Gousset, ingénieur à la Bibliothè-

que nationale de France. Qu’elle trouve ici l’ex-

pression de nos remerciements.

formes anguleuses alors que les grains du même produit, obtenu par synthèse, sont

souvent de forme arrondie et de dimensions inférieures au micromètre. La couleur

peut être diffuse ou concentrée dans des particules discrètes. Ainsi, l’orpiment est

aisément reconnaissable par ses longues aiguilles jaune brillant. Ces premiers indices

peuvent être confrontés à la liste des produits potentiels, fournie par le dépouille-

ment des réceptaires médiévaux, mais de probabilité d’utilisation inconnue. Une autre

approche consiste à procéder à une expérimentation: un pigment est préparé, associé

à un liant et déposé sur une feuille de parchemin (Roosen-Runge 1967). La teinte

obtenue est ensuite comparée à celle de manuscrits mais similitude de teinte ne si-

gnifie pas identité des pigments. Une technique photographique innovante (Isacco

2008) a été expérimentée pour l’identification de certains pigments de miniatures

indiennes, basée sur l’étude simultanée de clichés en lumière infrarouge, naturelle

et ultraviolette. Cependant l’observation, l’exploitation des textes, la reconstitution

des produits fournissent des suggestions, non des certitudes (Porter 1995).

Approche analytique

Pour identifier avec certitude les pigments, il est nécessaire d’avoir recours à l’ana-

lyse. Le choix de la technique analytique est guidé en fonction de certains critères,

dont le plus important est le respect de l’ouvrage. Les techniques physico-chimiques

s’imposent alors comme moyen d’investigation. Parmi celles-ci, l’analyse par micros-

pectrométrie Raman (Coupry et al. 1996) présente des caractéristiques particuliè-

rement intéressantes: totalement non-destructive, elle ne nécessite aucun contact

entre l’appareil de mesure et la zone analysée. Les données obtenues, le spectre

Raman, permettent d’identifier, sans ambiguïté dans la très grande majorité des cas

le composé analysé, par comparaison avec des spectres de référence. Néanmoins,

deux causes peuvent empêcher l’identification: l’observation Raman ne permet pas

de caractériser des bandes avec une intensité suffisante ou lorsqu’un spectre est

obtenu, il ne figure pas dans la bibliothèque de références.

L’analyse est faite sur une surface micrométrique (de l’ordre de 10 µm2), correspon-

dant à la taille des grains de pigments, sur un micro-prélèvement ou directement

in-situ sur le manuscrit. Les deux modes expérimentaux ont des avantages et des

inconvénients. Les études faites au LADIR 2 ont été réalisées essentiellement sur

des micro prélèvements, le mode in-situ n’ayant utilisé que dans le cas d’un feuillet

isolé. Les micro échantillons sont prélevés à des emplacements choisis avec soin, à

la fois sans risque pour le manuscrit et représentatifs de la couche picturale, comme

la décharge d’une lettre sur le feuillet en vis-à-vis.

Pigments bleus

Les pigments bleus participent avec une grande fréquence au décor des manus-

crits d’où la possibilité d’une large enquête sur des manuscrits d’origine, d’époque,

d’importance très variées. Seuls, les manuscrits ayant fait l’objet d’analyses ont été


a l a r e c h e r c h e d e s p i g m e n t s

3. Communication privée. retenus. Ces pigments ont fait l’objet de recherches sur un groupe de manuscrits

écrits au XIIe siècle à l’abbaye de Saint-Pierre de Corbie (Guineau et al. 1986). Une

partie importante de la production de son scriptorium est conservée à la Bibliothèque

nationale de France, ce qui a permis d’étudier cette production sur une durée d’un

siècle. Le bleu est rare dans les premiers manuscrits, très fréquent dans les derniers;

pâle ou foncé, il peut avoir une teinte grise. Les prélèvements ont été choisis de

façon à explorer au mieux l’éventail des situations: différentes teintes, lettres his-

toriées ou décoration secondaire, pour les lettres filigranées, dans le filigrane ou le

corps de lettre, simples lettrines.

Quelque soit la localisation du prélèvement, celui-ci montre sous microscope la pré-

sence de grains microscopiques d’un bleu intense et saturé au sein d’une matrice

blanche. Quelque soit le grain bleu analysé, un seul produit a été identifié, le bleu

de lapis-lazuli, alumino-silicate de sodium polysulfuré. Ce pigment minéral est extrait

d’une pierre semi-précieuse, le lapis-lazuli, dont le gisement d’Afghanistan était

déjà exploité à l’époque médiévale comme en témoigne Marco Polo dans le Livre

des Merveilles. Aucun pigment blanc n’a été mis en évidence, les teintes claires sont

obtenues par dilution dans le liant. Par contre, les teintes grises révèlent un mélange

de grains très bleus et de particules noires, identifiées comme étant des particules

de noir de carbone. Ce résultat atteste de façon formelle la présence de ce pigment

bleu en Picardie dès le XIIe siècle. Elle a été confirmée dans une zone géographique

plus large, la Bourgogne, dans le scriptorium de l’abbaye de Cîteaux 3. Présent dans

les manuscrits aux riches couleurs du début du siècle, le bleu de lapis-lazuli y a été

également identifié dans la production du milieu du siècle, au décor monochrome

en accord avec l’élan ascétique suscité par saint Bernard, qui n’a cependant pas

affecté le choix du pigment.

L’enquête se poursuit par l’étude d’un scriptorium sur une période longue (Coupry

1999). Celui de l’abbaye de la Trinité de Fécamp (Normandie) a eu une production

importante, bien conservée et bien documentée. Fondée en 658, l’abbaye fut dé-

truite en 842; la vie religieuse y est restaurée avec l’arrivée de chanoines avant 990,

suivie par celle de moines clunisiens en 1001. Quatre abbatiats vont se succéder

jusqu’en 1139 avec des cycles de grande activité intellectuelle et artistique, en

relation avec les centres anglais et les abbayes normandes voisines, dont le Mont-

Saint-Michel. L’ensemble des manuscrits de Fécamp de cette période conservés à la

Bibliothèque nationale de France a été pris en compte. On observe une utilisation

du bleu avec des fréquences différentes, jamais dans plus de dix ouvrages, une seule

fois dans quelques-uns jusqu’à très abondamment dans certains. Neuf manuscrits,

jugés comme représentatifs de ces différentes périodes, ont été sélectionnés en pri-

vilégiant l’abbatiat de Jean d’Alie (1028-1078) en raison de son intérêt artistique

et historique. Comme pour l’étude des manuscrits de Corbie, les prélèvements ont

été réalisés dans les différents types de lettres et de teintes, les rubriques, ainsi que

dans les différentes mains des manuscrits.

Sur l’ensemble des manuscrits, deux pigments bleus ont été identifiés par leurs spec-

tres Raman qui les différencient sans aucune ambiguïté. Un des pigments, l’indigo,



4. Paris, BnF lat. 4801, Communication privée.est un produit colorant bleu, naturel pour les époques qui nous intéressent, utilisé

pour teindre les textiles. D’origine végétale, il est obtenu à partir de plantes de

très nombreuses familles dont le pastel des teinturiers, indigène en France, nommé

guède au nord et pastel au sud, cultivé en Normandie et Picardie au Moyen Âge,

ou à Toulouse dont il fit la richesse aux XVe et XVIe siècles. La molécule responsable

de la couleur est l’indigotine. L’indigo n’est utilisé que dans un seul manuscrit de

Fécamp, daté de la fin du Xe siècle, à l’exclusion de tout autre pigment bleu, quel-

que soit la teinte de la couche picturale, bleu franc ou bleu-vert. L’observation ne

met pas en évidence des grains d’autres couleurs, qui expliqueraient ces variations,

attribuées alors au liant et/ou à une mise en œuvre différente. Le bleu de lapis-lazuli

est le pigment bleu présent dans le décor de tous les autres manuscrits. Tout oppose

ces deux produits naturels, leur origine et leur structure, organique et végétal pour

l’un, minéral pour l’autre, produit localement ou de provenance lointaine, et, malgré

l’absence de documents comptables, de prix que l’on peut supposer différents. La

présence de pigment bleu peut relever d’un choix du copiste, comme le montrent

les manuscrits lat. 2253 et 3776. Les deux mêmes copistes ont participé à leur réa-

lisation, l’un utilise fréquemment le bleu, l’autre jamais.

Ces résultats établissent avec certitude la présence de bleu de lapis-lazuli en Nor-

mandie-Picardie pour la période des XI-XIIes siècles. Il importe alors de considérer

des manuscrits d’autres origines.

La page de garde d’un recueil des coutumes et franchises de Narbonne, daté de

1221, écrit et conservé à Narbonne, est décorée d’enluminures de qualité médiocre.

Les fonds bleus des vêtements, plus sombre pour le manteau de la Vierge que pour

la tunique de saint Jean, sont réalisés avec un même et seul pigment, l’indigo, mais

avec des concentrations différentes (Cardon 2000, 111). Un tout autre pigment bleu

a été identifié dans des manuscrits géographiquement proches et postérieurs. Ainsi,

dans un sacramentaire du XIVe siècle de l’évêché de Carcassonne (sud de la France),

une splendide enluminure se déploie sur deux feuillets en vis-à-vis. La robe du Christ

présente trois tons de bleu, pour lesquels l’analyse (Cardon 2000, 163) identifie un

seul pigment, un produit minéral naturel, l’azurite. Les principaux gisements de ce

carbonate basique de cuivre se rencontrent en France, en Italie, à Chypre et surtout

en Allemagne d’où son qualificatif d’azur d’Allemagne. Les teintes claires ne sont

pas obtenues par dilution mais par ajout d’un pigment blanc, le blanc de plomb. Plus

tardivement, dans une Géographie de Ptolémée du XVe siècle 4, la surface des océans

est peinte avec de l’azurite, ce qui témoigne du large usage de ce pigment.

Des publications d’un très grand intérêt permettent d’étendre notre enquête vers

des manuscrits princiers, décorés par des artistes au renom prestigieux soit du dé-

but soit de la fin du XVe siècle. La palette du Livre d’Heures du maréchal Boucicaut,

réalisé au début de la décennie 1410, a été analysée (Villela-Petit et al. 2003) par

spectrométrie d’absorption par réflexion diffuse dans le visible et par spectrométrie

de fluorescence X, deux techniques complémentaires non-destructives. Le bleu de

lapis-lazuli éclaire de son éclat les vêtements de la Vierge et des saints tandis que

l’indigo est réservé pour les personnages peu nobles, toujours en mélange avec le



5. Evangelia, BnF latin 270 f.106v.

6. Sanctorale, BnF latin 1205 f.92v.

7. Vita sancti Wandregisli, BnF Nal 18315 f.24v.

blanc de plomb. La présence de ces pigments a été confirmée dans deux autres ma-

nuscrits décorés attribués au Maître de Boucicaut, le Livre des propriétés des choses,

de Barthélemy l’Anglais, et le Bréviaire de Châteauroux, dans lequel il intervient aux

côtés du Maître de Bedford et du Maître d’Orose, avec des produits bleus similai-

res pour les trois enlumineurs. A la fin du siècle, la production de Jean Bourdichon

s’étend sur plus de trente ans. Trois manuscrits couvrant l’étendue chronologique de

son activité montrent par spectrométrie Raman (Trentelman et al. 2008) la présence

de bleu de lapis-lazuli dans tous les feuillets analysés. Mais l’artiste a aussi recours

à un mélange faisant intervenir l’azurite, principalement dans le manuscrit réalisé

au début de sa carrière, avant qu’il devienne peintre officiel de la cour de France.

Notons que l’indigo n’a été observé dans aucun des trois manuscrits.

Un rapprochement peut être fait avec la stratigraphie des couches picturales de la

chapelle des Moines à Berzé-la-Ville (Bourgogne, France). Cet édifice, construit pour

l’abbé Hugues de Cluny dans la deuxième moitié du XIe siècle, présente des repeints

XIV-XVe siècle. Le pigment de la couche originelle est le bleu de lapis-lazuli, celui de

la couche postérieure est l’azurite.

Il est nécessaire d’étendre nos investigations vers des époques antérieures afin de

préciser l’introduction du bleu de lapis-lazuli en Europe occidentale. Un manus-

crit écrit à l’abbaye Saint-Germain d’Auxerre (Bourgogne, France), le Commentaire

d’Haymon d’Auxerre sur Ezéchiel, présente sur le feuillet 2r une scène dédicatoire,

l’abbé Helric prosterné devant saint Germain. Les deux personnages sont vêtus de

bleu (Coupry 1990), bleu vif pour l’un et bleu sombre pour l’autre, identifiés comme

étant du bleu de lapis-lazuli pour le saint patron de l’abbaye et de l’indigo pour

l’abbé. Le choix de ces deux pigments souligne la hiérarchie des personnages et la

présence en France vers l’an mil du bleu de lapis-lazuli, déjà identifié à Fécamp est

confirmée.

Trois manuscrits du nord de la France témoignent du choix des pigments bleus

disponibles: les deux premiers, copiés à Corbie au IXe siècle, ont été décorés avec

du bleu de lapis-lazuli 5 pour l’un et de l’azurite 6 pour l’autre, le troisième, daté du

VIIIème siècle, l’a été avec de l’indigo 7. A ce groupe de trois produits, va s’ajouter

de façon exceptionnelle un autre pigment, identifié seulement dans quelques ma-

nuscrits. L’Evangéliaire de Charlemagne, dit aussi Evangéliaire de Godescalc, du

nom du scribe qui l’a réalisé, est un ouvrage précieux, écrit vers 781-783 en lettres

d’or et d’argent sur parchemin pourpré et magnifiquement illustré. Il contient en

particulier la première représentation de la Fontaine de Vie au symbolisme fort. Le

manuscrit a fait l’objet d’une étude très complète (Roger 2007). L’analyse des cou-

ches picturales bleues montre la présence d’indigo dans l’ensemble de l’ouvrage à

l’exception de la Fontaine de Vie dont les paons sont peints avec du bleu égyptien.

Ce produit fabriqué en Egypte dès 3000 BC est le grand pigment bleu du monde

méditerranéen antique et disparaît de la palette des artistes à une date encore im-

précise, estimée vers les VII-VIIIes siècles. Actuellement ce pigment a été identifié

par le même chercheur dans deux autres manuscrits. Par contre, la Fontaine de Vie

des Evangiles de Saint-Médard de Soissons, manuscrit luxueux réalisé vers 805, donc



quasiment contemporain, est réalisée avec du bleu de lapis-lazuli dont ce serait une

toute première attestation d’utilisation.

Les recherches sur un autre manuscrit de grande importance, les Evangiles de Lin-

disfarne, daté de 715-721 et conservé à la British Library (Londres), illustrent les

difficultés et l’intérêt de l’identification des pigments. La première étude réalisée

en 1956 identifia par comparaison visuelle deux pigments bleus: l’indigo et le bleu

de lapis-lazuli, ce qui repoussait l’utilisation de ce dernier au début du VIIIème siècle.

En 2004, l’étude fut reprise (Brown et al. 2004), qui montra la seule présence de

l’indigo, quelque soit la nuance de la couche bleue, et infirma l’utilisation de bleu

de lapis-lazuli. Ce résultat souligne la fragilité d’une identification fondée sur une

observation visuelle.

A partir de ces résultats, il est possible de tirer un premier bilan, certes à compléter

et à préciser en fonction de nouvelles analyses et de nouvelles identifications. Le

schéma suivant propose l’utilisation chronologique des trois principaux pigments

bleus dans le décor des manuscrits occidentaux, établie sur un nombre restreint de

manuscrits analysés.

présence attestée de pigments bleus dans des manuscrits médiévaux d’europe occidentale

Il ne faut pas négliger l’utilisation possible de pigments locaux. Ainsi l’aérinite,

minéral argileux qui doit son nom à sa couleur bleue, se trouve dans quelques gi-

sements des Pyrénées. Il a été identifié en peinture murale à proximité de son lieu

d’exploitation dans quelques sites des XI-XIIes siècles, dont le logis abbatial de la

grande abbaye de Moissac (Daniel 2008). A-t-il pu être utilisé également pour des

manuscrits? La recherche reste à faire.

L’identification de ces produits conduit à des problèmes spécifiques. Pour l’indigo, la

caractérisation de l’espèce végétale, comme pour l’azurite, la détermination du gise-

ment d’exploitation, semblent irréalisables avec les possibilités techniques actuelles.

Nous avons tenté de différencier par spectrométrie Raman les différents bleus de lapis-

lazuli (Torrès-Bourdel 2003) soit sur des échantillons provenant de manuscrits soit sur

des échantillons minéraux. Dans une première démarche, nous nous sommes intéres-

sés à la couleur, due à la présence de deux chromophores, des ions polysulfures, dont

on peut évaluer par spectrométrie Raman les proportions relatives. La décomposition

et l’ajustement des bandes principales des chromophores montrent des différences



qui suggèrent des variations dans les environnements électroniques des ions, dont

l’interprétation est à poursuivre. D’autre part, le spectre Raman obtenu avec de nou-

velles conditions expérimentales montre des bandes attribuées à des ions polysulfures

plus condensés, ce qui ouvre également des perspectives de recherche prometteuses.

Couches picturales vertes

L’étude des couches vertes dans la décoration de manuscrits répond à une problé-

matique très différente: elle est centrée sur la détermination de leur nature dans les

neuf manuscrits de Fécamp, déjà présentés. Cette couleur, moins présente. que le

rouge et le bleu, y occupe néanmoins une place importante, dans différents types

de lettres, de la plus élaborée à la plus simple, avec une grande diversité de tons.

Ainsi les verts peuvent être décrits comme vert clair franc, vert foncé terne, vert oli-

vâtre, vert vif d’une nuance émeraude, sans que nous ayons corrélé ces termes à des

données colorimétrique. Certaines couches sont corrosives vis-à-vis du parchemin,

d’autres s’écaillent. Cette grande diversité recouvre-t-elle une diversité de produits?

Ceci a conduit à effectuer un grand nombre de prélèvements, plus de trente, ré-

partis au mieux pour tenir compte de ces différentes observations. Or, quelque soit

l’échantillon et les conditions expérimentales, l’observation Raman a toujours été

masquée par un phénomène de très grande intensité, la fluorescence, interdisant

d’accéder à la moindre identification. Un comportement identique a été rapporté

pour des manuscrits d’origine variée et antérieurs très souvent au XIIIe siècle. Le

problème n’est donc pas limité à un scriptorium et acquiert, de ce fait, une portée

plus générale pour la connaissance des pigments verts.

Lors d’une recherche précédente (Coupry 2007) par microspectrométrie Raman sur

deux manuscrits coptes, les pigments verts de l’un d’entre eux n’avaient pu être

identifiés, tandis le spectre Raman des grains verts du second manuscrit était la

combinaison des spectres de l’indigo et d’un pigment jaune, l’orpiment, la couleur

verte observée étant la combinaison des couleurs bleue et jaune. De façon analogue,

l’obtention d’une teinte verte par le mélange Bleu/Jaune a été observée dans de

nombreux manuscrits. Plusieurs combinaisons sont possibles et reflètent les pos-

sibilités d’approvisionnement en l’un ou l’autre des constituants. Indigo/orpiment

est identifié dès 715-720, dans les Evangiles de Lindisfarne (Brown et al. 2004). Si

le mélange orpiment/azurite, chimiquement instable, n’a pas été identifié, d’autres

combinaisons ont été observées, comme bleu de lapis-lazuli/orpiment (Villa-Petit

et al. 2003) ou le pigment de synthèse jaune de plomb et d’étain associé à l’azu-

rite (Vandenabeele et al. 1999) ou au bleu de lapis-lazuli (Burgio et al. 1999). La

composition peut être extrêmement variable, indigo/orpiment avec des proportions

différentes, mélanges binaires jaune/vert ou bleu/vert, mélanges ternaires, pour

offrir une très grande variété de couleurs (Cennini 1978, 32).

L’analyse élémentaire sur des verts de manuscrits de Fécamp montre la présence de

cuivre, ce qui élimine l’hypothèse de terres vertes, aluminosilicates de fer, potassium

et magnésium. Plusieurs sels de cuivre peuvent être utilisés comme pigments: les



spectres Raman du carbonate basique, la malachite, ou de sulfate permettent géné-

ralement leur identification, ainsi pour les verts dans des manuscrits de Jean Bour-

dichon (Trentelman et al. 2008) qui n’y utilise pas le mélange bleu/jaune. Les sels

le plus fréquemment cités dans les traités de peinture médiévaux sont les acétates,

souvent regroupés sous le terme de «vert-de-gris». La littérature technique, antique

et médiévale, est riche de nombreuses recettes de fabrication, basées sur l’action de

vinaigre sur des feuilles de cuivre. Les réactions sont lentes et complexes, dépendant

de nombreux facteurs, plusieurs produits peuvent être obtenus, chimiquement pro-

ches et pouvant évoluer d’une forme à l’autre. Ils sont verts, bleus, turquoise… La

composition du pigment est souvent non stœchiométrique. Pour modifier la teinte

ou les propriétés du pigment, les recettes proposent des composés additionnels: le

vinaigre pour modifier la teinte, le safran comme anti-oxydant, le savon ou le miel

pour stabiliser le produit. L’ajout de jus de cerise ou de baies de fleurs sans répon-

dre à des buts clairement établis ne fait qu’augmenter la complexité du mélange

pigmentaire. L’interaction avec les liants protéiniques à base d’œuf doit être prise

en compte dans la structure du produit final ainsi que la dégradation au sein de la

couche picturale même. Alors que les spectres Raman des différents acétates de

synthèse sont connus (Chaplin et al. 2006), ils n’ont été que très difficilement et

très rarement observés dans les couches picturales vertes de manuscrits. La cause

principale est la très forte fluorescence, inexistante dans les composés purs, et at-

tribuée au composé complexé.

En conséquence, la présence de cuivre dans un pigment vert, en l’absence d’une

identification formelle (carbonate ou sulfate), ne peut conduire qu’à proposer l’hy-

pothèse d’un vert-de-gris. Il s’agit d’une «identification» par élimination.

Mais tous les pigments verts non identifiés ne sont pas du vert-de-gris comme le

montre l’étude d’un manuscrits italien du XVe siècle (Bruni et al. 1999). Le spectre

Raman ne permettait pas d’identifier le pigment au cuivre. C’est le recours à la mi-

crospectrométrie IRFT par réflexion qui a permis de caractériser la malachite.

Ces quelques exemples montrent l’avancée très différente des recherches sur les

pigments. Les pigments bleus principaux dans les manuscrits de l’Europe médiévale

sont connus et facilement identifiables, c’est la chronologie et les aspects artisti-

ques, économiques et sociaux de leur utilisation qui ouvrent des perspectives inté-

ressantes dans le domaine historique. La nature et la structure des pigments verts,

dérivés des acétates de cuivre, sont à identifier, ce qui permettrait d’élucider leur

mode de préparation. La constitution des mélanges bleu/jaune et la chronologie de

leur utilisation n’ont pas fait l’objet de synthèses. La palette verte recèle toujours

bien des inconnues. •



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manuscripts, paintings and other artefacts by Raman microscopy: application to the study

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1978 (F. de Nobele, Paris)

Chaplin T.D., Clark R.J.H., and Scott D.A. 2006. Study par Raman microscopy of nine

variants of the green-blue pigment verdigris. Journal of Raman Spectroscopy, 37: 223-

229.

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carolingienne d’Auxerre, ed. D. Iogna-Prat, C. Jeudy et Lobrichon (Beauchesne, Paris)

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Coupry C. 1999. «Les pigments utilisés pour l’enluminure à Fécamp aux XIe et XIIe siècles»

in Manuscrits et enluminures dans le monde normand (Xe-XVe siècles), ed. P. Bouet et M.

Dosdat (Presses Universitaires de Caen) 69.

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Lovaniensia Analecta. 163: 199-208.

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de Corbie. Scriptorium, XL: 157-171

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Techniques of Production, Anderson-Lovelace Ed. 111.

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Trentelman K. and Turner N. 2009. Investigation of the painting materials and techniques

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Biographie

Ingénieur en retraite du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (Laboratoire de

Dynamique, Interactions et Réactivité, auparavant en charge de l’équipe «Matériaux des

Objets du Patrimoine»). Thèse en Chimie Physique (Université de Bordeaux) et Licence

d’Histoire (Université de Paris IV – Sorbonne).

Activité scientifique: Résonance magnétique Nucléaire; Spectrométrie vibrationnelle,

principalement microspectrométrie Raman.

Principaux centres d’intérêt: Pigments dans les manuscrits et les peintures murales;

Matériaux contemporains, plastiques (identification) et verres (structure et altérations);

Colorants textiles.

Recherches en collaboration avec: Bibliothèque nationale de France, Centre des

Peintures Murales Romaines, Centre d’Etudes Médiévales d’Auxerre, Musées du Louvre,

Arts Décoratifs, Carnavalet, de la Mode et du Costume, Manufacture des Gobelins,…;

Archéologues et historiens du CNRS.

Distinction: Cristal du CNRS

[email protected]

20, rue Clisson

75013 Paris (France)

AcknowledgmentsThis paper derives from a presentation at the conference Medieval colours: between beauty and mea-

ning (Universidade Nova de Lisboa: Instituto de História da Arte, Instituto de Estudos Medievais, De-

partamento de Conservação e Restauro, 2009). I would like to thank the organisers Maria João Melo

and Adelaide Miranda for their kind invitation to participate, and for their generous hospitality. Figu-

res 2, 3, 4 are reproduced by permission of the Master and Fellows of Corpus Christi College, Cambrid-

ge. Figures 5, 6 are reproduced by permission of ***STA CRUZ***. Figures 1, 7, 8 are by the author.



Resumo

A nossa abordagem estética, filosófica, psicológica e outras da história da arte

começam no olhar – e apreciar – as cores da iluminura. No entanto, como será

descrito neste artigo, as cores que hoje vemos nem sempre correspondem às aplicadas

pelo artista. O ignorar destas alterações cromáticas pode induzir a sérios erros na

interpretação da sua intenção original. A especulação histórico-artística deve ser,

assim, precedida por uma avaliação sobre qual seria o aspecto original das cores.

Uma observação mais cuidadosa pode evidenciar perda ou alterações de cor. Estas

podem ser bastante dramáticas em amarelos, nomeadamente nos corantes orgânicos

utilizados no passado, em manuscritos. Este artigo focar-se-á pois no caso destes

amarelos desaparecidos. A investigação em História e técnicas de produção artística

oferece três formas de avaliar qual o aspecto das cores originais: (i) iconografia

e harmonia visual das cores, (ii) análises científicas de tintas originais, (iii) livros

de receitas de artistas medievais. Concluí-se que, a consciência destas alterações

cromáticas bem como da aplicação dos métodos de análise aos materiais como

ferramenta interpretativa, enriquecerá o olhar do historiador da arte. •

Abstract

All our aesthetics, philosophy, psychology, and other art history starts from looking

at — and enjoying — the colours of manuscripts. However this paper demonstrates

that colours observed today are not always those applied by the artist. Ignorance

of this alteration results in serious errors of interpretation. Art-historical speculation

must be preceded by the evaluation of original appearances. Close visual examina-

tion reveals areas of fading or discolouration. This is severe for yellows, especially for

organic colorants commonly used in manuscripts. This paper therefore concentrates

on the example of lost manuscript yellows. ‘Technical art history’ offers three ways

to evaluate the original appearance of manuscript colours: (i) iconography and visual

harmony of colour, (ii) technical analysis of surviving paint, (iii) mediaeval artists’

recipe books. It is concluded that art historians can benefit from an awareness of

possible colour alterations, and from an awareness of the application of scientific

analysis as an interpretive tool. •

palavras-chave

iluminurasalteração cromáticaperda de corhistória e técnicas de produção artísticafontes para os materiais e técnicas da arte

key-words

manuscript illuminationdiscolorationfadingtechnical art historyart technological source research


colours versus colorants in art history: evaluating lost manuscript yellows

Introduction

All our aesthetics, philosophy, psychology, and other art history starts from looking

at – and enjoying – the colours of manuscripts. It is perhaps less obvious that all

scientific (chemical and physical) analysis also starts from the observation of the

colours: analysis depends on the observation that there is something distinctive

present that requires analysis. However – as this paper will demonstrate – the colour

observed today on an artwork such as a manuscript is not always the original colour

as chosen, composed, and applied by the artist. Ignorance of this alteration results

in serious errors of interpretation. Interpretations of the iconography and symbolism

of colour, or deductions concerning the appreciation and comprehension of colour by

mediaeval artists and their contemporary audience, or attempts to group manuscripts

by stylistic use of colour, cannot be correct if the colours that interpretations are

based on are not those that were originally intended. Similarly for scientists, failure

to suspect the presence of some hidden material may result in failure to apply suit-

able methods of analysis. Clearly all theorising must be preceded by the evaluation

of the original appearance and likely original material composition.

The loss of mediaeval colour

Colours can change their appearance. Colours can change their colour. Colours can

change their intensity and saturation. Colours can disappear almost completely. The

mark clarke University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam

(The Netherlands)

[email protected]



vast majority of mediaeval colour has disappeared: clothes, wall-hangings, wall-

paintings, enamels, jewellery, street signs, and scenery for pageants. Even ‘fine art’

paintings have not survived well: they have invariably undergone periodic restora-

tions, sometimes with fairly drastic reconstruction of losses. But even when the

original paint is not lost extreme changes of colour occur: for example increased

yellowing due to aged varnish is familiar, as is the loss of yellow glazes (due to fad-

ing or over-cleaning) resulting in unnatural blue foliage.

Compared with such losses manuscripts have survived comparatively well. Unlike

clothes they do not wear out; unlike jewellery or precious metalwork they are not

broken down and re-modelled as tastes change. Manuscripts are relatively safe

containers for text and image: illustrations in a closed book are protected from light

fading, from touch, and from atmospheric pollutants, and parchment (itself chemi-

cally stable) has alkaline surface treatments that help to counteract the acidity of

modern air. Nevertheless, much colour in manuscripts has become altered or lost

colour, and this alteration and loss needs to be thought about analytically.

This paper considers the example of yellows: firstly because with yellows the effects

of colour loss may be either dramatic or subtle, i.e. either obvious or almost unde-

tectable, and secondly because many interesting Portuguese examples exist.

Colours versus colorants

Analytical thinking about colour (whether by an art historian or a chemist) must

begin with an appreciation of the difference between a colour and a colorant, that

is, between a colour and the colouring material making that colour. To talk of ‘pig-

ments’ is to talk of physical materials, and to talk of ‘colours’ is to talk of a property

of those materials. Colorants and colours do not have a one-to-one correspondence.

Any colour can be made by more than one pigment or combination of pigments. For

example the plant yellow ‘weld’ (Reseda luteola) and the artificial pigment lead-tin

yellow have identical colours (Fig. 1a). Perhaps more surprisingly any one pigment

may exhibit more than one colour depending on its preparation method (Fig. 1b).

Knowing this provides a powerful tool for the study of manuscripts. It has been

shown by physical-chemical analysis that specific colours were made in different ways

by different artists or ateliers, and in different regions and periods (Clarke 2001b).

Identifying pigments can thus help clarify provenance and authorship. A knowledge

of materials derived from chemical analysis is therefore not only interesting to a

scientist or a conservator-restorer, but also to a book-historian or art historian, and

can inform an art historian far more profoundly than a simple examination of colour

ever can. Two examples illustrate the difference between considering colours and

considering colorants.

Examination of coloursMuch work has been done grouping manuscripts stylistically based on patterns of

colour use. However, any given colour can be made in a variety of ways. Presum-

fig.1 (a) one colour prepared from two different materials, (b) different colours prepared from one material (rocella tinctoria)


c o l o u r s v e r s u s c o l o r a n t s i n a r t h i s t o r y : e v a l u a t i n g l o s t m a n u s c r i p t y e l l o w s

1. Unpublished results, Trinity College Dublin:

Raman spectroscopy found red lead, indigo, orpi-

ment, carbon and iron gall ink, gypsum, lichen

purple (Rocella tinctoria) and some unidentified

translucent yellow/brown.

ably within a workshop the choice of method would be consistent. It follows that

it is not enough to group manuscripts based on similar appearance: the materials

should be the same too. Similarity in materials strengthens an attributed grouping,

and inconsistency in materials weakens it. However this independence of colour and

pigment is not always appreciated. It is extremely common for people to attempt to

identify pigments by eye, using simple visual examination. Typically the appearance

of a sample observed on a manuscript is compared with samples and reconstructions

of known composition. These reconstructions are made based on mediaeval artists’

recipe books, of which hundreds survive (Clarke 2001a).

This methodology of comparing unknowns (the materials on manuscripts) with

knowns (historically accurate reconstructions) is essentially valid, and is used today

in chemical analysis of manuscript pigments. The problem lies in the use of visual

examination to do the comparison. It is an inadequate tool, and any attempt to

identify pigments by eye is doomed to failure, partly for the reasons outlined above

(that one colour may be made from alternative colorants and that one colorant

may exhibit different colours), and partly because, with age, colours may degrade

beyond recognition.

This may easily be demonstrated by comparing the results of visual ‘pigment

identification’ and chemical analysis. Often categorical statements as to which

pigments are or are not present have been made by visual examination, which sub-

sequent chemical analysis has shown to be incorrect. For example, British Library

MS Arundel 155 was examined by two independent art historians, who stated in

the firmest terms that ultramarine was not present; yet chemical analysis found

it. Similarly a number of authors have used visual examination to ‘identify’ the

pigments on the Book of Kells and the Lindisfarne Gospels. Comparison of their

results reveals very little agreement (such disagreement alone should alert us to

a problem with visual analysis), and recent reliable analysis has shown all of them

to be to some extent wrong (Clarke 2004 a, b). 1 Many of these authors expressed

caveats regarding the limitations of visual examination, but the limitations of ana-

lytical techniques then available (which required unacceptably large samples to be

removed) meant visual examination was used faute de mieux. Chemical analysis

has shown such visual examination to be largely worthless, and it should not be

practiced today.

Examination of colorants (pigments)Visual naming of colours has been shown to be unreliable, with inconsistencies

solved only by chemical analysis of the colorants. One might ask: why might chemical

analysis of colorants interest anyone but a chemist? Consider two examples where

looking at colours was not helpful, but where pigment analysis produced useful art-

historical evidence.

The first example results from a study of pigments in 100 Anglo-Saxon manuscripts

(Clarke 2004b). Two particular manuscripts from c.980 AD share text and illustra-

tive programme. One had a secure provenance of Canterbury Christ Church, and it



2. We might consider a third attitude: the sym-

bolic, magical, and spiritual value. In jewelled ob-

jects one stone would certainly be chosen over

another for its symbolic value, according to the

lapidary texts. I have, however, found no evi-

dence that such values were ever attributed to

pigments.

had been suggested on stylistic grounds that the other might also originate there.

The pigment ultramarine (lapis lazuli) found on both. This was only introduced

c.1000, and to find it so early was most unusual, so its presence in both manuscripts

strengthened the link between them. In the second example stylistical research into

the Lochorst Bible suggested it was illuminated by two teams of artists. Team A

worked in an archaic traditional style, whereas team B (probably the Zweder Masters)

were more naturalistic and illusionistic. Team A consistently used ultramarine, while

Team B consistently used azurite. Thus pigment analysis confirmed and reinforced

the proposed division of labour.

Mixtures and imitationsAny one colour may also be made from many different mixtures of pigments. From

c.300 AD onwards treatises survive recording hundreds of recipes for imitating ex-

pensive colours such as ultramarine or Tyrian Purple (Clarke 2001a). These substitutes

can be completely convincing to the eye. For example, it has often been asserted that

Tyrian purple (derived from shellfish) was used to dye parchment pages, but analysis

indicates this is extremely rare compared to purples made from other ingredients and

from mixtures. Similarly mediaeval recipes explain how red brazil-wood dye could be

added to blue azurite to imitate the more purple hue of the costly pigment ultrama-

rine. Other recipes describe manufacture of a tin-based compound called ‘mosaic

gold’ which contains no gold but can look remarkably like it.

Attitudes to inexpensive imitationsThere were various mediaeval attitudes to substitution and imitation. It is useful to

consider these when evaluating whether (and why) certain yellow colorants were

used.

One attitude was that to use valuable materials was desirable in itself. The use of

gold, precious stones, and ultramarine to highlight iconographically important ele-

ments in a picture is well known. Another example is the choice of mosaic gold or

real gold, or ivory black (an expensive pigment) or bone black (indistinguishable

and inexpensive).

Alternatively, skill could be considered as more important than the use of expensive

materials. (This, perhaps, was the choice made by the stylistically more progressive

Team B in the Lochorst Bible when they used the latest illusionistic techniques but

inexpensive azurite; a more flexible use of material conventions consistent with

stylistic liberties.) Theophilus seems to have favoured this attitude when he warned

not to disparage any thing ‘just because your native soil has spontaneously and

unexpectedly produced it for you’ and asks, why would you ‘despise these as cheap

local products and travel over land and sea to procure foreign ones that are no better

and are perhaps of less value’ (Prologue to Book I). When analysis demonstrates the

use of local products, plants or minerals, this itself becomes a useful provenance-

ing tool. This preference for final appearance over cash-value is one reason for the

popularity of imitations and substitutes. 2



These attitudes created reasons to choose one material over another (given oth-

erwise similar colours and working properties). These attitudes would have been

present in different proportions in different individuals. One might contrast for

example Suger with Bernard of Clairvaux. Consequently sometimes an artist might

have chosen to use a genuine expensive material, whereas an imitation may have

been considered appropriate for a different object or by a different artist. That

sometimes there were genuine expensive materials used, and sometimes not, is

in itself interesting. The use of intrinsically expensive materials is an important

indicator of the attitude of the artist and the patron to a book. And yet to the

naked eye it is not always clear. Clearly if chemical analysis can discern between

expensive and inexpensive materials this is helpful in indicating which attitude or

attitudes applied to which objects or to which periods, regions, artists or patrons.

This is directly relevant to the study of manuscript yellows because, as we shall see,

imitation gold was common.

Sophistication of the paletteOf course there are other reasons to use pigment mixtures, not just to imitate pre-

cious materials. Not all colours can be obtained from a single pure natural material.

Until very recently there was, for example, a great shortage of green pigments. For

symbolic or diagrammatic work this was not problematic, since a face or a landscape

could be adequately modelled with one or two crude colours, but for more sophis-

ticated work, e.g. to be more realistically representational, the shortage of subtle

colours was a problem. The problem was overcome in two ways.

The first method used to increase the range of available colours was mixing pigments.

It is often stated that mediaeval artists, having made such efforts to obtain pure

colouring materials, did not want to adulterate them, and that in consequence they

did not mix pigments. This is simply not true. Mediaeval artists’ recipe books contain

thousands of prescriptions for mixtures (Clarke 2011), and chemical analyses have

shown a great variety of mixed pigments, notably those mixed to produce greens

(Clarke 2001b). Another solution was layering, where a thin or transparent layer of one

colour was used on top to modify another. These combinations allow for more sophis-

ticated or more representational art, and indeed, around the ‘Eyckian turning point’,

c.1420, we find more and more mixtures and transparent over-layers; this was cer-

tainly done in manuscripts, not only in panel painting or in oil painting (Clarke 2011).

Another method of increasing the gamut of available of colours was to harness the

colours of plants. There are many recipes based on plant extracts, either to make

lake pigments, or simply to colour white pigments with the juices: ‘Take yellow flow-

ers, and grind, and express the juice, and temper white lead with this juice, and dry.

And temper it again, and dry, and repeat thus a third time’ (Glasgow MS Hunter

110, f.40r). These flower extracts are often specified to be for use ‘in carta’, i.e. on

paper or parchment. However, even in a relatively well-protected environment as

a closed book, organic pigments based on plant material are very prone to change

colour and fade.



Lost manuscript yellows

Careful examination of manuscripts reveals areas where colour only remains as faint

transparent traces. Figure 2 shows transparent infills in orange, red-pink, yellow

and blue. The transparency clearly seems to indicate a faded organic colour. Similar

discolouration and fading of red and yellow is visible in Figure 3. Once alerted to

such fading, one can search for it.

fig.3 a, b cambridge, corpus christi college ms69, f.1r (england, 8th century)

fig.2 a, b, c cambridge, corpus christi college ms69 (england, 8th century), f.20r, f.14r, ms144 (england, 9th century) f. 13r



3. This does not reproduce well in print. Why are lost manuscript yellows so particularly interesting and important? One rea-

son is that so often yellow was used either to represent gold, or to imitate gold, or to

be a substitute for gold, and in any picture golden objects are of undoubted icono-

graphic importance. There are a great many recipes for imitation gold, and indeed

some of the most ancient artists’ recipes we have are for imitation chrysography. The

most common ingredient of recipes for imitation gold is saffron. The other reason for

concentrating on yellow is that its colour changes and fades away so dramatically;

indeed the changes to yellows are often the strongest indication – and the strongest

argument – that colours in manuscripts have changed at all.

Examples of degraded yellow are found in the earliest manuscripts. On the exhibited

pages of British Museum papyrus EA10470 (Egyptian, 1320-1200 BC) the yellow pig-

ment orpiment and the orange pigment realgar (two forms of an arsenic mineral) have

both become white (having converted to a third form of the mineral, arsenolite); the

unexhibited pages retain their colour. Orpiment is unusual in this respect, because it is

a mineral pigment, which are usually stable. Plant-based pigments, on the other hand,

all tend to fade very badly, and yellow plant-based pigments fade worst of all. My

attention was first drawn to this phenomenon while studying the earliest mediaeval

manuscripts from the British Isles. In the Cathach of St Columba (Dublin Royal Irish

Academy) on f.48r is a zoomorphic initial that only the closest inspection shows is

infilled with a colour not quite the same as the parchment. 3 Clearly in this and in many

other early manuscripts the paint is extremely thin, or is a liquid dye or stain rather

than a solid pigment bound in a medium. This phenomenon is not confined to English

examples, nor to very early examples, and one cannot dismiss it as the result of ‘primi-

tive’ materials and techniques. If we concentrate on yellows, then fading phenomena

can be still dramatic in the highest quality twelfth century Romanesque manuscripts.

Figure 4 shows a page from the Bury Bible, a de luxe manuscript. The rubric is com-

posed of primary colours, but compared with the other colours the yellow is dull,

fig.4 a, b cambridge, corpus christi college ms2, f.7r (england, 12th century)



4. Further examples of faded and discoloured yel-

lows (shown at the conference) include: Cambridge

Corpus Christi College: MS256 (Italy, 6th), MS69

(England, 8th), MS193 (France, 8th), MS411

(Channel, c.1000), MS183 (England, 11th), MS4

and MS94 (England, 12th), MS82 (France, 13th),

MS394 (England 14th), MS395 (Catalan 15th).

Cambridge University Library: MS Ll.1.10 (England

9th), MS Ii.6.32 (England 10th), MS Ff.1.23 (Eng-

land, 11th). Glasgow University Library: MS Hunter

404 (Italy, 10th, e.g. f.25r). Engelberg Stiftsbibli-

othek: Cod. 5 (Switzerland 12th). Portuguese Ro-

manesque examples include Lorvao L16, Santa

Cruz MS1, MS17, 43 and 76, and Biblioteca Na-

cional de Portugal MS Alcobaça 333 and MS360.

weak, and translucent. Here surely we can infer that this buff or yellow-brown colour

must originally have been intended to be a strong colour as well, most probably a

bright yellow imitating gold. This phenomenon appears in Romanesque manuscripts

from all over Europe. I first noticed it on English examples, and was most interested

to see it again in the Torre do Tombo and the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal. Ex-

amples of this same alternation of strong colours with a drab buff were noted from

Lorvão (e.g. MS L16 f.7v, f.32), and from Sta. Cruz (e.g. MS1 f.2 and MS17 f.171).

In some cases we can deduce that some faded yellows were deliberately transparent.

Often a transparent yellow has been used much as one might use a yellow fluores-

cent pen today, to highlight a rubric (Fig. 5a). That this yellow was intended as a

highlighter is confirmed by this unambiguous red used similarly (Fig. 5b). The red

is carefully painted around the letters, whereas the yellow is painted all over, sug-

gesting it was always transparent.

fig.5 (a) sta. cruz ms58 (12-13th century) f.1 (b) f.140

fig.6 sta cruz ms40 (13th century) f.30

The use of a transparent yellow is confirmed in other Portuguese manuscripts, where

it is used in combination with patterns of dots (Fig. 6). This use of transparent yellow

is confined neither to Portugal nor to this period, and examples might be multiplied

indefinitely, from 6th to 15th century, from England, France, Italy, central Europe and

Iberia. 4 Transparency in aqueous paint media such as those used on manuscripts

is important as it implies the use of an organic pigment, and organic pigments are

those most prone to fading.

Evaluating losses

Visual examination and comparison clearly reveals areas of fading or discoloura-

tion, especially severe for yellow; indeed, in some cases it is not obvious that an

area was coloured at all. ‘Technical art history’ offers three ways to evaluate what

the original appearance of manuscript colours may have been: (i) iconography

and visual harmony, (ii) technical analysis of surviving paint, (iii) mediaeval art-

ists’ recipe books.



5. Degraded orpiment, arsenolite, is also invis-

ible to Raman.

6. Cheryl Porter, personal communication 2009.

7. Some years ago I suggested that the use of

Infra-Red lasers might overcome the fluores-

cence problems that have until now hindered

analysis of organic pigments by Raman spectro-

sopy. Perkin-Elmer have now lent an Infra-Red

FT-Raman instrument to the British Library, who

in 2010 will examine certain Anglo-Saxon manu-

scripts where I identified faded yellow organics.

Preliminary results using reconstructions seem

promising. (David Jacobs, BL, personal commu-

nication 2009.)

Iconography and visual harmonyOne must re-consider images where one might expect yellow for iconographical

reasons. There are few motifs in mediaeval European art where the iconographic

meaning of yellow is sufficiently robust and consistent to deduce a lost yellow, but

possible useful motifs include heraldic devices (specified in unambiguous terminol-

ogy: ‘or’ should be yellow), or representations of golden objects and haloes. Even

without iconographical clues we can deduce when the colours must be wrong by

loss of visual harmony, as for example in Fig. 4 where the colour of the red, blue and

green letters is intense, thickly applied, strong, dark and saturated, but the brown-

yellow letters are dull and insipid. Especially in these Romanesque examples it seems

clear that the pale-brown colour is incongruous, and a strong yellow would surely

have made better pictorial sense alongside the other strong colours. In cases where

a colour is barely distinguishable from the colour of parchment (e.g. the yellow in

Fig. 3 b) we may conclude that it would have been decoratively valueless, and thus

is surely degraded.

Technical analysisUnfortunately chemical analysis is unusually problematic for faded yellows. For or-

ganic pigments the currently favourite technique for manuscript analysis – Raman

spectroscopy – is unsuitable. 5 The best method of analysis of organic colours is

High-Performance Liquid Chromatography, but it requires samples; these only need

to be very small, but they do need to be not too degraded. Sometimes when a yel-

low colorant degrades it can be identified by its degradation products (although not

in the case of saffron). Saffron has been detected using Fourier-Transform Infrared

spectroscopy, even in mixtures, but only when it has survived in good condition. De-

spite these problems there have been successes. The Wollaton Antiphonal (University

of Nottingham MS250), for example, is a high-quality English manuscript c.1420,

painted with a very full palette. Recent HPLC analysis identified several plant-based

pigments, including yellows from broom (Genista tinctoria), sometimes with weld

added. All are found on a base of either chalk or lead white, and in one remarkable

case, on the synthetic inorganic pigment lead-tin-yellow. The organic yellows were

also found mixed with verdigris. Of particular interest is that it has been suggested

that this book was made in the English region of East Anglia, where broom is a local

product. 6 The application of other analytical techniques to manuscripts is being de-

veloped, including Direct Injection Mass Spectrometry (requiring only tiny samples)

and fluorescence spectroscopy (requiring no samples). 7

RecipesSo, in summary, analysis can be very helpful, but is difficult for yellows. Fortunately,

when analysis is not able to provide the answer, we have another clue. There survive

a considerable number of mediaeval treatises containing artists’ recipes, including

for organic yellow pigments. The majority of these use saffron (Crocus sativus). Au-

demar (c.1300) stated saffron was produced in France (but that it was not good),



that it was imported from Spain and Italy, and the best from ‘Sicily’ [read: ‘Cilicia’

i.e. Turkey] (Clarke 2001a, #2790). The 11th century specialist treatise De clarea (‘On

glair’) devotes a large proportion of its short length to saffron (Clarke 2001a, #140).

Other yellows suggested by recipes include weld, safflower (Carthamus tinctorius),

buckthorn (Rhamnus cathartica), blackthorn (Prunus spinosa), aloes, fustic (Rhus

cotinus), and the gall of an ox or fish. These were usually mixed in glair (egg white),

although hide glue was also suggested, e.g. by Le Begue in 1431 (Clarke 2001a,

#2790). Alternatively organic colorants could be added to inorganic white substrates

such as egg-shell, lead-white, chalk and gypsum. The prevalence and wide diffusion

of recipes for organic yellows means that we should be looking for traces of them.

(The prevalence of recipes for mosaic gold after c.1400 suggests analysis of what

appears to be gold is also needed.) It is satisfying that recipes in the 15th century

Portuguese Livro de como se fazem as cores (Clarke 2001a, #2950) seem to cor-

respond well with chemical analysis of Portuguese manuscripts, suggesting that its

recipes for yellows may well explain these faded areas. Knowledge of the recipes

suggests lines of enquiry: in reconstructions of saffron and safflower recipes, plant

fibres are visible (Fig. 7), so it would be worthwhile trying to find them (although a

careful illuminator may have excluded them).

Microscopic examination of the lettering shown in Fig. 4 showed the paint medium

to be thick, almost colourless brown, and to exhibit craquelure. This is what would

be found if it had originally been a yellow transparent colorant in a thick glue me-

dium. (Reconstructions showed that saffron in a glue or gum medium needs to be

applied thickly.) If indeed the Bury Bible lettering was originally made with saffron

(or similar) then all the colours of the lettering would have originally been equivalent

in terms of strength and saturation, and thus more visually coherent. This effect has

been reconstructed in Figure 8 by digitally increasing the degree of colour satura-

tion. Surely this makes more decorative sense.

fig.7 reconstructions (left) safflower, (right) saffron



Recipes supply the surprising information that the problem of faded yellow pigments

is not confined to faded yellow colours. This is because saffron was not just used

in yellow pigments, but was also an additive to other pigments. Recipes document

that the addition of saffron to verdigris was common in Europe (and Persia), and

analysis confirms this. (The stated reason was to improve colour, although saffron

also reduces corrosion of pages by verdigris.) Saffron was added to azurite to make

green, and even to improve orpiment. Consequently loss of yellow organic colorants

can cause colour change in even non-yellow areas. Other organics were added to

other inorganics too, and so although inorganic pigments such as verdigris, minium

or azurite may be identified by reliable and robust techniques, nevertheless the

colours may not be original (Clarke 2011).

Mediaeval responses to colour loss

It is unclear how much durability of pigments was understood by mediaeval crafts-

men. Recipes warn that certain pigments are chemically incompatible and will dis-

colour each other if mixed, and other recipes specify that some pigments (notably

organics) were suitable for manuscripts but not suitable for other supports (such

as panels and walls). It is not clear how soon colour loss occurred, whether it was

noticed, or whether repairs were carried out. Financial documents record mediae-

val restorations of wall- and panel-paintings, but regarding manuscripts are largely

silent. Accounts from Merton College Oxford c.1500 itemise painting saffron onto

fore-edges – apparently now lost. Examination shows ‘improvements’ to manuscripts

certainly were carried out: not really restorations but rather re-decoration projects.

Pigment analysis is useful in finding anachronistic materials that document this. Brit-

ish Library Add. MS 40618 is an Irish eighth century manuscript, but includes some

pages of late tenth century illustrations that have been pasted in (f. 22v, f.49v).

One might easily spot these added pages by their later style, but ultramarine is also

found on the original eighth century initials (23r and 50r); clearly these original

initials must have been re-touched while the book was undergoing improvement

fig.8 digital reconstruction with enhanced yellow



(Clarke 2004b, which see for another example). Whether lost yellows were repainted

remains to be determined.

Conclusions

Clearly there has been a loss and change of colour in mediaeval European manu-

scripts, due to the degradation and fading of colorants, and in particular there has

clearly been a particularly severe loss of yellows, especially transparent yellows. This

yellow loss is not confined to areas originally coloured yellow, but also in certain

areas such as verdigris green. Furthermore many non-yellow pigments contained an

organic component, which has probably altered in colour too.

Since what is seen now is clearly not always what was originally there, the appearance

of manuscripts must be re-assessed. In the case of transparent yellow, the contrast

with the parchment is often negligible, and even allowing for some darkening and

yellowing of the parchment, if it had always been this colour it would have made no

decorative sense. The buff or brown colour in Romanesque manuscripts has in the

past been accepted as a bona fide colour. It does contrast somewhat with parchment,

and is legible, but, since the other colours are usually all strong and bright, a subtle

or drab yellow-brown seems out of place, and so I suggest that it would make more

decorative sense if it had originally been golden-yellow.

It seems, from inspection of surviving traces of colour, and from mediaeval recipes,

that there was an extensive use of vivid organic yellows, which are now lost. Clearly

art historians can benefit from an awareness of possible colour alterations. It may

help to explain, for example, why so little gold was used in Portuguese manuscripts

in this period, compared with elsewhere in Europe.

In addition to being vehicles for the transmission of texts and images, manuscripts

are also archaeological artefacts, and one must constantly bear in mind this physical-

ity. Chemical analysis is helpful to establish provenance, to identify intrusive anach-

ronistic elements, and to deduce original appearance. This is a golden age for the

study of the physical properties of art works in general and manuscripts in particular,

with increasingly sensitive analytical instruments available, and a renaissance in the

philology of artists’ recipe books. But to establish what was conventional usage for

different periods, regions, or ateliers, more work is needed to build up a substantial

and statistically significant corpus of analyses (similar to that extant for easel paint-

ings). This must be collaborative, as the best analyses are done by physicists and

chemists working closely with conservators, librarians, and art historians. •



Acknowledgments

This paper derives from a presentation at the conference Medieval colours: between beauty and meaning (Universidade Nova de Lisboa: Instituto de História da Arte, Insti-tuto de Estudos Medievais, Departamento de Conservação e Restauro, 2009). I would like to thank the organisers Maria João Melo and Adelaide Miranda for their kind in-vitation to participate, and for their generous hospitality. Figures 2, 3, 4 are reprodu-ced by permission of the Master and Fellows of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. Fi-gures 5, 6 are reproduced by permission of BPMP. Figures 1, 7, 8 are by the author.

Bibliography

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Illuminators. London: Archetype Publications.

Clarke, M. (2001b) ‘The analysis of medieval European manuscripts’ Reviews in

Conservation 2: 3-17.

Clarke, M. (2004a) «Really don’t trust your eyes to identify manuscript pigments!»

Gazette du livre médiéval 44: 50-53.

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Clarke, M. (2011) Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques: The Montpellier ‘Liber

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Biography

Mark Clarke (°1962) trained in England in conservation and conservation science, with

an interdisciplinary doctorate on medieval manuscript paint. He has been a researcher

in technical art history and art technological source research, at the University of

Cambridge, the Institute Collectie Nederland, the Fitzwilliam Museum, and FOM-

AMOLF. He specialises in the interdisciplinary study of historic artist’s paint, combining

technical analysis, art history, historically accurate reconstructions, and written sources.

He has made a particular study of mediaeval artists’ recipe books. He co-founded the

International Council of Museums (Conservation Committee) working group on Art

Technological Source Research. He is currently working on the early history of oil paint at

the University of Amsterdam, and is an invited Fellow of the VLAC Institute of Advanced

Study of the Royal Flemish Academy.

University of Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum Ateliergebouw,

Hobbemastraat 22, 1071 ZC Amsterdam, The Netherlands.

[email protected]



Resumo

A iluminura românica que chegou até nós encontra-se intimamente ligada ao mundo

monástico, particularmente aos mosteiros de São Mamede do Lorvão, São Pedro de

Arouca, Santa Cruz de Coimbra e Santa Maria de Alcobaça. É neste universo cultural,

rico de referências religiosas, políticas e artísticas que nos propomos estudar a cor.

Como formas de construção da cor, entendemos a procura de certas combinações

e padrões bem como de efeitos visuais particulares. Procedeu-se à quantificação

das principais cores presentes, através do mapeamento da cor, obtendo-se assim

a distribuição das áreas relativas para o azul, vermelho, verde, amarelo e laranja.

O trabalho de investigação levado a cabo por uma equipa interdisciplinar permitiu

assim lançar novas hipóteses em relação às opções estéticas e simbólicas dos ilu-

minadores e à datação dos manuscritos, respectivamente do Apocalipse do Lorvão

e os De avibus.

Procuramos ainda dar início a uma narrativa que nos permita chegar ao significa-

do da cor nos códices medievais (sécs. XII e XIII), detectando as contribuições das

três culturas medievais que forjaram o Portugal moderno – hebraica, muçulmana e

cristã. •

Abstract

The Romanesque illumination is intimately linked to the monastic world; particularly

to the São Mamede do Lorvão, São Pedro de Arouca, Santa Cruz de Coimbra and

Santa Maria de Alcobaça monasteries. It is in this cultural universe, rich in religious,

political and artistic references that we propose to study colour. By exploring how

colour was created and applied in specific patterns and for especial visual effects,

we aim to contribute for a better understanding of its symbolic and social meaning.

Colour distribution was quantified by mapping the relative areas of the main colours,

blue, red, green, yellow and orange. The interdisciplinary research that was carried

out has put forward new hypotheses in relation to aesthetic and symbolic options

of the illuminators and to the dating of the manuscripts, Lorvão Apocalypse and De

Avibus respectively.

Finally, we started a narrative that will allow us to unveil the meaning of the colour

in medieval codices, detecting the contributions of the three medieval cultures which

forged Portugal, that is the Hebrew, Muslim and Christian cultures. •

palavras-chave

iluminura medievalcoranálises científicasapocalipse do lorvãode avibus

key-words

medieval illuminationscolourscientific analysislorvão apocalypsede avibus


the colour of medieval portuguese illumination: an interdisciplinary approach

Preamble

In 2004, we started an interdisciplinary project on the colour of medieval Portuguese

illuminations, within which an interdisciplinary team 1 was created. The experimental

design as well as the modus operandi were developed and fully tested 2. Two im-

portant and dated manuscripts were selected as case studies, Apocalypse and The

Book of Birds (De Avibus of Hugh of Fouilloy) from São Mamede do Lorvão mon-

astery. The study of colour was continued in a project that included the scriptoria

of Santa Cruz de Coimbra and Santa Maria de Alcobaça as well as a larger and

representative selection of manuscripts 3. In this paper, the findings of these two

projects will be presented.

1. The Romanesque illuminated manuscripts in Portugal and the Alcobaça, Lorvão and Santa Cruz monasteries

The Romanesque illumination is intimately linked to the monastic world; particularly

to the São Mamede do Lorvão, São Pedro de Arouca, Santa Cruz de Coimbra and

Santa Maria de Alcobaça monasteries 4. The two last monasteries present the more

homogeneous and consistent collections of our Romanesque scriptoria and, at that

maria joão melo (coordinator)catarina miguel, ana claro, r ita castroDepartamento de Conservação e Restauro

and Requimte, Faculdade de Ciências e

Tecnologia, UNL, Caparica (Portugal)

Maria adelaide miranda

(coordinator) , ana lemosInstituto de Estudos Medievais and

Instituto de História da Arte, FCSH, UNL,

Lisboa (Portugal)

v. solange f. muralhaVICARTE: Vidro e Cerâmica para as Artes,

FCT, UNL, Caparica (Portugal)

joão a. lopesREQUIMTE, Departamento de Química,

Faculdade de Farmácia, Universidade do

Porto, Porto (Portugal)

antónio pere ira gonçalvesDepartamento de Química, Instituto

Tecnológico e Nuclear, Lisboa (Portugal)

1. The team includes researchers from Art History,

Conservation and Chemistry; computer scientists

have recently joined the team.

2. An interdisciplinary approach to the study of

colour in Portuguese manuscript illuminations,

POCTI/EAT/33782/2000.

3. The identity of Portuguese medieval ma-

nuscript illumination in the European context,

PTDC/EAT/65445/2006.



4. Miranda, M.A. 1996. A Iluminura Românica em

Santa Cruz de Coimbra e Santa Maria de Alcoba-

ça. PhD Dissertation. Lisboa: Universidade Nova

de Lisboa; Miranda, M.A. 1996. A Iluminura de

Santa Cruz no Tempo de Santo António. Lisboa:

Edições Inapa; Nascimento, A.A., Miranda, M.A.

(coord.) 1999. A Iluminura em Portugal: Identi-

dade e Influência (do séc. X ao XVI): catálogo da

Exposição. Lisboa: Biblioteca Nacional de Portu-

gal; Miranda, M.A., Lemos, A., Claro, A., Miguel,

C. and Melo, M.J. 2008. A Iluminura Portuguesa,

uma abordagem interdisciplinar. Revista de His-

tória de Arte – FCSH. 5: 228-245.

5. Mattoso, J. 2009. Os antepassados dos na-

vegadores in Naquele tempo. Ensaios de Histó-

ria Medieval. Lisboa: Temas e Debates/Círculo

de Leitores, p.240: «(...) investigações recentes

acerca da cultura dominante em Coimbra e nas

cidades portuguesas do Sul mostram que os co-

nhecimentos dos Moçárabes estavam ainda su-

ficientemente vivos imediatamente a seguir à

conquista cristã e que exerceram uma influência

profunda sobre os clérigos destas mesmas ci-

dades durante o século XII. Ora Lorvão situa-se

precisamente junto a Coimbra e era um centro

importante da cultura moçárabe».

6. Pastoureau, M. 1996. Couleur, images, sym-

boles. Paris: Le Léopard d’Or, sd.p.47: «La sym-

bolique des couleurs est une notion floue dont

on use et abuse. Il n’y a pas de symbolique des

couleurs envisagée hors du temps et de l’espace,

mais seulement de multiples systèmes de la cou-

leur ou dans un contexte donné, précis, daté,

localisé, les couleurs prennent en charge tel ou

tel réseau de significations.»

7. Peixeiro, H. 1998. A Iluminura do Apocalipse

do Lorvão. Provas públicas para professor coor-

denador. Tomar: IPT/EST/DTAG/ACG, p.28.

8. «A documentação do Liber Testamentorum

toma por referência a comunidade monástica

do Lorvão. É esta, certamente mais antiga que

o documento de 857 (...). Efectivamente, com-

provando ele que a comunidade monástica re-

cebe doações nessa data, há que admitir a sua

existência anterior» in Nascimento, A.A. 2007.

Liber Testamentarum do Mosteiro de Lorvão, in

Monarquia y Sociedad en el Reino de León. De

time, were central for the formation of the Portuguese nationality, assuming artistic

protagonism in the kingdom. It is in this cultural universe 5, rich in religious, political

and artistic references that we propose to study colour 6.

Inheriting of ancient traditions, the new religious orders, Benedictines, Augustinians

and Cistercians, will integrate in their scriptoria important treatises for the artistic

techniques, such as the Mappae Clavicula in the library of Santa Cruz de Coimbra 7

and On divers arts very likely present in Alcobaça.

The monks’ artistic creativity is present in the architectural space they inhabited

as well in the liturgical arts, particularly in the illuminated manuscripts. Colour ap-

pears as a fundamental element in the organisation of the Codex, creating sense

and beauty. By exploring how colour was created and applied in specific patterns

and for especial visual effects, we aim to contribute for a better understanding

of its symbolic and social meaning in medieval Portuguese illuminations in these

monasteries. We will approach this subject within an international context, namely

considering the leading French monasteries, with which the Portuguese monks were

connected, see Figure 1.

The monastic libraries of Alcobaça and Santa Cruz were produced in their scripto-

ria, through the circulation of manuscripts between the monasteries which they

were associated with, and together with donations made from or orders made to

the most prestigious productive centres at that time. A short presentation of the

monastic medieval libraries, and the monasteries in which they were established, is

important for having a better understanding of the origin, purpose and circulation

of medieval manuscripts.

fig.1 portuguese medieval monasteries: são mamede do lorvão, santa cruz de coimbra and santa maria de alcobaça, and the french monasteries which they were associated with (mother abbeys)


t h e c o l o u r o f m e d i e v a l p o r t u g u e s e i l l u m i n a t i o n : a n i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y a p p r o a c h

Alfonso III a Alfonso VII. ed. J.M. Fernández Ca-

tón, León, 315-339.

9. While both scholars agree with the fact that

the date mentioned in the ms. 777, must be cor-

rected, Aires Augusto do Nascimento proposes

857 and Fernández Catón 907 or 917. Please see

also Mattoso, J. 2009. Recension to the paper by

Nascimento A., Fernández Cáton, J. (ed). Liber

testamentorum coenobii laurbanensis (estúdios).

Léon: Centro de Estudios y Investigación. in Me-

diavalista. 7. Lisboa: FCSH: «Enquanto A. Nasci-

mento defende a correcção do evidente erro de

data do referido documento de 777 para 857,

Fernández Catón considera esta opinião impos-

sível e propõe 907 ou 917, mas inclina-se mais

para 917 (pp. 467-475)».

10. Mattoso, J. 1996. «A vida religiosa dos bene-

ditinos portugueses durante o séc. XIII» in Reli-

gião e Cultura na Idade Média Portuguesa. Lis-

boa: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 2.ª ed.,

167-168: «Provavelmente ignoraremos para sem-

pre até que ponto eram verdadeiras as acusações

feitas aos monges de Lorvão. Não podemos, po-

rém, deixar de notar que o fim do séc. XII é neste

mosteiro uma época de prosperidade e de vitali-

dade religiosa, como atestam as cópias de livros

aí feitas entre 1183 e 1189. Além disso, sabemos

que os bens do mosteiro provocavam as ambições

do bispo de Coimbra, contra as quais os monges

se queixavam amargamente por volta de 1200».

The São Mamede do Lorvão monastery provides us scarce documental evidence on

the date it was founded. A recent publication on Chartularium Laurbanense (Car-

tulary of Lorvão), also known as Livro dos Testamentos do Lorvão, coordinated by

Aires Nascimento and Fernández Catón, proposes 857 8 and 917 9 for its foundation.

This monastery had an important role in the period before the Portuguese Kingdom

was founded, and was involved in the Iberian resistance to the introduction of the

monarchism from Cluny 10. Its collection is heterogeneous and from 1206, the date

from which it starts to follow the feminine Cistercian 11, we believe it will no more

have a scriptorium, even though it continues to enrich its library. For the medieval

period, the collection has 18 manuscripts, of which two have colophon, particularly

significant for the history of illumination in Portugal – the Lorvão Apocalypse (1189)

(Figure 2) and the De Avibus of Hughes de Fouilloy (1183-1184) (Figure 3). These

manuscripts can be found in the National Archives (Arquivo Nacional da Torre do

Tombo) 12.

Santa Cruz de Coimbra, which dates back to 1131, is one of the most important

monasteries linked to the construction of Portugal as an independent kingdom. The

communitarian life started the following year and its importance was reinforced by

the fact it was the first royal pantheon. Donations from the crown and nobility were

in the origins of the monastery that will follow the regular Canons of Saint Augus-

tine and the guidelines of St. Ruf of Avignon, depending on the Holy See due to

the conflicts with the Cathedral of Coimbra 13. We know that the scribes substituted

the Visigoth by the Carolina script between 1054 and 1072 in the documents of the

chancellery 14, being the writing of the Codex close to this date. The first Codex is

dated of 1139, Homiliário Santa Cruz 4 (Appendix 1), even though there are doubts

of its production in this monastery 15. Until the first quarter of the thirteenth century,

Santa Cruz has approximately 36 illuminated manuscripts from which a significant

number will have here its origin. The collection has a total of 99 codices, conserved

fig.2 lorvão apocalypse (1189), ff. 43, 115, 172v, 209v and 210. photo © antt



fig.3 de avibus (book of birds) from lorvão monastery (1183-1184), ff. 5, 6, 16, 25 and 50v. photo © antt

11. Cocheril, M. 1978. Routier des Abbayes Cis-

terciennes du Portugal. Paris: Fondation Calouste

Gulbenkian, p.195.

12. The illuminations of these two codex are

available at http://digitarq.dgarq.gov.pt

13. Nascimento, A.A. 1998. «Vida de D. Telo» in

Hagiografia de Santa Cruz de Coimbra. Ed. critic,

trad. e estudos introdutórios. Lisboa: Colibri, 81-82.

14. Azevedo Santos, M.J. 1994. Da visigótica à

carolina. A escrita em Portugal de 882 a 1172.

Lisboa: FCG/JNICT, 277-278.

15. Nascimento, A.A. 2002. Liber Testamentorum

cit. N.C. Borges, Arte monástica em Lorvão, som-

bras e realidade – Das origens a 1737. Lisboa.

16. Vilares Cepeda, I. and Ferreira, T.D. 2001. In-

ventário dos Códices Iluminados até 1500. Vol.2.

Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional Casa da Moeda.

17. Martins, A.A. 2003. O Mosteiro de Santa

Cruz de Coimbra. Séculos XII-XV. Lisboa: Centro

de História – Universidade de Lisboa; Gomes,

S.A. Gomes. 2000. Limine Conscriptionis: Do-

cumentos, Chancelaria e Cultura no Mosteiro de

Santa Cruz de Coimbra: Séculos XII-XIV. Coimbra:

Polimage Editores.

18. Ferreira, T.D. and Santana, A.C. 1993. O tra-

tamento documental de manuscritos ao serviço

in the Public Library of Porto 16. It is one of the monasteries that have received more

attentions from scholars 17.

Santa Maria de Alcobaça is a Cistercian monastery founded in 1153, the year in

which St. Bernard died. Its foundation is also regulated through a «Carta de Couto»

given to the white monks. Only few codices are dated, but the fact the construction

of the monastery only started in 1179, shows that the scriptorium would have started

to operate lately. It possesses a set of approximately 458 volumes from the Middle

Ages, of which 160 illuminated ones from the last quarter of the 12th and first quarter

of the 13th century, which are kept in the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal 18.

2. Characterization of the manuscripts from Alcobaça,Lorvão, Santa Cruz collections (12th-13th centuries)

As far as the contents of the libraries of Alcobaça and Santa Cruz are concerned,

there is, in both, a strong predominance of works related to the Patristics (documents

written by the Fathers of the Church transmitting the Christian thoughts of the 3rd

to 8th century). Although in Alcobaça the Greek Patristics were highlighted, it was

however almost absent in Santa Cruz. In Alcobaça we found a significant number

of Fathers from the East. Amongst them, Origen, John of Damascus, St. Ephrem,

St. Cyprian, St. Athanasius, Eusebius of Caesarea and John Chrysostom. In Santa

Cruz, we only have Origen and Eusebius of Caesarea with the Ecclesiastic History,

which was justified by the presence of the Bernardin spirituality in the formation

of Alcobaça monastery. As far as the Latin Patristics is concerned, the resemblance



da investigação: a experiência da Biblioteca Na-

cional. Cadernos BAD, p. 1.

19. Twelfth century encyclopaedias, contempora-

ry for the ms. studied.

20. In Santa Cruz there is only one copy from

Papias.

between both libraries should be stressed. Saint Augustine and St. Gregory in Al-

cobaça, and Saint Augustine and Saint Isidore, in Santa Cruz (library in which we

also find a copy of Saint Ambrose, St. Gregory, St. Bede and Cassian), are the most

representative authors, being significantly higher in number in Alcobaça (for exam-

ple, Saint Augustine appears about twenty times).

The encyclopaedias are the second group of works, being present Saint Augustine

with De doctrina christiana, Saint Isidore with Etimologias, St. Bede with De Rerum

Naturam and Hugh of Saint Victor with Didaskalion. In both monasteries, the ency-

clopaedias from Honorius Augustodunensis and William of Conches are absent 19.

Peter Lombard, a polemic author whose work is considered by some to be one of

the most important for the study of dialectics and by others a compiler, is largely

represented in Alcobaça, however it is absent from Santa Cruz.

In the libraries of both monasteries, there are also texts from theologians and homi-

leticians, such as St. Bernard and Hugh of Saint Victor, with the latter being an im-

portant author as he represents the speculative mystics. The De Sacramentis, existing

in Alcobaça as well as in Santa Cruz, is a large Summa Theologica. However, contrary

to what expected, St. Bernard is not the most represented author, even though his

works spread rapidly through the library of Alcobaça. Here, we can also find one of

the first works of Saint Anselm, Cur Deus Homo, of mystic character, but three of his

fundamental works are absent: the Monogium, the Proslogium and the De Veritate.

Another well represented group in Alcobaça, though less significant than in Santa

Cruz, is the Hagiography, the narration of miraculous and exemplary achievements

of the Saints. These manuscripts constitute one of the most important remaining

hagiographic collections from the 12th century, being an important link in the history

of the first Cistercians legendaries. Writings in Law are absent from Santa Cruz, while

present in Alcobaça but with an insignificant number, apart from Bucardo and Bernar-

do Papiense, the Canons of the Fourth Council of the Lateran, the Livros do Uso de

Cister, the Cistercian Carta Caritatis and Consuetudines (Charter of Charity). The De-

cretum Gratiani, not present in the library but whose existence is known in Clairvaux,

Pontigny and Fontenay, is considered as one of the lost manuscripts from the library.

We highlight the Grammar works linked to teaching 20, which are well represented

through Papias, and also with Alexander of Villedieu, Garnier of Rochefort (Cister-

cian monk of Clairvaux) and an Alegoric Dictionary of Pedro Cantor.

We emphasize also the presence of the Bible, the Book, whose existing copies, due

to the importance given in terms of dimension and care to its execution and orna-

ments, show the importance they had in this library. It is also worth mentioning that

the two Santa Cruz bibles present only the Old Testament, with the New Testament

being absent in this library. Finally, there are the liturgical books, which are quite

significant in the constitution of these two libraries, due to their number and qual-

ity, the Psalters and Missals.

At the end of the twelfth century, the Portuguese monastic cultural context was

spiritually propitious to the De Avibus of Hughes de Fouilloy, a text that was meant

to be a behaviour model for the lay – brotherhood community, explaining to them



21. Miranda, M.A. et al. 2010. On Wings of Blue:

The history, materials and techniques of the Book

of Birds in Portuguese scriptoria. in Afonso, L.U.

(ed.) The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da

Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação, 181-

182.

22. The involvement of the Bishop of Coimbra,

D. Pedro Soares, in the expulsion of the Benedic-

tine monks from the Lorvão monastery, prompt

us to consider the possibility that they would

have carried with them some of the codex and

left others, possibly some mss. that were neces-

sary for the religious service as De Avibus and the

Lorvão Apocalypse.

23. The Lorvão Apocalypse is part of a large col-

lection of manuscripts known as Beatus, a name

derived from the Beatus of Liébana, a monk who

lived at the turn of the eighth to the ninth cen-

tury, in Liébana and wrote a Commentary to the

Apocalypse of Saint John, in an environment of

belief in the end of the world, accentuated by

the closeness to the end of the millennium and

an Iberic Peninsula that was converted to the Is-

lam. It is believed that the original manuscript

would have been illuminated and that it would

communicate the visual message of the events

that occurred since the Revelation of Christ up

until the moment of the reconstruction of New

Jerusalem. In these manuscripts text and image

are intrinsically interconnected.

24. Lorvão 5, 43 and 50; Alcobaça 410; Santa

Cruz 4 and 27. Supplementary material at www.

dcr.fct.unl, section Events – Medieval Colours

Conference.

25. This in part explains our engagement in the

critical edition of The book on how to make co-

lours that is presented in the Varia section of this

number.

26. The BPMP manuscripts were studied in a Mo-

lab mission, in the framework of the Eu-ARTECH

European project. www.eu-artech.org/files/ME-

DMAN-UserReport.pdf

27. Melo, M.J., Claro, A. 2010. Bright light: mi-

crospectrofluorimetry for the characterization of

lake pigments and dyes in works of art. Accounts

of Chemical Research. 43(6): 857-866.

the mysteries of incarnation using birds as examples. The three monasteries had a

copy of the «Book of Birds» 21.

The Lorvão monastery, as previously referred, unlike the two other monasteries,

present a very heterogeneous collection 22 as well as a few number of manuscripts.

Within this project were studied the manuscripts dating from the Iberian monachism

period of the monastery until the Cistercian period, which include two Lectionaries

(one Temporal and one Santoral), one Martirology, one Psalter, a manuscript of Saint

Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos (1183), one Gradual, one Livro das Calendas

and two dated manuscripts, the Book of Birds (1183/84) and Lorvão Apocalypse

(1189) 23.

The manuscripts selected for study, produced during the 12th and the first half of

the 13th century, are available as Supplementary Material 24, together with the folia

object of molecular characterization. Thirteen manuscripts were chosen from the

Santa Cruz collection, fourteen from Alcobaça, and eleven from the Lorvão collec-

tion. This selection was based not only on the chronological period established, but

also on the richness of artistic and chromatic features. Many of the manuscripts are

only tentatively dated,Tables AP1-AP3, and only 6 24 present a colophon in which a

date was originally included by the author.

3. Colour: molecular characterization

We approach the study of the materials and techniques of medieval illuminations

from three perspectives: art history, molecular analysis of the original artworks and

historical accurate reconstructions 25. This section will describe the results of the

molecular analysis in Portuguese medieval paint colours. In this research, we aim to

unveil the complete paint formulation, including the proportions of which colour-

ants, binders, fillers and other additives were used. With this knowledge, it will be

possible to reproduce, in the laboratory, a medieval paint that will be as durable and

luminous as the colours that we still find in medieval illuminated manuscripts; we

will also be better prepared to preserve this illuminated heritage.

3.1 ColourantsMissions to Torre do Tombo (ANTT-DGARQ), Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto

(BPMP) 26 and Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal (BNP) were carried out during No-

vember 2007, January 2009 and May 2009, respectively. The experimental design

and the analytical techniques are described in Appendix Experimental Design 27.

From the study of all three monasteries’ manuscripts, the medieval Portuguese mo-

lecular palette was proposed Figure 4 28. This included the best colourants available

during medieval times: vermilion, red lead (minium), orpiment, lac dye (and possibly

other red dyes), lapis lazuli, indigo, white lead, carbon and bone black 29 as well as

a synthetic copper green named bottle green. Although included in Figure 4, azur-

ite and malachite were very seldom used 30. In the Portuguese illuminations of the



28. Miranda, M.A., Claro, A., Lemos, A., Miguel,



tória de Arte – FCSH. 5: 228-245.

29. Cabral, J.M.P. 2006. História Breve dos Pig-

mentos. 4. Das Artes da Idade Média (1.ª parte).

Química-Boletim da Sociedade Portuguesa de

Química. 103: 33-44.

30. They will become later the colour for blue

and green [Moura, L., Melo, M.J., Casanova, C.,

Claro, A. 2007. A Study on Portuguese Manus-

cript Illumination: The Charter of Vila Flor (Flo-

wer Town), 1512. Journal of Cultural Heritage.

8: 299-306].

31. Cabral, J.M.P. 2001. História Breve dos Pig-

mentos. III – Das artes grega e romana. Química-

Boletim da Sociedade Portuguesa de Química.

82: 57-64.

32. Miguel, C., Claro, C., Melo, M.J. and Lopes,

J.A. 2009. Green, blue, greenish blue or bluish

green? Copper pigments in medieval Portugue-

se Illuminations. Sources and Serendipity – Tes-

timonies of Artists’ Practice, London: Archetype:

33-38.

33. In this text carmine describes a dark red, ob-

tained from an organic red dye such as lac dye

(laccaic acids A, B, etc.) or cochineal (kermesic

and carminic acid).

34. Melo, M.J. 2009. History of natural dyes in

the ancient Mediterranean world. Handbook of

Natural Colorants, T. Bechtold and R. Mussak

(eds), Chichester: John Wiley & Sons 3-18; Sei-

xas de Melo, J., Melo, M.J., Claro, A. 2006. As

moléculas da cor, na Arte e na Natureza. Quími-

ca-Boletim da Sociedade Portuguesa de Química,

101: 44-55.

35. Strolovitch, D. 2005. Old Portuguese in

Hebrew Script: convention, contact, and con-

vivência. PhD Dissertation. Cornell University.

116-184; Blondheim, S.1928. An old Portuguese

work on manuscript illumination. Jewish Quar-

terly Review. 19: 97-135; Moreira de Sá, A. 1960.

Revista da Faculdade de Letras, 4: 210-223.

twelfth and thirteenth century, lapis lazuli was the colour for blue and was usually

used as a pure pigment 31. Dark blues were obtained by adding indigo to lapis lazuli

(Santa Cruz) or by using indigo (Lorvão). A deep saturated green, named bottle-

green, found ubiquitously in all manuscripts, was always applied as a single colour 32.

Reds were obtained with vermilion that we found as a pure pigment in the lettering

or mixed with chalk or red lead (Lorvão) for more extensive painting. Dark reds or

carmine colours 33 could be obtained both with an organic dye as lac dye 34 (Lorvão)

or by adding an organic dye to vermilion (Santa Cruz). The whites and lights were

applied using white lead, and for the black colour, both carbon black and bone black

were employed. Red lead was used for the orange colour, namely for typical visual

effects, together with pink and white, as depicted in column 2 and 4 of Figure 4.

Orpiment was less often employed, having been found in the Lorvão Apocalypse,

where it was extensively applied, in the Bible Sta Cruz 1 and in the Homiliário Sta

Cruz 4. Other shades of yellow and brownish colours were also found in the studied

manuscripts, but until now their characterization was not possible (please, see also

next section).

Pink and grey colours were consistently applied in the Alcobaça manuscripts and will

be discussed in the section «Colour construction and meaning».

Alongside the molecular analysis of the artworks, paint historical reconstructions

were produced based both on the analytical data and the recipes found in the me-

dieval treaties «The book on how to make colours» 35. These form an important refer-

ence database, that will allow a better understanding of the degradation mechanisms

and to study the most appropriate conservation strategies.

fig.4 colourants and colour patterns in portuguese medieval illuminations



36. Principal Components Analysis (PCA) was ap-

plied in the 2840 to 3000 cm-1 spectral window, a

region less vulnerable to pigments and fillers and

therefore a good infrared window to discriminate

the proteinaceous binding media.

37. The Book of Birds, Lorvão Apocalypse, Lor-

vão 3, 12, 13, 15, 16 and 50.

38. Lapis lazuli does not absorb in the selected

protein region and vermilion does not absorb in

the entire spectral range.

39. See also the paper by Mark Clarke, in this

volume, pag. 138.

3.2 Binders, the invisible sideBinding media, the invisible component of a paint colour, is necessary for the co-

hesion and adhesion. It influences the perception of colour and it may also play a

key role in colour changes over time as well as in the stability of the colour paint.

Therefore, its characterization becomes important, not only to fingerprint the spe-

cificities of the paint’s formulations of Portuguese medieval illuminations, but also

to understand the degradation problems that are now visible in some manuscripts.

Binders can be applied as a single binder (e.g., egg yolk), in mixtures of two or more

polymers (e.g., parchment glue and glair) as well as more complex formulations where

several additives are present in however minor amounts, but could still contribute to

the paint’s film performance and permanence. To address this issue, chemometrics

methodologies were used to compare a considerable number of infrared spectra of

medieval paint colours, unveiling multivariate hidden patterns and by comparison

with a reference database, to characterize the binders present.

The infrared spectra showed that the binder was protein based and therefore the ref-

erence database included infrared spectra for the most probable medieval proteinea-

ceous binders: egg white, parchment glue, egg yolk and casein glue 36, Figure 5. A set

of 19 micro-samples (six blue paint micro-samples and 13 red paint micro-samples)

from eight Lorvão manuscripts 37 was analysed. Vermilion red and lapis lazuli blue

were chosen because they are colours ubiquitously present in the medieval illumina-

tions 38. To quantify the binder composition, a multivariate curve resolution (MCR)

analysis was performed; this algorithm was able to break down the infrared spectra

to its «pure binders»: mainly a collagen binder together with egg white. It was not

yet possible to ascertain if the binders were applied as a mixture or as binder and

varnish, or a combination of both. To further test these results, antigen-antibody

essays are currently in progress.

3.3 Colour degradation over timeWhen studying medieval illuminations, colour changes over time must be taken into

account as they may not only dramatically transform the original colour paint, but

also our perception of the overall colour construction and its meaning. As previously

discussed, faded shades of «yellow colours» are yet to be characterized. It is pos-

sible that some of those faded achromatic yellow paints were originally bright yel-

lows. However, evidence must be found to corroborate this hypothesis, as one must

also consider that many organic dyes (including blues, reds and yellows) may have

evolved to an achromatic yellow- brown stimulus upon degradation 39. Other colour

changes that may give rise to misleading interpretations are the darkening of white

lead and red lead, as these may be interpreted as shading. However, under micro-

scope, the degradation is clearly visible, see bellow. These degradation phenomena

are not frequent in the studied collections, but are present in several manuscripts as

Lorvão Apocalypse, Bible Sta Cruz 1 and Etymologies, Alc 446, Figure 6. The most

dramatic changes were observed in the extensive darkening of the orange colour

used in Apocalypse, Figure 7, and in the loss of the ubiquitous bottle green in all

fig.5 scores plot of a pca model for red (l) and blue paints (l). the grey circle represents the 95% of confidence limit. binders projected onto this model: parchment glue (n), egg white (n), egg yolk (s) and casein glue (s)



40. Miguel, C. «Le vert et le rouge»: A study on

the materials, techniques and meaning of the

green and red colours in medieval Portugue-

se illuminations. Ongoing PhD Thesis (SFRH/

BD/44374/2008).

the codices. Projects were launched aiming to unveil the degradation mechanisms 40,

as this knowledge is fundamental for the development of stabilization procedures.

Relevant aspects of this on-going research will be next presented.

fig.6 alcobaça 446 (13th century), f.96v evidencing signs of degradation on the white lead on the flesh paint. image © bnp (please see text for more details)



41. Miguel, C., Claro, A., Gonçalves, A. P., Melo,

M. J. and Muralha, V.S.F. 2009. A study on red

lead degradation in the medieval manuscript,

Lorvão Apocalypse (1189). Journal of Raman

Spectroscopy, 40: 1966-1973.

42. Based on the quantification of As, Hg and

S by micro-EDXRF and molecular fingerprint by

microRaman.

43. The experiments were followed by micro-

Raman, micro-EDXRF and XRD, for more details

please see 41.

44. Also known as galena.

45. The general reaction pathway could be des-

cribed by the general reactions described in eq

(1) and (2):

(1) 2Pb3O

4 + As

2S

3 ➝ 3PbS + (AsO

4)

2Pb

3

(2) 2AsO43– + 3H

2O ➝ As

2O

3 + O

2 + 6OH–

46. Colour coordinates in the Lab* system,

L*=35.75 a*=-9.99 b*=7.58 (D65 illuminant and

10.º observer angle).

Orange 41

The red lead from Lorvão Apocalypse changed from being a bright orange to a dark

brown, following three general degradation patterns: a very textured surface where

a pastel yellow colour and red grains were observed, a thin black-grey layer over

the orange and, finally, a thicker layer of a metallic appearance, Figure 7. To further

understand the degradation mechanisms, based on the fact that in the orange paints

the presence of orpiment in ca. 1-4% and vermilion below 2% (%wt) was detected 42,

a set of experiments were designed to test the influence of extenders, pH and the

two other pigments used 43. The results obtained indicated that lead sulphide 44 (PbS)

was one of the main degradation products 45. This concurs with the results obtained in

situ and from Raman analysis on a micro-sample of a degraded area in f. 118, which

confirmed galena as the main degradation product of red lead 41.

fig.7 details from lorvão apocalypse for orange degradation: no visible degradation (angel, f.118), degradation (beast, f.158), and severe degradation that may be misinterpreted as a paint shadow (dragon, f.153v). two macro photos evidence it

Bottle-green32

The bottle-green paints are also suffering from extensive degradation, and even though

this has not affected the brightness or the intensity of the deep green 46, it has however

affected the invisible component of the paint: the binder. Bottle-greens are being lost

due to a weakening in the cohesion and adhesion of the support. The bottle-green has

a glassy fractured appearance under the microscope and under polarized light it appears

as a non-crystalline structure. Historic reconstructions were performed to further char-

acterize this paint, using several copper salts as the source for colour. The experimental

design was based on the material analysis of the greens found in manuscripts, namely

by μ-FTIR, pointing to the existence of a copper proteinate. The reproduction of the

bottle-green colour concludes that copper sources play an important role and, from all

tested compounds, only verdigris, previously dissolved in a 50 year aged homemade

vinegar, proved to be adequate. Work is currently in progress on the framework of a PhD

Thesis 40, to further elucidate both its synthesis and degradation mechanisms.



4. Colour construction and meaning

In all the collections, as already described, colours are applied almost as a pure col-

ourant in a proteinaceous tempera. In a considerable set of manuscripts, matiz and

highlights are also used to give volume and to create a greater visual impact, Fig-

ure 4. Exceptions have been found in the construction of some dark reds and blues,

obtained by mixing an inorganic pigment with this dye 47; in the pinks and greys,

obtained by adding white lead to red or black (or to dark blue indigo); in vermilion,

which, is sometimes mixed, when applied on a large surface, to a red lead (minium)

with no alteration of its hue, or in the use of fillers, such as calcium carbonate. None

of the mixtures mentioned represents an obstacle for the colours’ visual impact, be-

ing luminous and with unique hues (red, green, blue, yellow), where the contrasts

red/blue or red/green are frequently used. This contributes to the effect of radiance

of light and colours which streams from the Portuguese medieval illumination.

4.1 Santa CruzThe manuscripts dating from the middle of the 12th century, such as Santa Cruz 58

and 17, were probably the first to be produced and present a palette consisting of

yellow, red and green. Another palette with clear dominance of blues, yellows, greens

and reds would later replace. The colours are opaque, saturated and bright and they

are applied homogeneously in backgrounds, using predominantly the contrasts yel-

low/green/red, which would be replaced in the end of the 12th century by blue/red,

such as in the Psalter Santa Cruz 27 or the Bible Santa Cruz 1. Figure 8

47. As already described, the study of colour in

the Santa Cruz monastery collection was carried

out in the framework of a Molab mission and it

was possible, with the aid of a portable fluorime-

ter, to acquire emission spectra and to measure

fluorescence lifetimes in situ. As indigo is easily

identified both by fluorescence data as well as by

Raman spectroscopy it was possible to conclude

that the dark blues were obtained mixing lapis

lazuli with indigo. With regard to the carmine or

dark red colour, the presence of emission was de-

tected but it was low and no match was found in

the database. However, it was possible to con-

clude that the dark red was obtained again by

mixing an inorganic pigment, vermilion, with this

dye. The detection of these mixtures for the dark

blue and red colours is, in itself, important evi-

dence for the characterization of the Santa Cruz

palette, as it was not observed in the manuscript

collections of the two other monasteries, Lorvão

and Alcobaça.

fig.8 details from santa cruz manuscripts. from top to bottom: santa cruz 20 in ff. 152, 173v, 128v and 92; santa cruz 1 in ff. 314, 338, 197, 206v, 364v, 362v, 364 and 362v,



4.2 Alcobaça: matiz and volumetryIt has been revealed that the religious community of Alcobaça knew the new proc-

esses of manuscript painting, delivered through prescriptions and treatises present-

ing a Byzantine influence. This influence is visible in Italy, as well as in Catalunya,

Bourgogne and Champagne.

Besides Saint Bernard’s prohibitions 48 on image and colour, the matiz technique

generalized in the Clairvaux scriptorium allowed to develop volume and a diversity

of shades in one letter, mostly at an ornamental level. In Alcobaça, the monks only

applied monochromatism as an exception and used this technique in letters full of

volume and exuberance. The ornament presents a more restrictive palette in the first

manuscripts, diversifying latter in the liturgical manuscripts. This can be verified in

the set of Alcobaça missals 49. Figure 9

48. Lucet, B. 1974. La codification cistercienne

de 1202 et son évolution. Roma: Editions Cister-

cien. Litterae unius fiant et non depictae (Letras

de uma só cor e não figuradas).

49. BNF, Alc 249, 251-53, 255-59.

50. Miranda, M.A., Claro, A., Lemos, A., Miguel,



tória de Arte – FCSH. 5: 232.

51. Gage, J. 2009. Color and Culture. London:

Thames and Hudson, 61-64.

52. In this counting are not included canon ta-

bles, schema and marginal illustration.

53. Wirth, J. 1999. L’image a l’époque romane.

Paris : Du Cerf, p.389 : «La façon de placer les

couleurs est particulièrement intéressante. Dans

l’ensemble, elles forment des bordures et ne cou-

vrent qu’exceptionnellement un champ, laissant

le parchemin nu sur la plus grande partie de sa

surface. De part et d’autre de l’arche, Hugues

dispose trois poutres adjacentes dans le sens de

la longueur, formant des bordures successives

d’inégale épaisseur. La plus forte est à l’extérieur

et celle du milieu est la plus fine, contractée en-

tre les deuz autres. Dans la partie supérieure de

l’arche, correspondant au temps de la loi naturel,

le vert est à l’extérieur, la pourpre au milieu et le

jaune à l’intérieur. Dans la seconde partie, cor-

respondant à la loi écrite, on a successivement

le jaune, le vert et la pourpre. Enfin dans la troi-

sième partie, celle de la grâce, on a la pourpre, le

jaune et le vert».

fig.9 details from alcobaça manuscripts. from top to bottom: alcobaça 419 in ff. 1v and 91v, alcobaça 426 in f. 252 and alcobaça 446 in f. 96v

4.3 LorvãoEven though the Lorvão collection is the most heterogeneous, it includes two manu-

scripts that present relevant characteristics in the national and international context,

having, for this reason, a monographic treatment. They are Lorvão Apocalypse and

the Book of Birds, which will be later discussed.

Besides the restricted palette of red, orange, yellow and black colours, Figure 10,

the particularities of Lorvão Apocalypse in the context of Romanesque illumina-fig.10 colour mapping of lorvão apocalypse by relative areas



tion in Portugal are also due to the fact it is the only one with an iconographic

programme 50. The exclusive use of theses colours makes us search for its mean-

ing; the predominance of yellow (50% of the area), materialized in the orpiment,

provoke a luminous effect, which may be related to an aesthetic of light common

to the Christian and Arabic worlds, where it is linked to the divine 5. The symbolic

and eschatological character of the text and image in the literary tradition of the

commentary on Apocalypse, and the need to spread a message in the political and

religious context of the peninsular Christian expansion, would have conducted

the artist of the Lorvão Apocalypse to create an iconographic programme which

is conveyed in 88 52 images. He opted for the use of contrasting and luminous

colours applied in the backgrounds and transparent bodies, which seems to exalt

the spirituality present in the text. The Portuguese illuminators would use this

painting process for a long time. There is a predominance of the use of drawing,

being colour applied in the backgrounds 53. This practice had a large widespread

in the Western Christian manuscripts, namely by the Norman (Mont Saint Michel,

Fécamp Abbey) and Southern France communities (Albi, Limoges and Moissac)

and also the Saxon world.

In the other manuscripts, we can say that, generally speaking, we observe an ex-

tensive use of carmine 54, directly applied on the parchment, like in Diagrama da

Pomba (Book of Birds, f.6), or on the minium, to darken it and create an effect of

relief (incidire). Moreover, it is mixed with white lead to create a scale from dark

to light (matiz), Figure 4. This organic red, lac dye in the Book of Birds, could be

a characteristic of the Portuguese medieval illumination and, together with blue 55

indigo, was a colourant used in luxury fabric dyeing. By that time, both colourants

were integrated in the extensive net of trade routes created by the Arab conquest 56.

The use of white lead for the white colour is also characteristic. The contemporary

European production presents many common characteristics, such as the use of lapis

lazuli for blue, of vermilion for red and the presence of minium in the palette. The

latter being applied pure, as already described, or in a matiz from pink, dark red and

very dark red (or black) 57 Figure 4. It is important to mention that, in the Book on

how to make colours 35, two recipes are described to obtain a lac dye carmine 58 as well

as one for a parchment glue tempera. It is worth to stress that Besides Ivo Castro 59,

a Portuguese expert in linguistics, also Devon Strolovitch 60, author of one of the

recent critical editions of this manuscript, states that this manuscript is the product

of a cult and socially integrated Hebrew community. Our critical edition of the sci-

ence involved also shows that some recipes reflect complex technological processes

but, generally, allowed us to obtain the colours described 25. So, we may conclude

that there are evidences that, in the 15th century, the Hebrew community had the

necessary knowledge to prepare a medieval colour paint and, even more important,

this know-how was part of a more ancient tradition as discussed in a recent linguistic

analysis 61. Further investigation in the technological aspects of the Book on how to

make colours will probably allow us to reach conclusions on the contribution of this

community to the colour of the Portuguese illumination.

54. The etymology of carmine is described by Kris-

tol, A.M. 1978. Color. Les langues romanes devant

le phénomène de la couleur. Zurique: Éditions

Francke Berne, p 170: «carmim, formation hybride

à partir d’un élément de provenance arabe et d’un

élément latin (<qirmizi x minium). (...) quant à /

cramoisi/ (<qirmizi »rouge de kermès», c’est-à-di-

re «rouge de cochenille» aussi) dont l’introduction

est postérieure d’un siècle environ à celle d’/

écarlate/ et de /carmin/ (première attestation

1298), c’este le terme rouge cochenille qui desig-

ne le «rouge foncè», «pourpre», «rouge violâtre.»

55. Anil is synonymous for indigo and it was

commonly used in Portuguese until the first de-

cades of the twentieth century.

56. Lombard, M. 1978. Les Textiles dans le mon-

de musulman: du VIIe au XIIe siècle. Paris: Mou-

ton Editeur, p.252.

57. These red dyes could be obtained from ani-

mal or plant sources, for more details please

see (Melo, M.J. 2009. History of natural dyes

in the ancient Mediterranean world. Handbook

of Natural Colorants, T. Bechtold and R. Mus-

sak (eds), Chichester: John Wiley & Sons 6-7).

58. On Chapters 13 and 14 (this one is incomple-

te, with no reference for the colour source). For

producing rose colours, other recipes are present

based on Brazilwood on chapters 8, 9, 27 and 44.

59. Castro, I. 2010. Notas sobre a língua do Livro

de como se fazen as cores (ms. Parma 1959) in

Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image. As

Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comuni-

cação, p.87: «escrita deste texto em aljamia he-

braica, percebe-se a existência, no séc. XV, de uma

comunidade judeo-portuguesa bem integrada no

tecido nacional, com elevada competência de li-

teracia tanto em hebraico como em português».

60. Strolovitch, D.L. 2010. Old Portuguese in He-

brew script: beyond O livro de como se fazem as

cores, in Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the

Image. As Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo

da Comunicação, 29-43.

61. Castro, I. 2010. Notas sobre a língua do Livro

de como se fazen as cores (ms. Parma 1959) in


Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comuni-



fig.11 colour analysis for the book of birds of the portuguese monasteries (lorvão, santa cruz and alcobaça) and the french abbey clairvaux. reds used for lettering, being part of the illumination, are shown slightly out

cação, p.87: «a co-presença de camadas linguís-

ticas de diferente cronologia mantém a possibili-

dade de fontes textuais mais antiga».

62. Kristol, A.M. 1978. Color. Les langues roma-

nes devant le phénomène de la couleur. èditions

Francke Berne.

63. Melo, M.J. 2009. History of natural dyes in

the ancient Mediterranean world. Handbook of

Natural Colorants, T. Bechtold and R. Mussak

(eds), p.7.

64. Possibly this vocabulary was brought by the

Arabs into the Peninsula, but it derives from the

Persian word for the blue stone lapis-lazuli, lã-

zaward. Kristol, A.M. 1978. Color. Les langues

romanes devant le phénomène de la couleur.

Èditions Francke Berne, 237- 238.

65. Lack of published molecular data on the ms.

collections contemporary to ours.

4.4 General conclusionsFrom our investigation of colour of medieval Portuguese illumination, it emerges

that the materials used in its production, play an important role in a global history.

The cultural importance of the materials of colour is well presented in our language,

where many terms used to designate colour come from the materials source, that is,

medieval colourants. Thus, taking for example, the red and blue, the Portuguese ety-

mology is for both directly related to the source producing the colour 62. In the case

of red, the small parasite from which dye was extracted, vermiculum in Latin 63; in the

blue, to the semiprecious stone lapis-lazuli from which the most coveted colour of

the Middle Ages was obtained 64. Thus, one of the aims of this investigation would be

to compare the materials used in the creation of colour of the Portuguese medieval

illumination with some of the used ones in other important European centres, such

as France and Spain. This comparative analysis is however not yet possible 65, and in

order to overcome this obstacle, we decided to launch a project on colour mapping,

which includes quantifying relative proportions of the area occupied for each colour



in the illuminations. In a first phase, we will quantify the areas of the main colours

used in the Portuguese manuscripts: the red, carmine, orange, blue, green, black

and yellow. In the Portuguese case, it is possible to associate a molecular palette to

these colours. We tested the potential of this approach with the Books of the Birds

from the Portuguese monasteries, comparing them with the one of the Clairvaux

monastery 66, Figure 11. In a first analysis, it was possible to verify that the distri-

bution of colours of the codex of Alcobaça is identical to the one of Clairvaux, as

expected, considering the similarity of its iconographic programme. One of the most

interesting and unexpected results which emerged from the analysis of the Book of

Birds from Lorvão is the evidence of the amount of red being identical to the blue

one, as if those two colours existed in its contrast. We emphasise the low proportion

of green in this manuscript, which was increasing from the Santa Cruz manuscript

to the Alcobaça at the expense of the blue. Will these data allow us to propose a

review in the dating of theses codices towards a more recent dating of the Lorvão

manuscript? In other words, the progression of blue 67 (and the regression of green)

corresponds to a change of paradigm, the blue ascending to the main colour in the

medieval palette, taking for itself, the meaning of spiritual colour? This is a ques-

tion to which only an analysis on a larger number of manuscripts could answer; an

analysis that is actually going on. However, it is possible to add that this hypothesis

is in agreement with the new dating of the Clairvaux manuscript, 1170, proposed

by Patricia Stirnemann and Rémy Cordonnier 68.

5. Outlook

One of the often-neglected components in the study of medieval illumination is what

it is made from: paint. As if the materials, their process and technology involved were

not also a cultural product, so many times paradigmatic. In the technological revolution

started in the Middle Age, which coined the western modern civilization, the techno-

logical production is a cultural product with a high impact. With the present interdis-

ciplinary project, we hope to give contribution to a cultural history of medieval colour,

intrinsically global. The work of the investigation conducted by the interdisciplinary

team has put forward new hypotheses in relation to aesthetic and symbolic options of

the illuminators and to the dating of the manuscripts, Lorvão Apocalypse and De Avibus

respectively. Moreover, we tried to start a narrative that integrates the contributions of

different cultures, which coexisted in the Romanesque Portugal. We have integrated

diverse evidences which, even apparently dispersed, allowed us to forecast a consist-

ent pattern. For example, two of the most important colours of the medieval palette,

the red and the blue, were traded and/or processed by the Arabs or Jews. Thus, lapis

lazuli and lac dye (dark red) were imported from Afghanistan and India; the vermilion,

though it could be imported from the Almaden mines as a mineral, became a produc-

tion of Arabic sciences, that is, obtained by (al)chemical synthesis, combining mercury

and sulphur. This recipe is clearly described in detail in the Hebrew-Portuguese Book

66. Manuscript preserved at Troyes Library, BM

177.

67. As proposed by Pastoureau, M. 2002. Bleu.

Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 67-68; Gage, J. 2009.

Color and Culture. London: Thames and Hudson;

and Brussatin, M. B.1995. Oro e azzurro. Lezione

sui colori, Veneza: Libreria Editrioce Cafoscarina,

p 13.

68. Based on the findings of Rémy Cordonnier

and discussion with Patricia Stirnemann.



69. The new date for this ms. 15th century, was

recently proposed by the team of FLUL that stu-

died the treaties on the art of painting produ-

ced in Portugal from Medieval Ages to 1850. It

is probable that some of the processes described

in the manuscript reflect older traditions. As Ivo

Castro could establish, based on linguist analy-

sis, the first version could date form the 13th-

14th centuries. Inês Villela-Petit was one of the

first scholars to propose a new date for the ms.

For more details please see, Luís Afonso (p14)

e Ivo de Castro (p93-94) in Afonso, L.U. (ed.)

2010. The Materials of the Image. As Matérias

da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação. As

well as paper by Maria João Melo and Catarina

Miguel in Varia section of this volume, pag. 290.

70. PTDC/EAT-EAT/104930/2008.

71. As an example, the workshop that was or-

ganized in the framework of the International

Day of Museums, to a public ranging from 7 to

77 years old (please see http://www.cvtv.pt/

imagens/index.asp?id_video=295 and http://

www.cvtv.pt/imagens/index.asp?id_video=302).

These workshops are based on the step by step

[Melo, M.J., Miranda, M.A. (coord.), Claro, A.,

Lemos, A. and Miguel, C. 2007. À descoberta da

cor na iluminura medieval com o Apocalipse do

Lorvão e o Livro das Aves, published online at

http://www.dcr.fct.unl.pt/step-by-step].

72. See paper on Varia section of this volume,

pag. 294.

on how to make colours 69. In the case of, it is in the meaning of the colour itself that

we can find evidences of the Islamic culture influence, consistent with the fact it was

copied in Lorvão, located in a region that was an important centre of the Mozarabic

culture, from a Mozarabic codex of the 10th century.

Within the current on-going project Colour in medieval illuminated manuscripts:

between beauty and meaning 70, we wish to deepen this lead and seek for new evi-

dences which will allow us to unveil the meaning of the colour in medieval codices,

detecting the contributions of the three medieval cultures which forged together

Portugal, that is the Hebrew, Muslim and Christian cultures.

Finally, and as a way to share our findings with the interested audience, in addition

to hands-on workshops of production of medieval illumination that we frequently

organize since 2007 71, we will also explore the modern computer interaction tech-

nologies 72, with the main focus on children and young publics. We intend to achieve

an engaging, intuitive and easy to use interactive system. This installation will simu-

late the illuminations’ creation process in the medieval period, addressing several

aspects from the materials’ origin and production methods to the painting process.

It will also show users the historical and social context of that time and reveal the

meanings of the colours and images depicted. •

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Biographies

Ana Claro obtained her PhD in Conservation and Restoration in 2009 from the Univer-

sidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisbon, Portugal. She was a trainee assistant at this University

(2005-2009) and joined the Associate Laboratory REQUIMTE-CQFB (FCT-UNL) in 2004

and the Medieval Studies Institute (FCSH-UNL) in 2005. Her primary research focus

is the study of materials applied in illuminated manuscripts. She worked at the Getty

Conservation Institute as a Visiting Post Doc (2009). Currently she is doing research on

Asian organic colorants as Post Doc at Centre for Overseas History (CHAM-UNL) and

Hercules laboratory – Évora University.

Ana Lemos is graduated in History-Art History by Faculdade de Letras, Lisbon University.

In 2006 she integrated the research team supervised by Maria João Melo and Maria

Adelaide Miranda, working on the study of colour in Portuguese Medieval Illuminations.

In 2009, Ana Lemos got a Master degree by Faculdade Ciências Sociais e Humanas,

New University of Lisbon, with the thesis «Um Novo olhar sobre o livro de Horas de

D. Duarte». Currently, she is working on her PhD thesis entitled «Catálogo dos livros

de horas iluminados de origem francesa nas colecções públicas portuguesas (primeira

metade do século XV)».

António Pereira Gonçalves is graduated in Chemical Engineering by Instituto Superior

Técnico (IST), Technical University of Lisbon, and PhD in Chemistry (IST). He has been

focusing his research on solid-state chemistry, Materials Science, High Temperature

Chemistry and Crystallochemistry. António Pereira Gonçalves is currently a Principal

Researcher at Instituto Tecnológico e Nuclear (ITN), and is responsible for the High

Temperature Synthesis and Crystal Growth and for the Films Deposition Laboratories.

Catarina Miguel studied Chemical Engineering at Instituto Superior Técnico (IST),

Technical University of Lisbon. After a final internship at the Portuguese Institute for

Conservation and Restoration (IPCR) in 2004, she joined Maria João Melo research group

(DCR-FCT-UNL) on the study of colour in Portuguese Medieval illuminations. Presently,

she is focusing her studies on art and technological source research, in the framework of

her PhD thesis «Le vert et le rouge: A study on the materials, techniques and meaning of

the green and red colours in medieval Portuguese illuminations».

João A. Lopes is graduated in Chemical Engineering by Instituto Superior Técnico (IST),

Technical University of Lisbon, and PhD, also by IST. He is a Researcher at Requimte, and

member of the Physical-Chemistry group of Faculdade de Farmácia, Oporto University.

His research interests include Chemometrics, Process Analytical Chemistry, Vibrational

Spectroscopy, Process Systems Engineering and Biospectroscopy. João A. Lopes current

research activity is focused on the development and application of chemometrics

and data-mining tools through the principles of process systems engineering. Main

research interests consist on on-line, in-situ, non-destructive and automatic systems

for monitoring.

Maria Adelaide Miranda has graduated with a degree in History from Faculdade de

Letras, Lisbon University. MA and PhD degrees, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas



(FCSH), New University of Lisbon. Associated professor of Medieval Art History at the

Department of Art History (FCSH-UNL, Lisbon). Her research interests in Medieval Art

include the study of colour, iconography and manuscript illuminations, having coordinated

interdisciplinary projects such as «The colour of medieval illuminations» and «Imago».

She is a fellow researcher at Instituto de Estudos Medievais and associate researcher

at Instituto de História da Arte as well as member of the editorial board of the journals

Medievalista on line (IEM) and De Arte (Univ. de León).

Maria João Melo obtained her PhD in Physical Chemistry, in 1995, from New University of

Lisbon. In 1999, after a Post Doc at ICVBC-CNR in Florence, she joined the Conservation

Unit at the New University of Lisbon, where she is responsible for the C&R scientific

laboratory. Since 1999 she has also been researcher at Requimte. Her research interests

include the colour of medieval illuminations and conservation of Modern Art, namely

the study of the mechanisms of photodegradation in polymer systems and colour paints.

Other areas of interest are Color in Art and Nature and Semiochemistry.

Rita Castro studied Art History, Chemistry and Conservation at the New University of

Lisbon (Caparica). 2009, M.A. Dissertation on Chinese hand-painted wallpaper (18th

century). Since 2010, she carries out research in medieval illumination manuscripts,

particularly in the assessment of parchment and in the study of the meaning of

color. Currently, she intends to develop these subjects in a PhD in Conservation and

Restoration.

Solange Muralha obtained her PhD in Physical Chemistry in 2005, from the University of

Lisbon. The same year she started her research in the field of Conservation Science at the

University College of London, with special emphasis on Islamic illuminations. After this

thrilling experience with collaborations with the Institute of Archaeology in London and

the Vitoria and Albert Museum, she joined the Conservation Unit at the New University

of Lisbon. The research interests follow the colour in medieval illuminations field but also

provenance studies on artistic glazed tiles. The author acquired a proficiency in several

analytical techniques, especially Raman spectroscopy.



The global approach and experimental design set-up for a comprehen-

sive study on colour production for medieval Portuguese illuminations

will be briefly described. Missions, where the equipment is transported

to the institutions where the manuscripts are preserved, were prepared

after a careful selection of the manuscripts by the Art history experts.

From these manuscripts a relevant number of folia were analyzed in

order to ensure statistical relevance. MicroRaman, microFTIR, micro-

XRF and microXRD are powerful complementary techniques and were

used for the characterization of colorants in medieval manuscripts.

Analytical techniques based on emission fluorescence have been re-

cently experimented for the identification of dyes and lake pigments

with rewarding results, and were used to study the organic colourants

in Portuguese medieval illuminations. During the missions, the first

screening is carried out by microEDXRF, which indicates the possible

colorants and extenders present and allows a first quantification of

these elements, moreover its 70 μm enable us to obtain data that is

fig. A2.1

representative for the distribution, in the manuscript, of a certain paint

colour. This was performed by selecting in each folio, and for each

colour, five representative areas and three points in each colour area

enabled to have relevant and representative data, allowing to have

statistical value that can also be used in other analytical techniques,

such as chemometrics. To quantify mixtures even more acquisitions

were needed. An estimate time to analyse a 10x10 cm illumination

with the entire palette applied (Figure A2.1) , reveals that five hours

would be needed to assure its representativeness. For instance in a

blue colour, 11 micro-EDXRF analyses, 11 micro-Raman and 1 micro-

sampling would take at least 50 minutes. Regarding the number of

illuminations by manuscript and the real time to analyse them, one

must choose between a folio by folio analysis or selecting represen-

tative illuminations.

MicroRaman, which allows for high spatial resolution (1- 5 μm spot)

and enables the diverse paint components to be excited separately as

well as emission fluorescence techniques are used to address specific

points, such as the molecular characterization of an inorganic pigment

or a dye, respectively. Together with the spectroscopic investigation,

paints are also analyzed by optical microscopy which allows to unders-

tand how the final colour is built up (e.g., by layers or by mixture),

to detect possible degradation phenomena and to sample the colour

paints that will be subjected to a more detailed characterization in the

laboratory, as regards the colorants, binders and additives. Designed

micro-sampling presents several advantages, namely it keeps to a

minimum the handling of the manuscript and allows for more detai-

led studies in the laboratory, without the time constraint that in situ

mission implies. Typically, in the laboratory a sample is first analyzed

by microFTIR, allowing for binder characterization and to gain an

insight into the full paint formulation. If a dye is present, microspec-

trofluorimetry may be carried out first, as it requires no contact with

the sample and employs a low-intensity radiation. MicroRaman and

microDXR may be used to address specific points; with both methods,

sample destruction may occur. •

Appendix 1

Experimental Design



Resumo

A grande experiência do Instituto em análises não-invasivas para a caracterização de

pigmentos, tintas de escrever e corantes permite a identificação das paletas utiliza-

das pelos iluminadores e, por vezes, dos próprios scriptoria. Caracterizam-se ainda

tratamentos e intervenções passadas bem como se avaliam os métodos e produtos

mais adequados para a sua conservação.

Neste trabalho serão apresentados os resultados obtidos, por análise molecular (mi-

croRaman) e elementar (XRF e PIXE), no estudo de três manuscritos, o Pontificale

492 (séc. XIII, Museo Diocesano, Salerno, Italia), a Bibbia Amiatina (sécs VI-VIII,

Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florença, Italia) e o ms Piana 3.207 (séc. XIII, Bi-

blioteca Malatestiana Cesena, Italia). •

Abstract

The huge experience of the Institute in non destructive analysis and characteriza-

tion of pigments, inks, colours and dyes allows to recognize the palettes used by

miniaturists, sometimes distinguishing the scriptoria themselves, identify posterior

treatments and additions and assess the proper methods and products to be used

in conservation.

We present the results obtained by means of non destructive spectroscopic molecular

(Micro Raman) and elemental (XRF and α-PIXE) techniques in three case study, the

Pontificale 492 (13th century, Museo Diocesano, Salerno, Italy), the Amiatinus Bible

(7th-8th century, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Firenze, Italy) and the ms. Piana

3.207 (13th century, Biblioteca Malatestiana Cesena, Italy). •

palavras-chave

pigmentosxrframanpixeouro musivo

key-words

pigmentsxrframanα -pixemosaic gold


illuminations: secrets, alchemy and conservation in three case studies

Achieving highly accurate information on miniatures composition allows to customize

conservation and restoration strategies aiming at the best preservation with the least

impact. Cultural heritage objects represent complex and multifaceted problems and

conclusions drawn from observations with the naked eye are likely as faulty as those

drawn from limited diagnostics. Moreover, the use of destructive techniques as many

traditional methods actually are is to be avoided, since samples are often unique,

priceless specimens. In order to work out reliable, unambiguous information from non

destructive methods a truly scientific approach, based on multidisciplinary analyses,

laboratory simulations and proper statistics, must be combined to the knowledge of

history, art and of course alchemy that guide the illuminator’s hand.

From the experimental point of view, a rich literature upon the use of elemental

(XRF, LIBS, EXAFS, α-PIXE ...) and molecular (ATR-FTIR, DRIFT, FT-Raman, Micro-

Raman...) spectroscopies can be found. In the light of previous experiences (Bicchieri

et al. 2001, 169), the combination of XRF, α-PIXE and Micro Raman was considered

the proper setup choice.

XRF spectrometry is often (Malzer et al. 2004, 229; Cesareo et al. 2004, 703) ap-

plied to pigments and dyes analysis: information can be achieved in reasonable times

(minutes). Unfortunately, such information is only qualitative on paper and parch-

ment substrates, since elements lighter than Al (Si, in some cases) give a fluorescence

response below the detection limit, so it is impossible to detect organic substrates

even though the organic matrix contributes to the global spectrum. At the same time,

the X-rays penetration depth increases inversely to the atomic weight of the target

element and a sheet of paper or parchment is completely crossed. Quantitative XRF

analysis requires, in fact, that the thickness of the sample could be considered as

marina b icchier i Istituto centrale restauro e conservazione

patrimonio archivistico e librario, Roma

(Italy), Head of Laboratory of Chemistry,

[email protected]

michela monti Istituto centrale restauro e conservazione


(Italy), Researcher of Laboratory of

Chemistry,

[email protected]

giovanna p iantanida Istituto centrale restauro e conservazione



Chemistry,

[email protected]

armida sodo Istituto centrale restauro e conservazione



Chemistry, and Università di Roma Tre.

Department of Physics,

[email protected]



infinite, i.e. greater than the average thickness crossed by the used XRF radiation.

Calibration of the measuring arrangement and the use of reliable calibration model

that must be representative of the matrix and target element morphology (particle

size distribution, heterogeneity and surface condition) and concentration ranges of

the sample to be analysed are also necessary.

Contrariwise, α-PIXE allows controlling the penetration into the sample and quanti-

tative elemental information even on trace and lighter elements (above Na) can be

obtained. The simultaneous use of XRF and α-PIXE gives an almost complete charac-

terization of the elemental composition of the sample (Pappalardo et al. 2005, 114).

Raman spectroscopy is a technique sensitive to vibrational states of matter, that

actually constitute a «fingerprint» of the material. Raman spectroscopy can be used

(Colthup et al. 1990, 60) to identify the molecular composition or even the different

state of aggregation of the species in the sample under investigation. The advantages

of Raman spectroscopy consist in the short measurement time (seconds-minutes)

and in the high sensitivity to inorganic compounds. The main problem with Raman

applications is that fluorescence is excited together with the molecular states and

sometimes «screens» the measurement, making it impossible to extract data.

As far as measurements on the Pontificale 492 and Bibbia Amiatina are concerned,

the portable α-PIXE and XRF spectrometers were entirely designed and developed

at LNS/INFN laboratory and the portable micro-Raman spectrometer was a custom-

made instrument developed at Physics Dpt, Roma Tre University.

Measurements on the ms. Piana 3.207 were performed with the Assing Lithos 3000

portable XRF spectrometer and the Renishaw In-Via Reflex Raman microscope cur-

rently owned by the Institute (Bicchieri et al. 2008, 1074).

The full sets of analyses on Bibbia Amiatina and Pontificale 492, including the

instruments and their specifications, are fully described in dedicated articles. (Bic-

chieri et al. 2001, 169; Pappalardo et al. 2008, 466). They will be only synthetically

reviewed in present work, whereas a major focus will be given to the investigation

campaign on the ms. Piana 3.207 and the related experimental work on pigments

analysis and simulation of mosaic gold.

The Bibbia Amiatina, Codex Amiatinus, ms. Laur. Amiat. 1, is the last surviving out

of three copies of the Bible produced in Ceolfrith’s scriptorium in the area of the

twin monasteries of Wearmouth Jarrow in Northumbria between the end of the 7th

century and the beginning of the 8th. It is composed of 1029 parchment sheets,

measures 345 mm x 540 mm and weighs around 50 kg. The manuscript is the most

ancient and complete witness to the Vulgate Latin Bible and it is also a great example

of English uncial writing and of illuminations in anglo-saxon style, influenced by the

Mediterranean-Bizantine one. Therefore its historical interest is inestimable.

The first goal of the analyses laid in the establishment of the original arrangement of

the sheets present in the first booklet. Some pigments, in fact, left offsets on the ad-

jacent sheet that were analyzed under ultraviolet light of two different wavelengths

(253 nm and 365 nm). It should be underlined that the ordering of the sheets coming

out from such a method did not necessarily correspond to the original one, but rather


i l l u m i n a t i o n s : s e c r e t s , a l c h e m y a n d c o n s e r v a t i o n i n t h r e e c a s e s t u d i e s

represented the sequence that the pages had likely followed for the bulk of the docu-

ment’s lifetime. However, scholars agreed to adopt it when re assembling the book.

For a complete characterization of the precious manuscript all illuminations were ana-

lyzed coupling Raman, XRF and α-PIXE and have been recognized and classified (Table 1).

The ms. 492 Pontificale of Museo Diocesano di Salerno is dated back to a period

from the end of 13th century and the incoming of the 14th. The manuscript consists

of 349 parchment sheets each having dimensions 400 x 285 mm. The miniatures of

excellent quality, ascribed to anonymous illuminators working in the Bologna area,

were not always completed: in some cases only the preliminary design was present,

in other cases the preparation was not covered by the gold-leaf. These circumstances

gave the unique opportunity to investigate the different techniques used by the

miniaturists and in particular the composition of the gold preparations and their

comparison with the medieval recipes. Using the different penetration depth of the

three applied techniques it was possible to carry out a completely non-destructive

stratigraphy. Resulting palette is summarized in Table 2 .

table 1 the bibbia amiatina palette

Colour Composition

White calcite; white lead

Red red lead; organic lakes; earths

Blue not yet identified pigment, copper-based pigments sometimes mixed with earths

Brown earths (iron and sometime copper) often mixed with orpiment or with gold

Yellow orpiment, organic lakes, earths

Green blue and yellow (orpiment) mixtures; verdigris mixed with an unidentified organic compound

Gray white (sometime calcite, sometime white lead) mixed with blue and carbon black. Silicates containing copper and iron were also used

Metallic inks mixture with variable composition of copper, lead, silver, gold and sometime added with orpiment (arsenic) and earths (iron)

Colour Composition

Gold pure gold leaf, only rarely added with silver

Yellow mosaic gold; yellow-ochre

White lead white

Red red lead, cinnabar

Blue lapis-lazuri, azurite

Brown ochre, earths

Pink organic lake mixed with lead white

Preparations for gold armenian bole + gypsum; armenian bole + gypsum + white lead; gypsum + white lead

table 2 the pontificale palette.



1. Handbook of technical recipes, written in Latin

by anonymous authors in the 14th century and

currently kept at the Biblioteca Nazionale di Na-

poli (Napoli, Italy).

The experimental results also allowed to prepare laboratory reproductions of the orig-

inal illuminations, that were artificially aged and deteriorated in order to test different

adhesives on them and to choose the best and less invasive preservation treatment.

The Decretum Gratiani, ms. Piana 3.207 (13th-14th c.), also known as Concordantia dis-

cordantium canonum is a collection of Canon law. The code consists of 329 parchment

sheets (455 mm x 280 mm) and is preserved at the Biblioteca Malatestiana in Cesena, Italy.

The restoration of ms. Piana 3.207 was the topic of project Salviamo un codice 2nd

edition, an initiative of Alumina – Nova Charta press – with the High Patronage of

the President of the Italian Republic (Savoia 2008). Ms. Piana 3.207 had been pre-

served in a very good condition up to the ‘80s, when it was dramatically maimed:

thirteen pages were torn off, damaging the sewing of the binding, and stolen. In the

following years, the law enforcement retrieved all the missing pages but one (c.107)

which is now considered lost. ICPL (now Icpal), the institutional authority appointed

for library materials preservation, was responsible for the thorough scientific analysis

of the manuscript and for the subsequent restoration.

XRF and Raman measurements allowed us to characterize the palette (Table 3).

Very interesting was the discovery that gilded miniatures had been realised either

with pure gold or with mosaic gold (tin IV sulphide; Fig.1 and 2). The latter pigment,

a yellow crystalline powder that closely resemble gold, was widely used in Europe in

the Middle Age and in the Renaissance and in ms. Piana was applied not as gold-

imitation but in order to obtain particular hues.

To confirm the presence of mosaic gold, a standard Raman spectrum was necessary.

Due to the fact that modern preparation of stannic sulphide differs from the an-

cient methods and that Raman spectra from literature (Edwards et al. 2003, 2291)

had been obtained from the modern compound, we decided to prepare mosaic gold

following ancient recipes. Many texts were consulted, but the most detailed recipe

was found in De Arte Illuminandi 1. Concerning amounts of reagents, not cited in

table 3 the ms. piana palette.

Colour Composition

Gold pure gold leaf, only rarely with traces of copper; mosaic gold

Yellow not fully reacted mosaic gold; yellow-ochre

White lead white

Red red lead, cinnabar, earths

Blue indigo, azurite

Brown ochre, earths

Green not fully reacted mosaic gold mixed with indigo

Black carbon black (for inks, contour lines and shadows)

Other colours mixture of the previously described pigments for other colours and tones

Preparations for gold white lead



2. Sulphur and Mercury are the alchemic pair.

They are transported into the «labyrinth of the

transformation of matter» by the external fire. In

the Temple (crucible, Ed.) their marriage is cele-

brated and is only possible with the help of the

arcane fire of salt – the alchemic Priest – able to

transform the metals. In chemical terms, amal-

gam increases the reactivity of tin; mercury re-

duces sulphur to sulphide. In meantime elemen-

tal tin is oxidized to tin IV. Ammonium chloride

decreases the reaction temperature, allowing the

formation of stannic sulphide.

the recipe, we decided to use the proportions suggested by Villavecchia: Dizionario

di Merceologia e di Chimica Applicata (Villavecchia 1932).

The procedure foresees many steps: preparation of Hg-Sn amalgam, addition of sul-

phur and ammonium chloride and heating for a long time, choosing the temperature

in order to obtain the desired hue. In this process we can recognize the two first steps

of the alchemic Opus Magnum, the nigredo (mixing amalgam and the two others

compounds the mixture becomes black) and the albedo (during heating, dense white

fumes rise) 2. When no more fumes appear, heating is stopped and a gold-coloured

powder is found in the crucible: this is mosaic gold.

Even when observed at the microscope, the similarity between the mosaic gold pre-

pared in the lab and the pigment used on the ms. Piana 3.207 is total and Raman

spectroscopy demonstrates that the two compounds had the same structure.

The effectiveness of the presented techniques in analysis of such invaluable manu-

scripts, the related scientific advance and the more than positive feedback from

restorers who take advantage from the obtained information, confirmed once more

the Institute choice of pioneering and always pursuing multidisciplinarity based on

strictly non-destructive methods. •

fig.1 x spectrum of mosaic gold from the original (christ robes). x ray source 96mo; collimator 0.5 mm diameter, acquisition time 600 s, x tube tension 25 kV, current 0.300 ma, esd silicon detector, resolution 160 eV at 5.9 keV

fig.2 comparison between the raman spectra of mosaic gold laboratory sample (black line, microscope image «a») and of the original pigment (red line, microscope image «b»). excitation λ = 785 nm



Bibliography

Bicchieri, Marina, Francesco Paolo Romano, Lighea Pappalardo, Luigi Cosentino, Michele

Nardone, Armida Sodo. 2001. «Non-destructive Analysis of the Bibbia Amiatina by XRF,

PIXE-α and Raman.» Qvinio: International Journal on the History and Conservation of

the Book 3: 169 79.

Bicchieri, Marina, Michela Monti, Giovanna Piantanida and Armida Sodo. 2008. «All that is

iron ink is not always an iron-gall!» Journal of Raman Spectroscopy 39, no 8: 1074-78.

Cesareo, Roberto, Alfredo Castellano, Giovanni Buccolieri, Stefano Quarta, Maurizio

Marabelli, Paola Santopadre, Marcella Leole, Antonio Brunetti. 2004. «Portable equipment

for energy dispersive X-ray fluorescence analysis of Giotto’s frescoes in the Chapel of the

Scrovegni.» Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research B 213: 703–06.

Colthup, Norman B., Lawrence H. Daly and Stephen E. Wiberley. 1990. Introduction to

Infrared and Raman spectroscopy. San Diego: Academic Press Inc.

Edwards, Howell G.M., Emma L. Dixon, Ian J. Scowen, Fernando Rull Perez. 2003. «Lead/

tin mirror formation from mixtures of red lead and tin sulphide.» Spectrochimica Acta

Part A 59: 2291 99.

Malzer, Wolfgang, Oliver Hahn and Birgit Kanngießer. 2004. «A fingerprint model

for inhomogeneous ink–paper layer systems measured with micro-x-ray fluorescence

analysis.» X Ray Spectrometry 33: 229 33.

Pappalardo, Lighea, Andreas G. Karydas, Despina Kotzamani ,Giuseppe Pappalardo,

Francesco Paolo Romano and Charalambos Zarkadas. 2005. «Complementary use of PIXE-

alpha and XRF portable systems for the non-destructive and in situ characterization

of gemstones in museums.» Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research B

239:114-21.

Pappalardo, Lighea, Marina Bicchieri, Michele Nardone, Giuseppe Pappalardo, Francesco

Paolo Romano, Pio Alfonso Russo, Armida Sodo. 2008. «The LNS portable PIXE-alpha

system for the examination of gold preparations in the Salerno 492 code miniatures.»

X-Ray Spectrometry 37 no 4: 466 69.

Savoia, Daniela, ed. 2008. Per giusta causa. Il restauro del Decretum Gratiani (Ms. Piana

3.207) della Biblioteca Malatestiana di Cesena. Padova: Edizioni Nova Charta.

Villavecchia, Vittorio. 1932. Dizionario di merceologia e di chimica applicata, vol. 4.

Milano: Ulrico Hoepli.



Biographies

Dr. Marina Bicchieri works since 1979 in cultural heritage field and from 2000 she is

the director of the chemistry department in Istituto centrale restauro e conservazione

del patrimonio archivistico e librario of Rome-Italy (former ICPL). Her research activity

is focused on the chemistry of library materials (cellulose, parchment, inks, pigments,

charges, adhesives, sizes), the study and set-up of new restoring products and new non-

destructive diagnostic methods (μ-Raman, XRF, PIXE-α, μ-IR, AFM, UV-Vis-NIR, SEM)

for writing supports and graphic media.

She taught classes in chemistry, conservation and restoration organized by Italian and

foreign Universities and Public Institutions, the European Union, and several private

institutions.

Michela Monti obtained her Master Degree in chemistry at University of Rome

«La Sapienza» in 2000. From 2001 to 2002 she worked as researcher in the field of

conservation of cultural heritage at the University of Udine and at the Istituto Centrale

per la Patologia del Libro in Rome.

From 2002 to September 2005 she worked as consultant for industrial safety, focusing

on the prevention of chemical risk. Since September 2005 she works for the Chemistry

Department of the Istituto Centrale il Restauro e la Conservazione del Patrimonio

Archivistico e Librario (former Istituto Centrale per la Patologia del Libro), focusing on

the application of X-ray fluorescence for the analysis of library materials and carrying

out research projects on new methods for restoration and conservation of paper and

parchment.

Giovanna Piantanida, after achieving a M. Sc. in Physics (2000), worked for three years in

the Italian R&D site of L.M. Ericsson Corporate. She then decided to turn back to research

activity and obtained a post-doc position in the Department of Physics, at University of

Rome «La Sapienza», co-funded by ICPL, an institution within the Italian Ministry for

Cultural Heritage and Activities. The research project was the finalization of diagnostic

protocols based on physics methods, in particular Atomic Force Microscopt. Currently,

she is a fellow researcher at the Laboratory of Chemistry Icpal (former ICPL) and she is

pursuing PhD in analytical chemistry at University of Ljubljana.

Armida Sodo is researcher at the Physics Department of University Roma Tre. After the

degree in Chemistry (1998), she obtained the PhD in Chemical Physics and then got a

post-doc position at ESRF (European Synchrotron Radiation Facility). Her research studies

concern principally spectroscopic – principally Raman – investigation on Cultural Heritage;

in particular degradation process analyses, material characterisation and development of

instruments devoted to Cultural Heritage applications. She gives university courses and is

co-author of more than 40 publications on international journals, books and conference

proceedings.



Resumo

As iluminuras de De Rijmbijbel van Jacob van Maerlant são consideradas das mais

importantes pinturas dos Primitivos Flamengos. O fol. 152v apresenta a seguinte

inscrição: «Doe men screef int iaer ons heren MCCCXXXII verlichte mi Michiel van

der borch»; i.e.: «Foi no ano de 1332 que fui iluminado por Michiel van der Borch».

O que permite considerá-las como as mais antigas obras de arte flamenga datadas

e com colofon.

Os aspectos estilísticos destas iluminuras estão de acordo com o idioma que era

comum tanto na Flandres como no noroeste de França, sugerindo que a formação

de Van der Borch pode ter aí decorrido.

Estas pinturas, de pequena dimensão, foram analisadas por reflectografia de in-

fravermelho (IRR), microscopia óptica, fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias

(µ-XRF), espectroscopia por reflectância no UV-VIS (FORS) e ainda por técnicas de

imagiologia espectral.

As análises permitiram identificar as tintas e pigmentos bem como as diversas es-

tratégias de aplicação da cor para organização da composição.

Comparam-se os resultados obtidos com as instruções presentes em tratados técni-

cos contemporâneos como o Liber de Coloribus siue Pictorum e o de Peter de Saint

Omer, ambos provenientes do noroeste da França. •

Abstract

The illuminations in De Rijmbijbel van Jacob van Maerlant belong to the most im-

portant Early Netherlandish paintings. On fol. 152v it has the inscription: «Doe men

screef int iaer ons heren MCCCXXXII verlichte mi Michiel van der borch»; i.e.: «It was

in the year 1332 that I was illuminated by Michiel van der Borch» This makes the

illuminations the earliest signed and dated Netherlandish works of art.

Stylistic features of these illuminations fit quite well into the idiom that was current

in Flanders and Northwest France, and suggest that Van der Borch may have been

trained there.

These small-scale paintings were examined with infrared reflectography (IRR) and

light microscopy, energy dispersive micro- x-ray fluorescence (µ-XRF), fiber optic

reflectance spectroscopy (FORS), and some (radio)spectral imaging techniques.

The analyses helped to identify paints and pigments and the different strategies that

were employed to deal with colour in order to organise the composition.

Terminology and formulae in contemporary technical treatises such as the Liber de

Coloribus siue Pictorum, and in the De Coloribus Faciendi by Peter of St. Omer, both

from North-western France are compared with results of scientific examination of

Van der Borch’s illuminations. •

palavras-chave

flandresmaerlantiluminura flamengaanálises científicasde coloribus

key-words

southern flandersmaerlantnetherlandish illuminationanalysesde coloribus


early netherlandish manuscript illumination: technical aspects of illuminations in the rime bible of jacob van maerlantarie wallert Rijksmuseum Amsterdam, Amsterdam

(The Netherlands)

The Rijmbijbel (The Hague, Rijksmuseum Meermanno-Westreenianum, MS 10 B 21)

is one of the most important historical texts in Netherlandish culture. It is a confla-

tion of the Historia Scholastica by Petrus Comestor and the Bello Judaico by Flavius

Josephus. But contrary to contemporary tradition, this text written in 35.000 verses

by Jacob van Maerlant, was in the vernacular rather than in Latin. Maerlant was the

most important Netherlandish author of the Middle Ages. He was the first to deal

in the vernacular with such diverse matters as geography, politics and the arts of

government, biology and the interpretation of dreams. He was also the first to put

the whole Bible in rime in the Netherlandish language, and to write a complete world

history. (Van Oostrom, 1996) Therefore, the Rijmbijbel has achieved a canonical sta-

tus for its significance in the development of the Netherlandish language.

At the same time, the illuminations in this manuscript can be considered to be the

most important Early Netherlandish paintings.

Stylistic features of these illuminations fit quite well into the idiom that was current

in Flanders and Northwest of France. The execution of the illuminations in the Maer-

lant manuscript compares very nicely with the characteristics of either the miniatures



in MS. Lat. liturg. d.42, or those in the Psalter MS Douce 5, both in the collection of

the Bodleian Library, Oxford, in a psalter in the Kongelige Bibliothek in Copenhagen

(Ms. 3384.8o), or those in the so called Ruskin Hours, presently in the J. Paul Getty

Museum, Los Angeles (Ms. Ludwig IX 3; 83.ML.99). These manuscripts all share the

same stylistic features, compositional organisation, colour schemes, facial types, and

patterned backgrounds that are characteristic for the gothic style that was current

in Flanders and Northern France in the beginning of the fourteenth century. (Lyna,

1944, Les Fastes Gothiques, 1981, 276-362)

There is little documentary information on the production of those manuscript illumi-

nations. Identified works of art of the period are scarce. If we can identify illumina-

tions of the period and the region, we usually do not know the names of their mak-

ers. If we know the names of the illuminators, we generally do not have any certified

example of their works. Only a few artists are known by name: Hennequin de Bruge,

Girard de Hainault, and Jean de Saint-Omer. Only from documentary evidence do we

know that Girard de Hainault worked for the dukes of Burgundy around the 1350s,

and that Jean de Saint-Omer worked on one of the tombs of Jeanne d’ Evreux.

We do not know, however, what their art works looked like. The exception being

Hennequin who was, and still is, famous for his impressive design of the stunning

‘Angers Apocalypse tapestries’.(Calkins, 1979, 248-250) The drama and narrative

of the figures, presented more than life size in the Angers tapestries, appears to be

re-enacted, albeit in a very much smaller scale, in the miniatures of the Rime Bible.

Under the full page painting in the Maerlant manuscript, of the Destruction of Jeru-

salem on fol. 152v is the inscription: «Doe men screef int iaer ons heren MCCCXXXII

verlichte mi Michiel van der borch»; i.e.: «It was in the year 1332 that I was illumi-

nated by Michiel van der Borch». This makes the illuminations the earliest signed

and dated Netherlandish works of art. Even though this signature and the presence

of his name in the archives strongly suggest a more Northern Netherlandish origin

(Utrecht), it is generally agreed that the illuminator of the ‘Rime Bible’ must at least

have had training in southern Flanders or northern France.

Terminology and formulae in more or less contemporary technical treatises such as

the Liber de Coloribus siue Pictorum (British Library, MS Sloane 1754), and the De

Coloribus Faciendi by Peter of Saint-Omer (collection Jehan LeBegue, Bibliotheque

Nationale, Ms 6741), both from North-western France, may therefore provide

relevant information on the making of Van der Borch’s illuminations (Liber de Colo-

ribus, De Coloribus Faciendi).

The Liber de Coloribus for instance, describes the manner in which red lead should

be prepared and applied, and the colours that could be mixed with it: «Minium

molendum est cum aqua sicut uermiculum, et eiecta aqua de cornu, siccabis, et ita

ponenda est glarea ovi, et sic illuminatur ex eo. Hoc minium cum nullo colore mis-

cetur nisi cum albo et uermiculo.»

«You grind minium with water, like vermilion; and when the water has been poured

out of the vessel (horn), you dry the colour; and then add white of egg to it and

use it for illuminating. This minium must not be mixed with any other colour except


e a r ly n e t h e r l a n d i s h m a n u s c r i p t i l l u m i n a t i o n : t e c h n i c a l a s p e c t s o f i l l u m i n a t i o n s i n t h e r i m e b i b l e o f j a c o b v a n m a e r l a n t

1. Observations with the microscope were done

with a Zeiss stereo microscope with 8, 12, 20,

32, to 50 x magnifications. Images were recorded

with a digital Leica DFC 420 C camera. We also

used a AM411T-Dino-Lite Pro digital microscope

with 10x ~ 50x - 200x magnifications.

2. Infrared reflectography (IRR) was done with

a Hamamatsu C 2400-07 camera, equipped

with a N2606 IR vidicon, a Nikon Micro-Nikkor

1:2.8/55 mm lens, and a Wratten 87c (B+W 093)

filter. Digitized documentation is done with a

Pinnacle PCTV framegrabber. IRR-assemblies

were made with Adobe Photoshop CS2.

with white and vermilion.» (Liber de Coloribus, 282-283) Analyses of red areas in

the Rime Bible do indeed reveal those admixtures, and the crack pattern is indeed

typical for a binding medium based on glair. 1 Similarly, the finding of a strong pres-

ence of Ca, Fe, and S in a tan-coloured pigment mixture, visible in abraded areas

of the gilding could be related to a passage in the Liber de Coloribus: «Ocrum si

necessarium tibi fuerit in percameno,… de ocro siue de gipso» «If you need ochre on

parchment, grind it well with water, and when this has been done, add strong white

of egg to it. But you must know that ochre is needed only by painters of murals,

except that, when you wish to make a letter of gold, you lay it in first with ochre

and gypsum.», and: «Gypsum is ground like ochre, but you will not have any use for it

except when you wish to lay gold in books. And then you put on the gold as we have

described in speaking of ochre». (Liber de Coloribus, 284-285) The finding of those ele-

ments is perfectly fitting for the use of a mixture of yellow ochre, a hydrated iron oxide

(Fe2O

3 . H

2O), and gypsum, a calcium sulphate dihydrate (CaSO

4 . 2H

2O). The Liber de

Coloribus is very explicit that these pigments can only be used for laying a gold ground.

And indeed, those were the only instances where that combination of elements

could be found.

All the illuminations and small figures in the borders of the texts were begun with

a fine brush dipped in a carbon black. These drawings define the outlines of the

figures. No attempts to indicate shading or volume were made at this stage. The

underdrawings often show uncertainties in elements that went beyond typically

formulaic figures and shapes like the faces of Christ, or conventions for trees or

draperies.2 Van der Borch especially seems to have had difficulties in defining a cor-

rect anatomy for the human figure. This would suggest that these, sometimes very

complex illuminations were not based on, or copied from precedents in modelbooks,

but ‘invented’ on the parchment. (figs. 1 and 2) These drawings were made after

Fig.1 a. expulsion from paradise (detail), normal light b. infrared reflectogram assembly

Fig.2 a. creation of man (detail),normal light b. infrared reflectogram assembly



3. Analyses of the writing ink showed a strong

presence of Fe, Ca, smaller amounts of Mn, K,

Pb, and S, but also traces of Cu and Zn. This

might suggest that the ink could have been

made or stored in a brass vessel, or more likely,

that the iron vitriol needed for the making of the

ink also contained traces of zinc vitriol and other

associated minerals.

4. Energy dispersive x-ray fluorescence (XRF)

analyses were generally done with a Bruker Ar-

tax µ-XRF spectrometer, 40kV, 500µA, 60 sec.,

Mo-anode, 0.090µm capillary lens, Helium flush

(1.7 L/min), over 50keV energy range. For the

distribution images a dwell time of 10 seconds

was allowed.

the text was written, the scribe writing in iron gall ink, leaving specific spaces open

for the illuminator to work on. 3 This is evidenced by the fact that sometimes the

illuminator made corrections in carbon black to the texts written in ink. This cor-

rection process also corresponds with contemporary recommandations: «Sed si in

pergamenis… cum ovo distemperatos assumes», «If you wish to lay black over other

colours on parchment, you must not put incaustum, but know that you must take

charcoal distempered with egg» (De Coloribus Faciendi, 138-139 ) (fig. 3).

The outlines in carbon black provided the basis for painting. This was continued in

a fairly limited palette. Larger areas appear to be blocked in with single unmixed

colours. Modulation of drapery folds was accomplished by laying thin translucent

washes over these colour fields. This was further emphasised in the shadow areas

with emphatic strokes of carbon black and in the highlights with linear contour

strokes of pure and unmixed lead white. Definition of forms is still largely depend-

ent on the elongated contours and strokes in carbon black paint.

In general, Van der Borch seems to have had a preference for the use of single, un-

mixed colours. The exception being the flesh tones where admixtures of vermilion in

lead white frequently occur. This can be demonstrated quite nicely in the elemental

distribution images of the head of Christ. 4 (fig. 4) In this image the area for the

gold ground is indicated by the distribution of calcium, present in the gypsum. The

(abraded) gilding is shown by the distribution of the Mα lines for gold. The vermilion,

HgS (here indicated by the distribution of mercury Mα lines), is shown to be mixed

throughout the flesh tone with lead white (Pb Lα, and Pb Mα).

Otherwise, vermilion appears to have been very sparsely used. This practice corre-

sponds to warnings in the treatises: «Si vero minium….est in minio»,: « If the vermil-

ion is very good and new, I put two parts of it, and scarcely the third part of minium.

But if the minium is dusky and very old, put a half or a third part of the vermilion,

and make the remainder of minium; and you must know that the older the vermilion

is by nature, the darker and less useful it is; and the darker it is, less of it must be

Fig.3 a. illumination with text (detail), normal light b. infrared reflectogram assembly



5. A remarkable feature of the azurite used in this

manuscript was the notable presence of barium

and potassium. As in some regions barium salts

are paragenetic with azurite, this may provide an

indication for geographical origin of pigment.

added to the minium» ( De Coloribus Faciendi, 142-143) The vermilion must have

been very old indeed! Only a slight admixture was very occasionally found in areas

that were otherwise done in red lead. Most red passages, even the blood on the face

of Goliath, or dripping from the wounds of Christ, are done in red lead.

Similarly, the blue areas appear blocked out only in pure azurite, a copper(II)carbon-

ate mineral (Cu3(CO

3)

2(OH)

2). Azurite is a difficult pigment to work with. To prepare

it for painting, the mineral needed to be broken up and reduced to powder. The

coarser the powder, the darker and nicer the blue. If it was ground too fine, it tended

to look rather pale greenish sky-blue. The separation of the coarser, darker particles

from the finer, paler ones was accomplished by a process of levigation. The mineral

was ground to powder while wet. As a turbid liquid, the slurry was transferred to a

bowl in which the powdered substance remained suspended by continuous stirring.

Then it was allowed to settle for some time, before being poured off to a second

basin. This affords for the subsequent separation of the mineral into various grades

of fineness, because of the slower subsidence of the finer particles from suspension.

The turbid liquid, was poured into the first of a series of bowls, and was allowed to

stand for a certain time. The coarsest and heaviest particles quickly subside, leav-

ing the finer material suspended in the water, which was drawn from above the

sediment into the next bowl. The liquid is passed from bowl to bowl, remaining

in each subsequently longer than in the preceding one, since the finer and lighter

the particles, the more time is necessary for their deposition. In the illuminations,

in particular for the patterned backgrounds, a very powerfully deep blue azurite of

good quality was used. 5

fig.4 distribution of elements, face of Christ (detail)



6. As no samples could be taken, a proper identi-

fication by chromatography was not possible. The

optical features under the microscope and be-

haviour of the dark blue in infrared, were found

to be consistent with indigoid colorants.

7. Fiber optic reflectance spectroscopy (FORS)

was done with an Avantes AvaSpec-2048 Fiber

Optic Spectrometer, based on symmetrical Cz-

erny-Turner design with 2048 pixel CCD detector

array. 200-1100nm. Mikropack HPX-2000 xenon

light source.

Observation of blue passages under the microscope clearly demonstrated that the

artist exploited a finer grained – and thus paler blue – azurite for the lighter pas-

sages. It is notable that in order to obtain a lighter blue, choosing finer grade parti-

cles was apparently preferred over admixture with white. Darker, sometimes almost

black accents, in particular on the background patterns, seem to be of organic nature

and may very well be woad indigo. 6

An equally strict adherence to the use of unmixed pigments in the Rime Bible was en-

countered in the application of copper-based greens, i.e. verdigris (Cu2(OAc)

4(H

2O)

2),

again much as recommended in the texts: «Viride de Gretia in uase…operari po-

teris.», «Put verdigris in a dish made of bronze or electrum and pour wine upon it,

so that the wine may become green. Pour the liquid portion of this mixture into

another bronze vessel, and pour wine once more into the first vessel from which you

remove the liquid. And when this too has been saturated and removed, add wine a

third time. Then you may leave off.» And: «Pone uiride in uino….et sic bonum erit.»,

«Put some green in wine, and rub it well with your finger; when it has settled, take

the liquid part and put it in moderate sunlight, or elsewhere, to thicken. When it is

fit for writing, put it in a vessel made of glass or wax, and you will be able to keep

it in a good condition for a long time. If it is too dark, add a little saffron and the

powder of calcined bones. If you wish to illuminate more easily, take some yolk of

egg, and mix the green wine with it, and grind the green pigment with this mixture

upon the stone, and temper it with the same; and thus it will be good.» (Liber de

Coloribus, 282-285)

By treating copper acetate in this manner and making an almost saturated solution

of it, the pigment dissolving into the wine converts into a very dense, syrupy, cop-

per carboxylate substance. The pigment thereby looses its ‘grittiness’ and acquires

much more pleasant working properties. The illuminator obtained a splendidly deep

emerald green paint that flowed easily from the brush. It was applied in relatively

thick opaque layers but also in thinner, quite translucent paint films, allowing the re-

flective brightness of the parchment – or better still, gold leaf – to shimmer through.

(fig. 5) The smoothness of the thin, translucent green accords beautifully well with

the grainy, particulate texture of the deep blue azurite.

We also found frequent passages executed in a light, opaque, pink colour, which were

often glazed over with darker, deep red, sometimes purple or maroon, translucent

strokes. The organic colorant for both the opaque pink as well as the translucent purple

was tentatively identified as a brazilwood lake. 7 Brazilwood lakes were the most impor-

tant organic reds in the Middle Ages (Wallert, 1986, 52-70, Roger, et al, 2003, 155-170).

The Liber de Coloribus advised: «Lignum brasilii accipitur,… purpureus color», «Take

brazil-wood and scrape it down with a knife into a dish. And after it has all been

reduced by scraping, cover it with white of egg. And when it has steeped and com-

menced to grow ripe, let alum be added in proportion to the quantity of the brazil-

wood. When the brazil has saturated it, the liquid should be drawn off and kept in

another vessel; and when this has been done, add white of egg again, and when it

has become saturated, draw it off»… «If you mix white with brazil, it makes rose-

fig.5 micrograph of green translucent glaze over reflective background (magnification 20x)



8. Canon EOS 400D, with 24-105mm 1:4L lens

and Nikon D70 with Micro Nikkor 60mm 1:2.8D

lens were used. Frequently 81A, and 85B-2B fil-

ters were used. Image processing was done with

the use of digital filters and Adobe Photoshop

CS2.

colour; and with azure it makes purple». (Liber de Coloribus, 284-285) In the Rime

Bible, the white added to the brazil wood extract was a simple calcium carbonate

white. This imparted opacity to the mixture and served as colour-stabilising substrate

for the organic colorant.

Images taken in ultraviolet light give a good impression about the extent of the

use of this organic colorant 8. (figs. 6 and 7) It appears to have been applied quite

generously in remarkably swift and open touches.

The analyses of the illuminations helped to identify paints and pigments and the

different strategies that were employed to deal with colour as a means to organise

the composition.

Fig.6 a. tobit healing his father’ s eyes (detail), normal light b. distribution of organic lake in ultraviolet fluorescence

Fig.7 a. tobit setting out on his journey (detail), normal light b. distribution of organic lake in ultraviolet fluorescence



9. In this development towards techniques that

allowed greater flexibility, alternative approaches

induced by the work of the great encyclopaedists

may have played a role. Especially Book XIX: De

Coloribus, odoribus et saporibus (pp. 848-871)

of Bartolomeus Anglicus’ De Proprietatibus Re-

rum must have been influential. (Meier-Stau-

bach, 2000, 451-469).

According to the historical technical treatises compositions should be formed on the

basis of a three-step system of colour application. The points of departure are the

individual fields of colour. Each of these fields of colour tends to be provided with a

specifically prescribed colour for darker shades: incidis. In the next step, each field

of colour is provided with its own fixed colour of a much lighter nature: matizatura.

In the technical treatises of the time, such as the Liber de Coloribus siue Pictorum

and De Coloribus Faciendi, this rigidly ordained system of operative forms seems to

have been strictly prescribed.

In the making of the Rime Bible miniatures, however, all the procedures described

in the treatises seem to have been followed, except for the application of the in-

cidis and matizatura system. There the artist allowed himself considerable liberties.

Especially in his use of washes with organic colorants, consciously exploiting effects

of opacity and translucence, Michiel van der Borch went beyond the rules of tradi-

tion 9. In his lively brushwork he added a remarkable sense of freedom and liveliness

to the functionality of the mediaeval method. •

Bibliography

R.G. Calkins, Monuments of Medieval Art, Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London,

1979.

De Coloribus Faciendi: Magistri Petri de Sancto Audemaro, De Coloribus Faciendis, in

M.P. Merrifield, Original Treatises on the Arts of Painting, John Murray, London, 1849,

vol. I, 116-165.

Les Fastes du Gothique, le Siècle de Charles V, Galeries Nationales du Grand Palais, Paris

1981.

Liber de Coloribus: D.V. Thompsom, ‘Liber de Coloribus siue Pictorum, from Sloane MS.

No. 1754’, Speculum, I (1926), 280-307.

F. Lyna, De Vlaamse Miniatuur van 1200 tot 1530, Amsterdam, 1933.

C. Meier-Staubach, ‘La matérialité et l’immatérialité des couleurs a propos du traite

De Coloribus d’Avranches 235’, Science antique, Science médiévale, actes du colloque

international, eds L. Callebat and O. Desbordes, Olms-Weidmann, Hildesheim, 2000,

451-469.

P. Roger, I. Villela-Petit and S. Vandroy, Les laques de brésil dans l’enluminure médiévale:

reconstituition a partir de recettes anciennes, Studies in Conservation, 48 (2003),155–

170.



F. Van Oostrom, Maerlants Wereld, Prometheus Amsterdam, 1996.

A. Wallert, ‘Verzino and Roseta Colours in 15th Century Italian Manuscripts’, Maltechnik/

Restauro, 92, (1986), 52-70

Biography

Arie Wallert holds a PhD from Groningen University. Since 1996, he has been curator

for the Scientific Examination Department of Paintings of the Rijksmuseum Amsterdam,

senior scientist in the Department for Conservation RMA. His principal interests are the

analysis of museum objects, the characterisation of pigments, the study of art technical

historical sources and the scientific examination of mediaeval manuscript illumination.

Address: Department of Conservation, Rijksmuseum, Hobbemastraat 22, 1071ZC

Amsterdam; [email protected].



Resumo

A fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias (XRF) foi utilizada na análise de uma

Bíblia do séc. XIV proveniente de Nápoles. Este equipamento transportável permite

uma análise in situ dos materiais presentes nestas luxuosas iluminuras.

Puderam assim ser identificados pigmentos como o vermelho de chumbo (mínio),

branco de chumbo, ocre vermelho, vermelhão, azuis e verde de cobre, amarelo de

estanho e chumbo em combinação com pigmentos orgânicos ou folha de ouro e

prata ou ainda com tinta de estanho. •

Abstract

X-ray Fluorescence spectroscopy (XRF) has been used to examine a 14th century bible

manuscript, originating from Naples. This portable equipment provides a powerful

aid to analyse in a non-destructive way the materials of the rich illuminations.

Mineral pigments like red lead, lead white, red ochre, vermilion, copper blue and

copper green, lead tin yellow in combination with organic pigments and with gold

and silver leaf or with tin paint could be identified. •

palavras-chave

manuscritos iluminadosfluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energiasanálise in situpigmentosfolhas metálicas

key-words

illuminated manuscriptx-ray fluorescence spectroscopynon destructive analysispigmentsmetal foils


analysis of the anjou biblemarina van bos Royal Institute for Cultural Heritage (KIK/

IRPA), Laboratory Department, Jubelpark

1, 1000 Brussels (Belgium)

[email protected]

l ieve watteeuw K.U.Leuven, Illuminare, Center for the

Study of the Illuminated Manuscript,

Department of Archeology, Art History and

Musicology, Blijde Inkomstraat 21, 3000

Leuven (Belgium)

[email protected]

Introduction to the Bible

The Anjou Bible is a unique bible manuscript originating from the beginning of the

fourteenth century. The bible was ordered by Robert I of Anjou, king of Naples and

was intended as a present for Andreas of Hungary who was engaged to the grand-

daughter of Robert of Anjou, Johanna of Naples 1. When Andreas was murdered in

1345, the Bible came in the hands of Johanna’s chancellor Nicoli Alifio, as a present

for his diplomatic missions.

The precious manuscript remained in Royal circles and in 1402 the manuscript is

described in the inventory of Jean Duc de Berry (1340-1416), brother of the French

King Charles V (Avril, 1969; Avril et al, 1984, 2005).

At the end of the 15th century – beginning of the 16th century, the manuscript ended

up at the library of the Arras College in Leuven (Belgium) via the Bishop of Arras and

there it stood for centuries until finally in 1970, the manuscript was deposited at the

Maurits Sabbe Library of the Faculty of Theology of the Catholic University of Leuven 2.

The bible contains almost the complete text of the old en new testament (fig.1). Its size

1. Born in Naples, Johanna was the daughter

of Charles, Duke of Calabria (eldest son of King

Robert of Naples) and Marie of Valois (a sister

of King Philip VI of France). At the age of seven

years (1334), she was betrothed to her six-year-

old second cousin Prince Andrew of the Hun-

garian branch of the House of Anjou, the son

of Charles I of Hungary and younger brother of

Louis I. On the death in 1343 of her grandfather,

Robert of Naples, his will provided that Andrew

should be crowned King of Naples in his own

right as well as Joan’s, Robert having displaced

Andrew’s father, Charles Robert, from the Nea-

politan throne. The Cardinal crowned Joan alone

as Queen of Naples at Santa Chiara in Rome in

August 1344. After the assassination of Andrew

in 1345 (remaining unclear if under her own or-

ders or not), Joan married three more times: with

Louis of Taranto, with James IV of Majorca and

Prince of Achaea and with Otto, Duke of Bruns-

wick-Grubenhagen.

2. Nicolaus Ruterius founded the college in 1508

as a home for poor students. From then until the

18th century, it was gradually converted into a

residential college, with a reception hall, rooms,

a library, a chapel, two courtyards and an interior

garden. After the French Revolution it was sold,

fig.1 anjou bible, full page illuminations © kik/irpa brussels



and the building passed through the hands of a

succession of private owners until it was repur-

chased by the university of Leuven in 1921.

is 420 by 280 millimeters and it contains 338 folios with two full-page miniatures and

more than 160 decorated initial and marginal illuminations leaves. The text has been

written by one scribe but the rich illumination is the work of at least three different hands.

One of them names himself on folio 308 at the sequence of the Apocalypse: Chris-

tophorus di Orimina (fig.2). He was the best-known illuminator in the Neapolitan

surroundings in the second quarter of the fourteenth century (Maere 1909, 279 and

Maere 1910, 25) (Bräm, 2007).

fig.2 anjou bible, detail of folio 308 © kik/irpa brussels

The two full-page illuminations in the beginning are clearly made by his hand. The

perspective and architectural settings are simple and straightforward and the facial

expression isn’t very detailed nor expressive, using the profile of King Robert and

other royal members.

A second illuminator added decorations when the codex was probably already in

possession of chancellor Alifio since he adapted the rich decorations to the new

owner. Systematically the imperfection of the edge cuttings in the parchment were

camouflaged by a wide range of fantasy birds with long necks and tales, all executed

in soft pastel colors (fig.3).

The third hand is probably the best miniaturist and he is responsible for all the mar-

ginal work and decoration. Often classical themes and fantasy animals are added to

the narrative scenes (fig.4).

Despite the fame and the richness of the manuscript, the bible has almost never

been reproduced nor displayed in public.

The conservation state of the manuscript was bad: in the beginning of the 20th century

the manuscript was re-bound but the covers were too tight making the manuscript dif-

ficult to open; the parchment was folded and pigments and gold leaves were flaking off.

Therefore in May 2008, a conservation and preservation project started. The project fig.4 anjou bible with decorations of a third illuminator © kik/irpa brussels

fig.3 anjou bible with marginal decoration of a second illuminator © kik/irpa brussels


a n a ly s i s o f t h e a n j o u b i b l e

3. For generous support and discussion we thank:

Jan Van der Stock (K.U.Leuven, Research Center

for Medieval Art), Christina Ceulemans (Konin-

klijk Instituut voor het Kunstpatrimonium), John

Lowdon (Courtauld, London), Chris Coppens

(K.U.Leuven, Tabularium,); Leo Kenis en Luc

Knapen (K.U.Leuven, Library, Faculty of Theolo-

gy) and Nancy Turner (Senior paper conservator,

J.P. Getty Museum, Manuscript Department).

4. Macro photographs (Nikon D 70, AF micro-

Nikkor 60 mm) were documenting the tech-

niques and the damage-assessment (Cumulus

5.5©/ digital asset management software). Fur-

ther infra-red photography and infrared reflec-

tography (InfraCAM SWIR – short-wave infrared

– video camera) was combined with highly de-

tailed digital photographs with direct, transmit-

ted and racking light (digital camera MAMIYA RZ

67, Digital back Light Phase I / Nikon D 70 and

EOS I D-Mark II, 100 mm macro lens).

is a collaboration between the Department of Art History, K.U.Leuven, the Royal

Institute for Cultural Heritage in Brussels and Museum M of Leuven and is funded

by the InBev-Baillet Latour Foundation 3.

Experimental

The manuscript is now unbound and the loose folios offer a unique opportunity to

examine the manuscript in detail in the laboratory.

It is obvious that the study of such a precious and delicate work of art has to be

done using non-destructive techniques. First an extensive series of highly detailed

digital photographs with transmitted light and complementary infrared digital pho-

tographs were taken 4 (Watteeuw 2009, 168; Watteeuw et al, 2008, 310; Watteeuw

and Van Bos, 2010, 147).

Then analyses were performed using X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy (XRF).

This XRF technique offers a multitude of advantages: it is a non destructive tech-

nique with a very small spot size of only 70 µm, which is important to be able to ana-

lyze small features in a miniature, it offers the possibility to simultaneously analyze

multiple chemical elements and it is a fast analysis technique: each measurement

only takes 120 seconds.

We used the mobile Arttax equipment (Bruker AXS Microanalysis, Germany) with a

Rhodium tube and a built-in color CCD camera (fig.5). The exact location of the meas-

uring spot can be followed (or changed) via the computer screen and also the focusing

of the measuring head to the desired position is done via the computer. During the

experiments an energy of 50 kV, a current of 500 µA and a Mo 25µm filter were used.

Results for the first full page illumination

The first full page illumination is full of self promotion for the Anjou dynasty. One can

read: Rex Robertus, rex expertus in omnia scientia. Robert is sitting on a polychrome

throne ornate on both sides with gilded lion heads, under a colourful canopy with

on the background the gilded lilies of the Anjou dynasty. The King is surrounded by

eight cardinal virtues and at the bottom we find seven vices with Diablo.

The reds

XRF analysis of the orange border (fig.6, XRF 1) results in a spectrum with a large

peak for lead (fig.7a and 7b). Although XRF is an ‘elemental’ analysis technique with

no information on the molecular composition of the lead containing pigment, we

can assume with high certainty that lead is present as red lead (Pb3O

4), since we are

analyzing an orange-red color. Red lead, an artificial pigment, was already known

Fig.5 arttax xrf equipment © kik/irpa brussels



Fig.7a and 7b xrf spectrum of the orange border and arttax image of the measuring area © kik/irpa brussels

Fig.6 anjou bible, full page illumination with indication of some of the xrf measuring spots © kik/irpa brussels

for miniature painting and manuscript illumination in Europe since the 8th century

on (West Fitzhugh 1986, 109, Munoz Vinas, 1998, 114);

A different result is obtained for the red in the baldachin (see fig.6, XRF 2). XRF

measurement results in a large peak for mercury indicating without doubt vermilion

(HgS) as vermilion is the only pigment containing mercury (fig.8a and 8b). Although

the pigment mercuric sulfide can also be obtained from the mineral cinnabar (HgS),

the use of the artificial vermilion, made by heating mercury with sulfur, was already

so widespread in the 14th century that nor in ‘Il libro dell’Arte’ from Cennino nor in

‘De Arte Illuminandi’ (Thompson et al, 1933, Brunello, 1975) a recipe can be found

for the preparation of this vermilion.

Measurement of the red used for the arm of the throne (see fig.6, XRF 3) gave again

a different result: a spectrum with different peaks indicating a mixture of pigments:

mercury (indicating vermilion), lead (lead white or red lead) and than a very large

peak for iron (fig.9a and 9b) . This suggests that also red earth (containing hema-

tite Fe2O

3) is present here. Associated with the large iron peak is the small peak for



titanium probably indicating the mineral ilmenite (FeTiO3) present in the naturally

found red ochre’s (Eastaugh, 2004, 320)

A bright red can be found on the border of the miniature (see fig.6, XRF 4).

XRF measurement gives only a weak response with a mayor peak for calcium (fig.10).

This spectrum corresponds well with the spectrum obtained for the parchment itself.

As organic reds are known for manuscript illumination, it is likely that an organic red,

which can not be verified by XRF measurement, is responsible for the bright red color.

Fig.8a and 8b xrf spectrum of the red used in the baldachin and arttax image of the measuring area © kik/irpa brussels

Fig.9a and 9b xrf spectrum of the red used for the arm of the throne and arttax image of the measuring area © kik/irpa brussels



The blueAll blue areas in the full page illumination, ranging from dark blue to light blue or from

architectural decoration to the clothes of the King or one of the cardinal Virtues gave all

a comparable result after XRF analysis: a large peak corresponding to copper, probably

indicating azurite as blue pigment (fig.11). Azurite, a basic copper carbonate (2CuCO3.

Cu(OH)2) is prepared by grinding and washing of the mineral which was occurring in

copper deposits in Italy, Spain and particularly Germany (‘azurium de Alamania’).

Fig.10 xrf spectrum of the bright red border © kik/irpa brussels

Fig.11 xrf spectrum of a blue area © kik/irpa brussels



The green

XRF analysis of the green socle of the throne (see fig.6, XRF 5) resulted in a spectrum

with peaks for lead, copper and tin. Although the exact interpretation of this result

in terms of composition ànd paint layer built-up can not be given, it is likely that a

mixture of pigments is used here: lead white, a copper green or copper blue and a

lead tin yellow (fig.12). Different relative amounts of these pigments, as shown by

different peak heights of lead and copper, give different color intensities: ‘more’

copper for the darker green areas. The mixture of malachite (CuCO3.Cu(OH)

2) with

giallorino (an artificial made lead-tin yellow) was described by Cennino.

On top of this green layer, occasionally a transparent organic layer is applied to

brighten the color.

The white

The white inscription on top of the illumination is based on lead white as evidenced

by the large lead peak in the XRF spectrum. Lead white, the basic lead carbonate

(2PbCO3.Pb(OH)

2), made by reaction of vinegar to lead strips, is described in the

Arte Illuminandi as the only white color suitable for illuminating practice.

Metal: paint and foil

Gold leaf is used for the scepter hold by the King or for the decoration in the baldachin.

This gold leaf is either applied on a grayish ground layer or on a bright red under layer.

Fig.12 xrf spectrum of a green area in the socle of the throne © kik/irpa brussels



A grey ground, based on gesso, is frequently observed in the gold size used in me-

dieval manuscripts. XRF measurement of this layer indicates only calcium which is

not surprisingly as with this XRF equipment only elements higher than sodium can

be detected and the sulfur associated with the calcium can not be detected.

As the gold leaf can be very thin, using a red under layer gives a warmer color to the

gold compared to the same gold leaf applied on a grey under layer. This red under

layer is often based on Armenian Bole (clay pigmented with iron oxides), following

the recipes of the Arte Illuminandi or Il Libro dell’Arte.

XRF measurement of the bright red under layer shows however the presence of ver-

milion as shown by the large mercury peak in the resulting XRF spectrum.

To further embellish the gilding, an orange glacis layer is occasionally applied on top

of it as can be seen for the belt of the King (fig.13). However, using our XRF analysis

method, no information about the composition of this layer is obtained.

Silver leaf is used as well: XRF measurement of part of the decoration in the socle of

the King’s throne (see fig.6, XRF 6) shows the presence of silver (fig.14a and 14b).

The silver leaf could be applied using the same size as for gold leaf.

A surprising result was obtained when analyzing the quadrofold in the canopy or

the lilies in the baldachin (see fig.6, XRF 7). Although these decorations look like

gold, XRF analysis reveals the presence of tin. Since the lilies are painted on top of

the blue ground, a large copper peak is present as well in the resulting XRF spec-

trum (fig.15a and 15b). In this spectrum also a relative small peak corresponding

to mercury is present. This result could point to the use of Mosaic Gold. In the Arte

Fig.13 arttax image of the decoration on the belt of the king © kik/irpa brussels

Fig.14a and 14b xrf spectrum of decoration in the socle of the throne and arttax image of the measuring area © kik/irpa brussels



Illuminandi mosaic gold (stannic sulfide SnS2) is described as an imitation gold color.

The preparation of this mosaic gold starts with: «take one part of tin and melt it,

and throw upon it one part of pure quicksilver». Mosaic gold could replace the costly

true gold powder but did not show the same full brilliance of gold. Therefore it was

recommended to model it up with gold powder.

Analysis of the decoration with small crosses in the baldachin shows this mixture of

gold and tin applied as paint (no metal leaf) on top of the lead white layer, pointing

out towards the use of mosaic gold. 5

5. Also Theolfilus describes the use of tinpaint in his chapter: How paintings in Books are Em-bellished with Tin and Saffron/ If you have nei-ther of these [i.e., gold or silver] and still want to embellish your work in some way, take pure tin, scrape it very fine, mill it, and wash it as you did the gold. Then, with the same glue, apply it on letters or other places that you wanted to orna-ment with gold or silver. After polishing it with a tooth, take some of the saffron with which silk is dyed, pour glair without water over it, and let it stand overnight. On the following day cover with a pencil [dipped in this medium] those places you wanted to gild; leave the rest [of the tin bare] to take the place of silver. Then, using a quill, draw fine lines with minium around the letters, foli-age, scrollwork, materials of robes, and the other places to be ornamented. Theophilus 37

Fig.15a and 15b xrf spectrum of lilies in the baldachin and arttax image showing the measuring area © kik/irpa brussels

The coat of arms

At the bottom of the page, the coat of arms of chancellor Alifio is present

(fig.16).

For this coat of arms, the same materials as present in the miniature were identified:

Vermilion applied on a white lead layer for the red and white triangles, red lead for

the orange border, silver leaf and gold leaf.

A different result was obtained for the golden fess which is a gold paint ‘shell gold’

and not a gold leaf.

Another difference was found when analysing the blue ground of the coat of arms.

Although it concerns a very intense blue colour, only a relative small amount of cop-

per was detected during the analysis (fig.17). This result could indicate the use of

the blue pigment ultramarine (Na8..10

Al6Si

6O

24S

2..4) made from lapis lazuli, a pigment

that can not be identified using XRF.Fig.16 anjou bible, detail with coat of arms © kik/irpa brussels



Ultramarine was a very expensive pigment with well known outstanding character-

istics.

The coat of arms as present now is not the original coat of arms. Originally, the

coat of arms of the first owner of the manuscript, Andreas of Hungary was present.

But when Alifio became the new owner, all original coats of arms were removed by

abrasion and over painted, as a clear possession mark. In that respect, it is maybe

not surprisingly that such an expensive and precious pigment is used. This however

has to be confirmed using a complementary analysis technique (like non destructive

micro Raman spectroscopy).

The spectrum shows also an important iron peak (red earth) which indicates the

underlying original coat of arms.

Fig.17 xrf spectrum of the blue ground in the coat of arms © kik/irpa brussels

ConclusionAlthough having a long history, the Anjou Bible was now for the first time ever ex-

amined in detail.

The combination of highly detailed photographs with transmitted light in combina-

tion with the non destructive XRF analysis provides more insight into the crafts-

manship of the miniaturist. A very rich pallet of mineral and organic pigments in

combination with gold, silver and tin as foil or as paint has been identified.

Although the use of a non destructive technique, like X-Ray fluorescence has its

limits, this technique is extremely useful when analyzing very delicate and precious

works of art. •



Bibliography

Avril, François, «Trois manuscrits Napolitains des collec¬tions de Charles V et de Jean de

Berry», Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 127 (1969): 293-328.

Avril, Francois et al., Dix siecles d’enluminure italienne (VIe- XVIe siècles), Paris,

Bibliotheque nationale, 1984 .

Avril, François en Marie-Thérèse Gousset, Manuscrits enluminés d’origine italienne, Paris,

2005.

Maere R, ‘Une Bible angevine de Naples au Séminaire de Malines’, Revue de l’art chrétien

59 (1909): 279-291 and 60 (1910): 25-34.

Bräm, Andreas, Naepolitanische Bilderbibeln des Trecento: Anjou-Buchmalerei von Robert

dem Weisen bis zu Johanna I, Wiesbaden, 2007.

Brunello, Franco, De arte illuminandi: e altri trattati sulla tecnica della miniatura medievale,

Vicenza: Pozza, 1975.

Eastaugh Nicholas et al The Pigment Compendium, a dictionary of historical Pigments,

Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann, Oxford, 2004, 320.

Munoz Vinas, Salvador «Original Written Sources for the History of Mediaeval Painting

Techniques and Materials: A List of Published Texts», Studies in Conservation, Vol. 43,

No. 2 (1998), pp. 114-124.

Thompson, Daniel V jr The Craftsman’s Handbook ‘Il libro dell’Arte’ by Cennino d’A.

Cennini, New Haven – Yale University Press, 1933.

Thompson, Daniel jr and Heard Hamilton, George, De Arte Illuminandi, The technique of

Manuscript Illumination, Translated from the Latin of Naples MS XII.E.27,

New Haven – Yale University Press, 1933.

Watteeuw Lieve ‘The conservation assessment of the Philips of Clève Book of Hours

(Brussels, Royal Library, Ms IV 40)’, in The Quest for the Original, Symposium XVI for the

Study of Underdrawing and Technology in Painting, Bruges, September 2006, Louvain

la Neuve, 2009: 168-174.

Watteeuw Lieve and Van Bos Marina ‘The conservation assessment of an Illuminated

Book of Hours. Understanding craftsmanship through interdisciplinary research:

preliminary investigation’, in Diversity in Heritage Conservation: Tradition, Innovation

and Participation, ICOM CC, 15th Triennial Conference 22 - 26 September 2008, New

Delhi, 2008: 310-316.

Watteeuw Lieve and Van Bos Marina «Illuminating with Pen and Brush. The Techniques

of a Fourteenth-century Neapolitan Illluminator Explored», in The Anjou Bible, A Royal

Manuscript revealed, Corpus of Illuminated Manuscripts, Vol 18, ed Lieve Watteeuw &

Jan Van der Stock, Peeters 2010, 147-169.

West Fitzhugh, Elisabeth «Red lead and Minium», in Artist’s Pigments, A handbook of

their History and Characteristic. Volume1, ed. Robert L. Feller Editor, 109-139, Cambridge

University Press, 1986.


t h a t i t s e e m e t h t o b e t h e t h i n g i t s e l f

Resumo

Nicholas Hilliard, que se tornou famoso no séc. XVI pelos seus retratos em miniatu-

ra, perseguia o ideal de uma representação da natureza tão próxima do real quanto

possível. «That it seemeth…the work of god and not of man». Para atingir esse

objectivo, utilizou diversas técnicas, em parte baseadas na tradição da iluminura

medieval, mas também na sua formação como ourives. Utilizou um número invul-

garmente elevado de pigmentos pretos, alguns obtidos a partir das sementes de

frutos carbonizadas, para reproduzir o efeito do veludo preto e das sedas. Classifi-

cou também os pigmentos em diversos tipos (categorias? graus). Por exemplo, um

tipo médio de branco de chumbo seria o ideal para imitar o aspecto «de pó» de uma

maquilhagem, enquanto que um outro tipo, constituído por partículas muito finas,

seria o ideal para o impasto brilhante necessário para realçar um laço. Esta última

tinta aplicada muito espessa, resultante da mistura do branco de chumbo com muita

goma, apresenta um craquelê característico e falta de adesão. Alguns destes danos

podem ter sido visíveis ainda no tempo de vida do artista, sem que no entanto o

tenham levado a alterar a sua técnica.

Um outro exemplo, é o da aplicação de prata em pó (para as armaduras e os real-

ces nas pérolas), que também apresenta problemas de conservação uma vez que a

prata cedo começou a escurecer (embaciar?). Resinas aplicadas muito espessas em

fundos prateados, para imitar o efeito brilhante das pedras preciosas ou esmaltes,

foram muitas vezes esmagadas ainda quando frescas e apresentam-se lascadas ou

quebradiças quando secas. Os autores reconstruíram muitos destes métodos e efeitos

especiais no âmbito de um projecto levado a cabo no Victoria and Albert Museum

(Londres). A produção das reconstruções baseou-se tanto nos resultados obtidos

por análises científicas de miniaturas e observação do efeito visual como na pesquisa

de fontes escritas contemporâneas ou anteriores. Esta abordagem revelou-se mui-

to frutuosa, pois permitiu tanto reproduzir os magníficos efeitos visuais que terão

existido nas miniaturas originais como identificar danos típicos associados ao uso

de certos materiais e técnicas. •

palavras-chave

retratos em miniaturalimninghilliardtécnica pictóricaalquimia



Abstract

Nicholas Hilliard, a 16th century English painter of portrait miniatures or limnings, was

driven by the idea of depicting nature as realistically as possible. «That it seemeth…

the work of god and not of man». To achieve his aim he used several special methods

and techniques, which partly derived from medieval book illumination traditions but

also from his own background as a goldsmith. He applied an unusual number of black

pigments, some made from charred fruit-stones, to match the appearance of black

velvet and silk cloth. He also sorted pigments into various grades. For instance a

medium grade of lead white was ideal to imitate the powdery appearance of makeup

and another grade, with very fine particles, for the glossy impasto paint he used to

depict lace. The thick application of lead mixed with a lot of gum to achieve this

effect led to typical cracks and flaking. Some damage might have already occurred

during his life-time, nevertheless he continued to use the techniques, which caused

them. Another example is the application of powdered silver (for armour and the

highlights on pearls), which turned out to be problematic as the silver soon started

to tarnish. Thickly applied resin on silver grounds to create the glossy impression

of precious stones and enamel often became squashed when fresh, and chipped or

flaked of when dry. The authors practically reconstructed many of these methods

and effects used on limnings in the context of a research project in the Victoria and

Albert Museum in London. The practical work was based on visual examination,

instrumental analysis of original portrait miniatures and extensive analysis of ear-

lier and contemporary written sources. The practical approach proved to be highly

informative as it not only helped to reconstruct the amazing effects of the original

appearance but also to identify typical damage inherent in the use of specific ma-

terials and techniques. •

key-words

portrait miniaturelimninghilliardpainting techniquealchemy


that it seemeth to be the thing itselfthe obsession of 16th century miniature painters to imitate the beauty of naturet imea tall ian Ethnographical Museum, Vienna and the

V&A Museum, London (England)

alan derbyshire Victoria and Albert Museum, London

(England)

Introduction and sources

The information presented in this article is mainly based on source material related

to the English limner Nicholas Hilliard (1547-1619) and his followers and students.

Instrumental Analysis of original limnings has been performed in the conservation

department of the Victoria and Albert Museum since the 80s (in particular by the late

Jim Murrell and more recently by Alan Derbyshire and various students). Advances in

non-destructive techniques such as digital photography, computer image manipula-

tion, Raman Spectroscopy and XRF in the last 10 years have allowed many new op-

portunities to update and amend the information derived from earlier research.

What makes the research on limnings so unique is an abundance of written source

material. The three main sources used for this research have been the manuscripts

associated with Nicholas Hilliard, Edward Norgate and John Hoskins. (see table 1).

Unlike the many anonymous illuminators from previous centuries, Hilliard and his

circle left us with a detailed written account of their ideas, ideals and working meth-

ods. Their knowledge originates directly from those illuminators of the Ghent Bruges

School, who were called to live and work in England by Henry VIII 1.

Another indispensable source of knowledge and understanding was the practical

reconstruction of materials and techniques. This process was aiming to understand

the reasons why certain materials have been used but from a 16th century viewpoint.

Reconstruction was not always a success and in most cases a humbling experience as

we were not able to achieve the same quality and effects as observed on the origi-

nals. However trial and error provided many new insights and a lot more questions.

1. Lucas Horenbout, often called Hornebolte

in England, (Ghent c. 1490 to 1495 – London

1544) was a Flemish artist who moved to Eng-

land in the mid-1520s together with his sister

Susanna and his father Gerard and worked there

as «King’s Painter» and court miniaturist to King

Henry VIII from 1525 until his death. His father

Gerard Horenbout was an important Flemish

manuscript illuminator (Reynolds 2006: 45).



It also suggested that some typical deterioration phenomena must have occurred

quite rapidly after the making of the objects. Nevertheless limners continued to

use them for some time until the 1640s. This paper aims to explore the reasons why

limners, who according to their writings were aware of the risks, still continued to

use certain methods and materials.

table 1

Hilliard MS Norgate MS Hoskins MS (known as Gyles’ book)

Edinburgh, University Li-

brary, LaingIII174, f.1-14

Oxford, Bodleian Library,

Tan.326

• Original – London, British Library, Harley 6376.

• Copy – (Hoskins MS copy), NAL, MS copy of

Harl. 6376, R.C.A. 20-995-1906.

ed. Thornton and Cain

1992

ed. Muller and Murrell

1994

Extracts published in Muller and Murrell

1997:237-252 and in Murrell 1983:76-79,

80-84, 92-93

The Arte of Limning – That it Seemeth to be the Thing Itself…

Illumination did not stop with the invention of printed books. On the contrary, in

the 16th century it was not only used for luxury books and important documents but

also for portraits after life and illustrations in scholarly publications (for instance

of a geographic, ethnographic, zoological or botanic nature). Hilliard and Norgate

amongst others stated that it should ideally be practised ‘by gentlemen only’. First of

all because it required a gentle nature and was clean to use (did not spoil expensive

clothing like oil!). It is recommended for the young gentry as an innocent pastime

and useful skill for a future career at court, in war and scientific studies. Further the

gentry, not having to make a living (unlike the notoriously financially struggling com-

mon artist) could spend the full time required to produce excellent works of art. Also

they could easily afford the best quality materials. Limning was (and is, if one aims

at accurate reconstruction) indeed expensive. The pricy materials include, first of all,

paint made from the metals gold and silver; pigments derived from semi-precious

stones; and many exotic materials (like the binder gum Arabic or Indian lake). But

also cheaper materials like earth colours and lead pigments had to be of high quality

for the fine painting. Each pigment needed to be washed, ground and prepared in

a particular manner. Beside all this the best quality fine parchment was required. It

is often claimed to be made from the smooth skin of a (yet hairless) animal embryo

(called ‘abortive’). It was so thin and fine, that it had to be mounted on a playing

card (limnings are usually quite small, about 7x5cm average). Reconstruction also

suggested that the skins of small mammals, in particular white rabbits, might have

been a possible source or at least an alternative. It can be said that the search for a

parchment support of sufficient quality has been difficult and the biggest obstacle

for an accurate modern reconstruction. The 16th century gentry conveniently could



2. It was Hilliard who first observed that the ef-

fects of sulphurous pollution on pigments and he

states that the working place should be free from

the «Sulphurous aire of Sea Cole» (Thornton and

Cain p.75). Indeed it seems to be basically at-

mospheric hydrogen sulfide which causes the

discoloration by converting lead white (basic(II)

lead carbonate) into the black compound lead(II)

sulfide.

purchase materials ready prepared from professional limners, as for instance Alex-

ander Brown (Browne 1679: 39).

There is also an arcane aspect of limning. In many ways the usage of 16th century Eng-

lish limning is comparable to the use of photography. However it does not only aim for

the naturalistic depiction after life but aspires to transmute pigment and binder into

something different, for instance into a real gemstone, an enamelled jewel, a plant or

even a piece of textile. Hilliard also puts a lot of emphasis on «super» realistic depic-

tion, suggesting to use the material to depict itself: «… worketh the metals gold and

silver with themselves» (Thornton and Cain: 63) He even set a real diamond into one

of his miniatures (coronation portrait of queen Elizabeth, 1559, Wellbeck collection).

Portrait miniatures of the aging Queen Elizabeth I, in a way, also illustrate this point.

They certainly did not intend to realistically depict the physical appearance of a

nearly 60 year old queen. More than her wrinkles, it was essential for Hilliard to de-

pict the essence of Her Majesty, which was the Virgin Queen, ‘Gloriana’, the English

equivalent to Virgin Mary. Miniature portraits of her and even medals were treated

with the highest respect, similar to icons. Any wilful damage to her picture was in

fact considered to be high treason. For instance Thomas Harrison was accused of

endangering Queen Elizabeth’s I life by placing a medal with the picture of her Maj-

esty next to mercury sublimate, which was poisonous and had already corroded the

metal. Interestingly Harrison defended himself by claiming that the damage was not

intentional and that Nicholas Hilliard (!) had made the metal image and that it had

dissolved again in the wooden box into quicksilver (mercury) (Auerbach pp.32-33).

There is no evidence that Hilliard was an alchemist but he certainly had a chemical

understanding of materials due to his experience as goldsmith. Hilliard clearly was

very aware of reactive chemical processes and is probably one of the first authors

describing the deleterious effect of sulphuric gases on pigments 2 and classifies in

his treatise some colours as «not fit to be used in limning». Most of the pigments he

mentions are prone to fading in light or have the tendency to discolour when being

mixed with other pigments (as vermilion – HgS or orpigment – As2S3) , others might

change to a dull colour (the copper pigments: Verdigis, Verditer) 1.

Nevertheless it has been shown by analysis that he, against better knowledge, used

some of those pigments, as for instance vermilion and orpiment. Was he betrayed

by his colour merchant; simply a hypocrite; or did he have good reasons not to stick

to his own rules? Previous and recent Raman analysis of Hilliard’s palette allowed 13

pigments to be unambiguously identified: lead white, lead red, massicot, vermillion,

azurite, natural ultramarine, indigo, malachite, orpiment, pararealgar, yellow ochre,

red ochre, and carbon black (Derbyshire 1999, Tallian 2007).

Special effects

Limnings were made to be looked upon at close distance, intimately held in the hand

and to be worn in jewels. This was ideal for fine details and the use of techniques

fig.1 detail from nicholas hilliard, selfportrait 1577, watercolour on parchment, dia. 41mm (v&a, p.155-1910)



taking advantage of raking light and movement. Special effects became Hilliard’s

trademark e.g. his crisp golden calligraphy, burnished silver highlights on pearls, little

sparkling life-like rubies, the bright red Indian lake crimson curtain, glistening and

brilliantly blue ultramarine backgrounds, the detailed black textiles and the raised

lace of glossy lead white impasto. These effects fascinated not only contemporar-

ies but have the power to enchant us till the present day. Unfortunately most of

the mentioned techniques, even though Hilliard tried his best, occasionally caused

problems due to the inherent properties of the used materials. Silver tends to tar-

nish, Venetian turpentine resin dries very slowly and is easily squashed. Indian lake

easily fades and requires – for a good colour – a lot of gum and sugar (a combina-

tion, which attracts dust and is prone to dry out and crack); ultramarine is of a gritty

sandy consistence and sometimes (when the pigment binder ratio is not right) rubs

or flakes off; ivory black tends to flake and so does the thick and heavily gummed

layers of lead white. Hilliard must have been clearly in a dilemma.

But interestingly he did not give up his technique. Sparkling silver looked too good

in combination with gold. Indian lake was used also in reality to colour expensive

bright red luxury textiles (and was one of the most costly pigments at the time).

Ultramarine was a precious gemstone, making the portrait look even more like a

jewel; it was adding to its material value and also provided a great contrast for gold

inscriptions. Charred Ivory, even though it has its tendency to be a difficult pigment,

is creating probably the most appealing and again pricy ‘blackest black’ available,

ideal for strong shadows or ornaments in dark costumes or the dark centre of the

eye. And vermilion, condemned by Hilliard as an ‘unfit’ colour, was still used by him

(proved by analysis) in the face and lips as it produces a radiant red and for the very

same reason this pigment was applied by the ladies as rouge and lipstick. And the

raised white laces, accurately dribbled in fine lines onto the parchment like icing

sugar, casting their own shadows, just looked strikingly real. It was all too tempting,

exquisite and worth the risk.

Precaution and Deterioration

There are various suggestions in the treatises to prevent certain deterioration phe-

nomena (to protect the silver, how to prepare and to use black pigments to ensure

quality and prevent cracking, how to refine ultramarine and most important how to

refine lead white and to prevent it from tarnishing).

All these methods worked to a large extend, which is evident in Hilliard’s best minia-

tures and their excellent condition. In strong contrast to our modern reconstructions:

those almost immediately showed all sorts of problems. However to a certain percent-

age, even Hilliard had to lose his battle against ‘stubborn’ painting materials and time.

Fading ColoursThe most dramatic change is probably the fading of colours of organic origin, which

Hilliard probably used amongst other applications to model the features of fair ladies.



3. Nicholas Frayling, PhD student at the V&A/

RCA conservation course was fundamental in

making Tudor miniatures and their techniques

more accessible using digital media and the lat-

est computer software. (Frayling, N. 1998) To-

gether with Alan Derbyshire he was the first to

combine source research, instrumental analysis,

practical reconstruction and computer image ma-

nipulation.

Many portraits of Queen Elizabeth I appear unusually pale with white faces, faint red

cheeks and red lips. This caused the notion that Hilliard’s portraits are particularly flat

and mask-like. Due to the fashion of the time and ‘make up’, portraits of ladies were

certainly much paler than those of male sitters. However they still might have had a

subtle modelling. This is suggested by the portrait of Elizabeth, which was kept inside

a jewelled pendent, presented to Sir Francis Drake. In comparison to those portraits

of her which were more exposed to light this picture shows much stronger modelling

and colour (see Figure 2). Some of the male portraits like Hilliard’s self-portrait (see

figure 1) seem to be less faded. Hilliard’s treatise suggests that he tended to use

(lightfast) earth colours for male sitters for a more dark or sunburned complexion.

fig.2 detail from hilliard’s portrait of queen elizabeth, c. 1600 (see figure5) and the portrait mounted in the ‘drake jewel’, private collection presently on display in the british galleries of the v&a. the miniature mounted in the locket shows clearly less fading

SilverThe most evident blemishes for the non-conservator are the dark dots on the pearls,

caused by tarnished silver. Other treatises suggest protecting silver with garlic juice.

Garlic seems to be a strange choice as it contains sulphur, which is well known to

promote the tarnishing of silver. It also needs to be considered, that any (more effec-

tive) protective layers of gum or varnish could have been removed through abrasion

or later cleaning attempts with solvents such as alcohol. To show the splendour of

how the silver highlights really should have looked, computer manipulation is a great

tool. Nick Frayling has provided stunning examples how to utilise digital media and

the computer in combination with reconstruction for a better understanding of the

original appearance of Tudor miniatures 3.



4. The most detailed description of making a ruby

can be found in a manuscript by Daniel King, DL

Add. 12461 MS.

Artificial GemstonesLess obvious, unless viewed with the microscope, is the vanished sparkle of artificial

gemstones. Reconstruction experiments have suggested that some of those stones

might have been squashed not too long after their making by a cover glass or careless

handling (see figure 2). During reconstruction (based on the treatises) the viscous

honey-like Venetian turpentine (in our case, larch resin) was mixed with pigments

(Indian lake for a ruby, verdigris for an emerald and ultramarine for a sapphire). The

resin was applied with a hot needle, in a warm room or near a heating source, on top

of a burnished silver ground (see figure 3). Further heat was required for the stringy

resin to settle from the shape of a stringy, ‘dwarf hat’ into a round dome. To pick up

the right amount of resin is quite difficult and to pick up too much is very tempting

as the sparkling resin dome looks great at first. However, the thickly applied resin

on the reconstruction was not dry even after a period of several months, and some

stones were accidentally squashed by handling. Indeed there is evidence in some

treatises that limners experienced the same problem. There are clear warnings to

observe certain drying times 4. But even if the pigmented Venetian terpentine resin

had time to dry without being squashed, the thick layer of resin tended to be brittle

and crack after some time. Hilliard often depicted enamelled miniature lockets in

miniatures by coating them with resin. Those in some cases chipped of completely,

leaving the blank parchment or a (meanwhile tarnished) silver ground. Variations in

the technique can be observed on Hilliards later miniatures. Instead of applying a

tick layer of resin Hilliard tried to apply a thinner layer of coloured resin on a silver

coated thick blob of lead white. But unfortunately, as mentioned, also raised layers

of lead white tended to crack and chip off, leaving blank parchment.

fig.3 detail of a ruby, nichlas hilliard, elizabeth i (v&a, 622-1882) [photo by nicholas frayling]. reconstruction of a ruby

Craquelure – Too Gummy?Each pigment requires a different ratio of pigment and binder. A good method to

determine the right ratio was to mix the paint up in a shell. Pigment (which was

stored dry in paper or boxes) and powdered gum were mixed with a drop of purified

water using the ring finger. If the dried colour in the shell formed a shiny layer like oil



paint there was too much gum. If there was too little, the paint would powder off. If

the ratio was right, the paint would smear thinly on the smooth surfaces of the shell

and neither crack nor shine (and also made it easier to detect impurities as specks of

dust). Some effects and some pigments required more gum than usual. Indian lake

needed gum for its colour and ivory black was working better when gummed freshly

just before it was used for painting. In the case of the paint used for the lace, gum

was required for the shiny effect and the ‘impasto’ consistency. In all these cases it

was easy to use accidentally more gum than required. For this reason areas where

such paints were used (red background, eye centre, black costume, lace) show an

increased tendency for craquelure and for flaking.

fig.4 detail of the lace (~4mm), nicholas hilliard (v&a, p.3-1974) and a uv image

of nicholas hilliard’s wife alice, by nicholas hilliard, dia. 59mm, (v&a, p.154-

1910) the uv image shows the extend of loss in the area of the ruff and also the differences in the thickness of the white

paint layers

Due to their enormous historical and artistic value Hilliard’s limnings are treated by

conservators as sparsely and non-invasively as possible. They are rarely opened and

are usually not permitted to travel and further subjected to a strict lighting and dis-

play policy. The most common reason to open these early miniatures is their need

for consolidation. The fine craquelure and flaking of paint might be not obvious with

the naked eye but easily detected under the microscope. Flaking of the ead white,

in the thickly applied paint layers of the ruff and costume, is possibly the most seri-

ous deterioration phenomenon on Hilliard’s work and other limnings. The difference

in the thickness of the lead white paint layer in the face area (very thin) in the ruff

(very thick), (and losses of paint) can be clearly seen with x-ray spectroscopy and

with the help of UV examination (see figure 6).

Lead white purificationHilliard and other sources mention lead white and ceruse as prime pigments for

white paint. According to the most recent hypothesis, the difference in the colour

terms might refer to different stages of preparation or different grades of quality



5. Lead white was produced by suspending a coil

of lead in a glass or ceramic container above vin-

egar in a warm carbon dioxid rich environment

(recommended is a barrel with horse dung).

rather than different chemical compositions. Raman analysis on some of the most

prominent miniatures by Hilliard in the V&A unambiguously detected only lead white

(basic lead (II) carbonate – 2PbCO3.Pb(OH)

2) in all examined white areas (Derbyshire

1999). Interestingly there is only minor evidence for the blackening of lead white,

which is a more common phenomenon in later portrait miniatures, in particular of

the late 17th century. This is likely to be the result of careful preparation methods,

which are described in great detail in the treatises. As Hoskins says:

it will be no lost labour to be curious in this Colour, because it is the ground

& foundation of all your other works, for if this become faulty, all is lost &

cast away. The experience whereof does frequently appear in many excellent

peices, being heightned with white lead unprepared are spoild & the Colour

all rusty & dead (Hoskins MS Copy, NAL-R.C.A.20-995: 31).

Analysing these recipes, the limners seemed to have picked out the whitest flakes

from yet un-ground flake white from the outer crust of the lead coil 5. Like this they

were able to avoid contamination with pure lead splinters or yellow/grey rusty flakes

from the inside of the coil. These snow white flakes were ground and the hairs/dust

and water-soluble salts (as lead acetate) were washed away with distilled water (till

the water had no harsh taste anymore). The remaining product was dried in the sun

or a chalkstone slab. To achieve the powdery appearance of lead white paint, which

was required for the carnation – Hilliard had to remove the fine lead white particles

by washing. During this process the ground flake white pigment was stirred in dis-

tilled water, after a short while the floating fine particles were decanted in a sepa-

rate shell or container. (When dry these very fine particles were rapped in paper and

later mixed with gum for the glossy lace and pearls.) Than the mixture was stirred

again and after a shorter period the floating particles were decanted in a different

container. This middle portion was ideal for painting non-glossy areas. The bottom

layer of big heavy particles was ground again and the process repeated. This simple

method of particle separation was used for nearly all pigments as it is crucial to re-

move dust, the too fine particles and the too coarse ones.

Mineral bluesThe correct application and preparation of natural ultramarine pigment still largely

remains a mystery. There is no doubt anymore (due to analysis) that Hilliard used un-

adulterated mineral blues (made from lapis lazuli and azurite). His blue backgrounds

are surprisingly strong in colour and at the same time very fine and smooth. Limners

probably purchased blue pigments made of the best quality raw material. It is unlikely

that limners produced these pigments directly from the gemstones, as the prepara-

tion was a well kept secret and required probably large quantities of the raw mate-

rial (Hilliard mentions ultramarine from Venice and notes its enormous costs). Again

limners purified the pigment by removing very fine particles. This is of the greatest

importance as particles under 5 microns appear to be colourless and would settle

on the surface spoiling the blue colour underneath with a greenish or greyish cloud.



The second step was again to remove coarse particles, which would hinder a smooth

application and the final burnishing of the paint. This is a very narrow line. Approxi-

mate evaluation of the particle sizes of the blue pigments under high magnification

showed a minimum of 5 micons, an average of 10 microns and a maximum of about

25. How the blue has been laid down can best be learned from contemporary Indian

miniature painters or those miniature painters still working in the Islamic manuscript

tradition 6. However, as experienced by the author there is a great difference between

watching and doing it yourself. Even ignoring the lack of good quality pigment

and experience, it seemed to be generally a nerve-racking and difficult business.

fig.5 nicholas hilliard, elizabeth, c. 1600, oval, 64.5x49mm (v&a, p.1-1974). a

quantity of good quality azurite has been separated into various colour

shades and grain sizes by the method of ‘washing’. the shell in the middle is the one hilliard would have used (the

pigment is not too coarse, not too fine and has a good colour)

6. The following book is very much recommend-

ed. It shows amazing pictures from a traditional

Indian miniature workshop, The materials and

techniques are reminiscent to those described in

the treatises: Lazaro 2005.

7. Hoskins MS Copy, NAL-R.C.A.20-995, fol.35.

Black is not blackThe most satisfying was the reconstruction of black pigments. According to the

treatises some limners prepared black pigments themselves from the raw materi-

als. Only in this way could they ensure the quality and authenticity of their final

product. And limners were very specific what they wanted: namely cherrystone and

Ivory black. Cherrystones consist of very dense almost grain-less wood. During the

charring process organic materials keep their original shape – a nutshell, a plum

stone or a willow twig when charred would produce different pigments, of differ-

ent texture and shade. Cherrystones produce a black paint with very fine regular

particles, which is very nice to work with. The shade it produces is of a silvery grey/

black colour. Charring fruit stones turned out to be relatively easy. They were placed

in a metal container with a lose lid and placed in an ordinary burning wood stove.

Within a quarter of an hour, coloured flames escape the container and the process is

then finished. Charring is a reduction process – the less oxygen enters the container

the better. In the case of ivory the temperatures needed to be somewhat higher.

Hoskins says that the iron container needs to be of a dark red colour for about an

hour. According to Hoskins MS the container was fully packed with ivory splinters

and ‘luted’ (sealed) with a mixture of wet clay mixed with salt 7. (The salt probably

prevents sudden shrinkage of the clay. The woodstove was heated with coal to its

full temperature and the container left inside till the stove cooled down. All this is

described in some detail in the treatises. But every treatise seems to provide only a

tiny piece of information. The combination of all sources was needed to reproduce



the recipe in reality is a key for understanding what is meant. After this experience

there was little doubt that it was easy for the miniature painters to collect scraps of

broken ivory, combs, scrapings from sculptors etc and produce their own pigment

from scratch to achieve exactly the effects they wanted to. The amazing detail of

Hilliard’s costumes shows it was well worth the effort.

fig.6 detail of the black costume. nicholas hilliard. unknown lady, 1590-93, oval, 59x47mm (v&a, p.9-1947). ivory black after breaking the clay seal of the crucible used for reconstruction. paint made from the reconstructed ivory black seemed to flake in a similar way as the black paint in the miniature (lower edge) also did the paint an irregular shine similar to the one on this miniature

Summary

The research into 16th century limnings is far from being finished. It rather feels that

it has just been started. Further research for instance might include exploring the

link with earlier manuscript illumination (i.e. Ghent Bruges School). Reconstruction

provided a few new insights as well as many new questions. Which was surprising as

Hilliard’s technique was always thought to be well understood due to the abundance

of treatises based on it. However, today we know that not all of the information given

is necessarily correct. Also we became more aware that the appearance of artefacts

today is not necessarily the appearance intended by the artist. To study the artists

intentions, the cultural circumstances in which a work of art was produced and to

learn about the methods and techniques it was made with, greatly adds to the art

works’ value and appreciation. •

Acknowledgments

We greatly want to thank the large number of people investing time, sharing their

knowledge and resources in helping with the research and reconstruction work on

Hilliard’s materials and techniques: First of all the Royal College of Art and the V&A

Museum, which provided an amazing platform for the research, thanks to William Lindsay,

Nick Frayling and Katherine Coombs. We also want to thank Carmen Krisai-Chizzola,

Mike Wheeler, Dr. Georg Kremer (Kremer pigments), David Margulies, Anita Chowdry, Dr.

Spike Bucklow, Dr. Mark Clarke and the scientists: Dr. Robert Withnall, Dr. Lucia Burgio

and Dr. Vincent Daniels.



Bibliography

Auerbach, E.. 1961. Nicholas Hilliard. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

Browne, A.. 1679. Ars Pictora. London.

Derbyshire, A. and R. Withnall. 1999. ‘Pigment Analysis of Portrait Miniatures Using

Raman Microscopy.’ Journal of Raman Spectroscopy 30, 185-188.

Frayling, N.. 1998. ‘An exploration of the original appearance of Nicholas Hilliard’s portrait

miniatures using computer image manipulation.’ V&A Conservation Journal 28, July 1998, 4-6.

Lazaro, D. P.. 2005. Materials, Methods and Symbolism in the Pichhvai painting tradition

of Rajastan. Ahmedabad: Mapin Publishing.

Muller, J. M. and J. Murrell (1997) Edward Norgate, Miniatura or the Arte of Limning.

New Haven & London: Yale University Press.

Murrell, J.. 1983. The Way Howe to Lymne – Tudor Miniatures Observed. London: V&A

Publications. Peacham H.. 1622 The Compleat Gentleman. London.

Reynolds, Graham. 2006; The Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century Miniatures in the

Collection of Her Majesty The Queen, Royal Collection Publications Ltd.

Tallian, T.. 2007. Reconstruction of Nicholas Hilliard’s Materials and Techniques, a thesis

submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Royal College of Art fort the degree of

Master of Philosophy, May 2007, The Royal College of Art / Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

Thornton R. K. R. and T. G. S. Cain. 1992. The Arte of Limning by Edward Norgate.

Manchester: Carcanet Press.

Biographies

Timea Tallian studied art history and fine art before she joined the conservation course at

the Academy of fine Arts in Vienna (MA in 2003). Initially trained as paper conservator

she developed a strong interest for ethnographical objects, portrait miniatures and the

study of miniature painting techniques in general. In 2003 she embarked on a research

project, at the V&A/RCA postgraduate conservation course, focusing on the practical

reconstruction of Hilliard’s materials and techniques (Mphil 2007). After a year break,

working as conservation consultant in Bhutan, she is back in London, presently working

as a free lance conservator. Timea is affiliated with the Ethnographical Museum, Vienna

and the V&A Museum, London. Email:- [email protected]

Alan Derbyshire obtained a BSc in Physics fromU.M.I.S.T. in 1975 before going on to

study paper conservation at Gateshead Technical College. He is Head of Paper, Books and

Paintings Conservation at the Victoria and Albert Museum, where he has worked since

1983. For the last twenty years he has specialised in the conservation of portrait miniatures

on ivory and vellum. He has written, taught and lectured extensively on the conservation

of works of art on paper and on portrait miniatures. He is an accredited member of ICON.

Email: [email protected], Address: Paper Conservation, Victoria and Albert Museum,

London SW7 2RL, Telephone:- 0207 942 2113



Resumo

Guido di Pietro, mais conhecido por Fra Angelico ou Frei Giovanni de Fiesole (c. 1400-1455), foi um dos mais importantes artistas do séc. XV. Exceleu tanto em pintura mural e de cavalete como nas artes da iluminura. O seu talento foi celebra-do em 2007-08 no Museu de São Marco em Florença, por ocasião da exposição Fra Giovanni Angelico. Pittore miniatore o miniatore pittore, no âmbito da qual se levou a cabo um estudo comparativo dos materiais e técnicas que o artista utilizou na iluminura e na pintura sobre tábua. Este centrou-se nos materiais – pigmentos e corantes – utilizados por Angelico em manuscritos, em particular, numa das suas obras mais belas, que integra a colecção permanente do Museu: o Graduale n. 558. Tendo em conta que se tratam de obras em pergaminho, são de preferir métodos de análise que permitam uma identificação in situ. Para além disso, técnicas não invasivas são consideradas as mais adequadas, uma vez que é difícil recolher amos-tras ou micro-amostras. De facto, as camadas cromáticas são tipicamente muita finas quando comparadas com a pintura de cavalete. Acresce que, normalmente, as decorações cobrem áreas pequenas. Este artigo descreve o uso da fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias (XRF) em conjunto com a reflectografia de UV-VIS-NIR por fibra óptica (UV-Vis-NIR FORS), que foram seleccionadas de entre as possíveis técnicas não-invasivas e de aplicação in situ, para o estudo dos materiais utilizados no Graduale n. 558 de Beato Angelico. •

Abstract

Guido di Pietro, better known as Beato Angelico or Fra Giovanni da Fiesole (c. 1400-1455), was one of the most important artists of the 15th century. He excelled in wall- and panel-paintings as well as manuscripts and illuminations. His talent was celebrated in 2007-08 at the San Marco Museum in Florence with a special exhibi-tion Fra Giovanni Angelico. Pittore miniatore o miniatore pittore? in which the tech-nique and materials used by the artist in making manuscripts and panel paintings were investigated and compared between these two different forms of art. The focus of the study in the context of the exhibition was on the materials – pigments and dyes – used by Angelico to produce manuscripts and, in particular, one of his most beautiful pieces located in the permanent collection of the San Marco Museum: the Graduale n. 558. Due to the fragility of parchment-based artworks, the application of in situ non-invasive analytical techniques is strongly recommended for analyzing the materials used by artists in making the manuscripts. Moreover, non-invasive analytical methodologies are usually considered to be the most suitable techniques for the investigation of manuscripts since taking samples, or even micro-samples, from such delicate art objects is generally considered unacceptable. Indeed, the manuscript paint layers are typically very thin compared to those of wall and panel paintings. Also, painted decorations usually cover relatively small areas. This report illustrates the effective use of X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and ultraviolet, visible, and near infrared fiber optic reflectance spectroscopy (UV-Vis-NIR FORS), selected from the available in situ non-invasive techniques, to identify the materials used in mak-ing the Graduale n. 558 by Beato Angelico. •

palavras-chave

manuscritos iluminados fluorescência de raios-x dispersiva de energias (xrf)reflectografia de uv -vis-nir com fibra óptica (fors)fra angelicograduale n. 558

key-words

illuminated manuscriptsx-ray fluorescence (xrf)fiber optic reflectance spectroscopy (fors)beato angelicograduale n. 558


non-invasive xrf and uv-vis-nir reflectance spectroscopicanalysis of materials used by beato angelico in the manuscript graduale n. 558m. p icollo IFAC-CNR, Firenze (Italy)

a. aldrovandi Opificio delle Pietre Dure, Firenze (Italy)

a. migl iori Dipartimento di Fisica e INFN , Firenze

(Italy)

s . g iacomell i Società Internazionale per lo Studio del

Medioevo Latino, Firenze (Italy)

m. scudier i Museo di San Marco, Firenze (Italy)

Introduction

In the study of artworks the application of more than one analytical technique

permits one to better identify the materials and the techniques used by the art-

ists (Clarke 2001, Ricciardi et al. 2009). These techniques are grouped in two main

categories: non-invasive and invasive. Among the first group of techniques both

X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and optical fiber reflectance spectroscopy (FORS) provide

conservators and curators with useful information about works of art (Bacci et al.

2009, Dran et al. 2009). Their non-invasiveness enables these light and compact

devices to acquire a large amount of data in situ.

In some cases, it may be necessary to integrate the data obtained with some non-

invasive methods with other non-invasive or micro-invasive analytical techniques.

For example, FORS and XRF can also be very useful tools, in conjunction with other

techniques, for locating areas for micro-sampling and for extending local data from

micro-analyses to a broader scale, thus reducing the extent of micro-sampling. How-

ever, the small size of the illuminates and the presence of very fine details prohibit,

in most cases, the use of the precise analytical chemical methods typically used on

paintings, because of the sample size limitation.

In this case, XRF and ultraviolet (UV), visible (Vis), and near infrared (NIR) FORS

were selected from the available in situ non-invasive techniques and applied to iden-

n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t s


tify the materials used in making the Graduale n. 558 by Beato Angelico. Guido di

Pietro, better known as Beato Angelico or Fra Giovanni da Fiesole (c. 1400-1455),

was one of the most important artists of the 15th century. He excelled in wall – and

panel – paintings as well as manuscripts and illuminates. His talent was celebrated in

2007-08 at the San Marco Museum in Florence with a special exhibition Fra Giovanni

Angelico. Pittore miniatore o miniatore pittore? There, the technique and materials

used by the artist in making manuscripts and in making panel paintings were inves-

tigated and compared. The focus of the study, in the context of the exhibition, was

on the materials – pigments and dyes – used by Angelico to produce manuscripts

and, in particular, one of his most beautiful pieces of the permanent collection of

the San Marco Museum: the Graduale n. 558.

Methodology

The artworkThe Graduale n. 558 represents one of the most famous illuminate masterpieces of

Angelico’s young production and was made for the church of San Domenico in Fie-

sole where the artist lived at the beginning of his monastic life. Fra Angelico was a

versatile artist who excelled in the fresco, illuminate, and panel paintings techniques.

The Graduale n. 558 was probably made in two different periods: in 1424-1425 and

in 1428-1430. Consequently, the illustrations present some different stylistic char-

acteristics, which make it possible to group the miniatures in four groups by their

chromatic, stylistic, and decorative features. This choir book is constituted of 260

folios written in «Testualis» with text and music. These folios were bound together

probably when the Graduale was added in the Leopoldo II di Lorena Collection in

the 19th century. The illustrations are composed of 986 watermarked letters, 30

miniatures, and seven decorated letters.

Analytical techniquesFORS was performed using two spectroanalyzers: Zeiss model MSC501 and MCS511

NIR 1.7 operating in the 200-1700 nm range. The approximate spectral resolution

was less than 3 nm in the 200-1000 nm range (MCS501) and 10 nm in the 900-1700

nm range (MCS511 NIR 1.7). An internal tungsten lamp (Zeiss model CLH500) was

used for the final operative range (350-1700 nm). The sampled area was smaller than

the approximate 2 mm diameter, and the acquisition time for each spectrum was

less than one second. The spectrometers were calibrated using a white Spectralon®

99% reflectance standard. A 0°/45°/45° reflectance configuration was adopted to

avoid specular reflectance. The identification of the pigments was accomplished by

comparing the acquired unknown spectra with spectral databases (http://fors.ifac.

cnr.it). Assignments were made using both the primary and first derivative spectra.

Given the thinness of the paint layers and the presence of overtone bands in the NIR

associated with the vellum substrate, the assignment of peaks to pigments required


n o n - i n v a s i v e x r f a n d u v - v i s - n i r r e f l e c t a n c e s p e c t r o s c o p i c

particular care. The NIR region was, however, found to be particularly useful for the

identification of some pigments as well as gypsum.

XRF analyses were performed with an Assing LITHOS 3000 portable spectrometer

equipped with a molybdenum tube and a Peltier cooled Si-PIN detector with a sensi-

tive area of 7 mm2, thickness of 0.5 mm and a berillium (Be) window 12.5 μm thick.

The resolution was of approximately 165 eV at 5.9 keV. For the measurements on

the Graduale the X-ray tube voltage was 24 kV, the current was 300 μA, and the

acquisition time was 100 seconds (in case of intense X-ray counting rate the current

was reduced and the acquisition time was increased). Also, a 1 mm collimator was

used for an investigated area of approximately 2 mm in diameter.

The distance between the investigated area and the detector was about 2.8 cm. The

X-ray sending and collecting angles were approximately 45° and 50°, respectively.

Due to the intrinsic limitation of XRF, which does not yield results spatially resolved

in depth; and, in order to avoid confusing results, the areas for analysis were chosen,

whenever possible, so that no decoration was present in the corresponding area on

the verso of the manuscript leaf.

Results and discussion

On the Graduale approximately 130 FORS and 50 XRF spectra distributed on about

30 pages were acquired. Pigment identification was achieved by combining FORS

and XRF spectral data. From the XRF measurements the preparation of the parch-

ment was found to be made with calcium carbonate as calcium, with a small amount

of arsenic, were the only chemical elements recorded. However, the calcium element

could have been related to the presence of calcinated animal bones (Brunello 1975).

FORS measurements in the presently available operative range were not able to

better specify the materials used to prepare the parchment (Fig. 1). FORS data, on

fig.1 fors spectra of the parchment (dashed line) and of the gypsum with

iron oxide (hematite) in the preparatory layer for the application of the gold

leaves (f.33v)



the other hand, made it possible to exclude the use of calcium sulfate bi-hydrated

(gypsum) or calcium sulfate hemi-hydrated (plaster of Paris) in the ground layer

(Bacci et al. 2007). This information was also confirmed by XRF because no sulfur

was found in the preparation of the parchment. The gypsum was present only as a

preparatory layer for the application of the gold leaves (c.33v, c.86v, c.124r) in mix-

ture with iron oxide (hematite) based pigments (Fig. 1). In one case, XRF also found

the presence of mercury, together with iron, in the preparatory layer. This was due

to the presence of cinnabar, which gave a reddish tint to the layer. The gold leaves,

which were extensively used in the Graduale for background and aureole areas, were

made with pure gold. The XRF analysis did not show the presence of impurities such

as silver, tin, lead, or copper (c.9r, c.21r, Fig. 2).

fig.2 xrf spectrum of a gold leaf, made with pure gold. from the xrf data the goldleaves did not show the presence of impurities such as silver, tin, lead, or copper (f.9r)

As found by FORS spectra on about 30 different areas of the Graduale the painted

blue areas were made with ultramarine blue (lapis lazuli). Ultramarine blue was

also used in mixture with a red pigment, red lake mainly, at different concentra-

tions to depict violet-purple details (Figs. 3 and 4). Azurite was used only for the

watermarked letters. This second blue pigment was positively identified by the two

analytical techniques.

A copper based green pigment, such as malachite, mainly, created the green zones.

This pigment was used to depict both the cloths of the characters and the land-

scapes. Also, as illustrated by FORS measurements on 12 areas of the illuminated

manuscript, it was used to make frames and decorations surrounding the painted

scenes. Another green pigment, green earth, was only applied to paint complexion

(flesh tones) areas in mixture with lead white, iron oxide and hydroxide (yellow and

brown ochre or earth pigments) pigments, and cinnabar. In this Graduale the artist



fig.3 detail of the folium 33v with reported some xrf and fors measurement

fig.4 fors spectra from blue areas made with ultramarine blue (lapis lazuli). spectrum a from folium 33v; spectrum b from folium 60v; spectrum c from folium 93r

fig.5 xrf spectra of yellow and brown areas obtained by using lead-tin yellow

pigment (red curve, f. 93r), iron oxide and hydroxide pigments (sienna earth,

black curve, f. 21r), and orpiment (green curve, f. 60v)

did not use mixtures of blue (azurite, indigo, lapis lazuli) and yellow (lead-tin yel-

low, orpiment) pigments to produce green hues/shades. In one case only, the FORS

acquired spectrum resembled a mixture of ultramarine and lead-tin yellow pigments;

but here the yellow pigment was painted as a glaze on the blue sky.

The yellow and brown colors were obtained by using lead-tin yellow pigment for

lighter areas and iron oxide and hydroxide pigments for darker and less saturated

hues. The first pigment was identified by the presence of contemporary lead and

tin in the XRF spectra (Fig. 5) and from its reflectance spectral shape (FORS); the

second pigments showed typical FORS, in which the characteristic absorption bands



of trivalent iron are easily detected, and XRF spectra. In the case of XRF data, the

presence of iron is usually linked to manganese, which usually is related to the oc-

currence of Sienna and, more typically, of umber earths.

In the folium 60v the dark yellow mantle of San Peter was depicted using orpiment

(Fig. 6). This material was only identified in this area of the Graduale by the presence

of arsenic in XRF spectrum and by its FORS spectrum, even though the reflectance

spectra of most of the yellow pigments could be easily modified when mixed together

or with red pigments (Fig. 5).

The red areas were created primarily by use of cinnabar and red lakes. In certain

cases red lead (minium) was found, even if most of the time it was associated with

cinnabar (Fig. 7). Cinnabar is easily detected by XRF due to the presence of mercury

in the paint layer. This pigment was extensively used for the main scenes, the decora-

tions, and the watermarked letters. The red lake, instead, was mainly used to paint

the purple-violet glazes and to produce hues from pink to purple. This pigment is

not seen by XRF, and its identification by means of FORS is certain only when red

lakes are used as glaze on a light substrate or in a mixture with a white pigment,

such as lead white. To date, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, there have been

no systematic studies to determine how preparation, ageing, and type of lake affect

the reflectance spectra. Many of the absorption features can vary depending on the

preparation of the dye into a lake (Bacci et al. 2001) as well as the preparation of

the paint (Bisulca et al. 2008). In some cases characteristic features are less intense

fig.6 detail of the the folium 60v with the dark yellow mantle of san peter depicted using orpiment (xrf measurement n. 92)



or absent altogether, which can cause misleading results in interpretation of spectra.

While it is sometimes possible to distinguish between these dyes or to broadly classify

them as of animal or insect in origin, in the analysis of real paintings identification is

complicated by the presence of other pigments, the nature of their application, and

the effects of natural ageing. These factors can mask or alter characteristic features

in UV-Vis-NIR reflectance spectra (Fig. 8).

Finally, it was noteworthy to report that sometimes, such as in the folium 85v, the

ring shape bronze/light brown decorations of the letter were made by using mosaic

gold, a very fine powder made with tin and copper, as revealed by XRF (Fig. 9).fig.7 detail of the folium 13v where red lead (minium) and cinnabar were found

fig.8 fors spectra of red lead (solid line - a, f. 13v), cinnabar (dashed line – b, f. 13v), and red lake (dotted line – c, f. 93r)

fig.9 xrf spectrum from the ring shape bronze/light brown decorations of

the letter of folium 85v made by using mosaic gold, a very fine powder made

with tin and copper



Conclusion

The combination of high fidelity site-specific methods (FORS and XRF) proved to

be a useful tool for the examination of illuminates and miniatures artists’ materials,

as already found in easel and mural paintings. Expanding the FORS range of analy-

sis further into the infrared, improving the XRF procedure in the detection of light

chemical elements, and adding Raman spectroscopy to the list of applied techniques,

would make possible more precise descriptions of the characteristics of the materials

found in this kind of artworks, in particular when organic materials, such as binding

media, need to be identified. •

Bibliography

Bacci M., Orlando A., Picollo M., Radicati B., Lanterna G. 2000. Colour analysis of

historical red lakes using non-destructive reflectance spectroscopy. Compatible Materials

for the Protection of Cultural Heritage, in PACT 58, 21-35.

Bacci M., Magrini D., Picollo M., Radicati B., Trumpy G., Tsukada M., Kunzelman D. 2007.

Modern white pigments: their identification by means of non-invasive ultraviolet, visible

and infrared fiber optic reflectance spectroscopy in Proceedings of the Modern Paints

Uncovered Symposium, Tate modern, London, May 16-19, 2006. Editors T.J.S. Learner, P.

Smithen, J.W. Krueger, M. Schilling. The Getty Conservation Institute, Los Angeles, 118-128.

Bacci M., Boselli L., Picollo M., Radicati B. 2009. UV, VIS, NIR Fibre Optic Reflectance

Spectroscopy (FORS) in Practical handbook on diagnosis of paintings on movable

support, Editors D. Pinna, M. Galeotti, R. Mazzeo, European Project ARTECH, Centro

Di, Firenze, 197-200.

Bisulca C., Picollo M., Bacci M., Kunzelman D. 2008. UV-Vis-NIR reflectance spectroscopy

of red lakes in paintings in Proceedings of the 9th International Conference on Non-

destructive investigations and microanalysis for the diagnostics and conservation of

cultural and environmental heritage, Jerusalem, May 25-30, 2008.

Clarke, M. 2001. The analysis of medieval European manuscripts, Reviews in Conservation 2, 3-17.

Brunello F. 1975. De Arte Illuminandi, Neri Pozza Editore, Vicenza.

Dran J.-C-, Laval E. 2009. X-Ray Fluorescence (XRF) in Practical handbook on diagnosis

of paintings on movable support, Editors D. Pinna, M. Galeotti, R. Mazzeo, European

Project ARTECH, Centro Di, Firenze, 210-213.

Ricciardi P., Delaney J.K., Glinsman L., Thoury M., Facini M., de la Rie R. 2009. Use

of visible and infrared reflectance and luminescence imaging spectroscopy to study

illuminated manuscripts: pigment identification and visualization of underdrawings in

Optical Methods for Arts and Archaeology – Aug. 2009 Proc. SPIE Vol. 7391, R. Salimbeni,

L. Pezzati Eds.

http://fors.ifac.cnr.it. Fiber Optics Reflectance Spectra (FORS) of Pictorial Materials in

the 270-1700 nm range.



Biographies

Marcello Picollo, geologist, is a Researcher at the Institute of Applied Physics «Nello Carrara»

IFAC-CNR, Florence. He has been working on spectroscopic investigations of works of art

since 1991. His main focus is on pigment characterization using non-invasive spectroscopic,

imaging and X-ray techniques. Address: Institute of Applied Physics «Nello Carrara» IFAC-

CNR, Via Madonna del Piano 10, 50019 Sesto Fiorentino (Italy). E-mail: [email protected]

Alfredo Aldrovandi received his Master in Science in Physics at the University of Modena.

He has been working from 1983 at the Restoration Laboratories of the Opificio delle Pietre

Dure in Florence. His main focus is on the development and application of non-invasive

diagnostic investigation techniques on artworks. Address: Opificio delle Pietre Dure, Via

degli Alfani 78, 50121 Firenze, Italy. E-mail: [email protected]

Alessandro Migliori received his Master in Science in Physics in June 2001 and his

PhD in «Science for the Conservation of Cultural Heritage» in December 2004, both at

University of Florence. He is an expert in techniques for compositional analysis using

ion beams (Ion Beam Analysis techniques: PIXE, PIGE, RBS, NRA) and X-ray radiation

(XRF), mainly in the field of Cultural Heritage. He has worked at CMAM laboratory in

Madrid and Opificio delle Pietre Dure in Florence. Presently he is working as researcher

at LABEC laboratory of INFN-Florence. Address: Dipartimento di Fisica e INFN

(Florence), Via Sansone 1, 50019 Sesto Fiorentino, Italy. E-mail: [email protected]

Sara Giacomelli received her Master in Humanities in 2004 with a thesis on History of Ancient

Book Illumination. She received a post Master specialization in Art history in 2008 with a thesis

on techniques and pigments used in miniatures. She has worked at the Museum of San Marco

for the exhibitions «Miniatura in Umbria del Rinascimento. Suggerimenti per un percorso

artistico» (2004); «Fra Giovanni Angelico. Pittore miniatore o miniatore pittore?» (2007-2008);

«L’Angelico ritrovato. Studi e ricerche per la Pala di San Marco» (2008-2009); «Beato Angelico.

L’alba del Rinascimento» (2009). Her publications dealt with Umbrian and Florentine illumination

artworks. Address: Società Internazionale per lo Studio del Medioevo Latino (S.I.S.M.E.L.),

Certosa del Galluzzo, Via della Certosa 1, 50124 Firenze, Italy. E-mail: [email protected]

Magnolia Scudieri received her Master in Humanities specializing in Medieval and Modern

Art history. She is the Director of both the Museum of San Marco and the Conservation

Laboratories of Soprintendenza of the Florentine area. She is actively involved in encouraging

and initiating study and research to further the knowledge on the permanent collection

of the Museum of San Marco. She is responsible for creating proficient collaboration with

prominent institutes dedicated to the investigation of, in particular, the artistic production

of Beato Angelico and his followers. She has organized several exhibitions and published

works on this topic. Address: Museo di San Marco, Piazza San Marco, 50100 Firenze, Italy.

E-mail: [email protected]


a p r o t o c o l f o r n o n - i n v a s i v e a n a ly s i s o f m i n i a t u r e p a i n t i n g s

Resumo

A caracterização das paletas de cor utilizadas na iluminura medieval é tarefa impor-

tante de um ponto de vista histórico-artístico, mas árduo numa perspectiva cientí-

fica: é difícil recolher amostras, não é aconselhável utilizar técnicas que necessitem

de contacto (i.e., IR em modo de ATR) nem levar a cabo sessões de análise longas,

devido ao stress que se poderá causar aos manuscritos. Por estes motivos, é neces-

sário utilizar técnicas analíticas que sejam não-invasivas e rápidas; para além disso,

na maioria dos casos será necessário trabalhar in situ, utilizando instrumentação

transportável. De entre as técnicas possíveis, a espectroscopia de Raman será a

mais informativa, dado o seu potencial de diagnóstico; no entanto, requer tempos

de análise longos. A fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias (XRF) é uma al-

ternativa poderosa, mas sendo uma técnica de análise elementar, nalguns casos não

permite chegar a conclusões precisas. A espectroscopia de UV-VIS-NIR, em modo de

reflectância com fibra óptica (FORS), pode ser considerada uma técnica preliminar

promissora, mas apresenta algumas limitações óbvias.

Neste trabalho é proposto um protocolo de análise para a caracterização de ilumi-

nuras em manuscritos, de forma não-invasiva, utilizando equipamento transportável

e efectuando análises in situ. Este protocolo permite a identificação de colorantes

através da aplicação sucessiva de técnicas complementares, explorando as vanta-

gens de cada uma delas. Antes de mais, preparou-se uma paleta com os diversos

pigmentos que se sabe terem sido utilizados na Idade Média; prepararam-se tintas

à base de goma arábica e clara de ovo, seguindo receitas antigas descritas em tra-

tados medievais tais como De arte illuminandi by anonymous, Compositiones ad

tingenda musiva by anonymous and Il libro dell’arte by Cennino Cennini. Esta paleta

constitui-se como ponto de partida para a construção de uma base de dados para

a análise espectroscópica, reproduzindo cenários semelhantes aos encontrados nos

manuscritos. É assim importante enfatizar o facto dos espectros obtidos com esta

paleta serem mais fiáveis que os obtidos a partir do colorante em pó. O protocolo

começa com uma análise global levada a cabo com FORS, sendo adquiridos espectros

em todas as áreas pintadas do manuscrito e comparados com a base de dados. Isto

permite a identificação de cerca de 60-70% dos colorantes presentes. De seguida,

procede-se a uma inspecção visual das cores com uma câmara digital acoplada a um

microscópio 10-80x, por forma a obter boas imagens das áreas onde se obtiveram

espectros de FORS inconclusivos, i.e., misturas de pigmentos, cores degradadas, etc.

Após o que se conduzem as análises de XRF que permite caracterizar os pigmentos

metálicos (i.e., pigmentos à base de ouro, prata e cobre), verificar a presença de

camadas sobrepostas, identificar mordentes em corantes e lacas, e ainda identificar

eventuais produtos secundários que, por sua vez, fornecerão informação útil para

estudos de proveniência das matérias-primas. Nesta fase cerca de 90% dos colorantes

presentes estarão identificados. Finalmente a espectroscopia de Raman será aplicada

a casos que ainda levantem dúvidas. Após a aplicação destas técnicas obtém-se muita

informação, causando pouco ou nenhum stress aos manuscritos analisados. •

palavras-chave

in situforsramanxrfiluminuras



Abstract

The characterisation of palettes used in medieval manuscript illumination is an im-

portant task from the historical-artistic point of view, but a hard one from the scien-

tific point of view: miniatures cannot be sampled, it is unsuitable to use techniques

operating in contact (e.g. IR in ATR mode) and to perform long-lasting analytical

sessions, due to the stress that can be imparted to manuscripts. For these reasons

it is necessary to use analytical techniques both non-invasive and fast; moreover,

in most of cases it is necessary to work in situ with portable instruments Among

available techniques working in portable versions, Raman spectroscopy is the most

informative, due to its diagnostic power; it requires, though, long time of analysis.

XRF spectrometry is a powerful alternative but, being an elemental technique, in

some cases it does not yield accurate results. UV-visible-NIR spectrophotometry in

reflectance mode with fibre optics (FORS) can be promising as preliminary technique

with some apparent limits.

In this work a protocol of analysis is proposed for characterisation of miniature

paintings on manuscripts in non-invasive way, using only portable techniques and

performing in situ analysis. The protocol allows identification of colorants by suc-

cessive application of complementary techniques, exploiting the advantages of each

technique. First of all a palette with several pigments, dyes and lakes on parchment

has been prepared with colorants that were in use in Middle Ages; paints have been

prepared in gum Arabic and in egg white, according to ancient recipes described in

medieval textbooks such as De arte illuminandi by anonymous, Compositiones ad

tingenda musiva by anonymous and Il libro dell’arte by Cennino Cennini. This pal-

ette is the base on which to build a database of spectroscopic analysis, reproducing

a situation similar to the one present on manuscripts. It is important, therefore, to

stress the fact that spectra collected from this palette are more reliable than spectra

obtained from analysis of colorants in powder. The protocol is started with an overall

investigation with FORS, collecting spectra from all painted areas of the manuscript

and comparing them with the database. This allows to identify almost 60-70 % of

the colorants present. Then visual inspection of the paintings is performed with a

digital camera connected with a 10-80x microscope, in order to have a clear image

of areas that show uncertain FORS spectra, i.e. mixtures of pigments, altered paints,

etc. Then XRF spectrometry is performed in order to characterise metal pigments

(i.e. gold, silver and copper pigments), to verify the presence of overlapping layers,

to identify mordants for dyes and lakes and to identify contaminants in pigments

yielding information useful to study the provenance of raw materials for colorants.

At this stage almost 90% of colorants can be identified. Finally Raman spectroscopy

is used for the most uncertain cases. After application of these techniques a wealth

of information is obtained, causing little or no stress at all to the manuscripts under

analysis. •

key-words

non invasiveforsramanxrfminiatures


a protocol for non-invasive analysis of miniature paintingsmauriz io aceto Department of Environmental and Life

Sciences, University of Eastern Piedmont

(Italy); Centro Interdisciplinare per lo

Studio e la Conservazione dei Beni Culturali

(CenISCo), Università del Piemonte

Orientale (Italy)

angelo agost ino Department of General Chemistry and

Organic Chemistry, University of Turin,

Italy; NIS (Nanostructured Interfaces and

Surfaces) (Italy)

monica gulmini

eleonora pell izz i

valentina b ianco Department of Analytical Chemistry,

University of Turin (Italy)

Introduction

The characterization of palettes used in miniature painting is an important task as

a great amount of information can be obtained at the disposal of art historians. It

is, though, a hard task since miniatures are among the most precious and fragile

artworks. Many problematic aspects must be considered:

– sampling from miniatures is usually not allowed by owners and institutions,

so that only in situ analysis can be performed;

– it is not possible to use analytical techniques working at contact with the

sample, such as ATR-IR;

– while performing analysis sessions, prolonged opening of manuscripts can

cause stress to painting layers and to parchment itself, so that after few

hours sessions must be closed.

Due to these drawbacks, it is clear that only portable, non invasive and fast analyti-

cal techniques must be used.

Another important consideration is the following: no analytical technique, when

used alone, can yield all information needed to characterize palettes. Several as-

pects support this statement. Information must be gained either on macroscopic

scale (1-3 mm spot) to identify the main components, and on microscopic scale

(0.1 - 0.001 mm) to identify single components in a mixture. Mixtures can be apparent

(brown ➮red + black; pink ➮ red + white; grey ➮ white + black) or less evident

(green ➮ blue + yellow; purple ➮ red + blue). Illuminators used sometimes a mixture

of indigo and orpiment called vergaut or vergant, to obtain a green hue.

Secondly, information must be gained either with surface techniques and with in-

depth techniques. Surface techniques (such as Raman spectroscopy) allow identifica-

tion of colorants in the last pictorial layer, of varnishes and protective layers and of



alteration compounds, while in-depth techniques (such as XRF) allow identification

of underlying pictorial layers, information on preparation layers and on grounds.

This can be seen from the following example. In the miniature shown in fig.1, taken

from a XV century Book of hours by Antoine de Lonhy, held in the Museo Civico di

Arte Antica in Turin (Italy), the Virgin’s robe is painted in blue. XRF analysis on the

blue area shows the presence of copper, suggesting the use of azurite; Raman and

FORS analysis, though, both show the presence of ultramarine blue in the surface

layer, so that we can hypothesize that the author used the layering technique, that

is the superimposition of different pigments (Aceto et al. 2008).

fig.1 complementary analysis on the virgin’s robe from a xv century miniature

In the analysis of manuscripts, among the techniques available in portable version

Raman spectroscopy is with no doubt the one with the best diagnostic power (Ac-

eto et al. 2006; Bersani et al. 2006). It requests, though, lengthy times of analysis.

XRF spectrometry has a good diagnostic power (Bruni et al. 2008) but results are

sometimes not conclusive, due to the fact that it is an elemental technique; moreover

it cannot be used to identify organic compounds. IR spectrophotometry (Bruni et

al. 1999) and X-ray Diffraction spectrometry (Duran et al. 2009), though available

in portable version, are at present still difficult to be used in situ as self-consistant

techniques. A good alternative to these powerful but sophisticated techniques is

UV-visible diffuse reflectance spectrophotometry, whose acronym is FORS when it is

used with fiber optics (Bacci et al. 1997, 28; Bacci 2000). This technique is easy to

use, it requests short analysis times and it can be used in all geometrical situations.



Truly portable instruments are available on the market. Its major drawback is that

results are hard to interpret in case of mixtures and when varnishes or patinas are

present, being a surface technique. Moreover, due to the present performances of

probes, it is not fit to analyze short painted areas (< 3 mm). It must be considered,

though, that in miniature painting the range of colorants is usually narrow and known

according to age and geographic zone, and that usually varnishes are not present.

The range of information available from the cited techniques is the following:

– Raman and IR can yield information on compounds present, such as color-

ants, ligands and varnishes;

– UV-Visible FORS can yield information on compounds present in the sur-

face layer;

– XRF can yield information on elements present in colorants as key-elements,

in order to identify the colorants, and as impurities, in order to have informa-

tion on the origin orf raw materials.

To resume, it is clear the need to operate with more techniques, due to fact that

these must be non invasive and portable, fast and with minimal impact on the

object being examined, to be executed on macro and micro scale, on surface and

in-depth. As said before, no analytical technique can fulfill all these requirements

when used alone.

Analytical protocolIn order to address these issues, we propose the development of an analytical pro-

tocol to optimize the number and type of analysis needed in the characterization of

miniature paintings. The protocol is composed by the following steps.

– preliminary analysis with UV-visible FORS

– chemometric treatment of spectral data

– visual inspection with digital camera

– XRF analysis

– Raman analysis

As it is obvious, the application of the protocol must be preceded by a proper knowl-

edge of bibliographic sources, in order to build spectral databases in proper condi-

tions. This is because it is much better to compare analytical results from unknown

samples with analytical standards prepared in similar conditions. A palette of color-

ants on parchment was therefore prepared, choosing colorants among those used

by medieval artists and following recipes of medieval technical treatises such as De

Arte Illuminandi (Brunello 1971a), Compositiones ad tingenda musiva also known

as Manoscritto di Lucca (Caffaro 2000) and Il libro dell’arte (Brunello 1971b). To

simulate the painting techniques used by ancient illuminators, paints were prepared

either in egg tempera and in gum Arabic. In fig.2 the resulting palette on parch-

ment is shown.



1st stageIn the preliminary stage, FORS analysis is executed on all painted areas of a manu-

script (fig.3). Identification of colored colorants (i.e. all but black, white and grey)

is performed according to their spectral features: reflectance or absorbance maxima

for blue, green and purple colorants, inflexion points for yellow, red and orange

colorants (fig.4).

fig.2 the complete palette of colorants on parchment

2nd stageMultivariate analysis is performed on FORS spectra in order to identify painted areas

obtained with similar pigments. Among unsupervised pattern recognition techniques,

Hierarchical Cluster Analysis (HCA) or Principal Components Analysis (PCA) can be

used. Upon classification of FORS spectra into different classes, identification per-

formed on a single painted area can be extended to all items, i.e. all painted areas

belonging to the same class. It must be noted that classification must be performed

fig.3 analysis of miniatures by fors fig.4 spectral features in the fors spectrum



separately on painted areas of a single hue: if all hues were classified simultane-

ously, the differences among hues would be stronger than the differences among

pigments of the similar hue.

In fig.5 a dendrogram is shown resulting from cluster analysis on blue painted areas

taken from a XII century Italian manuscript: painted areas are clearly grouped into

three classes, respectively made of azurite, indigo and ultramarine blue. In fig.6 a

similar result is obtained by red painted areas from a XV century Italian manuscript:

again, it is apparent the classification in distinct groups, in this case made of minium

and cinnabar.

fig.5 dendrogram from cluster analysis on blue painted areas from xii century italian manuscript

fig.6 dendrogram from cluster analysis on red painted areas from a xv century italian manuscript

3rd stageAfter performing FORS analysis, it is useful to carry out a visual inspection of

painted areas in order to better understand the result of FORS analysis. This can

be made through a digital camera connected with a zoom lens (in the present case

a 10x-80x zoom, fig.7), in order to have a look under the microscopic scale. Visual

inspection can yield useful information concerning the identification of mixtures,

which can help tuning the interpretation of FORS spectra; moreover identifica-

tion of altered areas and of particular features can be obtained. In the following

figures some examples are shown, taken from inspection on a XII century Italian

manuscript called Liber Evangeliorum, held in the Archive and Chapter Library of

Vercelli (Italy).fig.7 visual inspection on a manuscript with a digital camera and a zoom lens



In fig.8 a blue initial is shown. The corresponding FORS spectrum, shown in

fig.9, suggests the presence of azurite but we must note that the reflectance

maximum is red-shifted. An image at 80x magnification (fig.10) allows to clarify

this behavior: little red particles, later identified as made of cinnabar, are present

that cause the red shift in the spectrum; as a consequence we must think that

the blue initial was painted with a mixture of azurite and cinnabar, possibly due

to a dirty brush.

In fig.11 the miniature shows the Virgin’s and Saint John’s robes painted in a very

weak blue hue. The image at 80x magnification (fig.12) put into evidence that

residual particles of ultramarine blue are present: most probably both robes were

painted in blue but the painted areas were later subjected to a phenomenon known

as ultramarine sickness, in which ultramarine looses its color as a consequence of

interaction with acidic agents.

fig.8 a blue initial from a xii century italian manuscriptfig.9 fors spectra of the blue initial (blue line) and of a standard of azurite (black line)

fig.11 a highly degraded miniature from a xii century italian manuscriptfig.12 magnified image (80x) of the blue paint on the virgin’s robe

fig.10 magnified image (80x) of the blue initial



In fig.13 it is possible, at high magnification, to see the preparation layer underly-

ing a gold foil and to hypothesize that the preparation be of the flat gilding type,

that is with glue.

In fig.14 another gilding shows the presence of gold and silver foils overlapped (the

so-called oro di mistà).

Finally, in fig.15 a translucent layer of iron-rich paint is shown, which was later

identified as iron-gall ink used as pigment.

fig.13 magnified image (80x) of a gilding fig.14 magnified image (80x) of a oro di mistà gilding

fig.13 magnified image (80x) of a paint made from iron-gall ink

4th stageAfter FORS analysis, identification of colorants is followed by XRF analysis (fig.16).

Application of XRF is mandatory to address the following issues that cannot be ful-

filled by other techniques:

– characterization of metal pigments such as gold, silver, tin, etc. either in foil

or in powder form;

– characterization of uncolored colorants, i.e. white, black and grey pigments

that cannot be identified by FORS;

– identification of overlapping layers;

– identification of mordants used with dyes and lakes;

– identification of impurities in pigments, useful to yield information on the

provenance of raw materials.

The last issue is exemplified in fig.17 which shows the relationship among copper and

barium as determined by XRF on blue painted areas laid with azurite on a XV century

Italian manuscript. It is apparent the good correlation among copper (chromophore

in azurite) and barium (impurity in azurite). Same result is obtained for copper and

zinc in green areas laid with malachite. These results suggest a link among the pig-

ments and the minerals from which they were obtained: if large enough information

is available, the geographical origin of the minerals used can be determined.fig.17 relationship among copper and barium in blue paints

fig.16 analysis of miniatures by xrf spectrometry



5th stageAt this stage almost 80-90% of the colorants is already identified. Raman analysis

(fig.18), which is together the most sophisticated and the most cumbersome of the

cited techniques, can be used as far as uncertain cases are left and to confirm previ-

ous identifications. Its spatial resolution helps in fine-tuning identification.

Finally, to illustrate the application of the proposed protocol, results from char-

acterization of the palette of a manuscript are described. The manuscript is the

already cited Book of hours by Antoine de Lonhy, held in the Museo Civico di Arte

Antica in Turin (Italy) and dating to the XV century. The whole palette is reported

in tab.1.

Hue Colorant FORS XRF Raman

White lead white n.i. Pb X

Blue ultramarine blue on azurite X Cu X

azurite X Cu, Ba X

phtalocyanine blue X Cu, Ti X

Yellow gold foil n.i. Au n.i.

shell gold n.i. Au n.i.

mosaic gold n.i. Sn, S X

lead-tin yellow type I X Pb, Sn X

Grey gold on silver n.i. Ag, Au n.i.

Black carbon n.i. n.i. X

Red cinnabar X Hg, S X

minium X Pb X

Green malachite X Cu, Zn X

Violet lake (kermes?) with lead white n.i. Pb n.i.

table 1 palette of the book of hours by antoine de lonhy (xv century). x = colorant identified by the technique; n.i. = colorant not identified by the technique

In fig.19 a miniature taken from the Book of hours shows the presence of four dif-

ferent yellow pigments used by the author in order to obtain different effects. Iden-

tification was possible only by complementary application of analytical techniques,

following the protocol described.

The miniature in fig.20 shows a peculiar feature. Again, the application of the pro-

tocol allowed to put into evidence a later retouch in the background sky, in which

the original paint in ultramarine blue was reinforced with phtalocyanine blue laid

on titanium white, an intervention made later than 1935 when phtalocyanines were

patented. •

fig.18 analysis of miniatures by raman spctroscopy



fig.19 yellow pigments identified on a xv century miniature

fig.20 original and later added blue pigments on a xv century miniature



Bibliography

Aceto, M., Agostino, A., Boccaleri, E., Crivello, F., Cerutti Garlanda, A. 2006. Evidence for

the degradation of an alloy pigment on an ancient Italian manuscript. Journal of Raman

Spectroscopy, vol. 37: 1160-1170.

Aceto, M. Agostino, A., Gulmini, M., Pellizzi, E., Castronovo, S. 2008. Reconstructing

the palette used in a fifteenth century manuscript illuminated by Antoine de Lonhy.

Porceedings of the 37th International Symposium on Archaeometry, Siena, 12-16 Maggio

2008.

Bacci, M., Picollo, M., Porcinai, S., Radicati, B. 1997, Non destructive spectrophotometry

and colour measurements applied to the study of works of art. Techne, vol. 5: 28-33.

Bacci, M. 2000. UV-VIS-NIR, FT-IR and FORS spectroscopies. In: E. Ciliberto, G. Spoto

eds., Modern Analytical Methods in Art and Archaeology, Chemical Analysis Series, vol.

155: 321-361. New York: John Wiley & Sons Inc.

Bersani, D., Lottici, P.P., Vignali, F., Zanichelli, G. 2006. A study of medieval illuminated

manuscripts by means of portable Raman equipments. Journal of Raman Spectroscopy,

vol. 37: 1012-1018.

Brunello, F. 1971a. De arte illuminandi. Vicenza: Neri Pozza.

Brunello, F. 1971b. Il libro dell’arte. Vicenza: Neri Pozza.

Bruni, S., Cariati, F., Casadio, F., Toniolo, L. 1999. Identification of pigments on a XV

century illuminated parchment by Raman and FTIR microspectroscopies. Spectrochimica

Acta Part A, vol. 55: 1371-1377.

Bruni, S., Caglio, S., Guglielmi, V., Poldi, G. 2008. The joined use of n.i. spectroscopic

analyses – FTIR, Raman, visible reflectance spectrometry and EDXRF – to study drawings

and illuminated manuscripts. Applied Physics A, vol. 92: 103-108.

Caffaro, A. 2000. Scrivere in oro. Salerno: Palladio.

Duran, A., Perez-Rodriguez, J. L., Espejo, T., Franquelo, M. L., Castaing, J., Walter, P.

2009. Characterization of illuminated manuscripts by laboratory-made portable XRD and

micro-XRD systems. Analytical and Bioanalytical Chemistry, vol. 395: 1997-2004.



Biographies

Maurizio Aceto graduated in Chemistry (University of Turin, Italy) and obtained a

PhD in Chemical Sciences (University of Turin, Italy), His research interests concern

characterisation of colorants of pictorial artworks with non-destructive and non-

invasive spectroscopic techniques. Currently he is research associate at the Department

of Environmental and Life Sciences, University of Eastern Piedmont, Italy; he is also a

member of Centro Interdisciplinare per lo Studio e la Conservazione dei Beni Culturali

(CenISCo), University of Eastern Piedmont, sede of Vercelli. Address: Department of

Environmental and Life Sciences, University of Eastern Piedmont, via T. Michel, 11 –

15100 Alessandria, Italy. Tel.: +39 0131 360265; Fax: +39 0131 360250; E-mail: maurizio.

[email protected].

Angelo Agostino graduated in Chemistry (University of Turin, Italy) and obtained a PhD

in Chemical Sciencs (University of Turin, Italy), His research interests concern application

of X-ray spectroscopic techniques to the characterisation of materials of artistic-

archaeological interest. Currently he is technician at the Department of General and

Applied Organic Chemistry, University of Turin; he is also a member of Centro di Eccellenza

NIS (Nanostructured Interfaces and Surfaces), University of Turin. Address: Department

of General and Applied Organic Chemistry, University of Turin, c.so M. d’Azeglio, 48

– 10125 Turin, Italy. Tel.: +39 011 6707585; Fax: +39 011 6707585; E-mail: angelo.

[email protected].

Monica Gulmini graduated in Chemistry (University of Turin, Italy) and obtained a

PhD in Chemical Sciences (University of Turin, Italy). His research interests concern

characterisation of glasses, ceramics and pictorial artworks with spectroscopic techniques.

Currently she is research associate at the Department of Analytical Chemistry, University

of Turin. Address: Department of Analytical Chemistry, University of Turin, via P. Giuria,

5 – 10125 Turin, Italy. Tel.: +39 011 6707618; Fax: +39 011 6707615; E-mail: monica.

[email protected].

Valentina Bianco graduated in graduated in Sciences and Technologies for the Cultural

Heritage (University of Turin, Italy). Address: Department of Analytical Chemistry,

University of Turin, via P. Giuria, 5 – 10125 Turin, Italy.

Eleonora Pellizzi graduated in graduated in Sciences and Technologies for the Cultural

Heritage (University of Turin, Italy). Address: Centre de Recherche sur la Conservation

des Collections, Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle, 36 rue Saint Hilaire – 75005

Paris, France.



Resumo

A fluorescência de raios-X por radiação de sincrotrão é uma técnica eficaz de análise

elementar, in situ e não-invasiva. O uso de novos detectores permite operar com

fluxos elevados sem perca de resolução. Apresentamos um estudo onde a SR-XRF

é utilizada, com um sensor CCD (thick fully-depleted), no estudo dos pigmentos

utilizados numa iluminura de um manuscrito produzido no círculo de Fra Angelico,

em torno a 1450. Os dados obtidos são utilizados conjuntamente com a análise es-

tilística e a pesquisa em arquivos para a interpretação do processo de decoração de

manuscritos no séc. XV em Florença. •

Abstract

Synchrotron-radiation induced X-ray fluorescence is an effective technique for non-

invasive, in-situ, elemental analysis. The use of new detectors enables operation at

large fluxes without loss of resolution. We present a case-study application of SR-XRF

with a thick, fully-depleted CCD sensor to the analysis of the pigments on the illumi-

nation of a manuscript decorated in the circle of Fra Angelico around 1450. Physical

data are integrated with stylistic analysis and archive research in the interpretation

of the process of manuscript decoration in XV century Florence. •

palavras-chave

sincrotrãofluorescência de raios-xdispersiva de energiasiluminurasfra angelico

key-words

synchrotronx-ray fluorescencemanuscript illuminationsfra angelico


the application of sr-xrf to the analysis of manuscript illuminationa case study 1

marco battagl ia University of California at Santa Cruz and

Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, CA

(USA)

laura al idori battagl ia University of California at Santa Cruz, CA

(USA)

richard celestre

peter denes

dionis io doering

tae sung k im

sarah zalusky

Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory,

Berkeley, CA (USA)

Introduction

The use of synchrotron radiation induced X-ray fluorescence (SR-XRF) is well suited

for the elemental analysis of pigments in artworks since the analysis is fast and

non-destructive, the beam can be made monochromatic and its energy changed to

fit the analysis requirements. The small spot size probes tiny regions and disentan-

gles individual pigments and small pitch scans can be performed to acquire detailed

pigment maps.

XRF 2 and PIXE 3 analyses have already provided us with fundamental data for the

study of the pigments used in the decoration of Medieval and Renaissance manu-

scripts. Here we discuss pigment analysis by SR-XRF to clarify the methods of work

and sharing of responsibilities among artists of the circle of Fra Angelico in mid-XV

century Florence. This case study is based on the analysis of the illuminated opening

page of a manuscript decorated by Battista di Biagio Sanguigni and another artist,

around 1450. The physical data are integrated with stylistic analysis and archive re-

search in the interpretation of manuscript illumination. This analysis introduces also a

novel detector for XRF. We employ a thick, high-resistivity, front-illuminated Charge

Coupled Device (CCD). CCD sensors offer several advantages over a conventional

Si(Li) detectors. Their active surface is large and the high pixellisation allows us to

operate with large X-ray fluxes without pile-up effects.

This paper is organized as follows. First we discuss some aspects of the organisa-

tion of manuscript decoration in Florence around 1450 as it emerges from archival

sources. Then we present the manuscript under study, the experimental set-up and

the CCD performance. Finally we discuss the results of the analysis of the red pig-

ment composition, in areas which appear to be due to different artists, and of the

1. In this article LAB has been responsible for the

sections on art history and archive research, the

other authors for the XRF analysis.

2. M Picollo et al., these proceedings and refer-

ences therein.

3. M Bernasconi et al., Analyse des couleurs dans

un groupe de manuscrits enlumines du XII au

XV siècle avec l’emploi de la technique PIXE, in

Ancient and Medieval Book Materials and Tech-

niques, Citta’ del Vaticano, 1993, pp. 57-101.



4. LB Kanter, Zanobi Strozzi miniatore and

Battista di Biagio Sanguigni, Arte Cristiana, 90

(2002), pp. 321-331.

5. ASF, Conv. Soppr. 234, San Gaggio, n. 77, c.

13v (1432): note of a credit with the monastery

of San Gaggio: «Batista miniatore dee avere per

insino a di’ primo di novembre 1432 per minia-

ture d’uno ynnario grande notato e per miniature

in uno salterio grande da coro e per miniature

negli antifonari nuovi»; ibid. n. 78, c. 35r (1435)

«Batista di … miniatore de avere a di’ 14 ottobre

(1435) lb. 33 s. 14 d. 2 per resto di sua ragione

per i libri miniati al munistero …»; ASF, Catasto

1433, vol. 482, c. 264r (1433): note of a credit

with Bardo de’ Bardi «per un libricciuolo gli fe’»;

published in W Cohn, Il Beato Angelico e Battista

di Biagio Sanguigni. Nuovi documenti, Rivista

d’arte, 30 (1955), pp. 207-216, in particular pp.

213, 215-216.

6. As it is well known, it was Battista di Biagio who

introduced Guido di Pietro (Fra Angelico) to the

Compagnia di San Niccolo’ di Bari in 1417 (ASF,

Compagnie Soppresse, vol 1549: Compagnia di

San Niccolo’ di Bari in Santa Maria del Carmine,

Elenco dei Confratelli c-c 17, n. 410 e a-c 18, n.

507) and lived near his house in S. Michele Vis-

domini. He later shared a house, located near San

Domenico in Fiesole where Guido di Pietro moved

after joining the Dominican order, with Zanobi

Strozzi from around 1430 until 1438; Cohn 1955.

7. A Dillon Bussi, Zanobi Strozzi istoriatore e non

miniatore (Indagine nel mondo della miniatura

muovendo dai quattro piu’ importanti corali

quattrocenteschi fiorentini), Rara Volumina, 13

(2006), 1, pp. 15-25.

8. A Dillon Bussi, Una «glorificazione di San Pan-

crazio» di Zanobi Strozzi, Paragone Arte, Anno

57, n. 69 (2006), pp 3-19.

9. ASF, Corporazioni Religiosi Soppresse dal

Governo Francese 88, San Pancrazio, vol. 63, c.

34r, published in M Levi d’Ancona, Miniatura e

Miniatori a Firenze dal XIV al XVI secolo, Firenze,

Olschki, 1962, p 107: «nel qual libro abbiavamo

speso insino nel 1437 in fare fare le figure del

minio della messa di san pancratio e piu’ altri

fogliami ed adorneza di detto minio. Il quale fece

rendering of the «incarnato», comparing it with that by other artists active in Flor-

ence in the same decade.

«Ad faciendum storias» and «ad miniandum»: the Sharing of Illumination Roles and the circle of Fra Angelico

Fra Angelico and the artists of his immediate circle enjoy a privileged role in the

landscape of manuscript decoration in XV century Florence, as they were responsible

for some of the most prestigious cycles of service books. This small group of artists

included Zanobi Strozzi and Battista di Biagio Sanguigni and they all worked both

as panel painters and as illuminators, at least according to the recent identification

of the so-called Maestro del 1419 with Battista di Biagio 4. The profile of Battista di

Biagio as illuminator, which still needs to be studied in detail, can be reconstructed

from few documented commissions from the 1430s 5. The choirbooks for San Gaggio,

now at San Marco, are the centerpiece for the identification of his style. Starting from

these works, a large corpus of illuminations has been assembled. Battista di Biagio

emerges as one of leading illuminators in Florence in the second quarter of the XV

century and his relationship to Fra Angelico and the other artists of his immediate

circle appears of special importance. Not only did he collaborate with Fra Angelico

and Zanobi Strozzi to the decoration of manuscripts, but he also developed close

personal relations to these artists 6. The analysis of documented commissions of

manuscript decoration by these artists has clarified the difference of roles between

«istoriatore» and «miniatore», as it has recently been pointed out 7. Three examples

are particularly pointing. The first is the 1437 commission for an illumination for the

monastery of San Pancrazio 8 to Zanobi Strozzi and Filippo di Matteo Torelli 9. The

second is the 1445 commission for the decoration of the antiphonaries of Santa

Maria del Fiore 10 to Zanobi Strozzi, Filippo di Matteo Torelli, Battista di Niccolo’ da

Padova and a not yet identified Bartolomeo 11. Finally, the «Libro delle Ricordanze

del Convento di San Marco, A» relates us details of the making of the choirbooks for

the Dominican foundation by Zanobi Strozzi and other artists from 1446 to 1454 12.

In all these documents the sharing of roles is clearly defined. Specific artists are

named as responsible for the «figure» in the main scene, or «storia», and others for

the leafy marginal decoration, «fogliami e oro e altri adornamenti». These roles are

generally respected: Filippo di Matteo Torelli is attributed almost exclusively the

role of «miniatore», while Zanobi Strozzi is documented to work on the same leaves

as «istoriatore». In at least one instance the exchange of leaves from one artist to

the next during the decoration process is documented 13. We know from stylistics

analysis that Battista di Biagio was similarly active as «miniatore», responsible for the

marginal decoration and the body of the letters, in the majority of the manuscripts

for which Fra Angelico painted the historiated initials 14. This collaboration may date


t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f s r -x r f t o t h e a n a ly s i s o f m a n u s c r i p t i l l u m i n a t i o n

Zanobi degli Strozi cioe’ le figure et il resto Pippo

di Matteo che dacordo ebbono insino a di’ 17 di

maggio 1437 L.20 s.-».

10. Mss. Edili 148-151 in the Biblioteca Medi-

cea Laurenziana, see I libri del Duomo di Firenze:

codici liturgici e biblioteca di Santa Maria del

Fiore (secoli XI-XVI), L Fabbri and M Tacconi

(eds.), Firenze 1997, pp. 79-96 (Dillon Bussi)

and pp. 217-224 (Tacconi).

11. Archivio Opera del Duomo, I-1-4, c. 41t , 54

published in G Poggi, Il Duomo di Firenze, vol. II

(1988), p 39, n.1630: «Nobiles viri … operarii an-

tedicti omni modo etc. locaverunt Zanobio Ben-

edicti Carocii de Strozis ad faciendum storias de

uno ex antifanariis locatis ad scribendum Goro,

pro pretio, et remuneratione alias fiendis. Item lo-

caverunt magistro Batiste…ad faciendum storias

in alio antifanario predicto pro pretio alias fiendo.

Item locaverunt ad miniandum unum de dictis

antifanariis Filippo Mathei Torelli, miniatori, pretii

(sic) alias fiendo. Item locaverunt ad miniandum

alium antifanarium Bartolomeo minatori…».

12. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Libro delle

Ricordanze di San Marco «A», San Marco 902, f

26v: «Ricordo come Zenobio degli Strozzi mini-

ature à auto da me frate costantino [da Nocera]

de san marcho per storie fan el primo graduale

delle feste florin dodici in duo partite» and fol-

lowing entries published in S Orlandi, Beato An-

gelico, Firenze, 1964, pp 116-117 and 194-195.

13. On 23 May 1447 Zanobi receives from Filip-

po Matteo Torelli two letters to be decorated,

San Marco 902 cit., f 23r published in M Levi

D’Ancona, Miniatura e miniatori a Firenze dal XIV

al XVI secolo, Firenze, 1962, p 265.

14. LB Kanter, ad vocem Guido di Pietro, in

Dizionario biografico dei miniatori italiani: secoli

IX-XVI, M Bollati (ed), Milano 2004, pp. 334-335.

15. See for example and references therein: A

Guidotti, Indagini su botteghe di cartolai e mini-

atori a Firenze nel XV secolo, in La miniature ital-

iana tra Gotico e Rinascimento, Atti del II Con-

gresso di Storia della Miniatura Italiana, E Sesti

(ed.), Firenze 1985, pp. 473-507; A Guidotti,

Nuovi documenti su Vespasiano da Bisticci la sua

bottega e la sua famiglia, in Federico da Mon-

as early circa 1425 in the work for the choirbook Ms 558 for San Domenico, now in

San Marco. It likely continued shortly afterwards in the decoration of Ms. Gerli 54 in

Biblioteca Braidense of Milano. We recognize again his hand in the decoration of the

two Psalters, Mss 530 and 531 of San Marco, which can be dated circa 1449 near the

end of his life and are very close in style to the miniature analyzed here. This peculiar

organisation of work, which sees two different artists working on the same initial is

further confirmed by the analysis of Missal Ms 534 from San Marco where one art-

ist, possibly Sanguigni himself, paints all the letters and their marginal decoration

leaving the space for the work of the «istoriatore». As the decoration of the missal

was left unfinished, today we see the spaces left for the «storie». Conversely, in the

choirbooks for San Gaggio, the main illumination, by Sanguigni, was completed, but

several foliated decorations were left unfinished. All these examples demonstrate

that the decoration of the letters and their marginal extensions and those of the

«storie» belonged to two distinct and possibly independent phases in the process of

manuscript decoration, thus confirming the evidence from the archival sources.

The organisation of artist workshops has been studied in details, 15 including the

relations between the workshop principal and his collaborators and the role of the

«cartolaio» in the distribution of the work of manuscript production and decoration.

Since the appearance of the finished manuscript does not reveal to us chromatic

inconsistencies, we are faced with the question whether different artists did work

side-by-side, sharing the same pigments, or the observed chromatic uniformity is

the result of a high degree of organisation of this process, which ensured the con-

stant quality of the final product 16. While archival sources are generally scarce on

such details of the process of manuscript production, in at few instances, documents

confirm that single leaves were brought to the artist for being decorated. One of

these is the case of a group of leaves for one of the antiphonaries being produced

for Santa Maria del Fiore and brought to Filippo Maria Torelli in 1450 17. Therefore,

we know about the effective organisation of manuscript production, which followed

the various stages of the work, from the acquisition of the parchment to the writing,

decoration and binding, dispatching the parts through the work chain. Responsible

for this was in general, probably, the «cartolaio» but in the specific case of the choir-

books of the Duomo this role was taken by the patron itself, i.e. the «Opera di Santa

Maria del Fiore». It is suggestive to assume that the same form of organisation could

also ensure the uniformity of the decorative work, even when «storie» and decorative

borders where painted by different hands at different locations. The sources do not

help us in clarifying this point. In fact, mentions of transactions of colours between

patrons and artists, in the surviving documents for XV century Florence, are mostly

limited to the gold and the «azzurro», possibly due to their high cost 18, even though

the quality of the colours to be employed is often mentioned in contracts 19. Now,

the identification of another manuscript where Battista di Biagio shares the decora-

tion work with an artist of the immediate Fra Angelico circle, provides us with the

opportunity to better understand their working practice and confirm the stylistic

evidence with physical data.



tefeltro: lo stato, le arti, la cultura, G Cerbeni

Baiardi et al (eds.), Roma, 1986, pp. 97-111; L

Indrio, Firenze nel Quattrocento: divisione e or-

ganizzzione del lavoro nelle botteghe, in Il colore

dell’antico, Ricerche di storia dell’arte, 38 (1989),

pp. 61-70; JJG Alexander, Medieval illuminators

and their methods of work, New Haven 1992;

Maestri e botteghe : pittura a Firenze alla fine

del Quattrocento, M Gregori et al. (eds), Firenze

1992, Organizzazione, componenti e ruoli della

bottega laica tra XIV e XV secolo, A Guidotti

(ed.), Firenze, 2006.

16. A Dillon Bussi, Rara Volumina (2006).

17. Archivio Opera del Duomo, VIII-4-1, Gior-

nale H, c. 54 pubblicato in G Poggi, Il Duomo di

Firenze, vol. II (1988), p 47, n.1672: «A Filippo

di Matteo Torelli, miniature, addi’ 6 di luglio gli

porto’ a chasa Martino manovale cho’ licenza

di Pazino operai 2 asse d’albero nero entrovi…

charte scritte e notate del primo antifanare si

fanno di nuovo perche’ lle minii … Rimando’

dette cose all’opera». Another case concerns the

Olivetan convent of «S. Bartolomeo alle Sacca» in

nearby Prato where leaves written in the convent

scriptorium were sent to an outside workshop for

being decorated, M Ciatti, Appunti e documenti

per la storia della miniature a Prato nel Quattro-

cento, in La miniatura italiana tra Gotico e Ri-

nascimento, Atti del II Congresso di Storia della

Miniatura Italiana, E Sesti (ed.), Firenze, 1985,

pp. 509-533, in particular p. 528.

18. For example, Battista di Biagio contracted a

debt with the friars of Santa Maria degli Angeli

for blue pigment in 1430 (ASF, Catasto 1430, vol

389, c . 354). Filippo di Matteo Torelli is paied for

blue pigment in 1437 «l. tre s. xi demo a Pippo

miniature per oncia 1 dazuro de la magna e per

¼ oncia dazuro ultramarino », ASF, Conventi Sop-

pressi 78, Badia vol. I, Giornale (1435-1441).

19. A Guidotti, Il mestiere del «dipintore»

nell’Italia Due-Trecentesca, in La Pittura in Ita-

lia. Il Duecento e il Trecento, E Castelnuovo (ed.),

Milano, 1986, pp. 529-540, in particular p. 535.

20. L Alidori Battaglia, An unpublished miniature

from the circle of Fra Angelico, The Burlington

Magazine, vol. CLI, n. 1277 (2009), pp. 518-525.

SR-XRF Analysis of a Miniature by Battista di Biagio Sanguigni and a Collaborator of Fra Angelico

The illumination analysed in this study is on the opening page of a manuscript con-

taining works attributed to St. Jerome, now in a private collection, decorated around

1450 20. The stylistic analysis indicates that its decoration is the work of two distinct

artists. One is responsible for the body of the initial and its foliated extensions and

can be doubtlessly identified with Battista di Biagio Sanguigni, while a second artist,

who expresses a style very close to that of Fra Angelico himself, paints the figure of

the St. Jerome in the initial.

This SR-XRF analysis was performed on beam line 5.3.1 at the Lawrence Berkeley

National Laboratory Advanced Light Source (ALS). Synchrotron radiation is produced

by the 1.9 GeV electron beam in one of the main ring bending magnets, which gives a

continuum X-ray spectrum up to ~20 keV. Upstream from the sample a mono-chroma-

tor selects the beam energy. A collimator eliminates the white beam and defines the

monochromatic beam geometry while a shutter controls the exposure time. For this

study the beam energy was chosen to be 12 keV. The beam spot at the sample surface

has a diameter of ~1 mm. The sample is mounted on a computer-controlled XY stage,

which allows us to perform automated scans of the surface of the manuscript. X-rays

are detected with a thick, front-illuminated CCD sensor developed at LBNL on high

resistivity Si. The CCD has an active surface of 118 mm2 with 1024x512 pixels arrayed

on a 15 μm pitch and two output channels. Under the operating conditions adopted

for this analysis the sensitive thickness is ~450 μm, which offers high spectral sensi-

tivity up to energies well above the beam energy. Thick, high-resistivity CCDs offer

high detection efficiency and an excellent energy resolution, matching or surpassing

that of conventional solid-state X-ray detectors. The single pixel noise is measured

to be (4.2±1.0) e— ENC. The energy resolution measured for reconstructed clusters

from a 55Fe source is 155 eV FWHM at 5.9 keV. The CCD response is calibrated in the

range 3-12 keV using thin metal foils in the same geometry used as for the manuscript

analysis. Data are saved in the fits format and subsequently converted to the lcio

format, while performing pixel-by-pixel pedestal subtraction and noise computation

from CCD exposure taken without beam. The offline analysis is performed using cus-

tom clustering processors in the Marlin C++ analysis framework. Beam back-scattering

from the sample is removed by subtracting a reference spectrum obtained with the

beam aimed at a non-decorated part of the parchment. The spectrum is reweighted

to correct for the effect of X-ray absorption in the kapton window and the inactive

detector surface. The final spectrum analysis and peak search is performed in ROOT.

Cluster shape analysis is helpful for rejecting spurious background signals, pile-up

clusters and scattered photons striking the detector at large angles. This is particu-

larly important when performing XRF on a high intensity primary beam, such as at a

light source. The XRF analysis sampled a total of twenty-six points on the decorated



surface of the manuscript (see Figure 1). Ten different pigments have been analyzed.

In some cases, the same pigment has been sampled at different locations to study the

effect of possible local in-homogeneities. Here we discuss the pigment composition

on those parts which appear to be due to two different artists and the technique for

the rendering of the «incarnato» of St. Jerome face.

fig.1 page with the initial l with st. jerome from the regula monachorum, c. 1r, tempera on parchment, 19 by 14 cm (private collection).



21. M Bagnoli, Amanuensi e miniatori in un De-

cretum Gratiani del Walters Art Museum di Balti-

mora, Arte Medievale, n.s. Anno VI (2007), 2, pp.

65-74 reports subsequent interventions on the

same initials; M Bernasconi et al., 1993 identi-

fies differences in pigment composition between

Florentine-style and Lucca-style artists working

on BML, Conv. Soppr. 298.

First, we study the composition of the red pigment at various locations on the foli-

ated decoration and on the book hold by the St. Jerome. The spectra are shown in

Figure 2. The analysis reveals Pb and a small amount of Cu in the red pigment on

the leaf protruding from the letter. This is consistent with what we would expect for

minium. Instead, the red pigment on the book is characterized by a large quantity

of Cu with Pb, Fe with traces of Zn and Ba. This composition indicates that the art-

ist mixed minium with another pigment, possibly an «ocra rossa». We sampled three

distinct spots on the leaf and two on the book. Results are consistent. Differences

in the pigment composition, associated to the work of different artists in the same

manuscripts have already been observed 21. The different composition of the two

pigments seems to support the indication from the stylistic analysis that there are

two artists working independently on the miniature.

The second part of this study attempts to elucidate the technique employed for

the rendering of the «incarnato». The deep shadows on the face of St. Jerome are

obtained with brushstrokes in an olive colour, possibly a «terra verde» which follows

the outline of the cheeks and the beard. The analysis of the beard shows that the

pigment has Fe, Cu, Pb and traces of Ba. Instead, on the forehead there are larger

brushstrokes beneath the final painted layer, revealed by infra-red photography. This

technique is adopted by Fra Angelico as well as Zanobi Strozzi. The XRF analysis

enables us to compare the pigment composition on the forehead, the breast and the

hand. The four spectra are shown in Figure 3. The composition of the pigment used

on the breast and on the hand appears to be identical. It is characterised by Fe and

Pb, with traces of Cu, Zn and Ti. On the contrary, we observe a much larger Fe and

fig.2 absorption- and efficiency-corrected xrf spectra for the red pigment on the book hold by the saint (black histogram) and on the marginal leaf (gray histogram).



22. R Cambria et al, A PIXE analysis of Manuscripts

Illuminated bu Francesco di Antonio del Chierico,

Ancient and Medieval Book cit., pp. 103-119.

Cu content on the forehead, with traces of Mn and Cr. The rendering of deep shades

on the face by underlying a Cu-based green pigment has already been observed in

the PIXE analysis of ms. Plut. 66.22 of the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana 22. This

manuscript is dated 1455 in the colophon and was decorated by Francesco d’Antonio

del Chierico. Other pigments differ significantly in the two manuscripts. For example,

the analysis reveals only Ca, from the parchment preparation, in a pink-coloured

area in the miniature of Francesco d’Antonio, which suggests the use of a pigment

of organic origin. On the leaf by Battista di Biagio in our manuscript the pink is

characterized by Sb, Pb, Cu and Fe. These comparisons are particularly interesting

since they refer to two manuscripts decorated within a few years by two of the most

prominent workshops in Florence and highlight the variety of techniques and pig-

ments adopted by these artists.

fig.3 absorption- and efficiency-corrected xrf spectra for the pigment on the forehead in the region of the deep shadow (continuous black histogram) and away from it (continuous gray histogram), on the breast of the saint (dashed black histogram) and on the hand (dashed gray histogram).

Conclusions and Perspectives

This case study offered us with the opportunity to address some issues in the prac-

tice of manuscript decoration in mid-fifteenth century Florence. We attempted to

combine the results of SR-XRF analysis with stylistics analysis and archival research.

Even within the limitations imposed by data collected from a single manuscript, the

picture which emerges is very consistent and quite encouraging for the continuation

of such studies. Manuscript decoration was a well-organized and structured process



23. J Absil et al., Study of color centers induced by

PIXE irradiation, Nuclear Instruments and Meth-

ods in Physics Research, B198 (2002), pp. 90-97.

24. E. Enguita et al., Damage induced by proton

irradiation in carbonate based natural painting

pigments, Nuclear Instruments and Methods in

Physics Research, B219-220 (2004), pp. 53-56.

with different artists contributing as «miniatori» and «istoriator». This seems to be

the case not only in the decoration of major cycles, but also on minor commissions

consisting of a single illuminated initial per manuscript. Results of physical elemental

analysis confirm the evidence from stylistic analysis and documents. The results of

this case study highlight the need to tightly integrate future campaigns of elemen-

tal analyses with well-defined art history problems which can be answered by the

knowledge of pigment composition. At the same time it is apparent that more data

on pigment analysis should be made available to support the work of art histori-

ans in the understanding of manuscript decoration practice and techniques across

chronological and geographical boundaries.

The effect of the intense X-ray beam from a light source on the pigment and the

parchment is an issue which is often raised by conservationists and curators and

deserves further studies. Proton irradiation is known to induce the so-called «dark

spot» phenomenon which appears to be related to the generation of colour centers 23,

but there is only limited understanding on the mechanisms responsible for pigment

damage and on their reversibility 24. Contrary to the case of protons, in SR-XRF, the

X-ray energy is often below threshold for displacement damage. We carried out some

observations on the pigments on a XV century bas-de-page after exposure to a 15

keV X-ray beam at the ALS. Observations were performed immediately after the ir-

radiation, after several months and after more than a year. No effect was detectable.

However, it would be important to further study the issue.

Finally the use of advanced pixellated sensors, as the high-resistivity CCDs adopted

for this case study, offer new opportunities for high resolution spectroscopy with

large photon fluxes, which will benefit the study of manuscript pigments both in

terms of the exposure time and sensitivity to trace elements. •



Resumo

A fragilidade e pequeno tamanho das iluminuras torna difícil a aplicação de méto-

dos químicos que requeiram pequenas amostras como é comum fazer em quadros.

Em alternativa, técnicas com boa resolução espacial e passíveis de aplicação in situ,

como a fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias (XRF) e microscopia Raman

têm sido utilizadas para a identificação de pigmentos. Ainda que o número de téc-

nicas não-invasivas esteja a crescer, são todas de aplicação pontual e como tal não

são utilizadas para investigar a obra de arte por inteiro. Recentemente descobrimos

que combinando os dados obtidos através de técnicas de imagiografia multiespec-

trais, baseadas em reflectância de VIS-NIR e luminescência, com métodos pontuais

como a espectroscopia de UV-VIS por reflectância com fibra óptica (FORS) e XFR,

é possível identificar e mapear os pigmentos principais utilizados em iluminuras

bem como visualizar o desenho preparatório e eventuais alterações na composição.

Descrevem-se exemplos do procedimento experimental e dos resultados obtidos em

diversos fólios iluminados. •

Abstract

The fragility and small dimensions of illuminated manuscripts prohibit the use of

chemical methods that rely on small samples being taken from the artwork as is

typically done for paintings. Instead site-specific in situ techniques such as X-ray

fluorescence (XRF) and Raman spectroscopy are commonly used to identify pig-

ments. While the number of non-invasive analytical techniques is growing, all are

site-specific and thus cannot be used to survey the entire work of art. Recently we

have found that by combining results from multispectral visible/infrared reflectance

and luminescence imaging spectroscopy with those from site-specific methods such

as fiber optics reflectance spectroscopy (FORS) and XRF, it is possible to successfully

identify and map the primary pigments on medieval illuminated leaves, as well as

visualize the underlying preparatory sketches and compositional changes. Exam-

ples of the experimental workflow and results obtained by using it to study several

illuminated leaves are presented. •

palavras-chave

imagiografia multiespectralfluorescência de raios-x dispersiva de energiasforsiluminuras

key-words

multispectral imagingx-ray fluorescenceforsmanuscript illuminations


combining visible and infrared imaging spectroscopy with site specific, in-situ techniques for material identification and mappingpaola r icc iardi , john k. delaney Scientific Research Dept., National Gallery

of Art, Washington, D.C. (USA)

[email protected]

[email protected]

Introduction

The work being carried out at the National Gallery of Art, Washington DC (NGA),

is aimed at adapting the imaging spectroscopy methods, originally developed for

remote sensing, for use in conservation science, and in particular to explore the

resulting synergy when these results are combined with in situ chemical methods.

Of particular interest is the study of illuminated manuscripts, which have a simpler

palette than many paintings and often cannot be sampled.

Among the many questions often addressed in the analysis of illuminated manu-

scripts, two are most relevant for conservation science. Namely, the identification

of the materials used, particularly the colorants, and elucidating the construction

techniques used such as layering and the use of preparatory sketches. Site-specific

analytical techniques, such as X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and Raman spectroscopy,

n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m s


are usually employed to identify the pigments and possibly the binders used for the

illumination. While such methods are analytically powerful, they cannot be used to

survey the entire surface of a miniature. With both techniques, spectra are usually

acquired on visually identified sites thought to be representative of the pigments

and mixtures used for the illumination. Such visual inspection may not always ensure

an adequate representation of the pigment diversity present.

On the other hand visual imaging techniques such as microscopic observation, in-

frared reflectography (IRR), and UV-excited fluorescence, are employed to visual-

ize the preparatory sketches and understand the layer structure of the miniature.

Radiometric calibration of images acquired in numerous visible/infrared spectral

bands can be used to produce quantitative results, thus «transforming» the imaging

process into «imaging spectroscopy», which can provide chemical information about

materials. This is done by generating reflectance and luminescence spectra at each

pixel and thus over the whole imaged art object. In recent years, research carried

out mostly on paintings has proved that imaging spectroscopy techniques can be

effectively used for material identification and mapping on works of art (Casini et

al. 1999, Delaney et al. 2005, Delaney et al. 2009a, Delaney et al. 2010). However

such imaging spectroscopy methods have required light levels too high for works of

art on paper or parchment. Here we present some results regarding the use of a high

sensitivity multispectral visible/infrared camera system (400 to 2500 nm, 15 spectral

bands), which operates at illumination levels of approximately 150 lux. We have used

this camera system to acquire reflectance and luminescence images of several 14th

century Italian illuminated leaves in the NGA collection, notably, one attributed to

the workshop of Pacino di Buonaguida, representing «Christ in majesty with twelve

apostles», and another attributed to Niccolò da Bologna, representing the «Birth of

John the Baptist». Combining the imaging spectroscopy results with data from low

light fiber optics reflectance spectroscopy (FORS) and X-ray fluorescence, we have

found that the primary pigments on these medieval illuminated leaves can be identi-

fied and mapped, and preparatory sketches and changes can be visualized (Delaney

et al. 2009c, Ricciardi et al. 2009).

Summary of experimental techniques

Imaging spectroscopy involves the acquisition of spatially co-registered images in

many spectral bands in order to allow construction of a spectrum at each point in

the spectral image set (Fig. 1). In the case of reflectance imaging spectroscopy the

spectral features collected relate to the electronic transitions and some vibrational

modes of the artist’s materials. By grouping similar spectra maps can be made, and

the average spectra from each map can be compared to data-bases to help with the

identification. Luminescence imaging spectroscopy exploits the observation that a

subset of artists’ pigments, mostly organics dyes, is luminescent when excited with

UV/blue light. This is useful to help in the identification of pigments which have


n e w t r e n d s i n t h e s t u d y o f m e d i e v a l i l l u m i n a t e d m a n u s c r i p t s

fig.1 (top) schematic representation of the working principle of reflectance imaging spectroscopy, with the reconstruction of the reflectance spectra for a blue and a red area from the multi-spectral images of «christ in majesty with twelve apostles» by the workshop of pacino di buonaguida (visible image detail at top left); (bottom) high-resolution reflectance spectra of the same areas collected with the fiber optics reflectance spectrometer. the gray gaussians and rectangles represent the wavelength ranges analyzed by the imaging cameras



reflectance spectra that lack unique features, as may be the case for organic dyes,

and it is for this reason that it is useful for the analysis of illuminated manuscripts.

As noted before, the use of imaging spectroscopy for the study of light-sensitive

materials such as illuminated manuscripts can be problematic; to date in fact, many of

the multi-spectral imaging (MSI) camera systems having high spatial fidelity require

high light levels. The study of works of art on paper and parchment requiring low

illumination (about 150 lux, comparable to a few times gallery light levels) is cur-

rently carried out at NGA with an optimized low-noise, high-sensitivity 4 mega pixel

Si-CCD imaging camera. This system is used to collect 12 narrow-band reflectance

and luminescence images in the visible to near infrared range (400 to 950 nm, 40

nm FWHM). While multispectral imaging spectroscopy in this spectral range (visible

to near infrared) is a powerful tool to spectrally separate and cluster similar materials

it is not robust enough to identify directly most artist’s materials. Thus site-specific

methods such as XRF and FORS can be used to aid in the identification.

Infrared reflectograms (IRR) in the 750 to 950 nm and 1000 to 2500 nm range can

be acquired using the Si-CCD camera (see above) and a highly sensitive InSb camera

equipped with infrared filters, allowing the observation of preparatory sketches and

compositional changes at the same low light level used for MSI. IRR is also useful

to distinguish between the materials used for underdrawings; most iron-based inks

are in fact totally transparent in the 1000-2500 nm range, while carbon-based inks

and most metalpoints remain visible throughout this range.

Fiber Optics Reflectance Spectroscopy (FORS) is used to collect higher resolution

reflectance spectra in selected areas in the 350 to 2500 nm range, allowing access

to the short-wave infrared region, which yields important information for the iden-

tification of certain materials such as azurite (easily recognizable by two absorption

bands at about 2285 and 2352 nm), lead white, and gypsum. Derivative spectra can

be used to distinguish for example between red lead and vermillion, thanks to the

difference in the position of the transition edge (~570 vs. ~595 nm, respectively).

The interpretation of spectra acquired on mixtures is, however, not always straight-

forward. The presence of numerous parchment-related absorption bands in the in-

frared range also makes it harder to separate which spectral features actually relate

to the pigment. In both cases, additional data treatment is required.

X-ray fluorescence (XRF) analyses are carried out using a Bruker ARTAX Pro instru-

ment equipped with a Rh tube and 75 μm capillary optics. A helium flush is used to

be able to detect light elements (> Na). Whenever possible, areas for analysis are

chosen so that no decoration is present in the corresponding area on the verso of

the manuscript leaf, in order to avoid confusing results due to the intrinsic limitation

of XRF which does not yield results spatially resolved in depth. It is worth noting

that XRF analyses of works of art on parchment are difficult due to the low density

of this material, which creates a large amount of inelastic scattering in the spectrum

compared with the small amounts of material actually being analyzed in the manu-

script. XRF data are interpreted using traditional methods, i.e. the combination of

elements identified in each spectrum is compared with possible pigment/mixture



compositions. This leads to several possible assignments and thus not always to a

unique answer. Comparing these results with those from the spectral methods can

help finalize the assignment to the most likely candidate.

Methodology

First, the multispectral reflectance image cube is constructed from 12 reflectance

images (400 to 950 nm). Second, the luminescence image cube (500 to 900 nm) is

constructed from images acquired while the manuscript is illuminated with blue light

(380 to 450 nm) to excite the fluorescence. Next, infrared reflectance images are

collected in three spectral bands: 1100 to 1400 nm, 1500 to 1800 nm and 2000 to

2400 nm, and added to the multispectral reflectance cube. The reflectance and lu-

minescence images are processed to correct for pixel and illumination non-uniformity

and calibrated to reflectance or emittance using standards. These calibrated images

are then spatially «registered», i.e. aligned together to remove lens and filter related

image shifts. Spatial maps of the primary spectral elements can be made directly by

probing the low-resolution reflectance image cube with a reference spectrum. The

reference spectrum can come from a spectral library, from a user selected site in the

image cube, or as result of principle component based analysis with software de-

signed to find the primary spectral components. The cube is probed with the spectral

angle mapper algorithm which finds pixels having similar spectra to the reference

spectrum. These maps are produced using all 12 spectral bands as opposed to cre-

ating false color maps from just three bands, ensuring more meaningful results. In

a similar manner the luminescence spectral cube can be probed and maps of areas

having the same emission spectra found. These maps then can be used to guide

selection of sites where more definitive in situ analysis can be performed, such as

XRF, Raman spectroscopy, or fiber optics reflectance and luminescence spectroscopy.

An example of the experimental workflow used during the study of the «Christ in

majesty with twelve apostles» by the workshop of Pacino di Buonaguida, is illus-

trated in Fig. 2. It should be noted that imaging in the 400-1600 nm range can be

easily performed with relatively inexpensive equipment, quite commonly found in

Conservation Departments.

Case Studies

In the case of the illuminated manuscript leaves analyzed at NGA, the described ana-

lytical methodology yielded distribution maps for several pigments typically used for

illuminations in the Middle Ages (Brunello 1975), i.e. regions of azurite, ultramarine,

vermillion, and brown earth, along with some indication of pigment layering in the

blue and red areas. In two separate cases (Delaney et al. 2009b, Ricciardi et al. 2009),

the use of imaging spectroscopy allowed, among other things, to map selected blue



areas not identified by other techniques, where a layer of ultramarine was painted

over azurite, a practice which was common in 14th century Italy (Bomford et al. 1989).

XRF and FORS analyses of selected sites, chosen following the indications provided

by the MSI maps, specifically showed the presence of lead white and «mosaic gold»

(tin sulphide). The presence of organic dyes was identified and mapped through

the analysis of the luminescence image cubes. The reflectance and luminescence

datacubes therefore allowed mapping the pigment distribution and layering on the

illuminated leaves in a totally non-invasive and relatively fast way, not requiring

a time-consuming detailed observation under the microscope. They also helped

«guide» the choice of the sites to be analyzed by XRF and FORS for more accurate

pigment identification.

During the analysis of «Birth of John the Baptist» by Niccolò da Bologna (Ricciardi et

al. 2009), infrared reflectograms revealed a few preliminary sketches, either executed

with a carbon-based ink on a fine brush, or with a metalpoint. The near infrared im-

ages also showed that the skin tones were loosely painted and do not always match

the finely detailed preparatory lines.

fig.2 experimental workflow used to collect and analyze the reflectance images followed by site-specific analysis, as carried out during the study of «christ in majesty with twelve apostles» by the workshop of pacino di buonaguida (rosenwald collection, accession number 1952.8.277, image courtesy of the national gallery of art, washington dc)



Additional remarks

In order to produce results which are relevant from the point of view of art histori-

cal issues, scientific analyses are usually applied to many, if not all, the illuminated

manuscript leaves contained in one manuscript. The final goal is a comprehensive

characterization of the manuscript, obtained by the identification and mapping of

the primary pigments, and by the observation of preparatory sketches. The availabil-

ity of a relatively quick procedure would allow surveying a large number of leaves,

increasing the possibility to obtain significant results and providing a chance for

extensive comparisons. The analysis of each miniature, including data acquisition

and treatment, following the methodology presented in the previous sections, at

the moment requires two days for the MSI and IRR, at least one day each for XRF

and FORS. Significant, if preliminary, results on a single illuminated manuscript

leaf can thus be obtained in about a week. This is therefore a «quick» and effective

methodology compared to the time (and effort) which would be required to obtain

pigment identification and mapping at a comparable level using only site-specific

methods, such as Raman spectroscopy and XRF, which would have to be performed

on hundreds of spots.

In the future starting with the MSI-derived maps improved results could be obtained

by combining XRF, FORS, and Raman spectroscopy into a single setup, which would

allow acquiring different kinds of information on the same sites, yielding a complete

characterization of the materials in situ (e.g. identification of the binding media and

organic pigments).

Conclusions

The combination of reflectance and luminescence imaging spectroscopy, FORS, and

XRF has proved useful for the identification and mapping of the primary pigments

on medieval illuminated manuscript leaves. Imaging spectroscopy, even in only a few

bands, has shown its utility for pigment mapping; the imaging was made «quantita-

tive» thanks to calibration and this allowed reconstructing reflectance and emission

spectra. This approach of combining high fidelity site-specific methods (FORS and

XRF) with the mapping capability of multispectral reflectance and luminescence

imaging spectroscopy appears thus to be a useful tool, providing improved in situ

mapping and identification of pigments on illuminated manuscripts in a relatively

short time. This methodology can be further refined, for example by improving the

correlation between the luminescence and reflectance images in order to improve

the characterization of organic dyes and yellow pigments. Finally, the identification

of the organic binding media could be attained by adding Raman spectroscopy or

mid-IR spectroscopy to the list of analytical techniques. •



Acknowledgments

The authors gratefully acknowledge financial support from the Andrew W. Mellon

Foundation and the Samuel H. Kress Foundation. They also wish to thank their colleagues

Michelle Facini, Lisha D. Glinsman, Doug Lachance, Mathieu Thoury and René de la Rie

for their respective roles during the experimental part of this work.

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Image spectroscopy mapping technique for non-invasive analysis of paintings. Studies

in Conservation 44: 39-48.

Delaney, John K., Elizabeth Walmsley, Barbara H. Berrie, Colin F. Fletcher. 2005.

Multispectral imaging of paintings in the infrared to detect and map blue pigments. In

Scientific examination of art – modern techniques in conservation and analysis, 120-136.

Washington D.C.: The National Academies Press.

Delaney, John K., Mathieu Thoury, Michael Palmer, Jason G. Zeibel, Roy T. Littleton, E.

René de la Rie. 2009a. Visible and infrared imaging spectroscopy of paintings: pigment

mapping and improved infrared reflectography. In O3A – Optics for art, architecture and

archaeology II, Proceedings of SPIE Vol. 7391, ed. Luca Pezzati and Renzo Salimbeni,

739103. d.o.i. 10.1117/12.827493.

Delaney, John K., Michelle Facini, Lisha D. Glinsman, Mathieu Thoury, and Paola Ricciardi.

2009b. Application of imaging spectroscopy to the study of illuminated manuscripts.

Poster presented at the 37th AIC annual meeting, May 19-22, in Los Angeles, USA (and

manuscript in preparation).

Delaney, John K., Jason G. Zeibel, Mathieu Thoury, Roy Littleton, Michael Palmer, Kathryn

M. Morales, E. Rene de la Rie, Ann Hoenigswald. 2010. Visible and Infrared Imaging

Spectroscopy of Picasso’s Harlequin Musician: Mapping and Identification of Artist

Materials in situ. Applied Spectroscopy, 64(6): 584-594.

Ricciardi, Paola, John K. Delaney, Lisha D. Glinsman, Mathieu Thoury, Michelle Facini,

and E. René de la Rie. 2009. Use of visible and infrared reflectance and luminescence

imaging spectroscopy to study illuminated manuscripts: pigment identification and



visualization of underdrawings. In O3A – Optics for art, architecture and archaeology

II, Proceedings of SPIE Vol. 7391, ed. Luca Pezzati and Renzo Salimbeni, 739106. d.o.i.

10.1117/12.827415.

Biographies

Paola Ricciardi has been at the National Gallery of Art, Washington DC, since 2008 as the Samuel

H. Kress fellow in imaging science. Her research focuses on the application of in situ analytical

methods to the study of light-sensitive works of art. She received her undergraduate degree

in Physics from the University of Rome La Sapienza in 2003 and her PhD in Conservation

Science from the University of Florence in 2008 with a thesis on the application of Raman

spectroscopy to the analysis of ancient pottery, porcelain, and glass. Address: DCL, National

Gallery of Art, 2000B South Club Drive, Landover, Md. 20785; [email protected]

John K. Delaney is the senior imaging scientist at the National Gallery of Art, Washington

DC, where his research focuses on the development of in situ imaging methods for

art conservation and the understanding of the optical properties of varnishes. He is

also a research professor in the School of Engineering and Applied Science at George

Washington University in DC. He received his PhD from the Rockefeller University

and completed post-doctoral studies at the University of Arizona and the Johns

Hopkins University School of Medicine. Address: as for Ricciardi; [email protected]


r e c e n s õ e s · n o i r . h i s t o i r e d ’ u n e c o u l e u r

michel pastoureaunoir. histoire d’une couleur éditions du seuil, 2008

maria adelaide miranda

rita carvalhoInstituto de Estudos Medievais e Instituto de História da Arte, Faculdade de Ciências

Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa (Portugal)

«Noir. Histoire d'une couleur» (2008) marca um etapa importante nas publicações

mais recentes sobre a cor. No seguimento de «Bleu. Histoire d'une couleur» (2002),

obra decisiva para a introdução desta temática na História e da História da Arte,

Michel Pastoureau brinda-nos com mais um volume em que a cor é apresentada do

ponto de vista do historiador, mas cujo impacto recai sobre variadíssimos ramos de

conhecimento.

Muito embora se trate de um estudo monográfico sobre o preto, o autor mantém-

-se fiel aos princípios enunciados nas suas obras pioneiras, das quais não podemos

deixar de citar «Couleurs, images, symboles» (1989), alertando-nos para a necessi-

dade de o estudar num contexto social, cronológico e simbólico, não esquecendo a

sua dimensão científica, material e técnica. Confessa-nos igualmente que esta obra se

insere num desejo mais vasto de construir uma história das cores nas sociedades euro-

peias, da Antiguidade romana até ao séc. XVIII. Com efeito, longe de estudar o preto

isoladamente, o autor aborda-o enquanto parte integrante de um sistema de cores.

A este respeito, afirma (2008, p. 12): «Une couleur ne vient pas seule; elle ne prend

son sens, elle ne fonctionne pleinement du point de vue social, artistique et symbo-

lique que pour autant qu´elle est associée ou opposée à une ou plusieurs couleurs.»

Pastoureau chama a atenção para a importância da consciência das dificuldades

inerentes ao estudo da cor, nomeadamente as alterações que esta sofre através dos

tempos e a especificidades dos meios através dos quais se transmite. Descodificar o

documento, ponderar a procura de significados, não caindo na armadilha de aceitar

passivamente a forma de nomear as cores, será um trabalho árduo mas profícuo para

o historiador.

Neste sentido, Pastoureau (2008, p.15) dá-nos um exemplo bem claro:

«Croire, par exemple, qu'une porte noir prenant place dans une miniature du XIIIe

siècle ou dans un tableau du XVIIe représente une porte véritable qui a réellement

été noir, est à la fois naïf et anachronique. C’est une erreur de méthode. Dans toute isbn 9782020490870 – 39 €


image, une porte noire est d'abord noir parce qu'elle s'oppose à une autre porte, ou

à une fenêtre, voire à une autre objet, qui est blanc, rouge ou d'un autre noir.»

Dotada de grande clareza, esta obra evidencia uma notável erudição, expressa na

riqueza das notas e vasta bibliografia. Revela um profundo conhecimento histórico,

particularmente da história social do vestuário e da pintura, que são sem dúvida os

grandes eixos nos quais o preto toma lugar na ordem das cores.

O carácter transdisciplinar deste estudo está patente na relação que estabelece com gran-

de agilidade, por exemplo, no período medieval, entre o bestiário, a heráldica e o preto.

Também relevante é a ligação que vai tecendo, ao longo do texto, entre a construção

material do preto e a sua carga simbólica e social.

No caso do vestuário, as dificuldades na obtenção de um preto brilhante, homogéneo

e duradouro deviam-se aos materiais a partir dos quais era produzido – cortiça, raízes

de árvores ou partes de plantas ricas em taninos que, mordentadas com o ião ferro 1,

produziam tons acastanhados ou acinzentados, ou seja, um «mau preto». Seria preciso

que letrados, burgueses e príncipes adoptassem o preto como cor do vestuário para

que se divulgasse o preto obtido à base de noz de galha, produto dispendioso, já que

o de melhor qualidade era importado da Europa Oriental ou do Norte de África.

No entanto, o «mau preto» também podia ser apanágio de virtude e austeridade,

caso do hábito dos monges cluniacenses e mendicantes.

No que respeita à estrutura da obra, o autor optou por uma organização cronológico-

-temática (ditada pelo próprio percurso do negro no mundo ocidental), desenvolvendo de

forma coerente e estimulante aquilo a que se propunha, em quatro períodos. Mergulhamos

na perspectiva histórica de longa duração, concepção sempre presente nas suas obras.

Na Antiguidade e até ao ano mil, o preto assumia-se como uma cor positiva porque ligada

a terra fértil. Inseria-se num sistema triádico em combinação como o branco e o vermelho.

Contudo, a sensibilidade judaico-cristã aliou, desde cedo, o negro às trevas (a luz é

condição para a vida), à morte e progressivamente ao inferno. É esta caracterização

do negro que marcará o período seguinte.

Com efeito, a cristianização do mundo ocidental e a oposição ao paganismo e ao

mundo islâmico, leva a que o negro adquira todas as conotações maléficas. Aplica-se

ao demónio, e a todas as formas animais que lhe estão associadas.

Esta atitude face ao preto não é uniforme. Devemos ter em conta, por exemplo, que

o hábito negro dos cluniacenses em oposição ao hábito branco dos cistercienses,

antecipa em muito o carácter moral do preto associado à pobreza e austeridade que

irá dominar o vestuário laico e religioso protestante.

É através da heráldica e dos seus códigos que Michel Pastoureau nos apresenta

uma nova ordem das cores, em que o preto se desvincula do seu sentido negativo,

fazendo-se representar no leão das armas do conde da Flandres e na águia do im-

perador do Sacro-império.

Para a mudança de atitude face ao negro, contribuem ainda, por um lado, o clima aus-

tero decorrente da Peste Negra, e por outro, as leis sumptuárias que, vedando à bur-

guesia cores como o azul e o vermelho, permitiram a escolha do negro para o vestuá-

rio de uma classe social abastada. Assim, a partir da 2.ª metade do séc. XIV os negros


1. Um mordente liga-se simultaneamente à fibra

têxtil e ao corante, conferindo assim resistência

à cor quando da lavagem do tecido. O ião ferro

poderia ser introduzido através de compostos

como o sulfato de ferro, também utilizado para

obter tintas de escrever ferrogálicas.



produzidos nas tinturarias vão adquirindo uma qualidade superior, já que mercadores

e legistas o exigiam. No séc. XV, príncipes como Filipe o Bom vestem-se já de negro.

Com a Reforma Protestante o preto, agora uma cor valorizada, é contudo excluído

da ordem das cores. Uma nova sensibilidade propicia o que Pastoureau designa por

cromofobia (sendo as cores associadas à sedução, ao luxo e ao pecado), o que irá ge-

neralizar o uso do preto, afirmando-o como negação da cor, ou como uma cor à parte.

A descoberta da imprensa vem inaugurar um mundo a preto e branco, reforçando a

oposição entre «cores» e «preto».

De facto, esta cor, nos sécs. XVI e XVII assume um papel histórico na cultura ocidental

através da sua utilização sistemática no texto impresso e na gravura. Valoriza-se nesta

época o papel intelectual do livro, sendo por esta razão desprestigiadas as imagens

coloridas tão características do livro iluminado.

Toda esta atitude face ao negro é confirmada pela descoberta do espectro das cores

de Newton que o exclui da ordem das cores ao demonstrar que a luz branca é uma

mistura de todas as cores (violeta, indigo, azul, verde, amarelo, laranja e vermelho).

Na sequência desta descoberta, o século das luzes assiste a um recuo dos negros.

O vestuário apresenta cores alegres e luminosas, de tons pastel, principalmente na

gama dos azuis, rosas amarelos e cinzentos. O preto perde terreno, vindo apenas a

revalorizar-se no final de século, no contexto de um exotismo literário.

A difusão e a criação de uma nova paleta de cores vivas justificam esse recuo do

negro, que só vai ser valorizado no séc. XIX com o romantismo, que trás consigo o

culto da melancolia, noite, da morte e mesmo do macabro.

Se valorizado nos meios intelectuais, particularmente na literatura, o negro recebe

igualmente a conotação negativa provinda dos sombrios meios operários da II revo-

lução industrial, com os quais os outros grupos sociais não se queriam identificar.

No entanto, o preto torna-se omnipresente na vida quotidiana, mesmo em ambientes

financeiros, numa atitude ética em parte herdada pelos protestantes.

A fotografia e o cinema contribuem em muito para o já mencionado mundo em preto

e branco, mas são os pintores e designers, que explorando tons e texturas, produzem

pretos excepcionais e expressivos, promovendo-o como uma das cores emblemáticas

da modernidade.

O significado desta cor não se esgota no universo das artes: socialmente o preto

está presente nas bandeiras das ideologias contemporâneas, é a cor utilizada pelos

totalitarismos mas também pelos movimentos de libertação, não deixando de estar

igualmente associado a superstições e mesmo por vezes a um bestiário do diabo. Tal

como nos primeiros tempos, os múltiplos significados do preto (ou dos pretos) só

podem ser entendidos nos seus contextos sociais.

Não se poderá ficar indiferente à apresentação gráfica do presente volume, cujo

design honra o estudo e a cor que apresenta. Tal como num manuscrito medieval,

a construção do volume é cuidada, criativa e funcional, quer na encadernação es-

colhida quer na ligação entre o texto e as excelentes imagens. Não estaremos face

a um objecto produto do design contemporâneo, que nos fará tomar uma posição

afirmativa face à interrogação: O preto é uma cor? •


r e c e n s õ e s · m e d i a e v a l p a i n t e r s ’ m a t e r i a l s a n d t e c h n i q u e s

mark clarke mediaeval painters’ materials and techniques: the montpellier liber diversarum arcium archetype, london, 2011

stefanos kroustall [email protected]

Mark Clarke en su libro Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques: The Mon-

tpellier Liber diversarum arcium ofrece una edición crítica (con el estudio codicoló-

gico del manuscrito) del tratado medieval de tecnología artística Liber diversarum

arcium, junto con la primera traducción al inglés del texto en latín. El autor acompaña

la traducción de las prescripciones con extensos comentarios históricos, técnicos y

artísticos y, además, realiza un estudio comparativo de estas recetas con otras simi-

lares de otros tratados.

Los tratados medievales de tecnología artística se han convertido en las últimas dé-

cadas en una importante herramienta de trabajo para varios campos de estudio, como

la historia del arte y de la tecnología o la conservación, al describir los materiales y

técnicas empleados por los artistas y artesanos en el pasado. Hoy en día se conocen

más de 400 tratados medievales de tecnología artística (desde textos extensos hasta

recetas singulares), cuya recopilación ya llevó a cabo el autor en su obra (The art

of all colours. Medieval recipe books for painters and illuminators, 2001, Archety-

pe). En el presente trabajo el autor se centra en el estudio de uno de estos tratados

(o recetarios) el Liber diversarum arcium que forma parte del manuscrito Ms H 277,

folios 81v-101v, de la Bibliothèque Interuniversitaire, section medecine, de Mon-

tpellier (Francia). El tratado es un texto extenso de alrededor de 580 prescripciones

técnicas agrupadas en cuatro secciones (o libros) y dedicadas, principalmente, a las

técnicas pictóricas (preparación y mezcla de pigmentos y aglutinantes, barnices,

soportes, dibujo, témpera, pintura al óleo, pintura mural, pintura sobre vidrio y ce-isbn 9781804982647 – 50 €


rámica, así como otras técnicas decorativas auxiliares). El Liber diversarum arcium

es anónimo, data aproximadamente de 1430 y fue escrito en latín, en Venecia o sus

alrededores. Mark Clarke en su estudio argumenta, de manera convincente, sobre un

núcleo original del tratado que fue escrito cerca de 1300 y refleja prácticas artísticas

del norte de Europa. A lo largo del siglo XIV, a este tipo de prescripciones, corregidas

y aumentadas, fueron añadidas prácticas de influencia italiana, bajo la mano de un

compilador y revisor experto en las técnicas descritas.

En la introducción del libro Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques el autor

explica de manera breve y concisa la historia del tratado Liber diversarum arcium, su

uso como fuente de tecnología artística, su importancia dentro del esquema de la

transmisión de los conocimientos técnicos y su relación con el resto de los tratados

medievales. El resto del libro se organiza en dos capítulos, con varias secciones cada

uno. En el primer capítulo se contextualiza el Liber diversarum arcium dentro de la

tratadística medieval de tecnología artística y se resaltan las similitudes textuales con

algunos de ellos. En la siguiente sección se estudia la manera en la que el tratado fue

compuesto y compilado, así como la manera en la que sus recetas técnicas fueron

reelaboradas, reincorporando material nuevo y actualizado. En el segundo capítulo

se exponen las principales características de la técnica pictórica coetánea al tratado

de Montpellier y se resaltan las analogías tecnológicas entre ellas (propias del siglo

XIV). Además se hace hincapié en la importancia del Liber diversarum arcium en la

historia de la pintura al óleo y se argumenta sobre las razones que hacen el tratado

tan importante e interesante para el estudio de las técnicas pictóricas medievales.

Sigue la traducción al inglés del texto, jerarquizando las recetas para facilitar las re-

ferencias y las llamadas cuando es necesario. A continuación, el autor ofrece exten-

sos y detallados datos y comentarios técnicos e históricos sobre los procedimientos

descritos que, aparte de su valor documental, sirven como argumentos a las tesis

propuestas por el autor anteriormente. Un vocabulario inglés-latín de términos téc-

nicos sirve como puente entre la traducción y la nueva transcripción del texto (fue

transcrito por primera vez por Libri, 1849, en Catalogue général des manuscrits des

bibliothèques publiques des departaments, v. I). El libro se complementa con varios

apéndices donde se reúnen el estudio codicológico del manuscrito, prescripciones y

referencias a otros tratados de tecnología artística que facilitan la comprensión del

texto y, sobre todo, una muy interesante lista de referencias modernas sobre el Liber

diversarum arcium y la manera en la que fue considerado y utilizado por la historio-

grafía especializada.

Tal como señala Mark Clarke la publicación del libro Mediaeval Painters’ Materials

and Techniques se debe al hecho de que el Liber diversarum arcium constituye el

tratado medieval de tecnología artística más interesante y exhaustivo que sintetiza

el estado del arte y la técnica de la pintura en la Europa del siglo XIV. Además, la

estructura y el contenido del tratado muestra un claro afán práctico, estrechamente

relacionado con el aprendizaje de la técnica de la pintura, propio de un manual de

taller. Las prescripciones técnicas del tratado y su organización en la preparación de

pigmentos, dibujo y técnicas pictóricas avalan, precisamente, la propuesta del autor y




lo sitúan al mismo nivel de interés que el célebre Il libro dell´arte de Cennino Cennini.

El Liber diversarum arcium permite sacar conclusiones más generalizadoras sobre la

historia y la técnica de la pintura en la Europa de los siglos XIV-XV. Mencionaré sólo

dos de los casos que Mark Clarke ha sabido resaltar en su estudio: en primer lugar, el

tratamiento que se da a la pintura al óleo, no como una novedad sino como un co-

nocimiento tecnológico subyacente que estaba a punto de eclosionar estéticamente,

al darse cuenta los artistas de las posibilidades que ofrecía tal técnica. En segundo

lugar, toda la información técnica que ofrece para los juegos de luces y sombras y la

imitación de texturas, como las famosas telas tornasoladas que aparecen con mucha

frecuencia en la pintura de la época.

Otro elemento a destacar es la metodología de trabajo en la traducción y transcrip-

ción del texto, que incluyen elementos como la incorporación en la traducción de

los términos en latín para los materiales cuando el autor considera que es necesario

para facilitar la comprensión y evitar equívocos. De este modo se consigue evitar

o mitigar el problema en la traducción de términos técnicos del latín vulgar y en la

identificación de un nombre con una sustancia concreta. Otro punto que el autor ha

sabido gestionar muy bien es la transcripción del texto latín, adaptando los principios

de la crítica textual a la realidad de un texto tecnológico, sin pretensiones literarias y

al que no se puede atribuir a un único arquetipo: el texto de las prescripciones técni-

cas se ha cotejado con similares en otros manuscritos y se han señalado los pasajes

adicionales o divergentes. Finalmente, me gustaría destacar el hecho de incorporar

en la publicación el estudio codicológico del manuscrito entero y no simples refe-

rencias a los folios del tratado concreto, un hecho que permite sacar conclusiones

interesantes sobre la transmisión de la tecnología técnica e indagar sobre sus autores,

su finalidad y su público.

En definitiva, la publicación del Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques: The

Montpellier Liber diversarum arcium de Mark Clarke explora al máximo los posibles

enfoques (históricos, artísticos, técnicos, estéticos, lingüísticos) de un tratado de

tecnología artística y estoy seguro que pronto se convertirá en una referencia obli-

gatoria a la hora de tratar estos textos como una fuente para la historia del arte y

disciplinas afines. •


1. Le texte a été édité et traduit en anglais par

Willene B. CLARK, The Medieval Book of Birds:

Hugh of Fouilloy’s «Aviarium», Binghamton,

Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Stu-

dies, State University of New York (Medieval

and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 80), 1992.

Ce livre s’accompagne d’une étude introduc-

tive, d’un catalogue des manuscrits illustrés

recensés par l’auteur, et d’une liste des autres

exemplaires connus à l’époque.

Signalons également l’édition à partir des trois

manuscrits concernés par cette étude et ac-

compagnée d’une traduction en portugais par

Maria Isabel REBELO GONCALVES, «Livro das

aves» Hugo de Folieto: Tradução do latim et

intradução por Maria Isabel Rebelo Goncalves,

Lisbone, Colibri, 1999. Pour la liste des manus-

crits voir Baudouin VAN DEN ABEELE, «Trente

et un nouveaux manuscrits de l’Aviarium: re-

gards sur la diffusion de l’œuvre d’Hugues de

Fouilloy», Scriptorium, 57-2, 2003, p. 253-271

(ici p. 264-267). Il faut y ajouter l’exemplaire de

Sevilla, Biblioteca Colombina, 7-2-21 (XIIIe s.),

cat. Y. F. SAEZ GUILLEM, Catalogo de manos-

critos de la Biblioteca Colombina de Sevilla, Se-

ville, 202, notice 390, p. 467-468 – qui m’a été

signalé par B. Van den Abeele que je remercie

chaleureusement; et l’exemplaire de Bruxelles,

Introduction

Le corpus des manuscrits de l’Aviarium de Hugues de Fouilloy est riche de 128 ma-

nuscrits dont une soixantaine sont illustrés de tout ou partie du programme icono-

graphique 1. Ces illustrations ont été conçues par l’auteur lui-même si l’on en juge

par le contenu de la dédicace et du prologue du traité 2. Le fait que l’auteur du texte

soit également le concepteur des illustrations confère à ces dernières un statut par-

ticulier. Hugues explique en effet que, dans la mesure où il destine son ouvrage à

un lectorat peu cultivé, les images ont pour fonction de faciliter la transmission de

l’information à ceux qui auraient des difficultés à saisir la subtilité du texte. C’est

probablement cette valeur didactique qui a valu au Traité des oiseaux de connaître

une telle diffusion à travers toute l’Europe médiévale 3, y compris au Portugal où ont

sont conservées trois prestigieuses copies dont au moins deux furent réalisées dans

une abbaye lusitanienne 4:

• Lisboa, Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo, ms. Lorvão 5 (anc. 90), Portugal,

Saint-Mamede de Lorvão (OSB puis OCist. vers 1200), 1184 (Era 1222 –

colophon) 5.

• Porto, Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto, ms. 43, Portugal (Santa-Cruz

de Coimbra ?), déb. du XIIIe s., Santa-Cruz de Coimbra (Aug.) 6.

• Lisboa, Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, ms. Alc 238, vers 1200-1210, Santa-

Maria d’Alcobaça (OCist.) 7.

Ces trois manuscrits, tous illustrés du cycle iconographique complet 8, comptent parmi

les plus beaux exemplaires du corpus. Quant à celui qui provient de Lorvão, il est

le plus ancien Aviarium daté à ce jour. S’il y a de fortes chances pour que ces trois

manuscrits aient été copiés au Portugal, cette question n’est pas encore entièrement

des interactions entre scriptoria portugais au xiie siècle rémy [email protected]

v a r i a · d e s i n t e r a c t i o n s e n t r e s c r i p t o r i a p o r t u g a i s a u x i i e s i è c l e



KBR, ms II 2313 (XVe s.) que j’ai découvert lors

de mes recherches doctorales, voir Rémy COR-

DONNIER, «Un 128e exemplaire de l’Aviarium

de Hugues de Fouilloy: Bruxelles, KBR, ms. II

2313», Revista Signum, 2010, 11-1, p. 358-411.

2. Charles DE CLERCQ, «Le rôle de l’image

dans un manuscrit médiéval (Bodleian, Lyell

71)», Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 37, 1962, p. 23-

30 et du même: «Hugues de Fouilloy, imagier

de ses propres œuvres?», Revue du Nord, 177,

1963, p. 31-43.

3. Voir la carte donnée par B. VAN DEN ABEE-

LE, 2003 (art. cit. notre note 1), p. 269.

4. Il existe également une version partielle

de l’Aviarium en ancien portugais réalisée au

XIVe siècle et actuellement conservée à Brasi-

lia: Livro das aves. Reprodução fac-similar do

manuscrito do séc. XIV; introdução; leitura crí-

tica; notas e glossário. Edição preparada por

Jacira Andrade MOTA, Rosa Virgínia MATOS,

Vera Lúcia SAMPAIO e N. ROSSI, s. l., Insti-

tuto nacional do livro, Ministério da educação

e cultura (Dicionário da língua portuguêsa.

Textos e vocabulários, 4), 1965. Voir aussi: Se-

rafim DA SILVA NETO, Textos medievais por-

tugueses e seus problemas. Rio de Janeiro,

MEC / Casa de Rui Barbosa, 1956, p. 40-45 ;

Pedro de AZEVEDO, «Uma versão portuguesa

de historia natural das aves do sec. XIV», Re-

vista lusitana, 25:1-4, 1925, p. 128-147; Maria

Adelaide VALLE CINTRA, Bibliografia de textos

medievais portugueses, Lisboa, Publicações do

Centro de estudos filologicos, 1960, p. 68-69

et Rosa Virgínia MATTOS E SILVA, Américo

Venâncio LOPES MACHADO FILHO, «Fontes

para o conhecimento da língua portuguesa de

trezentos: Os mais antigos manuscritos por-

tugueses existentes no Brasil», Série Estudos

Medievais, 2: Fontes, 2009, p. 189-202 5URL:

http://www.fclar.unesp.br/poslinpor/gtmedie-

val/interno.php?secao=fontes).

5. Mário MARTINS, «O Livro das aves», Brote-

ria, 77-5, 1963, p. 413-416, brève description

codicologique du mansucrit; Firmino CRESPO

et Frade FERNANDO, «Anotações e comen-

tários sobre o Livro das aves», Geographica,

III-9, 1967, p. 20-39, qui décrivent le manuscrit

clarifiée. Les chercheurs qui se sont penché sur la question auparavant n’ont pas

put donner de réponse définitive 9. Je ne prétends pas non plus pouvoir le faire à ce

stade de mes recherches. Mais dans le cadre d’un récent séjour au Portugal 10, j’ai eu

l’occasion de travailler directement sur ces manuscrits et d’y faire des observations

qui me permettent de proposer de nouvelles hypothèses de recherche.

Le traité des oiseaux

Le De avibus fut rédigé au milieu du XIIe siècle par Hugues de Fouilloy, prieur d’une

communauté de chanoines réguliers augustiniens, installée entre Amiens et Corbie 11.

Ce traité est dédié à un certain Rainier, ancien chevalier devenu frère convers, à qui le

Prieur de Saint-Laurent se propose d’enseigner les principes de la vie régulière 12. Les

deux principales sources doctrinales du traité sont d’ailleurs la Règle bénédictine qui

donne sa structure thématique au traité, et le Pastoral de Grégoire le Grand auquel

Hugues à largement puisé. L’Aviarium est organisé de façon binaire afin de refléter

les deux aspects de la vie religieuse au Moyen Âge: la vie contemplative et la vie

active – la vie contemplative étant principalement consacrée à la lectio divina, et la

vie active à la pratique des bonnes actions et de la prédication. Le choix du symbo-

lisme des oiseaux est motivé d’abord par le fait qu’Hugues s’adresse à des religieux,

traditionnellement représentés par des oiseaux dans la symbolique chrétienne 13.

Dans la mesure ou il écrit pour des lecteurs qui ne sont pas formés «es lettres», Hu-

gues a pris soin d’adapter son propos en l’enrichissant de figures peintes destinées

à en faciliter la compréhension à ceux qui ne sauraient pas se contenter du texte.

Son Traité des oiseaux est donc illustré de miniatures qui forment des compositions

complexes reliées de façon étroite pour relayer le message de l’auteur auprès des

illiterati 14. Le cycle iconographique complet de l’Aviarium comprend trente miniatu-

res, toutes sont annotées. La miniature de la dédicace, le diagramme de la colombe,

le diagramme des trois colombes, le diagramme de l’autour, la miniature du palmier,

la miniature de la tourterelle et la miniature du cèdre et des passereaux, illustrent

la premières partie du traité. Ce sont les compositions les plus originales. Les vingt-

trois autres miniatures illustrent la seconde partie du Traité des oiseaux. Elles sont

beaucoup plus simples car elles ne font que représenter l’oiseau en question dans le

chapitre qu’elles accompagnent. Mais elles sont aussi accompagnées d’une inscrip-

tion placée soit en incipit du chapitre, soit dans la bordure du cadre de l’illustration

s’il y en a un, soit simplement autour de la miniature.

Ces compositions picturales s’inscrivent dans la tradition de l’exégèse visuelle 15. Les

diagrammes et les miniatures de la première partie du traité expliquent la signification

allégorique des oiseaux concernés et les figures idéalisées de la seconde partie ont

pour fonction de mettre en évidence la dimension signifiante des autres oiseaux décrit

par Hugues. L’importance du rôle des images dans l’économie du sens de l’Aviarium

explique le grand nombre d’exemplaires illustrés qui nous sont parvenus, même si la

tradition n’est pas exempte d’erreurs de copies ou de réinterprétations 16.



et surtout ses enluminures; voir aussi la notice

de Maria Adelaide MIRANDA, dans A iluminura

em Portugal, Identidade e Influências, Lisboa,

BN, 1999, p. 190.

6. Johana LENCART, notice dans A. A. NASCI-

MIENTO, J. F. MEIRINHOS, Catálogo dos códi-

ces da Livraria de Mao Do Mosterio de Santa

Cruz de Coimbra na Biblioteca Pública Munici-

pal do Porto, Porto, Biblioteca Pública Munici-

pal do Porto, 1997, p. 199-203.

7. Maria Adelaide MIRANDA, notice dans A ilu-

minura em Portugal, Identidade e Influências,

Lisboa, BN, 1999, p. 184.

8. L’exemplaire de Santa-Cruz est hélas lacu-

naire du premier feuillet, qui devait compren-

dre la miniature du prologue et le diagramme

de la colombe.

9. A Iluminura em Portugal: Identidade e In-

fluências, catálogo de exposição, orientação

cientica Adelaide Miranda, Lisboa, Ministério

da Cultura/Biblioteca Nacional, 1999, p.184-

191; W. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p.

41-50, cat. n.° 23, 24, 47; Antonio CRUZ, «O

Livro das Aves. Um Códice Ignorado Idêntico

ao de Lorvão», Revista de Ciências Historicas,

1, 1986, p. 161-174; Maria Adelaide MIRANDA,

A Iluminura Românica em Santa Cruz de Coim-

bra e Santa Maria de Alcobaça. Lisboa. Fa-

culdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, 1986

p.181-184; Mário S. J. MARTINS, «O Livro das

Aves», Broteria, 77-5, 1963, p. 413-416.

10. J’ai plaisir à remercier à cette occasion

l’équipe du projet FFCT/FCT/UNL «Color in

medieval illuminated manuscripts: between

beauty and meaning» et tout particulièrement

Adélaïde Miranda, pour son chaleureux accueil.

11. Sur Hugues de Fouilloy, en plus de ce qu’en

dit W. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p.

5-10, voir notamment: Jean BRIAL, «Hugues

de Fouilloi, prieur de Saint-Laurent de Heilli»,

dans Histoire Littéraire de la France, XIII, Paris,

Victor Palme, 1879, p. 492-507; Henri PEL-

TIER, «Hugues de Fouilloy, chanoine régulier,

prieur de Saint-Laurent-au-Bois», Revue du

Moyen Âge latin, 2, 1946, p. 25-44; Ivan GO-

BRY, «Hugues de Fouilloy», Dictionnaire de spi-

Spécificités iconographiques des exemplaires portugais

Les diagrammes et les miniatures de la première partieLes trois exemplaires portugais sont, dans l’ensemble, assez fidèles à la principale

tradition iconographique du traité 17. Ils présentent néanmoins quelques variations in-

téressantes à signaler pour l’étude de la tradition portugaise du Traité des oiseaux.

Ainsi, dans l’aviaire de Lorvão, un arbalétrier et un archer sont représentés sur la

page en regard de celle du diagramme de la colombe (f. 5v.). Ils ne font pas partie

du cycle originel du traité. Peut-être est-ce une évocation du Psaume 90, 3-5: «C’est

lui-même qui m’arrachera au filet de l’oiseleur et d’une parole meurtrière. Il te mettra

à l’ombre sous ses épaules, et sous ses ailes tu espèreras. Sa vérité t’environnera de

son bouclier, et tu n’auras pas à craindre d’une terreur nocturne, d’une flèche volant

le jour». L’assimilation de ces personnages à des figures négatives voir démoniaques

est corroborée par la mutilation apotropaïque des visages dont ils ont fait l’objet 18.

La thématique du Psaume 90 est par ailleurs très proche de celle des premiers cha-

pitres de l’Aviarium et du diagramme de la colombe dont les inscriptions évoquent

la recherche de sécurité et l’espoir du repos éternel. Comme le suggère W. Clark 19, il

se peut aussi qu’il s’agisse simplement de figures destinées à combler l’espace vide

du feuillet créé par le rejet du diagramme de la colombe sur la pleine page en regard.

L’enlumineur s’est peut-être inspiré d’archers représentés dans d’autres manuscrits du

scriptorium d’Alcobaça (Clark donne l’exemple de Porto, BM, ms 31, f. 207v.) 20.

Les miniatures du cycle traditionnel de la première partie du traité présentent quel-

ques modifications plus ou moins importantes par rapport au cycle originel. Les

termes clericus et miles qui identifient les oiseaux de la miniature du prologue n’ont

pas été reportés. Dans le diagramme de la colombe il manque les inscriptions pennas

vitutum et volabo desiderio dans les écoinçons supérieurs, et les mots timor, desi-

derio, spes et amor autour de l’oiseau dans le médaillon central. Dans le diagramme

des trois colombes, la colombe du christ est dissociée des deux autres mais les trois

oiseaux restent visibles en même temps car ils sont figurés sur deux pages en vis-

à-vis. Le rubricateur a oublié le mot nigra entre anima et formosa dans l’inscription

de la bordure du médaillon de la colombe de Noé. Le diagramme de l’autour, sensé

représenter une rose des vents, est ici remplacé par un médaillon contenant la figure

de l’oiseau. Les inscriptions habituellement placées sur les bras de la croix servent

de rubrique aux chapitres 12, 13 et 14 21. La miniature du palmier est partiellement

inscrite dans un médaillon dans le cadre duquel est reportée la rubrique du chapitre

24 déjà inscrite de part et d’autre du tronc. La miniature de la tourterelle perd son

apparence cruciforme. Le médaillon central avec l’oiseau est ici encadré par les ru-

briques inscrites normalement dans le stipex de la croix. Les inscriptions du patibulus

servent quant à elles de rubriques aux chapitres 25 et 27. La miniature du cèdre et

des passereaux est un arbre stylisé. Des rinceaux s’enroulent autour de son tronc.

Son feuillage dessine une mandorle losangée à fond rouge, au centre de laquelle est

figuré un jeune Christ imberbe au nimbe crucifère 22, revêtu d’une robe et enveloppé



ritualité, Paris, t. 7, 1969, col. 880-886; Cosimo

Damiano FONSECA, «Hugues de Fouilloy entre

l’ordo antiquus et l’ordo novus», Cahiers de ci-

vilisation médiévale, 16, 1973, p. 303-312.

12. Jacques BERLIOZ et Rémy CORDONNIER,

«Le convers et les oiseaux. Monde animal, mora-

le et milieu monastique: le De avibus d’Hugues

de Fouilloy (XIIe siècle)», dans L’homme-ani-

mal, histoire d’un face à face, Strasbourg, Adam

Biro/Musées de Strasbourg, 2004, p. 72-81.

13. Voir Rémy CORDONNIER, «La plume dans

l’Aviarium d’Hugues de Fouilloy: sénéfiance(s)

d’une «propriété» aviaire», dans F. POMEL

(dir.), La corne et la plume dans la littérature

médiévale, Rennes, Presses Universitaires de

Rennes, 2010, p. 167-202.

14. Willene B. CLARK, «The Illustrated Me-

dieval Aviary and Laybrotherhood», Gesta, 21,

1982, p. 63-74; Rémy CORDONNIER, «Haec

pertica est regula. Texte, image et mise en page

dans l’Aviarium d’Hugues de Fouilloy, dans B.

VAN DEN ABEELE (éd.), Bestiaires médiévaux.

Nouvelles perspectives sur les manuscrits et les

traditions textuelles, Louvain-la-Neuve, Insti-

tut d’études médiévales, 2005, p. 71-110.

15. Sur l’exégèse visuelle voir notamment: Anna

C. ESMEIJER, Divina quaternitas, a preliminary

study in the method and application of visual

exegesis, Assen, Van Gorcum, 1978; Patrice

SICARD, Diagrammes médiévaux et exégèse

visuelle: le Libellus de formatione arche de Hu-

gues de Saint-Victor, Paris-Turnhout, Brepols

(Bibliotheca Victorina 4), 1993; E. MAGNANI et

D. RUSSO, «Histoire de l’art et anthropologie,

3. Exégèse textuelle, exégèse visuelle», Bulle-

tin du centre d’études médiévales d’Auxerre [En

ligne], Histoire de l’art & Anthropologie. Sémi-

naires, mis en ligne le 22 octobre 2009 (URL:

http://cem.revues.org/index11323.html); Na-

tasha F. H. O’HEAR, Contrasting Images of the

Book of Revelation in Late Medieval and Early

Modern Art: A Case Study in Visual Exegesis,

Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2010.

16. Rémy CORDONNIER, «Enluminure et spiri-

tualité: le sens du signe et ses difficultés», His-

toire et images médiévales, Thématique 15: les

arts de la couleur, février 2009, p. 24-29.

dans un pallium. Il bénit de la main droite et de la gauche maintient un livre posé sur

sa cuisse. Il est assis sur un arc de cercle tandis qu’un autre arc lui sert de repose-

pieds. Six médaillons à fond bleu sont dessinés dans le tracé du feuillage de part et

d’autre du Christ et un septième au sommet de la mandorle qui se termine par une

palmette fleurdelisée. Chaque médaillon comprend un oiseau.

L’aviaire de Santa-Cruz est enluminé dans un style très élégant et coloré. Le pre-

mier feuillet a été hélas découpé (l’onglet est encore clairement visible), il devait

comprendre à n’en pas douter le prologue et la dédicace ainsi que la miniature du

prologue et le diagramme de la colombe qui sont donc perdu à ce jour. Comme dans

l’exemplaire de Lorvão, la mise en page du diagramme des trois colombes isole la

colombe du Christ de celles de Noé et David. Mais cette fois, l’une est sur le recto

du feuillet et les deux autres sur le verso et de ce fait l’unité visuelle de l’ensemble

est entièrement perdue. Le rubricateur a fait le même oubli que celui de Lorvão:

le nigra entre anima et formosa. Il avait en plus inscrit nigra au lieu de nivea dans la

bordure du médaillon de la colombe du Christ, mais cette erreur a été rectifiée par le

correcteur au Moyen Âge. Les autres miniatures de la première partie du traité sont,

iconographiquement et du point de vue de la composition, identiques à celles de

l’exemplaire de Lorvão. Les inscriptions du digramme de l’autour et de la miniature

de la tourterelle sont, là aussi, devenues les rubriques des chapitres 12, 13 et 14 sur

les vents et 25 et 27 sur le palmier. Le rubricateur, qui n’était décidément pas brillant,

a fait une troisième erreur. Dans l’inscription du médaillon de la tourterelle il a inscrit

in nido pour in nidulo, corrigé par le relecteur monastique. Les modifications les plus

importantes apparaissent finalement dans la miniature du cèdre et des passereaux.

Le Christ y est désormais barbu et moustachu. Il tient un sceptre crucifère au lieu

d’un livre dans la main gauche. Il n’est plus assis sur un arc et ses pieds reposent

désormais sur une extension des rinceaux du tronc. La miniature est aussi plus colo-

rée. L’enlumineur a peint en vert l’intérieur du tronc, la bordure centrale du losange

et la hampe du sceptre, des rehauts de vert servent à modeler les plis du pallium.

La robe du christ, certaines parties du corps des oiseaux ainsi que les bras de la croix

du nimbe et la bordure extérieure du feuillage sont en jaune pâle. Les décorations

de la ceinture du Christ et certaines parties des rinceaux du tronc sont en rouge.

Le nimbe du Christ est bleu.

Enfin, l’aviaire d’Alcobaça est d’un style beaucoup plus fruste que ceux de Lorvão

et Santa-Cruz et a vraisemblablement été illustré par le scribe lui-même ou en tout

cas par un peintre qui n’était pas artiste de formation. La miniature du prologue y

est néanmoins complète. Dans le diagramme de la colombe, les inscriptions pennas

vitutum et volabo desiderio dans les écoinçons supérieurs sont absentes à l’exception

du mot penne inscrit dans l’écoinçon supérieur gauche. Il n’y a pas d’inscriptions non

plus dans le médaillon central. Le diagramme des trois colombes reçoit la même mise

en page qu’à Santa-Cruz et reproduit le problème du recto-verso. Le diagramme de

l’autour est là encore transformé en un simple encadrement situé non plus au centre

de la page mais aux deux tiers de la colonne de texte de droite. Le rubricateur a placé

les inscriptions de la croix en tête des chapitres 12, 13, 14, 15. La miniature du pal-



17. Voir R. CORDONNIER, 2005 (art. cit. notre

note 14), p. 76-79 et du même, L’illustration du

«De avibus» de Hugues de Fouilloy: symbolisme

animal et méthodes d’enseignement au Moyen

Âge, thèse en 4 vol., non éditée, Université

Charles de Gaulle, Lille, 2007, vol. 1 p. 121-174.

18. Sur le thème du diable oiseleur voir: B. G.

KOONCE, «Satan the Fowler», Mediaeval Stu-

dies, 21, 1959, p. 176-184.

19. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1),

p. 45.

20. Il a également été suggéré que ces person-

nages pourraient évoquer le «miles» du prolo-

gue, voir A. MIRANDA, A . LEMOS, C. MIGUEL,

M. J. MELO, «On Wings of Blue: The history,

material and technique of the Book of Birds in

Portuguese scriptoria», dans L. U. ALFONSO

(ed.), The Materials of the Image/As Matérias

da Imagem, Lisbonne, Universidade de Lis-

boa, 2010, p. 171-184 (ici p. 175). Toutefois

l’agressivité de ces archers rend cette interpré-

tation difficilement recevable dans la mesure

où le miles du prologue est présenté comme

quelqu’un s’étant converti à la vie religieuse.

21. D’après la numérotation de l’édition de

CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1).

22. Comme le signale M. A. MIRANDA, 1999

(art. cit. notre note 5), p. 190, on retrouve

ce Christ jeune à la croix dans l’exemplaire de

Bordeaux, BM, ms. 995, f. 67v. Elle mentionne

aussi l’exemplaire de Valenciennes, BM, ms.

101, f. 176, mais si le Christ y est jeune et gla-

bre, en revanche il tient une sphaera mundi à

la place de la croix.

23. Cette lacune n’est pas mentionnée par W.

B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 286-

287, mais elle est signalée par M. I. REBELO

GONÇALVES, 1999 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 50.


p. 42.

mier est au milieu de la colonne de texte de gauche. Et sa rubrique est aussi portée

deux fois: entre les branches du feuillage et sous le tronc en tête du chapitre 24. La

miniature de la tourterelle est transformée en un simple médaillon placé au milieu de

la colonne de texte de droite, en regard de la miniature du palmier. Les inscriptions

du patibulus sont placées dans l’entrecolonne et les inscriptions du stipex servent de

rubriques aux chapitres 25 et 27. Comme dans l’aviaire de Lorvão, le cèdre est stylisé

pour devenir une mandorle losangée. Outre le style, on note les différences suivan-

tes: disparition des arcs sur lesquels le Christ était assis, ce dernier tient un sceptre

crucifère au lieu d’un livre dans la main gauche, et on ne compte que six médaillons

au lieu de sept. En revanche, l’enlumineur a figuré les plaies des pieds du Christ qui

reposent sur un escabeau. Le tronc et le feuillage sont teints en vert.

Les portraits d’oiseaux de la seconde partieLes portraits d’oiseaux qui illustrent la seconde partie de l’aviaire de Hugues ne pré-

sentent pas de différences notables dans les exemplaires portugais par rapport à la

principale tradition du corpus.

Il faut mentionner cependant l’absence de la figure du hibou dans le manuscrit de

Lorvão en raison d’un arrachement de la moitié supérieure de la page où se trouvait

la miniature 23. Dans les manuscrits de Lorvão et de Santa-Cruz tous les oiseaux sont

figurés dans un médaillon dont la bordure comprend à chaque fois la sentence rimée

qui résume le trope principal du chapitre. Les deux manuscrits présentent par ailleurs

une certaine parenté formelle. Dans l’ensemble les figures présentent les caractéristi-

ques du groupe d’Heiligenkreuz déterminées par W. Clark 24. On retrouve notamment

dans ces deux exemplaires l’un des petits du pélican mystique dessiné à l’horizon-

tale sur la droite de la composition. Il y a aussi cette manière particulière de figurer

l’autruche avec son croupion emplumé de touffes presque «pileuses». Dans le manus-

crit de Santa-Cruz l’autruche s’éloigne de l’échassier de Lorvão pour s’apparenter à un

rapace palmipède. L’enlumineur de Santa-Cruz l’a en outre affublée de deux petites

oreilles qui caractérisent habituellement les rapaces nocturnes. Dans l’aviaire de San-

ta-Cruz l’enlumineur a fait déborder les plumes de la queue de la grue sur l’inscription

du médaillon et a reporté en bleu dans la marge adjacente le mot que sa peinture

avait occulté: viuent. L’hirondelle de Santa-Cruz a l’aile droite relevée, ce qui n’est pas

le cas dans l’exemplaire de Lorvão. On peut aussi relever la position particulière de la

cigogne dans ces deux manuscrits, où elle est représentée en train de craqueter, c’est-

à-dire la tête renversée en arrière sur le dos et claquant du bec. Dans l’exemplaire de

Santa-Cruz elle lève en plus la patte gauche. Le héron de Lorvão tourne la tête vers

l’arrière alors que celui de Santa-Cruz regarde devant lui, mais l’un et l’autre présen-

tent la même ondulation du cou. Les caladres sont figurés comme des palmipèdes.

Dans l’exemplaire d’Alcobaça seul le corbeau, le coq, le vautour et l’hirondelle sont

dans un médaillon. Pour les figures du corbeau et du vautour, le médaillon a visible-

ment été rajouté après dans la mesure où il passe par-dessus le dessin de l’oiseau.

Le coq et l’hirondelle posent un autre problème car leur style est nettement différent

du reste du manuscrit, mais je reviendrai sur ce point plus bas.




p. 41-51.

26. Le premier comprend l’aviaire d’Heiligen-

kreuz plus les exemplaires de Zwettl, StiftsB,

ms. 253, v. 1200, Bruxelles, KBR, ms. 8536-43

(Flandres ou France du Nord?, v. 1250, et Ox-

ford, BL, ms. Lyell 71 (Lombardie?, v. 1300).

Le second réunit nos trois manuscrits portugais

plus les exemplaires de Troyes, BM, ms. 711 (fin

de XIIe s.), Rome, B. Cansanatense, ms. 444 (v.

1220-1230), et Paris, BNF, ms. 2495 (XIIIe s.).

Le troisième sous-groupe réunit les manuscrits

de New Haven, Yale UL, Beinecke ms. 189 (v.

1200), Bordeaux, BM, ms. 995 (2e moit. XIIIe)

et Cambrai, BM, ms. 259 (région parisienne, v.

1230-1235).

27. B. VAN DEN ABEELE, (ar t. cit. notre

note 1), cat. 11, p. 258. Sur ce ms. voir Mar-

tine SAINTE-MARIE, «Note sur un “traité des

oiseaux” conservé parmi les manuscrits de la

Société archéologique de Montpellier», Mé-

moires de la Société archéologique de Mont-

pellier, 21, 1993, p. 393-401.

28. B. VAN DEN ABEELE, (art. cit. notre note

1), p. 264.

29. M. A. MIRANDA, 1999 (art. cit. notre note

5), p. 190 donne DEN[TUR].

30. Comme le souligne W. B. CLARK, 1992

(op. cit. notre note 1), p. 286-287, l’ordre des

cahiers a donc vraisemblablement été inver-

sé l’ors d’une reliure antérieure et les cahiers

contenant le texte d’Isidore de Séville sur la

création de l’homme et de la femme devait

initialement se trouver avant l’Aviarium et les

extraits de l’Exameron sur les animaux. Cette

hypothèse est corroborée par la coïncidence

entre le trou situé à coté du genou du Créa-

teur dans la miniature de la création d’Ève et

une tache brune que l’on observe à peu près au

milieu de la page d’incipit de l’Aviarium. L’en-

semble constituait une suite logique décrivant

la signification des créatures vivantes en com-

mençant par l’homme et en poursuivant par les

oiseaux et les mammifères.

31. Saint Mamède de Lorvão est passé sous

plusieurs obédiences depuis sa fondation. Ini-

Relations entre les manuscrits

État de la questionSelon le classement proposé par Clark 25, les trois manuscrits portugais appartiennent

au groupe des aviaires illustrés dit d’Heiligenkreuz, du nom de l’Abbaye autrichienne

où est actuellement conservé le manuscrit type du groupe (Heiligenkreuz, StiftsB,

ms. 226, France ?, fin du XIIe siècle). Les quatorze manuscrits qu’il comprend se-

raient issus d’un modèle dit «modèle A», qui était soit l’original soit très proche de

ce dernier. Du point de vue textuel, l’aviaire d’Heiligenkreuz est l’exemplaire qui

possède le plus de points communs avec le reste du corpus. C’est le groupe le plus

nombreux et qui comprend les plus anciens témoins de l’Aviarium, ce qui en fait le

meilleur représentant potentiel du traité originel. La majorité de ces manuscrits sont

d’origine cistercienne, et ils semblent rattachés de près ou de loin au scriptorium de

l’abbaye de Morimond. Clark distingue trois ensembles au sein de ce corpus 26, mais

les différences textuelles qui les distinguent sont minimes. Plus récemment B. Van den

Abeele a ajouté un manuscrit au groupe, celui de Montpellier, Société archéologique,

ms. 8 (fin XIIe - déb. XIIIe s.) 27, dont il souligne la parenté des illustrations avec les

exemplaires portugais en précisant: «il pourrait donc s’agir d’un chaînon entre les

manuscrits français et ceux du Portugal» 28.

Les aviaria de Lorvão et Santa-Cruz sont très proches stylistiquement et les cher-

cheurs qui s’y sont intéressé sont tous d’accord pour situer leur production au Por-

tugal. Pour le premier la chose est évidente grâce aux deux colophons présent dans

le manuscrit: ad honorem Dei et sancti Mametis in Monasterio laurbanense est scri-

btus [sic] liber iste. In diebus Johannis abbatis FINITO LIBRO DONA DEN[IQUE] 29

LARGIORA magistro. Era M.C.C.XXII (f. 67) et: Scriptus est liber este ad laudem et

honorem Dei omnipotentis et sancti Mametis laurbanensis monasterii temporum regis

Alfonsi, in diebus Johannis abbatis. Era M.CC.XXI (f. 90v.) 30. Pas de doutes donc sur

son lieu de production ni sur la datation qui le situe dans la période bénédictine de

l’abbaye 31. La date est donnée selon l’Ère espagnole, dont le point de départ cor-

respond à l’application de la loi romaine en Espagne en 38 av. J.-C., ce qui donne

1184 pour le premier colophon et 1183 pour le second 32. Or Lorvão, ne devint une

abbaye cistercienne de femmes qu’en 1206, sous l’influence de Dona Teresa, fille du

roi Sanche I, et confirmée dans ses statuts en 1213. Le scribe a été identifié comme

étant Egeas, celui du fameux Beatus de Lorvão 33. Les enlumineurs de l’Aviarium

sont également les deux mêmes qui se sont chargé d’illustrer le Beatus. Le plus doué

des deux étant cependant moins présent dans l’Aviarium que dans le Beatus 34. Bien

qu’étant le plus ancien manuscrit daté du corpus, l’exemplaire de Lorvão a été copié

au moins dix ans après la mort d’Hugues de Fouilloy (survenue probablement vers

1173) et plus de vingt ans après la rédaction probable du traité que je situe entre

1130 et 1160. Certes au XIIe siècle les voyages prenaient plus de temps que de nos

jours, mais en vingt ans un texte avait bien le temps d’être largement diffusé y com-

pris jusqu’au «lointain Portugal» pour reprendre les mots de Charles de Clercq 35. Par

ailleurs, les modifications apportées au digramme de l’autour et à la miniature de la



tialement créé sous une version remaniée de la

regula communis de saint Fructueux. L’abbaye

devint progressivement bénédictine entre 1064

et 1109, sous l’influence de l’abbé réformateur

Eusèbe. Voir J. M. GOMES DA SILVA ROCHA,

L’image dans le Beatus de Lorvão, thèse en 4

vol., non éditée, consultée sur place, Université

Libre de Bruxelles, 2008, vol. 1 p. 71-72. (Je

remercie chaleureusement Alain Dierkens et

Jacqueline Leclercq-Marx pour m’avoir signalé

et prêté un exemplaire de cette étude).


n. 2 p. 45.

33. Voir W. NEUSS, O Comentário do Apocalip-

se do Lorvao e Suas Iluminuras, Coimbra, 1929;

Anne DE EGRY, Um estudo de O Apocalipse do

Lorvao e sua relação com as ilustrações medie-

vais do Apocalipse, Lisbonne, 1972.


p. 45.

35. Charles DE CLERCQ, «La nature et le sens

du De avibus d’Hugues de Fouilloy», dans A.

ZIMMERMANN et R. HOFFMANN (éds.),

Methoden in Wissenschaft und Kunst des Mit-

telalters, Berlin, de Gruyter (Miscellanea Me-

diaevalia, 7), 1970, p. 279-302, ici p. 302. W.

B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), n. 1 p.

46, a mal interprété les propos de Charles de

Clercq et lui fait dire que l’aviaire de Lorvão

aurait été copié d’après le premier exemplaire.

Or de Clercq ne fait qu’affirmer l’existence du

cycle iconographique dans l’exemplaire originel

à partir du constat de la transmission relative-

ment stable de ce cycle au sein du corpus, y

compris dans des exemplaires produits loin de

la région d’origine du traité.


p. 286 – transcrits par M. I. REBELO GONÇAL-

VES, 1999 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 76 et 78.

37. Ambroise de Milan, Exameron, VI, 26-29

(PL 14, c. 123-273 - Paris, 1845). J’ai rendu le

texte comme il apparait sur le manuscrit sauf

pour l’organisation sur deux colonnes, choisie

ici pour gagner de la place, dans le manuscrit le

texte est à longues lignes. M. MARTINS, 1963

(art. cit. notre note 5), p. 413; F. CRESPO et F.

tourterelle montrent quand même une nette divergence par rapport au cycle origi-

nel. La suppression de la composition cruciforme de ces deux miniatures les ampute

d’une grande part de leur signification exégétique. De même, la séparation de la

colombe du Christ de celles de Noé et David dans le diagramme des trois colombes

rend impossible la lecture ascensionnelle de ce dernier et en supprime la dimension

anagogique. Contrairement à ce que suggérait Ch. de Clercq, l’exemplaire de Lorvão

témoigne plutôt de ce que vingt ans après la rédaction du traité, son cycle icono-

graphique avait déjà subit d’importantes modifications et déperditions de sens. En

outre, les miniatures ne sont pas les seuls éléments du traité à avoir subit des modi-

fications. En effet, le texte a aussi été augmenté par l’interpolation de deux passages

de l’Exameron d’Ambroise de Milan (V, 21, 74) entre les chapitres 15-16 et 16-17 36.

Il est en outre suivit sans transition d’une dizaine d’autres passages du même texte,

auquel le scribe s’est contenté d’ajouter une série de rubriques indiquant de quel

animal traite le passage adjacent:

[fin de l’Aviarium] De infantulo

Vix infantulo coeperunt dentes prorumpere,

et iam novit sua arma tentare. De catulo

Nondum catulo dentes, et tamquam ha-

beat, ore proprio se quaerit ulcisci. De cervo

Nondum cervo cornua, et tamen fronte praelu-

dit, atque ea quae nondum expertus sit, tela

¶minitatur.

[f. 145] Lupus si prior hominem viderit De lupus,

vocem eripit, et despicit eum tamquam vocis

ablatae victor. Idem si se praevisum senserit,

deponit ferociam, non potest currere. De

Leo gallum et maxi leo fortitudine

Me album veretur. De medicamine capre

Capra vulnerata dictamnum petit, et

de vulnere excludit sagittas. De remediis

Norunt et bestiae remedia sua. bestiarum

Leo aeger simiam quaerit, ut devoret;

quo possit sanari.

Leopardus capreae agrestis sanguinem

bibit, et vim languoris evitat. Omnis fe-

ra aegra canis hausto curatur sanguine.

Ursus aeger formicas devorat.

Cervus oleae ramusculos mandit.

Ergo ferae norunt ea [ex]petere quae sibi

prosint ; tu ignoras, o homo, remedia tua!

Tu nescis quomodo virtutem eripias adversario,

ut te tamquam praeventus lupus effugere non pos-

sit, ut oculo tuae mentis eius perfidiam deprehendas,

[f. 145v.] et prior cursum verborum eius impedias, in (sic)-

pudentiam eius et acumen disputatio-

nis obtundas. Quod si te ille praevenerit,

vocem tibi aufert: et si obmutueris, sol-

ve amictum tuum, ut sermonem resol-

vas. Et si in te insurrexerit lupus, petram

cape, et fugit. Petra tua Christus est. Si ad

Christum confugias, fugit lupus, nec terre-

re te poterit. Hanc petram quaesivit Pe-

trus, cum titubaret in fluctibus, et in-

venit; quia dexteram amplexus est Christi.

De leone pardo quod alia odorem refugiat

Quid dicam allio homines delectari,

et illud ad escam sumere, quod et

leopardus fugit ? Denique sicubi allium

aliquis confricandum putaverit, leopardus

inde exsilit, nec resistit. Cuius venenata fe-

ra odorem non potest sustinere, id tu pro

cibo sumis, et visceribus infundis in-

ternis ? Sed medicatur interdum doloribus. Su-

matur pro medicamento, non pro cibo: sumatur

[f. 146] ab aegrotantibus, non ab epulantibus.

Medicamentum Ieiunium salubre est coporis

quaeris, et ieiunium fugis; quasi maius

aliud remedium reperire possis. serpens

Ieiuni De sputo ieuni hominis moritur

hominis sputum si serpens gustaverit,



FRADE, 1967 (art. cit. notre note 5), p. 30 et

M. I. REBELO GONÇALVES, 1999 (art. cit. no-

tre note 1), p. 33 donnent la liste des rubriques

ajoutées dans le manuscrit. W. B. CLARK, 1992

(op. cit. notre note 1), n. 2 p. 45, identifiait

ces passages à des extraits la seconde famille

du Bestiaire latin tout en soulignant par ailleurs

que cette famille du Bestiaire, d’origine an-

glaise, n’est connue par d’autres sources sur le

continent qu’à partir du milieu du XIIIe siècle.

38. A. G. DA ROCHA MADAHIL, «Os códices

de Sant Cruz de Coimbra», Boletim de Biblio-

teca da Universidade de Coimbra, 8, 1927, p.

386-391; A. CRUZ, Santa Cruz de Coimbra na

cultura Portuguesa da idade média, Porto, Ma-

rânus, 1964, p. 130-136; Maria Adelaide MI-

RANDA, A iluminura românica em Santa Cruz

de Coimbra e Santa Maria de Alcobaça, Lisboa,

1996, p. 409-442.


p. 46; J. LENCART, 1997 (art. cit. notre note

6), p. 199, le situe dans la première moitié du

XIIIe s. et (p. 200) mentionne une note au f.

117 avec la date «Era 1312», soit 1274, ce qui

nous donne un terminus ante quem. Le codex

contient en outre un catalogue des manuscrits

de l’abbaye qui débute avec la mention d’un

don fait en 1207 (Era 1245) par Pierre Vincent,

chanoine de Saint-Vincent de Lisbonne.

40. M. A. MIRANDA, 1999 (art. cit. notre note

5), p. 135-139.


p. 46-47.

42. En grande partie reprises par M. A. MI-

RANDA, 1999 (op. cit. notre note 5), dans ses

notices sur les aviaires de Lorvão et Alcobaça,

p. 184 et 190.


p. 47.

44. Hugues de Fouilloy, De avibus. Traité des

oiseaux (extraits). Fac-similé du manuscrit 177

de la Médiathèque de l’Agglomération troyen-

ne, extraits trad. en fr. par Rémy Cordonnier,

Paris, 2004. Ce manuscrit est mentionné en

1472 dans le catalogue de l’abbaye composé

par Pierre de Virey, voir Françoise BIBOLET,

Le scriptorium de Santa-Cruz était bien actif à la fin du XIIe et au début du XIIIe

siècle 38. Il est donc très probable que l’aviaire y ait été produit. Toutefois, bien que

leur style soit différents, l’aviaire de Santa-Cruz, nous l’avons dit, est iconographi-

quement très proche de l’exemplaire de Lorvão. Clark a relevé de nombreux points

de contact entre l’iconographie des deux exemplaires, mais situe la production de

l’aviaire de Santa-Cruz après celui de Lorvão 39. Selon Clark, son style plus nerveux

éloigne l’enlumineur de Santa-Cruz de la production traditionnelle locale et le place

sous l’influence de l’art roman français.

Le monastère Sainte-Marie d’Alcobaça, fondé en 1153, est la 53e fille de Clairvaux.

Sa construction ne débute effectivement qu’en 1178, mais son scriptorium est déjà

pleinement en activité à la fin du XIIe siècle. En témoigne un ensemble de manuscrits

de grande qualité produits à cette époque et qui se démarquent nettement de la

production de Lorvão 40. Pourtant, W. Clark, a relevé une caractéristique stylistique

commune à certains oiseaux des manuscrits de Lorvão et d’Alcobaça, ce qui lui fait

dire que l’exemplaire d’Alcobaça aurait pu avoir été copié à Lorvão. Il s’agit du motif

en forme de soleil radiant (sunburst) que l’on trouve sur les genoux du Christ de

Lorvão et sur les épaules de plusieurs oiseaux du même manuscrit ainsi que sur les

figures du coq et de l’hirondelle d’Alcobaça. Parallèlement, Clark a relevé la présence

d’une initiale au début du premier chapitre de l’aviaire d’Alcobaça, donc le style est

très proche, mais pas identique, de celui d’une Bible produite à Santa-Cruz (Porto,

BP, ms. 31, SC 2) 41.

Au vu des ressemblances et des divergences entre les trois exemplaires portugais, W.

Clark avait émis des hypothèses de localisation sans pouvoir se prononcer avec certi-

tude quant à leurs interrelations ni sur le lieu de production de l’aviaire d’Alcobaça 42.

Pour elle, si les trois manuscrits ont été réalisés dans la région de Coimbra, le scrip-

torium le plus susceptible d’en avoir possédé le modèle commun serait Santa-Cruz

dans la mesure où il s’agit d’une maison augustinienne, soit l’ordre auquel appartenait

Hugues de Fouilloy 43. Mais l’enquête se complique avec l’inclusion nécessaire dans le

corpus d’un quatrième témoin illustré. Il s’agit de l’exemplaire actuellement conservé

à Troyes (Médiathèque municipale, ms. 177), daté lui aussi de la fin du XIIe siècle ou

du début du XIIIe siècle, et qui a appartenu à l’Abbaye cistercienne de Clairvaux 44.

Les miniatures des aviaires d’Alcobaça et de Clairvaux sont virtuellement identiques

à l’exception, là encore, des miniatures du coq et de l’hirondelle. Leurs textes sont

très proches également, bien que celui de Clairvaux soit moins fautif que celui d’Al-

cobaça 45. Clark considère donc comme possible que l’aviaire d’Alcobaça ait été copié

moritur. Vides quanta vis ieiunii sit; ut et

sputo suo homo terrenum serpentem inter-

ficiat, et merito spiritalem. Quantam Dominus etiam

minusculis infudit prudentia[m]! ris

Turtur nido suo, ne pul- De nido turtu-

los suos incurset lupus, squillae folia

superiacit. Novit enim quod huiusmodi folia lu-

pi fugere consuerint. Novit vulpecula

quomodo posteritatem foveat suam: et tu igno-

ras, tu negligis quomodo adversum lupos

nequitiae spiritalis posteritatem vitae huius ha-

beas tutiorem? 37



«Portraits d’oiseaux illustrant le De Avibus

d’Hugues de Fouilloy (Manuscrit de Clairvaux,

Troyes 177)», dans Benoît CHAUVIN (éd.), Mé-

langes à la mémoire du Père Anselme Dimier,

présentés par Benoît Chauvin, [II (Histoire

cistercienne), vol. IV (abbayes)], Beernem, B

Chauvin, 1984, p. 409-447, ici p. 409.


p. 47-48.

46. F. BIBOLET, 1984 (art. cit., notre note 42),

p. 411, ne partage pas son avis et considère que

le style de l’aviaire correspond à la production

claravalienne de la fin du XIIe siècle.


cat. 43, p. 301-302; R. CORDONNIER, 2009

(art. cit. notre note 11), p. 27-29 et du même

«Le coq et les cloches dans l’iconographie»,

dans Fabienne POMEL (éd.), Cloches et Horlo-

ges: le Temps au Moyen Age, Rennes, Presses

universitaires de Rennes (sous presses): «On

sait simplement qu’il fut offert aux Célestins

d’Avignon au XVe siècle, par le cardinal Jean

Allarmet de Brogny (1342-1426) évêque d’Os-

tie, puis archevêque d’Arles. Ce dernier ayant

terminé sa formation cléricale à Avignon, il est

probable qu’il ait fait don du manuscrit aux

Célestins de la ville à ce moment là. Mais on

ne sait pas comment il est entré en possession

du livre auparavant. C’est une compilation des

traités d’Hugues contenant outre l’Aviarium: Le

cloître de l’âme, La médecine de l’âme, Les no-

ces spirituelles et charnelles et une Visio cuius-

dam monachi, également attribuée à Hugues

de Fouilloy».

48. Ada DI MORICCA CAPUTI (dir.), Catalogo

dei Manoscritti della Biblioteca Casanatense,

Roma, Libreria dello Stato, Istituto Poligrafico

dello Stato, 1949-1978, vol 5, p. 73-74 ; W. B.

CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), cat. 49

p. 306. Vincenzo DE GREGORIO, La Biblioteca

Casanatense di Roma, Napoli, Edizioni Scienti-

fiche Italiane (Pubblicazioni dell’Università de-

gli Studi di Salerno. Sezione di studi Filologici,

Letterari e Artistici, 23), 1993.

49. Anne-Marie TURCAN-VERKERK, Les ma-

nuscrits de la Charité, Cheminon et Montier-

en-Argonne. Collections cisterciennes et voies

d’après celui de Clairvaux, mais les différences entre les deux manuscrits ne lui per-

mettaient pas de l’affirmer. L’inverse est également envisagé par l’auteur, qui argue

du caractère plus portugais que claravalien de l’exemplaire de Clairvaux. Il aurait pu

alors avoir été la copie et non le modèle. Les deux manuscrits cisterciens peuvent

aussi, selon Clark, avoir été réalisés à Alcobaça d’après un même modèle et l’un des

deux offert ensuite à Clairvaux 46. W. Clark conclue en proposant sans l’affirmer une

origine portugaise pour les aviaire de Lorvão, Santa-Cruz, Alcobaça et Clairvaux.

Tous les quatre auraient alors été copiés indépendamment mais à partir d’un même

modèle aujourd’hui perdu. Elle ajoute pour finir que nombre de variantes textuelles

et certaines des caractéristiques iconographiques que l’on trouve dans ces manuscrits

se retrouvent également dans deux autres exemplaires illustrés : L’aviaire d’Avignon

(Paris, BNF, ms. lat. 2495, déb. XIIIe s., dont l’origine est pour le moment indétermi-

née 47) et celui de Rome (Bibliothèque Casanatense, ms. 444, v. 1230-1240 48, ayant

peut-être appartenu à l’abbaye cistercienne de Montier-en-Argonne 49) 50.

Nouvelles découvertesDe nouvelles données codicologiques peuvent désormais être ajoutées au dossier,

et devraient permettre de faire avancer la problématique de l’interrelation entre les

manuscrits concernés.

Lorsque j’ai consulté le manuscrit d’Alcobaça, j’ai en effet pu faire des observations

intéressantes sur les miniatures du coq et de l’hirondelle qui posaient problème en

raison de leur nette différence stylistique avec les autres illustrations du manus-

crit. En y regardant de plus près, j’ai pu constater que la portion de parchemin qui

a reçu les deux miniatures était plus sale et plus veloutée que le reste de la page,

comme s’il avait été gratté. En outre, l’un des cercles du médaillon du coq est nette-

ment estompé comme si lui aussi avait subit une tentative d’effacement. Finalement,

l’inspection de ces deux miniatures à l’aide d’une lampe de Wood a confirmé mon

hypothèse en révélant les traces légères mais bien visibles d’un dessin sous-jacent

différent de celui des miniatures actuelles. Le coq et l’hirondelle de l’aviaire d’Alco-

baça sont donc des repeints. Pour l’hirondelle, le dessin de la tête de l’ancien oiseau

est encore visible à droite de l’aile de la figure actuelle et il correspond au dessin

de la miniature de Clairvaux. Pour le coq, le cercle intérieur du médaillon qui a été

gratté dans le manuscrit d’Alcobaça correspond à celui présent dans la miniature du

coq de Clairvaux. On distingue aussi la trace d’une ancienne rubrique grattée sous le

médaillon du coq d’Alcobaça, qui pourrait correspondre à celle qui encadre le même

médaillon dans l’aviaire de Clairvaux. Le dessin sous-jacent de l’oiseau est en revan-

che trop effacé pour que l’on puisse objectivement le comparer à celui de Clairvaux.

Il me semble donc que l’on peut désormais considérer les aviaires de Clairvaux et

d’Alcobaça comme des exemplaires jumeaux. Les deux miniatures qui empêchaient

cette affirmation jusque là ont été ajoutées a posteriori d’après un des deux autres

exemplaires portugais, ce qui explique que l’on y retrouve certains motifs typiques

de ces scriptoria – comme les soleils radiants sur les épaules. Cette hypothèse est

par ailleurs corroborée par les nombreuses corrections textuelles qui ont été faite



de transmission des textes (IXe - XIXe siècles),

Paris, CNRS éditions, 2000, p. 250.


p. 49.


p. 47.

52. Ces observations ont pu être faites à l’aide

d’un éclairage spéciale à la lumière rasante

(selon un angle de 30 à 15 degrés) qui révèle

nettement les irrégularités du manuscrit et dé-

voile les trous de pochoir ainsi que les traces de

poinçon pour la réglure et pour certains tracés

de dessins préparatoires. Voir notamment l’ar-

ticle d’Inês CORREIA, «Highlight manuscripts

third dimension – access, document and dis-

play micrometric details. Some examples shown

at ms. ANTT, Lorvão 5 – De avibus», dans ce

même ouvrage, p. 284.

53. Cette méthode a été observée dans un

autre aviaire par W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit.

notre note 1), p. 57, 93 voir aussi de la même:

«The Aviary-bestiary at the Houghton Library

Harvard», dans Willene B. CLARK et Mera-

dith T. MCMUNN (éds.), Beast and birds of

the Middle Ages, the bestiary and its legacy,

Philadelphie, 1990, p. 26-43; Dorothy MINER,

«More about Medieval Pouncing», dans Hel-

mut LEHMANN-HAUPT (éd.), Homage to a

Bookman: Essays on Manuscripts, Books, and

Printing Written for Hans P. Kraus on his 60th

Birthday, Berlin, Gebr. Mann, 1967, p. 87-107;

Mojmir FRINTA, Punched Decoration on Late

Medieval and Miniature Painting, 2 vol., Pra-

gue, Maxdorf, 1998-2000.

dans l’exemplaire d’Alcobaça. Ces corrections sont clairement repérables car l’encre

d’écriture qui a servit à les inscrire est beaucoup plus sombre, presque noire, que

l’encre brune du manuscrit. Or W. Clark, qui mentionne ces corrections, souligne que

cette encre noire est typique d’Alcobaça et Santa-Cruz 51.

On peut se demander pourquoi l’on a souhaité reprendre seulement deux miniatures

du cycle. Pour le coq il semble que la réponse se trouve dans les sentences rimées et

rubriquées qui accompagnent lesdites miniatures. En effet, dans l’aviaire de Clairvaux,

le rubricateur a inscrit la sentence rimée du coq autour du médaillon: gallus alis se

percutiens est doctoris aliis exemplum praebens, et dans la bordure de celui-ci il a

reformulé une des idées principales du texte courant: Intelligentia galli prudentia

magistri. Or dans le manuscrit d’Alcobaça, seule la sentence rimée est inscrite dans

la bordure du médaillon. Il n’y a plus de rubrique autour du médaillon, il a du y en

avoir une mais elle a été visiblement grattée. Pour faciliter son travail le correcteur

du manuscrit d’Alcobaça a probablement gratté entièrement l’ancienne miniature,

son médaillon et les rubriques pour les remplacer par la composition actuelle. On ne

peut hélas pas en dire autant de la miniature de l’hirondelle car la rubrique qui en-

cadre l’oiseau est correcte et les traces de grattage sur le parchemin ne concernent

que la figure de l’oiseau. Il n’est pas non plus possible pour le moment de déter-

miner lequel des aviaires de Lorvão et de Santa-Cruz fut l’exemplaire de référence

du correcteur d’Alcobaça, si tant est que ce soit l’un de ces deux là. Toutefois, une

autre découverte codicologique récente tendrait à désigner l’exemplaire de Lorvão.

Les recherches menées par l’équipe de conservateurs et de chercheurs en charge de

la restauration du manuscrit 52 ont en effet montré que le contour de trois miniatures

de ce manuscrit a été piqueté pour servir de pochoir (le merle, le phénix et le paon)

– une technique largement utilisée au Moyen Âge pour faciliter la copie des enlumi-

nures 53. Il me semble en outre que l’aviaire de Lorvão a peut-être servit de modèle à

celui de Santa-Cruz. Sur certaines des miniatures de ce derniers on distingue en effet

un tracé sous-jacent léger mais qui est encore visible ça et là, notamment entre les

pattes de l’autour (f. 92) ou la queue de la cigogne (f. 104). Or ce tracé ressemble

beaucoup à celui de la miniature idoine dans l’exemplaire de Lorvão.

Nous avons donc là une poignée de nouveaux indices qui permettent, sinon

d’apporter des réponses définitives, du moins de réorienter les recherches et de

proposer de nouvelles hypothèses concernant les interactions entre ces quatre

manuscrits.

• L’aviaire de Lorvão a été utilisé comme modèle, mais est-ce pour celui de

Santa Cruz ou pour un tout autre manuscrit ?

• Les aviaires de Clairvaux et d’Alcobaça étaient bel et bien des manuscrits

jumeaux à l’origine, mais ont-ils été copiés l’un sur l’autre ou à partir d’un

modèle commun, et était-ce au Portugal ou en France ?

• Les aviaires d’Alcobaça et de Santa Cruz ont fait l’objet de corrections tex-

tuelles et iconographiques, mais est-ce à partir de l’exemplaire de Lorvão ou

d’un autre manuscrit ?


54. M. MARTINS, 1963 (art. cit. notre note 5),

p. 413; M. A. MIRANDA, 1999 (art. cit. notre

note 5), p. 190.

55. François AVRIL, L’enluminure à l’époque

gothique 1200 - 1420, Paris, Famot, 1979,

rééd. Bibliothèque de l’Image, 1995, p. 8.

56. M. A. MIRANDA et al., 2010 (art. cit., notre

note 20), p. 174.

57. A ce sujet on consultera M. A. MIRANDA et

al., 2010 (art. cit., notre note 20).


Conclusion

Si le manuscrit de Lorvão a servit de modèle pour celui de Santa-Cruz, l’enlumineur

de Santa-Cruz s’est réapproprié le programme iconographique du Traité des oiseaux

et en a adapté l’expression à son propre style. Il se détache des influences mozarabes

encore fortement présentes dans l’exemplaire de Lorvão 54, pour se tourner vers le

nouveau courant stylistique qui fleurit en Europe de l’ouest autour de 1200, mar-

quant le passage du roman au gothique dans l’enluminure. Un style qui se caractérise

notamment par abandon progressif du «formalisme plastique des artistes romans» 55

par un assouplissement de la ligne et une multiplication de plis serrés dans les dra-

pés. Cela se remarque notamment dans les vêtements du Christ de la miniature du

cèdre, qui abandonne par ailleurs le type lusitanien jeune et imberbe pour un Christ

barbu plus «français». Dans les figures animales cette nouvelle expression se traduit

par une plus grande attention aux détails, des figures plus animées, plus mouve-

mentées, plus vivantes 56. On observe également un abandon progressif de la mise

en couleur par aplats couvrants au profit d’une technique plus «impressionniste»,

constituée de petites touches multicolores destinées à rendre le détail du plumage.

Enfin les techniques de dessin évoluent. Le fameux motif en soleil radiant utilisé à

Lorvão pour dessiner les épaules des oiseaux est nettement moins présent dans les

enluminures de Santa-Cruz dont l’artiste semble préférer un motif de palmette pour

dessiner l’articulation des ailes.

Toutefois, je suis tenté de voir deux mains dans la réalisation des miniatures de

l’aviaire de Santa-Cruz en raison du contraste qualitatif que l’on observe dans certai-

nes miniatures. Ainsi le diagramme des trois colombes et les miniatures de l’autour,

du palmier, du cèdre et des passereaux, du pélican, du nictocorax, du corbeau, du

coq, de la grue, de l’hirondelle, de la cigogne, du hibou, du geai, de l’oie, du héron,

du phénix, me semblent moins abouties et plus maladroites dans leur dessin et leur

mise en couleur que les autres miniatures du manuscrit. Je les attribuerais donc à

un enlumineur plus proche de l’ancienne tradition romane locale. Alors que les mi-

niatures de la tourterelle, de l’autruche, du vautour, du milan, du merle, du caladre,

de la perdrix, de la caille, de la huppe, du cygne, du paon et de l’aigle, montre une

plus grande sureté et une plus grande finesse du tracé ainsi qu’un sens plus aigüe de

la couleur 57. Toutefois je dois admettre que la distinction n’est pas évidente et que

pour certains oiseaux tels que l’autour, l’autruche ou la caille l’attribution à l’une ou

l’autre main est loin d’être évidente.

Les connections entre les scriptoria de Lorvão et de Santa-Cruz peuvent aussi en

partie s’expliquer par leur histoire. Outre une grande proximité géographique, en

1109 l’abbaye de Lorvão a été confiée aux autorités ecclésiastiques de Coimbra par

Henri de Bourgogne (1066-1112 comte de Portugal à partir de 1093). Elle retrou-

vera néanmoins son indépendance dix ans plus tard. Il est évident que cette période

d’affiliation temporaire a renforcé les liens entre les deux maisons et probablement

occasionné des échanges importants entre les scriptoria. De son coté, Santa-Cruz

est un produit conjoint de la Réforme Grégorienne et de la nouvelle monarchie. Sa


58. J. M. GOMES DA SILVA ROCHA, 2008 (op.

cit. notre note 28), vol. 1 p. 73-74.

59. José MATTOSO, Portugal Medieval. Novas

Interpretações, Lisboa, INCM, 1992, p. 111.

60. Maria Adelaide MIRANDA, «A iluminura

Românica em Portugal», dans A iluminura em

Portugal, Identidade e Influências, Lisboa, BN,

1999, p. 139.


fondation en 1131 coïncide avec le déplacement de la cour royale à Coimbra. La ville

devient alors le centre du pouvoir de la nouvelle monarchie et permet à Alphonse I

d’affirmer son autonomie face au pouvoir des puissants laïcs du nord 58 et de renfor-

cer sa position en se rapprochant de la zone de conflit avec les musulmans. Dans ce

contexte particulier, le choix des chanoines augustiniens était stratégique en raison de

leur réputation d’érudition, de leur vaste diffusion dans toute l’Europe et de la mixité

de leurs vœux qui leur permet de bénéficier de l’aura de piété propre aux religieux

réguliers tout en cultivant le contact avec les populations laïques. Ils étaient alors bien

placés pour diffuser la réforme et appuyer le pouvoir royal nouvellement instauré 59.

Toutefois, venant juste de s’installer dans la région, même s’ils avaient apporté des

manuscrits avec eux, les chanoines de Coimbra ont certainement eu besoin d’enrichir

leur fonds initial. La présence d’une grande, riche et ancienne abbaye bénédictine

non loin de là, faisait de Lorvão le lieu tout désigné où trouver des manuscrits sus-

ceptibles d’aider les religieux de Santa-Cruz de combler les lacunes de leurs armaria.

Les différences stylistiques s’expliquant alors par l’influence française (languedo-

cienne ou aquitaine 60) des chanoines de Coimbra qui ont réalisé leur exemplaire et

certainement contribué au développement du gothique lusitanien dans l’enluminure.

En dépit des ces nouvelles découvertes, plusieurs questions majeures restent en sus-

pend pour le moment. Elles concernent essentiellement le doublon Clairvaux-Alco-

baça, pour lequel je ne suis toujours pas en mesure de trancher au sujet de leur lieu

de production. Ces manuscrits proviennent-ils tous-deux du scriptorium de Clairvaux,

de celui d’Alcobaça ou chacun de leur scriptorium d’origine où ils auraient alors été

copiés d’après un modèle commun? J’espère qu’une étude comparative plus pous-

sée de ces deux témoins et notamment de leurs textes permettra de faire avancer la

question. Il faudra également se pencher sur le cas des aviaires d’Avignon, de Rome

et de Montpellier, afin de déterminer comment ils s’intègrent au corpus, et tenter

d’affiner la situation des aviaires portugais au sein du groupe d’Heiligenkreuz. •


v a r i a · h i g h l i g h t i n g m a n u s c r i p t s ’ t h i r d d i m e n s i o n

highlighting manuscripts’ third dimensionaccess, documentation and display of micrometric details

inês correiaDGARQ – National Archives of Torre do Tombo

and IEM, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas – UNL, 1069-061 Lisboa (Portugal)

[email protected]

Introduction

Medieval scribes complained of the difficulty and physical effort of the long and hard

labour of illuminating or copying manuscripts with the dim light coming through

the windows of the monasteries 1. We can make some interesting reflections on the

characteristics of that light. It would reach the working table at an extreme angle 2,

similar to a raking light, modelled by the orientation of the room and time of day.

The position of the scribe and the angle of incidence of the light source are not

clearly attested by written sources, but may be found in iconography 3. It is not rare

to find the scribe or copyist monk depicted as seated in profile at their working table,

sometimes framed by the arches of the cloister 4. When illuminated in the same way,

with light from the side as it would have been in a Scriptorium, i.e. more parallel to

the parchment (‘grazing’ or ‘raking’ light), a manuscript can expose an extraordinary

dimension – texture. If this seems redundant, imagine the difficulty in following lines

ruled with a punctorium (blind ruling) without such raking light (Figure 1). Such light

could also help when painting, where overlapping strokes can be better controlled

because of similar lighting. In modern reading rooms the lighting is generally more

diffuse and homogeneous, and in consequence the surface texture of a manuscript

is not perceived in the same way. Therefore there is increasingly a danger that the

evidence of the manufacturing processes and later uses of a medieval manuscript

that are detectable within its third dimension (subtle surface deformations, sub-

tle surface textures, such as blind ruling, stylus markings, pricking) will be lost (at

worst) or not appreciated (at best). Conservation treatments can remove or reduce

this evidence through flattening. Furthermore, increasing reliance on digitised im-

1. Glenisson, J. (dir.). 1988. Le Livre au Moyen

Âge. Paris: CNRS, 40-41.

2. We are not considering the cases in which the

light enters through the roof.

3. Metzeger, B. 1968. When did scribes begin

to use writing desks? in Historical and literary

studies, Pagan, Jewish and Christian (New Tes-

tament Tools and Studies, 8). 2 éd. Leyde: BNF,

123-132; III-XIX.

4. Azevedo Santos, M.J. 2001. As condições

técnicas e materiais da cópia de manuscritos

na Idade Média in Catálogo da Exposição Santa

Cruz de Coimbra: A cultura portuguesa aberta à

Europa na Idade Média. Porto: BPMP.


5. Sequence of images obtained with a different

type, intensity and orientation of light in order

to obtain specific information.

6. Clark, W. 1992.The Medieval Book of Birds.

Hugh of Fouilloy’s Aviary. Bringhamtom: Medi-

eval & Renaissance texts & studies. p 41; Clark,

W. 1982. The Illustrated Medieval Aviary and the

Lay-Brotherhood. Gesta. 21(1): 63-74.

ages of manuscripts by scholars means that these clues can be overlooked (because

these features are rarely visible under the types of illumination used for photography

and scanning).

Within this framework, we propose the revaluation of digital objects created from the

transfer programs of medieval manuscripts, in which the gradual increase in resolution

does not compensate, yet, for the bi-dimensional perception of the folio. We propose

to improve the access-preservation of these manuscripts based on a recovering of

optical effects by variable and raking-light as a result of manipulating the orientation

and intensity of a proper light source, during direct physical access.

We propose the use of raking-light, not as an optional or secondary procedure, but

as an essential and routine measure, which simultaneously improve our perception of

important details in the manuscript. The illumination of objects from a light source

at an oblique angle or almost parallel to the surface reveals significant information

on the codex production, and can thus help improve the understanding of the rela-

tions between monastic institutions, theological and doctrinal influences, author’s

receptivity, migration of models or illuminators and several other contextual mat-

ters. Some of these relations are revealed in, on or beyond the surviving material of

a unique cultural heritage.

From a ‘low tech’ method to ‘high tech’ possibility


In this context, we deal with a so-called ‘low tech’ method based on a specific lighting

plan, (LP) 5 applied to particular manuscripts. Direct access to the manuscript itself

would be justified to assess three-dimensional surface details that are not recorded

on digital format. The method proved to be useful for the study of an important

medieval manuscript, De Avibus from Lorvão Monastery (Lorvão 5), both in terms of

assessing its conservation status, and helping the interpretation of marks left by copy

processes, habits from handling or owner censorship (Figure 3b). Dated, by colophon

to 1184, it is known (Clark, 1992) as the earliest surviving dated copy of Hugh of

Fouilloy text 6. In this fully illustrated manuscript the depiction of the twenty-two

figs.2 crow in f. 33, left, and, right, detail captured with raking-light (optic fibre). the effect of a deliberate mutilation is recognized in the marks left by a tool tip

fig.1 illuminating the folio with cold light at a sharp angle, highlights the ruling marks of a blind tool, lorvão 5, f. 12



7. Miranda, M.A., Lemos A., Claro A., Miguel C.

and Melo M.J. 2010. On Wings of Blue: The his-

tory, materials and techniques of the Book of

Birds in Portuguese scriptoria. in Afonso, L.U.

(ed.) The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da

Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação.

8. Clark, W., Ib idem, p.40. For further informa-

tion about Portuguese «Book of Birds», see Re-

belo Gonçalves, M.I. 1999. Livro das aves / Hugo

de Folieto. 1st edition. Lisboa: Edições Colibri.

9. Projects: 1) «An interdisciplinary approach to

the study of color in Portuguese manuscript il-

luminations», POCTI/EAT/33782/2000; 2) «The

identity of Portuguese medieval manuscript il-

lumination in the European context», PTDC/

EAT/65445/2006; 3) «Colour in medieval illumi-

nated manuscripts: between beauty and mean-

ing», PTDC/EAT-EAT/104930/2008.

10. http://digitarq.dgarq.gov.pt, Reference

code: PT/TT/MSML/B/5.

11. Michael Douma, «Visible & Beyond», from

http://www.webexhibits.org/pigments/, public

service of the Institute for Dynamic Educational

Advancement (IDEA).

birds is very natural; the illuminator combines in his drawings the classical tradition

of the representation as nature and as allegorical symbol 7, (Table 1). Its importance

in medieval art justifies its presence in numerous thematic exhibitions 8.

Five years have elapsed since a conservation treatment, which was carried out be-

cause of the risk of structural collapse. Intervention included disassembly of the

structure, stabilization and restoration of parchment support and binding. Interdis-

ciplinary projects had been developed since then, revealing much about this Portu-

guese manuscript’s production 9 and suggesting that there is more to be revealed.

Simultaneously, the dismantling of the codex, freeing the folios of the structure, has

also facilitated the scanning of high resolution (300dpi), which is currently available

on-line 10 (Figure 6).

We will focus on lighting of type B, which is, as mentioned before, a ‘low tech’ easy

to manipulate source of light. At very sharp angles to the surface of the manuscript,

details such as surface defects or distortions can be easily revealed, mapping not only

physical changes but also dimensional phenomena like retracting, curling or slight

undulations, Table 1-B. At a closer look, we can observe depth of thick paint layers,

tool incisions and even subtle scribal corrections 11.

A – Stereoscopic Light B – Raking Light C – Standard Light

Macro for lapis lazuli, f. 16, Hawk.

Parchment distortion produced by over tension of sewing, f. 58v-46.

General view, displaying text, data on colour, opa-city and gloss, f. 54.

This blue pigment area will be characterized at the molecular level by microRaman and micro FTIR.

System of optic fibre with rheostat, which re-veals information about macroscopic texture and planar distortion 1.

Standard lighting from scanning technology, optical recording is con-verted into digital image with variable resolution.

Table 1Manuscript Lorvão 5, observed through the microscope with optic fibre lighting, raking-

light and a standard homogeneous source

1. Michael Douma, «Visible & Beyond», from http://www.webexhibits.org/pigments/, public service

of the Institute for Dynamic Educational Advancement (IDEA).



12. Inês Correia, «What Image physical distur-

bance can tell?» (in progress).

13. Articulated optic fibre was used with rheo-

stat supply.

14. Michael Arnott and Ian Bevan, «Pouncing».

The Aberdeen Bestiary. http://www.abdn.ac.uk/

bestiary/codicology.hti#pounce. 12/04/2003.

15. IDAP, «Improved Damage Assessment of

Parchment». Assessment, data collection and

sharing of knowledge 2007, European Commis-

sion, Directorate-General for Research. Final re-

port, 2008.

Figures 3 and 4, show three examples of LP application to Lorvão 5, which became

the basis of a current research in image damage and its relation with transmission

and censorship 12. Images indicated ‘A’ were digitized using standard lighting from

analogue capture, which was not enough to reveal micrometric details of texture.

It also shows some interference coming from verso side writing, which is increased

by the high intensity of the lighting. On the other hand, when the manuscript was

observed under filtered natural light (35 lx), eyes easily adapted to this low levels

of light intensity and, at the same time, more was revealed on the texture surface

with an additional raking light source 13. The first example, Figure 3b and Figure 4b,

shows the possibility of surface assessment by reducing the translucent character

of parchment, revealing even subtle creases. If light direction is changed during ex-

amination we can understand the causes of mechanical damage such as shrinkage

or local distortion. This example is also significant because it enabled detection of

the fine holes along the bird contour, just as in the Aberdeen Bestiary, where such

holes can be found on several of the images, and which have been largely studied

as pouncing, one of most popular copying techniques. 14 To better document the im-

pact of the pricking tool, the verso side was documented (Figure 3b) as well as the

next folio, f.62, where no holes were found. During the last conservation treatment

(2005), while backlighting was used to help parchment infill, all the images with this

kind of contour prick were documented on the conservation report, but it was never

contextualised as an artistic or historic issue. The studies on this manuscript did not

fig.3: a), c) details acquired with a standard homogeneous light source

(>800 lx) for the Phoenix and the Partridge, respectively; b), d) texture

revealed by raking-light at 300 (50 lx)



proceed to a systematic texture examination. Looking at the next examples it is easy

to agree on the importance of the details unveiled. The Ostrich (Figure 4) seen under

raking light at 200 reveals two distinct, previously unnoticed, types of physical dam-

age: a deep incision along the contour made with some sharp tool, which is clearly

seen under 50 lux and a deliberate scratching on the image. A blind trace, not so

abrasive, is documented for the Partridge, f.62v, but this time, out of bird contour,

suggesting two different drawing options.

The indications detected on the surface of Lorvão 5 thus can increase our knowledge

on its reception and transmission. Medieval manuscripts are full of significant tex-

ture – maybe due to the light angle, with which they were written and illuminated.

Raking lighting is shown to be a shortcut to bring this past to light.

Conclusion - Texture conservation and displayParchment is particularly sensitive to relative humidity and temperature changes.

Even a small variation induces changes in its dimensions such as curling and waving.

Conservation procedures, such as cleaning, even with a small amount of moisture,

may increase the stiffness, accelerate chemical reactions and produce irreversible

shrinkage, even at room temperature. Also, flattening and pressure with heavy load

on moist parchment may cause considerable change of colour and transparency. 15

These treatments have a direct impact on appearance: decreasing surface texture they

may decrease or remove the evidence related to the manufacturing processes and

Fig.4: a) detail acquired with a standard homogeneous light source (>800 lx) for the Ostrich (f. 40); c), d) texture revealed by raking-light at 300, with 35 and 50 lx, respectively; b) stilus incisions, in f. 61v, revealed by raking-light at 150, 50 lx



later uses of the codex. Reducing the level of information should always be avoided,

but the risk is higher if information at the micro level is not even acknowledged. This

evidence may be disclosed with raking-light, applied with a low light intensity to

avoid photodegradation. We propose that this lighting may bring us closer to what

might have been the medieval conditions of its manufacture and use. It is concluded

that, for an accurate recording of medieval manuscripts, namely to assess the con-

servation status, raking-light examination is an indispensable tool.

As far as we know, digital scanning is not carried out systematically under raking

light; this could be easily achieved, in order to preserve and highlight manuscripts’

third dimension. Selected manuscripts, with relevant micrometric details noticed by

conservators or researchers, should be also digitized with raking light. One of those

manuscripts should be, undoubtedly, The Book of Birds from Lorvão. •

Acknowledgements

The National Science Foundation, FCT-MCTES, is gratefully acknowledged for the PhD

grant SFRH/BD/44192/2008 and for funding the project PTDC/EAT-EAT/104930/2008.

The author would like to thank the Director of Torre do Tombo, Silvestre Lacerda, and to

Mark Clarke, Maria João Melo and Adelaide Miranda for helpful suggestions; the author

is also grateful to Mark Clarke for his generous assistance in the text editing.

Bibliography

Azevedo Santos, M.J. 1998. A Ars Scribendi: Textos e Imagens. Coimbra: Universidade de

Coimbra (Humanitas). Vol L.

Batori, A. 2003. Innovation in Preserving and Conserving Book Heritage. Rome: Instituto

Centrale di Patologia del Libro.

Brownrigg, L. 1995. Making the Medieval Book: Techniques of Production. Oxford: The

Red Gull Press.

Driscoll, M.J. and Ragnheiour, M. (editors) 2008. Care and Conservation of Manuscripts 11:

Proceedings of the Eleventh International Seminar Held at the University of Copenhagen

24th-25th April 2008 (Paperback). Conpenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, University

of Copenhagen.

Gilissen, L. 1977. Prolégomènes à la codicologie – Recherches sur la construction des

cahiers et la mise en page des manuscrits médiévaux. Gand: Éditions Scientifiques Story-

Scientia S.P.R.L.

Miranda, M.A. 2001. A produção do livro: do monge ao artesão. A iluminura e o iluminador

no contexto de produção do códice. Coimbra: Câmara Municipal: INATEL: ADDAC.

Rebelo Gonçalves, M.I. 1999. Livro das Aves. Lisboa: Edições Colibri.


v a r i a · à v o lt a d e u m v e r m e l h o

à volta de um vermelhoapresentação de edição d’o livro de como se fazem as cores, sob o olhar da ciência e tecnologia

maria joão melo e catarina miguelDepartamento de Conservação e Restauro and Requimte, Faculdade de Ciências e

Tecnologia, FCT, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa (Portugal)

maria adelaide mirandaInstituto de Estudos Medievais and Instituto de História da Arte, Faculdade de Ciências

Sociais e Humanas, FCSH, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa (Portugal)

O processo de preparação da síntese de um vermelho medieval que a seguir se apre-

senta é o resultado de muitos anos de investigação em torno de um dos mais inte-

ressantes tratados técnicos medievais, O livro de como se fazem as cores 1. Para este

contribuíram, com inúmeras tentativas de reprodução da receita, os muitos alunos de

História e Técnicas de Produção Artística do Mestrado em Conservação e Restauro

da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, e mais recentemente, Catarina Miguel no âmbito

do seu projecto de doutoramento, Le vert et le rouge.

A presente edição distancia-se em muitos aspectos de outras excelentes deste tra-

tado, pois deseja actualizar práticas e materiais vindos de um passado longínquo.

O que significa reproduzir, com sucesso, a receita descrita pelo praticante medieval.

Se numa receita culinária, o sucesso é medido aferindo se o produto final é estetica-

mente apelativo e saboroso, no nosso caso, o sucesso é medido pela beleza (e dura-

bilidade) da cor obtida. O desafio intelectual foi grande e podemos afirmar que este é

um trabalho em aberto e novas descobertas na história e arqueologia do passado na-

cional permitirão maior rigor na reconstrução destes pigmentos e corantes medievais.

Assim, optamos por uma edição on-line 2, de modo a permitir uma rápida partilha

e discussão com outros investigadores e curiosos; o que, esperamos, levará a uma

actualização eficiente.

Centramo-nos neste número especial no caso do vermelhão 3, talvez a reprodução

mais complexa de todo o tratado, para que o leitor participe na história do vermelho

dos vermelhos, o mais utilizado na iluminura medieval, HgS.

1. A edição crítica pioneira foi a de Blondheim,

a que neste momento se junta a mais recen-

te tese de Devon Strolovich. A datação deste

tratado tem intrigado estudiosos tendo sido

reavaliada recentemente por um grupo de in-

vestigadores portugueses, em que se destaca a

participação de Luís Afonso, Ivo Cruz e António

João Cruz. Nas palavras de Luís Afonso, O livro

de como se fazem as cores das tintas, translated

into English as The book on how to make the

colours of the paints, is a Portuguese technical

text written during the Late Middle Ages deal-

ing with the preparation of artists’ materials. It

is composed by forty-five chapters of differ-

ent lengths, most of them concerning materials

and techniques to be used in the illumination

of manuscripts. (...) The text on colours is writ-

ten in Portuguese language but using Hebraic

script, making it an example of the practice of

Iberian aljamia writing, that is the use of Arabic

or Hebrew script to write a text in an Iberian

romance language.



Para mais informação consultar a bibliografia

abaixo elencada.

– Blondheim, S.1928. An old Portuguese work

on manuscript illumination. Jewish Quarterly

Review. 19: 97-135.

– Strolovitch, D. 2005. Old Portuguese in Hebrew

Script: convention, contact, and convivência.

PhD Dissertation. Cornell University. 116-184;

– Cruz, A.J. and Afonso, L.U. 2008. On the Date

and Contents of a Portuguese Medieval Tech-

nical Book on Illumination: O livro de como se

fazem as cores. The Medieval History Journal.

11: 1-28.

– Strolovitch, D.L. 2010. Old Portuguese in He-

brew script: beyond O livro de como se fazem

as cores, in -Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials

of the Image. As Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa:

Campo da Comunicação, 29-43.

– Afonso, L.U. 2010. New developments in the

study of O livro de como se fazen as cores das

tintas, in L. U. Afonso (ed.) The Materials of

The Image: As Matérias da Imagem, Série Mo-

nográfica «Alberto Benveniste» 3.º Volume.

Lisboa: Cátedra de Estudos Sefarditas «Alberto

Benveniste» da Universidade de Lisboa, 3-27.

– Castro, I. 2010. Notas sobre a língua do Livro

de como se fazen as cores (ms. Parma1959) in

Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image.

As Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Co-

municação, p.87.

2. www.dcr.fct.unl.pt/LivComoFazemCores, e aí

seleccionar arquivo digital.

3. O vermelhão é um sulfureto de mercúrio de

fórmula química, HgS.

Figure 1. Main steps in the reproduction of the process of making vermilion.

"To make vermilion, take five pounds of quicksilver,

that is mercury, and place it in a bottle or large

glazed bowl, and take a pound of very fine virgin

sulphur. And pour the powdered sulphur over the

quicksilver little by little until it is well incorporated,

always stirring it with a dog's foot that has its hair

and wool, until the fire turns to ashes. [10r.] And

once the fire has thus died down, place it in two

new pots that are made like bottles, broad below

and narrow above. And seal them, leaving only a

small hole through which the vapor will escape.

And place the pots on the fire on their holders and

cover them well with clay, and place a bowl over

the holes. And when you see the smoke coming out

red and not malodorous, place a thin spit in it.

And if anything sticks to the spit, remove the pots

from the fire and let it cool. And once it is cool

break the pots and you will find the vermilion made.

With these measures you ill made as much

vermilion as you wish: for a terça of mercury take

five pounds of sulphur, and for five pounds of

mercury take one pound of sulphur. And regulate

the first in such as way that it does not [10v.] burn,

and keep the fire moderate, neither quick nor slow.

On this note, if by chance the vermilion burns,

break the pots and grind it and incorporate it and

mix it with another measure of mercury and

sulphur, and place them in other pots and proceed

as described. And pay attention to the vapours that

escape, thus you will never ruin anything." [1]

Reproduction

The olhas (clay container) were designed, hand-

made using white or red clays, and fired as

necessary to obtain a ceramic pot. In this

reproduction, we used a white crucible made of two

parts: a base where metacinnabar is heated and a

cover.

The proportion present in the treatise was followed:

1.047g of mercury and 0.1674g of sulphur were

weighed and ground in an agate mortar with a

pestle.

To improve the incorporation of both compounds,

sulphur was slowly added and mixed with mercury,

until all were bound and a silver-black-greyish

compound was formed. What is observed may be

described as in the treatise "until the fire turns to

ashes" [1]. This step takes time and patience.

Black mercury sulphide, was then transferred into

the base of the clay crucible, which was covered

and sealed with fresh clay.

Experiments placing the pot directly into the fire

were carried out. When needed, small amounts of

water were dropped over the necessary areas to

avoid flames or lowering the temperature. For

maintaining the embers, combustion air was

introduced with the aid of a wooden air blower.

In a successful experiment, after two and a half

hours, the pot was taken from the fire and cooled to

room temperature. Afterwards, the olha was

opened and vermillion was found inside its base.

Rationalization / Chemical reactions

In the first step, mercury and sulphur are ground to

produce metacinnabar, a silver-black compound

with a cubic crystal structure, which is the kinetic

product of this reaction [2, 3, 4], being

thermodynamically stable only for high

temperatures, above about 370ºC. The

thermodynamic stable form at room temperature is

the hexagonal mercury sulphide (vermilion). For

more details please see [2-11].

Chapter 15. To make vermilion



In a second step, metacinnabar is heated at 350-

370ºC, and will rearrange into the hexagonal form

that corresponds to the red product, vermilion.

It is important to stress that, for our experimental

conditions, the production of red mercury sulphide

– vermilion – is a solid-state reaction and not a

sublimation process [12, 13]. When sublimation

occurs, for

temperatures higher

than 580ºC, a black

product, not yet

characterized, is

formed. This

product can be a

mixture of meta and

hipercinnabar [3].

Key aspects

Reaction stoichiometry: one mole of sulphur

reacts with one mole of mercury.

Mixing mercury with sulphur to produce black

mercury sulphide may be achieved by a thorough

grinding, heating or using amalgam. In our

reproductions we tested both thorough grinding and

amalgam formed by heating sulphur: both worked

in the same way, although in the text grinding is

described and with very specific details.

Temperature at which black metacinnabar is

converted into red vermilion is "the crucial"

parameter. To transform the black mercury

sulphide form (α’-HgS) into the red form (α -HgS), it

is necessary to avoid temperatures above about

400-450ºC. On the other hand, the higher the

temperature the more efficient will be the solid state

reaction that enables the conversion of the cubic

black form into the red one. To test the influence of

temperature control over reaction yield, sand baths

were used and temperature was measured over

time in the sand. For our experimental conditions,

starting with about 0.5 g of black metacinnabar, we

found that introducing the pot in the sand bath heat

at 285ºC for 2h30 and afterwards rising the

temperature (heating rate of 15ºC/min) until circa

350ºC for 2h30 produced the best results.

Missing / Obscure indications

Pot design: There is no precise information about

the shape of the olha. Strolovitch in his translation

refers to it as a vessel “like bottles, broad below

and narrow above", [1].

Heating temperature and time: the only

information given is “place the pots on the fire” and

"keep the fire moderate, neither quick nor slow", [1].

Usually, embers’ temperature fall between 620-

670ºC. We do not know if the pots should be placed

directly on the fire neither for how long (a couple of

hours? all day?). Where was this fire made? In a

special apparatus or just on the ground? How was it

maintained and controlled? We infer, from the lack

of information, that the experiment time was to be

expected more in the 1-2h range than in the 3h-6h.

Heating time and red smoke: The information

present in the treatise says “and when you see the

red smoke coming out red and not malodorous,

place a spit in it. If anything sticks to the spit,

remove the pots from the fire and let them cool” [1].

However, no red smoke was observed in any of the

many experiments conducted. The only smoke

observed was black, probably the result of

metacinnabar sublimation.

Figure 2. Reaction scheme for vermilion synthesis.

Comments

heating temperature: The reference of “red

smoke” as a signal for the complete transformation

of metacinnabar into cinnabar, prompt us to

considerer that a sublimation process could be

present. In fact this smoke colour was never

observed. Only a black smoke was seen due to the

overheating of the bottle (olha).

heating time: Although there is no specific

information about the heating time, it is clear that

this reaction takes hours and not days.

pot design: The olha’s base thickness is essential

on the inset temperature control, namely on

allowing a controlled heating rate and on

maintaining constant temperature inside the olha,

undoubtedly the two most determinant parameters

of this recipe.

the dog's foot: "always stirring it with a dog's foot

that has its hair and wool until the fire turns to

ashes" is possibly one of the most beautiful

instructions found in a medieval treatise. Those

who have tried to mix sulphur with mercury know

how "fugitivas" the small drops of mercury may turn

to be. The use of a fluffy surface could help in

capturing Hg, facilitating the grinding and reaction

of big amounts of Hg and S, as those described in

the text. Also, the description "until the fire turns to

ashes" not only conveys a beautiful image but it

also depicts accurately what is observed; indeed,

during the grinding, the yellow sulphur and the

bright mercury are transformed into a greyish

colour that may be described as "ash colour".

Vermilion in Portuguese medieval

illuminations

Vermilion red is an important colour in Portuguese

Medieval manuscripts; it was used both to paint the

rubricae and in the illuminations, displaying a very

good conservation condition. Vermilion as a

proteinaceous paint was applied as a pure pigment

or mixed with red lead or/and calcium carbonate

and white lead. The later compounds were added

as extenders as they did not affect the final colour.

In the Lorvão collection, we found pure vermilion in

the lettering and mixtures of vermilion with variable

percentages of red lead (from 5% up to 40% wt) or

other additives in big size illuminations. To produce

dark reds, it was mixed with an organic dye, as

found in Santa Cruz 20.

Works cited

[1] - Strolovitch, D. 2005. “Old Portuguese in

Hebrew Script: convention, contact, and

convivência”, PhD Dissertation, Cornell University,

116-184.

[2] - Dickson, F.W. and Tunnel, G. 1959. The

stability relations of cinnabar and metacinnabar.

American Mineralogist. 44: 471-487.

[3] - Pattrick, R.A.D., Bell, A.M.T. and Vaughan,

D.J. 2010. Structural evolution of aqueous mercury

sulphide precipitates: energy-dispersive X-ray

diffraction studies. Mineralogical Magazine. 74: 85-

96.

[4] - Sharma, R.C. and Chang, Y.A. 1993. The Hg-

S (Mercury-Sulfur) System. Journal of Phase

Equilibria. 14:100-109.

Figure 3. Examples of vermilion in Portuguese medieval illuminations. From left to right: Santa Cruz 20, f.137v: pure vermilion paints for the red and a mixture with an organic dye for the dark red; Alcobaça 419, f.91v: pure vermilion paint; De Avibus (Lorvão 5), f.25: vermilion is found in mixture with the extender calcium carbonate; Lorvão Apocalypse, f.210 with red lead.



[5] - Melo, M.J. and Miguel, C. 2010. The making of

vermilion in medieval Europe - Historically accurate

reconstructions from The book on how to make

colours, in Kroustallis, S. and Del Egido, M. (eds.),

Fatto D’Archimia: history and identification of

artificial pigments, Madrid: IPCE.

[6] - Miguel, C; Miranda, A.; Lopes, J.A.; Melo, M.J.

and Clarke, M. 2011. A Study in Scarlet – vermilion

red and colour paint formulations in medieval

illumination, in Preprints of the XVI ICOM-CC

Triennial Conference, Lisbon.

[7] - Miguel, C., Clarke, M., Melo, M.J., Miranda, A.

and Oliveira, M. The “book on how one makes

colours of all shades in order to illuminate books”

Revisited, in “Technology and Interpretation

Reflecting the Artist's Process”. London: Archetype.

[8] - Charnock, J.M., Moyes, L.N., Pattrick, R.A.D.,

Mosselmans, J.F.W., Vaughan, D.J., and Livens,

F.R. 2003. The structural evolution of mercury

sulfide precipitate: an XAS and XRD study.

American Mineralogist. 88: 1197-1203.

[9] - Munir, Z.A., Kashkooli, I.Y. and Street, G.B.

1973. Sublimation of IIB-VIA compounds. V.

Relative thermal stability and heat of transformation

of blackmercury sulfide (metacinnabar). High

Temperature Science. 5: 8-15.

[10] - Potter II, R.W., and Barnes, H. L. 1978.

Phase relations in the binary Hg-S. American

Mineralogist. 63: 1143-1152.

[11] - Rodic, D., Spasojevic, V., Bajorek, A. and

Onnerud, P. 1996. Similarity of structure properties

of Hg1-xMnxS and Cd1-xMnxS (structure properties

of Hg-MnS and Cd-MnS). Journal of Magnetism

and Magnetic Materials. 152: 159-164.

[12] - Gettens, R., Chase, M., and Feller, R. L. May

1972. Vermillion and Cinnabar. Studies in

Conservation. Vol. 17, 2: 45-69.

[13] - Rinse, J. 1928. The vapour pressure,

dissociation, and transition point of mercury

sulphide. Recueil des Travaux Chimiques des

Pays-Bas. 47: 28:32.

Further reading

Written Sources

Blondheim, S. 1928. An old Portuguese work on

manuscript illumination. Jewish Quarterly Review.

19: 97-135.

Moreira de Sá, A. 1960. Revista da Faculdade de

Letras, 4: 210-223.

Cennini, C. 1960. The Craftsman's Handbook –

The Italian “Il libro dell’arte”, translated by D.V.

Thomson. New York: Dover Publications.

Theophilus. 1979. On Divers Arts. Smith, C.S. and

Hawthorne, J.G. (eds). New York: Dover

Publications.

Plinio. 1985. Histoire Naturelle, Livre XXXIII. Paris:

Belles Lettres.

Merrifield, M.P. 1999. Medieval and Renaissance

Treatises on the Art of Painting: original texts with

English translations. London: Dover Publications.

Other

Garcia-Moreno, R. and Thomas, N. 2008. Cinnabar

or vermilion?, in Art Technology- Sources and

Methods. London: Archetype.141-143.

Bruquetas, R. 2010. El bermellón de Almadén: de

Plinio a Goya, in Kroustallis, S. and Del Egido, M.

(eds.), Fatto D’Archimia: history and identification of

artificial pigments, Madrid: IPCE.

Afonso, L.U. 2010. New developments in the study

of O livro de como se fazem as cores das tintas, in


Matérias da Imagem. Lisboa: Campo da

Comunicação. 3-27

Appendix

Vermilion characterization. Produced following "The book on how to make colours"

Colour

Table 1. Colour coordinates, Lab*, for vermilion paint reconstructions using two different binders (arabic gum

and parchment glue) applied over filter paper and parchment.

Spectroscopic characterization

XRD diffractogram acquired with a Philips

X’Pert diffractometer using monochromatised

CuKα radiation.

Raman spectrum acquired with a Labram

300 Jobin Yvon spectrometer with λexc=

632.8nm; characteristic bands @ 253, 285

and 343 cm-1

EDXRF spectrum acquired through ArtTAX

spectrometer, with a molybdenum anode.

Support Binder L a* b*

Filter paper Parchment glue 49.72 36.97 19.96

Arabic gum 49.64 38.30 22.68

Parchment Parchment glue 46.64 36.18 26.30

Arabic gum 46.56 37.24 27.77

15 25 35 45 55 65

a.u

.

2 teta (º)


v a r i a · i n t e r a c t i v e t e c h n o l o g y t o e x p l o r e m e d i e v a l i l l u m i n a t i o n s

interactive technology to explore medieval illuminations

andré r icardo, nuno correia , tarquínio motaCentro de Informática e Tecnologias de Informação, Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia,

Universidade Nova de Lisboa

rita carvalhoInstituto de Estudos Medievais, Faculdade de Ciências e Sociais e Humanas, Universidade

Nova de Lisboa

Introduction

The main goal of the installation is to allow wide dissemination and awareness about

color in Portuguese medieval illuminations, the theme of the project within which

these components are being developed 1. This theme, as well as the historical con-

text surrounding it, was already the object of some dissemination to non-scientific

audiences, namely in several workshops where illuminations and color paints were

produced using techniques similar to the original ones. The installation builds on

this previous work.

The design and development process was carried out by a multidisciplinary team

from areas including computer engineering, design, illustration, art history, history,

chemistry and conservation sciences, with several iterations on the content and

technology.

It also works as a trial for interaction experiments regarding innovative computational

interfaces and how they can be developed and used in a cultural heritage setting.

The installation has three components that can work independently or as a full in-

stallation. The following sections describe each of these components and how they

contribute to the overall experience.

Virtual Scriptorium

This component aims to provide an individual experience of producing an illumina-

tion, using a digital platform. It works as an extension of a real workshop on medieval



illumination which takes place regularly at the University, attracting participants with

several ages and backgrounds (fig. 1). Their challenge is to reproduce an image from

the «Book of Birds» or «Apocalypse of Lorvão», both romanesque manuscripts from

the Monastery of Lorvão. The session includes the production of paints, based on

medieval recipes (fig. 2).

Similarly to the workshop, this digital component aims to support the construction

of an illumination from the «Book of Birds». Using a tablet PC and a pen instead of

parchment and brushes, the user is guided through several steps in order to construct

an illumination (fig. 3). Details such as the brush thickness, or the running down of

the ink/paint in the pen brings a certain manual feeling to the application.

As in the real workshop, users can produce their own paints (fig. 4), through actions

like grinding carefully a lapis-lazuli stone in order to have a proper pigment (as in

the color blue), or mixing it with the binder.

The application contains also information concerning each illumination from the

«Book of Birds» as well as the corresponding texts.

The goal is not to create an experience equivalent to a real workshop (differences,

such the ones regarding touch and smells are obvious), but to provide a new approach

to the production of an illumination, with its own specificities.

Being easy to set up, this application can be placed in cultural sites with broad audi-

ences such as museums, public libraries and archives, helping to divulge the ancient

art of illuminations through a playful and engaging experience.

fig.1 e 1a image creation. workshop of medieval illumination

fig.3 image creation. virtual scriptorium

fig.2 paint production. workshop of medieval illumination

fig.4 paint production. virtual scriptorium



Interactive Panel

The interactive panel provides an overview of color from a scientific, social, artistic

and historical point of view. Special relevance is also given to the illuminated codex

production process and to its historical context.

Users may explore several items such as «colors», «scriptorium», «codex» or «Roma-

nesque Portugal», visible in a playful initial panel (inspired by medieval genealogical

diagrams) (fig. 5). Some of those items will now be described.

Besides a brief scientific explanation of color, the item «colors» (fig. 6) explores the

way paints of different colors were made in the Middle Ages. It also shows their ap-

plicability at that time and their possible social meaning(s).

The item «codex» also plays an important part, showing the enormous importance of

the book at that time (in spite of its limited access), and displaying how the page layout

of an illuminated manuscript was carefully designed regarding its different functions.

It will display virtual versions of the codices «Book of Birds» and «Apocalypse of

Lorvão» that the user may flip as in a real codex.

Since the monks were the agents of codex production at that time, the item «mon-

astery» provides an important overview of the site where the workshops or scriptoria

were placed, showing also a glimpse of a monk´s life at that time. In «scriptorium»

the user can explore the instruments and materials used by the copyist or by the il-

luminator during the process of production of the codex, and also acknowledge the

different tasks involved.

«Romanesque Portugal» (fig. 7) is an item in which the user can find concise infor-

mation about the context of the Iberian Peninsula between the second half of the

12th century and the first of the 13rd century, namely the multicultural Portuguese

society, its organization, and the art that was produced.

fig.5 initial diagram. interactive panel fig.6 color diagram. interactive panel



fig.7 e 7a Romanesque Portugal. interactive panel



The panel contains also a gallery of existing illuminations that were previously done

with the tablet. All these items contain images largely based on illuminations ana-

lyzed within the research project.

This panel has the advantage of allowing access by multiple users at the same time and of

establishing a connection with the tablet, relating practical and theoretical knowledge.

Augmented Book

The augmented book is the most innovative component of the installation in terms

of interface device.

In opposition to the other two components, it provides a physical experience of the

book while the digital content augments this experience. All of the electronics are

hidden within the covers of the book, to make the book as similar to a real codex

as possible (fig. 8).

While manipulating a real codex (a reproduction of a Portuguese medieval one) con-

taining sensors that detect its orientation, a model of that same book is displayed,

accompanied with information relating to its binding, that is, to the actions and ele-

ments that turn a gathering of folios into a book as a functional object.

For instance, as the user turns the book, facing its spine, visual and written infor-

mation will be provided about the way quires were sewed. Information concerning

the parchment and some relevant elements of the folios are also accessible through

actions like opening the book or turning pages.

The book can detect when specific pages are open, enabling the display of virtual

content related to that page. Within each page, it is also possible to navigate through

the content performing swipe gestures with the hand in front of the book. All of

fig.8 e 8a testing prototype for the augmented book



these actions can be performed whether the book is standing on the table or is be-

ing held by the user.

Conclusions and future work

Prototype versions for the three components were developed, and testing with good

results was achieved, specially the Virtual Scriptorium component. The development

process is iterative and the different members of the team contribute at each itera-

tion in the content, technology and desired user experience. Current and future

work includes content development to add additional contextual information in the

Interactive Panel and information about the book as an object in the Augmented

Book component. Better integration of the three components regarding the software

is also a relevant issue for future work. The ultimate goal is to deploy the complete

installation in a museum, library or similar institution and for this preliminary contacts

have been carried out. Extended user tests will be conducted to assess the experi-

ence that is proposed. •


master and phd thesis from faculty of social sciences and humanities and faculty of sciences and technology, new university of lisbon (unl)

studies in medieval manuscript illuminations

v a r i a · m a s t e r t h e s i s

Master thesis (or graduate)

CLARO, Ana – Caracterização dos materiais e estudo de conservação de um manuscrito

iluminado, Apocalipse do Lorvão (1189). Caparica: FCT/UNL, 2004.

MOURA, Laura – Caracterização dos materiais e estudo de conservação da folha de rosto

do Foral manuelino de Vila Flor, (1512). Caparica: FCT/UNL, 2004.

SOUSA, Luís – Iconografia Musical Medieval. Lisboa: FCSH/UNL, 2004.

LEMOS, Ana – Um Novo olhar sobre o livro de Horas de D. Duarte. Lisboa: FCSH/UNL,

2009.

CUSTÓDIO, Delmira – A Luz da grisalha. Arte, Liturgia e História no Livro de Horas dito

de D. Leonor – IL 165 da BNP. Lisboa: FCSH/UNL, 2011.

Master thesis ongoing

ARAÚJO, Ana Rita – Os Livros de Horas (séc. XV) na colecção do Palácio Nacional de

Mafra: estudo e conservação. Caparica: FCT/UNL, ongoing


PhD thesis

CLARO, Ana – An interdisciplinary approach to the study of colour in Portuguese

manuscript illuminations. Caparica: FCT/UNL, 2009.

SOUSA, Luís – Speculum Musicae. Iconografia musical na arte do final da Idade Média

em Portugal. Lisboa: FCSH/UNL, 2011.

PhD thesis ongoing

CASTRO, Rita – The Book of Birds in Portuguese scriptorium: preservation and assess.

Caparica: FCT/UNL, ongoing.

CORREIA, Inês – Estudo Arqueológico dos Códices Iluminados do Fundo Laurbanense

(Sécs. XII - XIII) – A recepção dos manuscritos no reflexo de intervenções passadas,

presentes e futuras. Lisboa: FCSH/UNL, ongoing.

CUSTÓDIO, Delmira – Relações artísticas entre Portugal e a Flandres através dos Livros

de Horas. Lisboa: FCSH/UNL, ongoing.

LEMOS, Ana – Catálogo dos livros de horas iluminados de origem francesa nas colecções

públicas portuguesas (primeira metade do século XV). Lisboa: FCSH/UNL, ongoing.

MIGUEL, Catarina – Le vert et le rouge: A study on the materials, techniques and meaning

of the green and red colours in medieval Portuguese illuminations. Caparica: FCT/UNL,

ongoing.

Pos-Doc projects ongoing

BILLOTA, Maria Alessandra – Juridical manuscripts production and illumination in Portugal

between 14th and 15th centuries and theirs connections with manuscripts production and

illumination in the French «Midi» (specially Toulouse, Avignon and Montpellier) and in the

North-Mediterranean regions (Italy and Cataluña). Lisboa: IEM, FCSH/UNL, ongoing.

MIGUÉLEZ CAVERO, Alicia – Análisis del lenguaje gestual en el Apocalipsis de Lorvão y

su comparación con otros beatos y obras artísticas românicas. Lisboa: IEM, FCSH/UNL,

ongoing.

CORDONNIER, Rémy – The bestiary of Portuguese medieval art and though. From the

expression of a multicultural aesthetic to the elaboration of a specific symbolism (12th-13th c.).

Lisboa: IEM, FCSH/UNL, submitted.

v a r i a · p h d t h e s i s a n d p o s d o c p r o j e c t s


not

ícia

Colour In Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts: Between Beauty and Meaning

In this project, funded by FCT-MCTES,

we explore the issues related with the

symbolic and social meaning of colour in

medieval Portuguese illuminations, pro-

duced during the twelfth and first quar-

ter of the thirteenth century in Alcobaça,

Lorvão and St Cruz monasteries. Colour

use and production in Portuguese me-

dieval illuminations was a consequence

of the technology available as well as of

cultural and artistic options; by defining

the specificities of its use and produc-

tion we contribute to fingerprint the in-

fluences of the three different cultures

that coexisted in Portugal at that time,

Arab, Jewish and Christian.

We approach this subject from an art

history and molecular sciences point of

view, aiming to characterize the mon-

astery scriptoria and their evolution

during the twelfth and first quarter of

the thirteen centuries. We started by

quantifying the dominant colours and

its combinations, in national manuscript

collections; namely, in the manuscript

collections of Alcobaça, Arouca, Lorvão

and St. Cruz. We will afterwards proceed

to the comparison with other interna-

tional collections. Quantification is per-

formed by computer image analysis of

colour areas. As degradation processes

affect our perception of colour, exami-

nation at the molecular level is essential

in order to avoid misinterpretations of

the colour meaning and distribution. The

binding media, the invisible component

of a paint colour, may also have a funda-

mental influence on colour perception as

they play a key role in the colour chang-

es over time. Particular attention is de-

voted to their complete characterization

by using non-conventional techniques

recently applied in the field of cultural

heritage, such as ELISA- antigen-anti-

body assay.

We also explore new ways of sharing

our results with the general public, with

the main focus on children, contributing

to divulge the ancient art of illumina-

tions through the exploration of mod-

ern computer interaction technologies.

We intend to achieve an engaging, in-

tuitive and easy to use interactive sys-

tem, where physical objects similar to

the ones used in real life, when making

the illuminations, will be used. This in-

stallation will simulate the illuminations’

creation process in the medieval period,

addressing several aspects from the ma-

terials’ origin and production methods

to the painting process. It will also show

users the historical and social context of

that epoch and reveal the meanings of

the used colours and images depicted.

This interactive installation can be easily

deployed at cultural sites, enriching an

exhibition, or at institutions where the

books are preserved.

Finally, a book, describing the main find-

ings and breakthroughs of our research

is being prepared.

The tasks and objectives proposed with-

in this project will promote innovation

that will contribute to a better access

and conservation of medieval illumina-

tions .

v a r i a · n o t í c i a s


Lopes, and the multimedia interfaces by

Nuno Correia. Consultant Mark Clarke

contributes with his expertise to the

overall project as well as Augusto Aires

do Nascimento. Fruitful partnerships

are maintained with the BNP, for the

The team is constituted by 19 members,

including five PhD students and five re-

search fellows. The art history research

is coordinated by Adelaide Miranda,

the molecular characterization by Maria

João Melo, the image analysis by João

Alcobaça nucleus), BPMP, for the Santa

Cruz collection and DGARQ-ANTT, for

the Lorvão manuscripts). •Maria João Melo

DCR e Requimte, FCT-UNL


team, from left to right: andré ricardo, eduardo dias, teresa romão, tarquínio mota, rémy cordonnier, nuno correia, ana matias, conceição casanova, teresa serra, mark clarke (consultant), maria joão melo, adelaide miranda, rita carvalho, inês correia, catarina duarte, catarina miguel, joão lopes and rita castro.team members not present in this photo: ana lemos, mafalda sagarruça and solange muralha.from citi and di/fct-unl; ibet-unl; requimte and dcr/fct-unl; iem and dha/fcsh-unl; iceta-ff-up; iict and dcr/fct-unl; vicarte-fct-unl



O projecto IMAGO

O projecto Imago 1, uma base de dados

sobre iconografia medieval (abrangendo

dois campos de estudo: o da iluminura e

o da escultura), visa colmatar a inexis-

tência, em Portugal, de um importante

utensílio de pesquisa para os estudiosos

da imagem, à semelhança dos existen-

tes nos restantes países da Europa. Foi

financiado pela FCT-MCTES, através do

projecto POCTI/EAT/45922/2002.

Sediada na página da Faculdade de Ci-

ências Sociais e Humanas da Universida-

de Nova de Lisboa e integrada no Insti-

tuto de Estudos Medievais e Instituto de

História da Arte, a base de dados sobre

iconografia medieval conta já com algu-

1. ver artigo de Joana Ramôa na revista

n.° 7, 2009 do IHA, p. 284.

mas fichas no campo da iluminura e da

escultura, elaboradas por um grupo de

investigadores, um bolseiro do projecto

(Joana Ramôa/escultura) e dois colabo-

radores (Ana Lemos e Luís Sousa/ilumi-

nura) sob a orientação dos Professores

Doutores José Custódio Vieira da Silva e

Maria Adelaide Miranda, coordenadores

do projecto.

Permitindo aos investigadores o acesso

a dados fundamentais no campo da in-

vestigação, tem por objectivo contribuir

para a construção de um centro de ico-

nografia medieval português. •Para sua consulta ir até http://imago.

fcsh.unl.pt

Ana LemosInstituto de Estudos Medievais



the most important written heritage of

the Portuguese Art in the Renaissance.

With this project, a systematic analytical

(physical and chemical), paleographic

and codicological study of Manueline

foral charters will be performed by ap-

plying methodologies that will enable

the identification of materials (pig-

ments, dyes, fillers, binders, inks, parch-

ment) and methods used by the scribes

and artisans. The major outbreak is the

thorough analytical study of around fifty

charters by non-destructive techniques

either in situ (energy dispersive X-ray flu-

orescence analysis, diffuse reflectance,

optical microscopy) or by micro-sampling

(X-ray diffraction, Raman and Fourier

transform infrared analysis). This way,

the already fragile pieces, won’t have to

leave the controlled environment of the

archive where they are kept nowadays.

Transcription and high resolution digital

color photographic documentation of all

the foral charters will be made, to enable

online access, and preventing further

The awakening of the Manueline Foral charters

The awakening of the Manueline Foral

charters: science and technology in-

sights into the masterpiece is a three

year project (2011-2014) financed by

Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia

carried on by a multidisciplinary team

including experts from Centro de Físi-

ca Atómica da Universidade de Lisboa

(CFAUL), Instituto dos Museus e Con-

servação – laboratório José de Figuei-

redo (IMC) and Arquivo Nacional da

Torre do Tombo (ANTT).

A Foral charter was a royal document in

Portugal and its former empire, whose

purpose was to regulate the juridical

relation between a master, such as the

king, and a collective entity, such as

a village. In the beginning of the 16th

century, King D. Manuel I of Portugal

promoted a large restructuration of the

historical written memory of the realm.

Within this restructure, Foral charters

produced since the 12th century – were

copied into renewed codices in the con-

temporary language and adjusted to the

present community rules. This was one

of the most ambitious works carried out

by D. Manuel for whom the esthetic of

the charters was as important as the

message they carried in. In this context

they were written on parchment in goth-

ic style characters and illuminated with

precious ornaments such as the coat

of arms and the armillary sphere used

to express the authority of the realm.

These Foral charters became known as

Manueline foral charters and represent

damages to this heritage. Whenever nec-

essary, the foral charters, whose state of

deterioration would not recommend their

manipulation, will be restored beforehand.

The project will invite other research

teams working on related subjects to

participate in workshops where results

on the Manueline foral charters will be

also divulged. Information regarding

the project will be available in http://

manuelin.cii.fc.ul.pt/ForaisManuelinos.

Coordination team: Ana Isabel Seruya

(CFAUL) and Maria Luísa Carvalho (CFAUL)

Other team members: Marta Manso

(CFAUL), Sofia Pessanha (CFAUL), Ag-

nès Le Gac (DCR/FCT-UNL and CFAUL),

Mário Costa (CFAUL), Isabel Cabaço

(CFAUL), Marcel Besnard (CFAUL), An-

tónio Candeias (IMC), Filipa Roldão, José

Manuel Garcia (CML), Teresa Figueiredo

(ANTT), Sónia Domingos (ANTT), Ariana

Webb (ANTT). •Maria Luísa Carvalho

Centro de Física Atómica (UL)

fig. charter of sintra, 1514


v a r i a · s e m i n á r i o e e x p o s i ç ã o

organizaçãoinstituto de estudos medievais

palácio nacional de mafra

comissão institucionalmário pereira (pnm)

teresa amaral (pnm)

comissão científicaaires augusto do nascimento (fl-ul)

maria adelaide miranda (iem/fcsh-unl)

maria joão melo (dcr/fct-unl)

curadoria da exposiçãoana lemos (iem/fcsh-unl)

comissão executivaana lemos (iem/fcsh-unl)

ricardo naito (iem/fcsh-unl)

rita carvalho (iem/fcsh-unl)

teresa amaral (pnm)

informaçõesfrequência no seminário mediante

inscrição

limite de inscritos: 50 participantes

período de inscrição: de 1 a 24 de

novembro

propina do seminárioestudantes | 10 euros

outros | 20 euros

informações adicionais / inscriçõesinstituto de estudos medievais

faculdade de ciências sociais e

humanas

av. de berna 26-c, 1069-061 - lisboa

217908300

[email protected]

http://iem.fcsh.unl.pt

os livros de horas do palácio nacional de mafra e a cultura artística do século xv

Seminário e exposição

No âmbito da tese de doutoramento em história da arte intitulada «Catálogo dos

livros de horas iluminados de origem francesa nas colecções públicas portuguesas

(primeira metade do século xv). Análise estilística e iconográfica», desenvolvemos

o estudo de um conjunto de 8 manuscritos conservados na biblioteca do Palácio

Nacional de Mafra.

Resulta este seminário das questões surgidas da problematização sobre os manus-

critos em termos artísticos, culturais e sociais bem como da ponderação de cada um

deles enquanto obra de arte singular.

Pretende-se, assim, ao juntar alguns dos especialistas nas diferentes áreas do saber,

apreender a cultura artística portuguesa do século xv de forma a tentar perceber, do

conjunto de manuscritos deste período existentes em Portugal, os que foram adqui-

ridos na época quatrocentista e quinhentista, por razões devocionais e de gosto, e os

que resultam de uma aquisição posterior por coleccionadores portugueses. Importa

esclarecer o que até à data se tem vindo a dizer sobre o assunto, isto é, o facto de

no nosso país se ter dado preferência a livros de horas oriundos da escola flamenga,

e determinar, se possível, a data em que os manuscritos chegaram até nós.

Desenvolvendo, por outro lado, o estudo das relações com os manuscritos ilumina-

dos da época, numa tentativa de determinar a sua datação mais rigorosa, bem como

a caracterização estilística da arte dos iluminadores, visa este seminário um debate

sobre toda a problemática envolvente.

E porque o estudo deste núcleo de manuscritos não seria possível sem a colaboração

de alguns dos especialistas da área, gostaria de aqui deixar uma palavra de reconheci-

mento aos que não poderão estar presentes, Roger Wieck (Pierpont Morgan Library,

Nova Iorque), Lieve Watteeuw (Centro Illuminare, Universidade de Louvaina, Bruxe-

las), Michel Pastoureau (EHESS, Paris) e Patricia Stirnemann (IRHT/CNRS, Paris).

Ana LemosIEM/FCSH-UNL


v a r i a · s e m i n á r i o e e x p o s i ç ã o

10h00

AberturaMário Pereira (Palácio Nacional de Mafra),

Maria Adelaide Miranda (IEM/FCSH-

UNL) e Ana Lemos (IEM/FCSH-UNL)

10h30

Problemática dos livros de horas: As particularidades da colecção de MafraAires Augusto do Nascimento (Academia

das Ciências e CEC/FLUL) e Ana Lemos

(IEM/FCSH-UNL)

11h00 - Pausa

11h20

O uso do livro em conventos e mosteiros femininos portugueses visto através das marcas de posseFernanda Maria Guedes de Campos (BNP)

11h40

A biblioteca do Palácio Nacional de Mafra - os catálogos de 1755 e 1819Teresa Amaral (Palácio Nacional de Mafra)

12h00

Os livros de horas e a devoção dos leigos na baixa idade média: novas questõesMaria de Lurdes Rosa (IEM/FCSH-UNL)

12h20

A iluminura quatrocentista e a noção de espaço pictórico segundo Pierre Francastel. Uma problemática histórica revisitadaCarlo Moura (IHA/FCSH-UNL)

12h40 - pausa para almoço (livre)

14h00

La dévotion aux saints dans les livres d´heures: l´exemple de Paris au XVème siècleClaudia Rabel (Institut de Recherche et

d´Histoire des Texts - CNRS)

14h20

A pintura mural portuguesa do século XVLuís Urbano Afonso (FLUL)

14h40

A iluminura hebraica portuguesa do século XVLuís Urbano Afonso (FLUL) e Débora

Matos (FLUL)

15h00

A heráldica portuguesa do século XV: propostas para o seu estudoMiguel Metelo de Seixas (CHAM-IEM/

FCSH-UNL) e João Bernardo

Galvão-Telles (CLEGH-ULL)

15h20

A reencadernação de manuscritos – características e significadosInês Correia (IEM/FCSH-UNL)

15h40

Willem Vrelant/Juan de Carríon: elaboração de um percurso através da comparação de modelos para o livro de horas dito de D. Leonor da BNPDelmira Custódio (IEM/FCSH-UNL)

16h00 - pausa

16h20

Os livros de horas iluminados do Palácio Nacional de MafraAna Lemos (IEM/FCSH-UNL)

25 NnovembroSeminário «Os livros de horas do Palácio Nacional de Mafra e a culturaartística do século xv»

16h40

O que nos dizem os materiais da cor sobre os livros de horas do PNM?Maria João Melo (DCR/FCT-UNL),

Ana Rita Araújo (DCR/FCT-UNL) e Ana

Lemos (IEM/FCSH-UNL)

17h00

Debate e conclusões

26 novembroExposição

«Os livros de horas iluminados do Palácio Nacional de Mafra»

Inauguração pelas 16h00

(Entrada livre)

rha - medieval colours

Documents