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Introduction:

After revival of the democracy in Pakistan we are constantly hearing from our politicalleadership a slogan that Even the worst democracy is better than the best

dictatorship,

I m not sure exactly what they mean by dictatorship. I think it is possible to have onegood ruler who cares about his people and acts with their best interests and not hisown. But it s too easy for someone to become a dictator, someone who uses harsh andabusive ways to rule people and claims to be acting for Pakistan s benefit but only isinterested in his own. But I don t think a democracy is much different. It has still peoplewho claim they are acting for the greater good but for the most part are just aftermaking life better for themselves. Irrespective of other characteristics of the both, Ithink a good dictatorship and a bad democracy are almost the same thing in the sense

that bad democracy is just another form of dictatorship. In Pakistan, soon after revivalof democracy the people started demanding the rulers to keep such like democracywith them and return their dictatorship . Why it is so? Because, after revival of democracy neither they have some money to pay the ever-rising utility bills or inflatededucation fee of their children nor they have been left with the purchasing power toproperly feed their family. Then, is the slogan being raised by our political leadership isincorrect?

System of government in different countries:

When the environment in which the economy breathes depends on institutions ratherthan on the commitment of an autocrat or a party, stability and reliability generate thesort of long-term results that we call development. We might lose some rights, but if we can find good leaders to run the country even dictator can help a country developvery well. There is no democracy in China, but if we look at its progress and even thepeople, the system of government that they have can actually bring a lot of benefits.Malaysia is said to have been ruled by a dictator for 22 years The people of Malaysiaenjoyed it as he took the country morally and economically at climax. Cuba, in spite of along dictatorship of more than half a century has made tremendous development in

every sphere of life. Portugal or the Baltic countries of underdeveloped countries thathave generated stable and reliable environments through political freedom to invalidatethe notion that a country should be kept in political and civil infancy until it reacheseconomic maturity.

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Era s in which different events occurred:

First democratic era (1947-1958)

Between 1947 and 1971, Pakistan consisted of two geographically separate regions,West Pakistan and East Pakistan. Within one year of democratic rule, differencesbetween the two wings of Pakistan surfaced: When Jinnah declared in 1948 that Urduwould be the only state language of Pakistan, it sparked protests in East Bengal (laterEast Pakistan), where Bengali was spoken by most of the population. The BengaliLanguage Movement reached its peak on 21 February 1952, when the police andsoldiers opened fire on students near the Dhaka Medical College protesting for Bengalito receive equal status with Urdu. Several protesters were killed, and the movement

gained further support throughout East Pakistan. Later, the Government agreed toprovide equal status to Bengali as a state language of Pakistan, a right later codified inthe 1956 constitution.

In 1953 at the instigation of religious parties, anti-Ahmadiyya riots erupted, killing scoresof Ahmadis and destroying their properties. The riots were investigated by a two-member court of inquiry in 1954, which was criticized by the Jamaat-e-Islami, one of theparties accused of inciting the riots. This event led to the first instance of martial law inthe country and began the inroad of military interference in the politics and civilianaffairs of the country, something that remains to this day.

First military era (1958-1971)

The Dominion was dissolved on 23 March 1956 and replaced by the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, with the last Governor-General, Iskandar Mirza, as the first president. Just twoyears later the military took control of the nation. Field Marshal Ayub Khan becamepresident and began a new system of government called Basic Democracy with a newconstitution, by which an electoral college of 80,000 would select the President. AyubKhan almost lost the controversial 1965 presidential elections to Fatima Jinnah. DuringAyub's rule, relations with the United States and the West grew stronger. Pakistan joined two formal military alliances the Baghdad Pact (later known as the CentralTreaty Organization or CENTO) which included Iran, Iraq, and Turkey to defend theMiddle East and Persian Gulf against the Soviet Union; and the Southeast Asia TreatyOrganization (SEATO) which covered South-East Asia. However, the United Statesdismayed Pakistan by adopting a policy of denying military aid to both India andPakistan during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 over Kashmir and the Rann of Kutch. A

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positive gain of the treaties was the re-srengthening of Pakistan's close historical bondswith its western neighbors.

During the 1960s, amidst the allegations that economic development and hiring forgovernment jobs favoured West Pakistan, there was a rise in Bengali nationalism and anindependence movement in East Pakistan began to gather ground. After a nationwideuprising in 1969, General Ayub Khan stepped down from office, handing power toGeneral Yahya Khan, who promised to hold general elections at the end of 1970. On theeve of the elections, a cyclone struck East Pakistan killing approximately 500,000 people.Despite the tragedy and the additional difficulty experienced by affected citizens inreaching the voting sites, the elections were held and the results showed a clear divisionbetween East and West Pakistan. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,won a majority with 167 of the 169 East Pakistani seats, but with no seats in WestPakistan, where the Pakistan People s Party (PPP) led by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, won 85

seats, none in East Pakistan. However, Yahya Khan and Bhutto refused to hand overpower to Mujib.

Meanwhile, Mujib initiated a civil disobedience movement, which was stronglysupported by the general population of East Pakistan, including most governmentworkers. A round-table conference between Yahya, Bhutto, and Mujib was convened inDhaka, which, however, ended without a solution. Soon thereafter, the West PakistaniArmy commenced Operation Searchlight, an organized crackdown on the East Pakistaniarmy, police, politicians, civilians, and students in Dhaka. Mujib and many other AwamiLeague leaders were arrested, while others fled to neighboring India. Mujib was taken

to West Pakistan. The crackdown widened and escalated into a guerrilla warfarebetween the Pakistani Army and the Mukti Bahini (Bengali "freedom fighters"). In March1971, India's Prime Minister announced support for the East Pakistani independencemovement, providing military assistance and opening India's borders to Bengalirefugees - ultimately nearly 10 million fled from the conflict. On 27 March 1971, MajorZiaur Rahman, a Bengali war-veteran of the East Bengal Regiment of the Pakistan Army,declared the independence of East Pakistan as the new nation of Bangladesh on behalf of Mujib.

Following a period of covert and overt intervention by Indian forces in the conflict, openhostilities broke out between India and Pakistan on 3 December 1971. In Bangladesh,the Pakistani Army led by General A. A. K. Niazi, had already been weakened andexhausted by the Mukti Bahini's guerrilla warfare. Outflanked and overwhelmed, thePakistani army in the eastern theatre surrendered on 16 December 1971, with nearly90,000 soldiers taken as prisoners of war. The result was the defacto emergence of thenew nation of Bangladesh, thus ending 24 years of turbulent union of the two wings.The figures of the Bengali civilian death toll from the entire civil war vary greatly,

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depending on the sources. Although the killing of Bengalis was unsupported by thepeople of West Pakistan, it continued for 9 months. Pakistan's official report, by itsHamood-ur-Rahman Commission, places the figure at only 26,000, while other sourcesput it higher - between 1.25 to 1.5 million - especially those who reported at the heightof war propaganda; highest figure, reported only in the media, is 3 million.

Discredited by the defeat, General Yahya Khan resigned and Bhutto was inaugurated aspresident and chief martial law administrator on 20 December 1971.

Second democratic era (1971-1977)

Civilian rule returned after the war, when General Yahya Khan handed over power toZulfikar Ali Bhutto. In 1972, Pakistani intelligence learned that India was close todeveloping a nuclear bomb, and in response, Bhutto formed a group of engineers andscientists, headed by nuclear scientist Abdus Salam who later won the Nobel Prize forphysics to develop nuclear devices. In 1973, Parliament approved a new constitution.Pakistan was alarmed by the Indian nuclear test of 1974, and Bhutto promised thatPakistan would also have a nuclear device "even if we have to eat grass and leaves."

During Bhutto's rule, a serious rebellion also took place in Balochistan province and ledto harsh suppression of Baloch rebels with the Shah of Iran purportedly assisting with airsupport in order to prevent the conflict from spilling over into Iranian Balochistan. Theconflict ended later after an amnesty and subsequent stabilization by the provincialmilitary ruler Rahimuddin Khan. In 1974, Bhutto succumbed to increasing pressure from

religious parties and helped Parliament to declare the Ahmadiyya adherents as non-Muslims. Elections were held in 1977, with the Peoples Party won but this waschallenged by the opposition, which accused Bhutto of rigging the election process.General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq took power in a bloodless coup and Bhutto was laterexecuted, after being convicted of authorizing the murder of a political opponent, in acontroversial 4-3 split decision by the Supreme Court.

Second military era (1977-1988)

Pakistan had been a US ally for much of the Cold War, from the 1950s and as a member

of CENTO and SEATO. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan renewed and deepened theUS-Pakistan alliance. The Reagan administration in the United States helped supply andfinance an anti-Soviet insurgency in Afghanistan, using Pakistan as a conduit. Inretaliation, the Afghan secret police, KHAD, carried out a large number of terroristoperations against Pakistan, which also suffered from an influx of illegal weapons anddrugs from Afghanistan. In the 1980s, as the front-line state in the anti-Soviet struggle,Pakistan received substantial aid from the United States as it took in millions of Afghan

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(mostly Pashtun) refugees fleeing the Soviet occupation. The influx of so many refugees- the largest refugee population in the world - had a heavy impact on Pakistan and itseffects continue to this day. General Zia's martial-law administration gradually reversedthe socialist policies of the previous government, and also introduced strict Islamic lawin 1978, often cited as the contributing factor in the present climate of sectarianism andreligious fundamentalism in Pakistan. Ordinance XX was introduced to limit the freedomof the Ahmadis to call themselves Muslims in Pakistan. Further, in his time, secessionistuprisings in Balochistan were put down violently but successfully by the provincialgovernor, General Rahimuddin Khan.

General Zia lifted martial law in 1985, holding non-partisan elections and handpickingMuhammad Khan Junejo to be the new Prime Minister, who readily extended Zia's termas Chief of Army Staff until 1990. Junejo however gradually fell out with Zia as hisadministrative independence grew; for example, Junejo signed the Geneva Accord,

which Zia greatly frowned upon. After a large-scale blast at a munitions dump in Ojhri,Junejo vowed to bring to justice those responsible for the significant damage caused,implicating several senior generals. Zia dismissed the Junejo government on severalcharges in May 1988 and called for elections in November 1988. However, General Ziadied in a plane crash on 17 August 1988.

T hird democratic era (1988-1999)

From 1988 to 1999, Pakistan was ruled by civilian governments, alternately headed byBenazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, who were each elected twice and removed from office

on charges of corruption. During the late 1990s, Pakistan was one of three countrieswhich recognized the Taliban government and Mullah Mohammed Omar as thelegitimate ruler of Afghanistan. Allegations have been made of Pakistan and othercountries providing economic and military aid to the group from 1994 as a part of supporting the anti-Soviet alliance. It is alleged that some post-invasion Taliban fighterswere recruits drawn from Pakistan's madrassahs. Economic growth declined towardsthe end of this period, hurt by the Asian financial crisis, and economic sanctionsimposed on Pakistan after its first tests of nuclear devices in 1998. The Pakistani testingcame shortly after India tested nuclear devices and increased fears of a nuclear armsrace in South Asia. The next year, Kargil attack by Pakistan backed Kashmiri militantsthreatened to escalate to a full-scale war.

In the 1997 election that returned Nawaz Sharif as Prime Minister, his party received aheavy majority of the vote, obtaining enough seats in parliament to change theconstitution, which Sharif amended to eliminate the formal checks and balances thatrestrained the Prime Minister's power. Institutional challenges to his authority led bythe civilian President Farooq Leghari, military chief Jehangir Karamat and Chief Justice

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Sajjad Ali Shah were put down and all three were forced to resign - Shah doing so afterthe Supreme Court was stormed by Sharif partisans.

T hird military era (1999 - 2007)

On 12 October 1999, Sharif attempted to dismiss army chief Pervez Musharraf andinstall Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) director Ziauddin Butt in his place, but seniorgenerals refused to accept the decision. Musharraf, who was out of the country,boarded a commercial airliner to return to Pakistan. Sharif ordered the JinnahInternational Airport to prevent the landing of the airliner, which then circled the skiesover Karachi. In a coup, the generals ousted Sharif's administration and took over theairport. The plane landed with only a few minutes of fuel to spare, and GeneralMusharraf assumed control of the government. He arrested Sharif and those membersof his cabinet who took part in this conspiracy. American President Bill Clinton had feltthat his pressure to force Sharif to withdraw Pakistani forces from Kargil, in Indian-controlled Kashmir, was one of the main reasons for disagreements between Sharif andthe Pakistani army. Clinton and King Fahd then pressured Musharraf to spare Sharif and,instead, exile him to Saudi Arabia, guaranteeing that he would not be involved in politicsfor ten years. Sharif lived in Saudi Arabia for more than six years before moving toLondon in 2005.

On 12 May 2000 the Supreme Court of Pakistan ordered the Government to holdgeneral elections by 12 October 2002. In an attempt to legitimize his presidency andassure its continuance after the impending elections, Musharraf held a controversial

national referendum on 30 April 2002, which extended his presidential term to a periodending five years after the October elections. Musharraf strengthened his position byissuing a Legal Framework Order in August 2001 which established the constitutionalbasis for his continuance in office. The general elections were held in October 2002 andthe centrist, pro-Musharraf Pakistan Muslim League (Q) (PML-Q) won a majority of theseats in Parliament. However, parties opposed to the Legal Framework Order effectivelyparalysed the National Assembly for over a year. The deadlock ended in December2003, when Musharraf and some of his parliamentary opponents agreed upon acompromise, and pro-Musharraf legislators were able to muster the two-thirds majorityrequired to pass the Seventeenth Amendment, which retroactively legitimizedMusharraf's 1999 coup and many of his subsequent decrees. In a vote of confidence on1 January 2004, Musharraf won 658 out of 1,170 votes in the Electoral College of Pakistan, and according to Article 41(8) of the Constitution of Pakistan, was elected tothe office of President.

While economic reforms undertaken during his regime yielded positive results,proposed social reforms were met with resistance. Musharraf faced opposition from

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religious groups who were angered by his post-9/11 political alliance with the UnitedStates and his military support to the American led 2001 invasion of Afghanistan. Hesurvived several assassination attempts by groups believed to be part of Al-Qaeda,including at least two instances where they had inside information from a member of his military security.

Pakistan continues to be involved in a dispute over Kashmir, with allegations of supportof separatist Kashmiri militants being leveled against Pakistan by India - which treatsthem as terror-groups - while Pakistan charges that the Indian government abuseshuman rights in its excessive use of military force in the disputed region. What makesthis dispute a source of special concern for the world community is that both India andPakistan possess nuclear weapons. It had led to a nuclear standoff in 2002, whenKashmiri-militants, allegedly backed by the ISI, attacked the Indian parliament. Inreaction to this, serious diplomatic tensions developed and India and Pakistan deployed

500,000 and 120,000 troops to the border respectively. While the Indo-Pakistani peaceprocess has since made progress, it is sometimes stalled by infrequent insurgent activityin India, such as the 26/11 Mumbai attacks. Pakistan also has been accused of contributing to nuclear proliferation; its leading nuclear scientist, Abdul Qadeer Khan,admitted to selling nuclear secrets, though he denied government knowledge of hisactivities.

After the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan, the Pakistani government, as an ally, sentthousands of troops into the mountainous region of Waziristan in 2002, in search of bin-Laden (who claims responsibility for master-minding the 11 September attacks in 2001)

and other heavily armed al-Qaeda members, who had taken refuge there. In March2004, heavy fighting broke out at Azam Warsak (near the South Waziristan town of Wana), between Pakistani troops and these militants (estimated to be 400 in number),who were entrenched in several fortified settlements. It was speculated that bin Laden'sdeputy Ayman al-Zawahiri was among those trapped by the Pakistani Army. On 5September 2006 a truce was signed with the militants and their local rebel supporters,(who called themselves the Islamic Emirate of Waziristan), in which the rebels were tocease supporting the militants in cross-border attacks on Afghanistan in return for aceasefire and general amnesty and a hand-over of border-patrolling and check-pointresponsibilities, till then handled by the Pakistan Army.

Former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif attempted to return from exile on 10 September2007 but was arrested on corruption charges after landing at Islamabad InternationalAirport. Sharif was then put on a plane bound for Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, whilst outsidethe airport there were violent confrontations between Sharif's supporters and thepolice. This did not deter another former prime minister, Benazir Bhutto, from returningon 18 October 2007 after an eight year exile in Dubai and London, to prepare for the

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the restoration of the deposed judiciary. Moreover, they decided that Pervez Musharraf should face charges of weakening Pakistan's federal structure, violating its constitutionand creating economic impasse.

After that, President Pervez Musharraf began consultations with his allies, and with hislegal team, on the implications of the impeachment; he said that he was ready to replyto the charges levied upon him and seek the vote of confidence from the senate and theparliament, as required by the coalition parties. However, on 18 August 2008, PresidentPervez Musharraf announced in a televised address to the nation that he had decided toresign after nine years in office.

In the presidential election that followed President Pervez Musharraf's resignation, Asif Ali Zardari of the PPP was elected President of Pakistan. Zardari's government is facingthe formidable challenges of an International warfare next door, a never endingterritorial dispute and ever present internal political bickerings.

Pakistan, under Zardari's administration, is heading toward a major transition from theexisting semi-presidential system to parliamentary rule: The Parliament of Pakistan haspassed the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan - a bill which, interalia, is to remove the power of the President of Pakistan to dissolve the parliamentunilaterally. This constitutional amendment is considered a major step toward theparliamentary democracy in the country; it reverses many amendments to theconstitution carried out since 1973, turns the President into a ceremonial head of stateand transfers the authoritarian and executive powers to the Prime Minister .

Financial activities:

Let us compare the financial achievements of dictatorship and democracy regimes in thelight of official figures available on record and are part of our history. The total externaldebt liability of Pakistan was merely $ 4.567 billions only up to the year 1973 when

democracy came in for the first time in Pakistan which has now piled up to theunsustainable level of about 55 billions. Out of about $ 50.500 billions loan obtainedafter 1973, $ 9.501 billion was received during 11 years of Zia-ul-Haq regime, $ 8.336was received during about four years (two tenures) of PML (N), $ 6.847 billion wasreceived during 9 years of Gen. Musharraf, and $ 26.500 billion was received by PPPalone during its four tenures of about 9 years. The nominal debts received prior to 1973during the tenure of Dictator Ayub Khan are very much visible in shape of TarbelaDam, Mangla Dam, Steel Mills, shifting of capital at Islamabad and such like other megaprojects. Growth rate of 11 years (1959-70) was as high as 6.25%. Real investmentreached at the level of 21.5 per cent of GDP during 1960-65 being the highest. Inflationremained in around 3 per cent during the 1960s.

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The Ayub Khan era is regarded as one of the best periods of stability in Pakistan shistory. Pakistan was widely hailed as a model of economic, especially industrial,development during the 1960s. After 1973 era another dictator made tremendousreforms, strengthened the institutions, reversed the extremely arbitrary action of nationalization of industries taken by Mr. Bhutto after sustaining heavy costs,completed the atomic program by deploying heavy amounts which is now one amongstthe central points of our politics and thus justified the loans taken during his tenure. Thenational savings rate rose to a peak of 16 per cent of GDP during his tenure. Averagegrowth rate reached as high as 6.6 percent per annum during 1977-88 periods.Manufacturing grew by 9.2 per cent, other sectors grew by 7.9 per cent, and moderategrowth in agriculture sector was also realized. Price level again remained well in-checked. General Zia period could be well matched by General Ayub Khan period whenthe economy got into a healthy shape. Now come to another dictator. Mr. Musharraf did a lot of political errors during his tenure and the people publicly criticized his

political actions which were really condemnable.

In spite of my other personal reservations and to be very honest, on economic front hedid well. Poverty in Pakistan was reduced by 50 percent on consumption-led growth of the economy during his tenure falling from 34.5% from start of his tenure to 17.2% tothe end of his tenure. Real GDP constantly grew during his tenure at more than 7 percent a year with relative price stability. Over the forty years in aggregate, 1949-50-89-90, the annual growth rate of GDP was 5.2 percent, excluding the first decade, it was 6percent. Large-scale manufacturing was the fastest growing sector: an annual rate of 10.3 percent over the four decades. The economy most of the time remained almost flat

during 1988-96. GDP growth rate during 1988-96 averaged 4.9 per cent per annumcompared to 6.6 per cent of Zia period and 6.7 per cent of Ayub period respectively.

Large scale manufacturing growth moved in a narrow band during 1988-96. Althoughthe present Government criticizes the previous regime in public, yet in its officialdocuments it has appreciated the economic policies of the previous regime that becamea strong base for seeking new loans from multilateral donors and friends of Pakistan andthe impressive past growth of Musharraf tenure has made their way easier to makeaccess to the new facility of the IMF for emerging markets hit by the crisis to supportthe balance of payment problems. PML (N) obtained 6.847 billion loans during its twotenures. Mr. Nawaz Sharif introduced some social schemes during his first tenure andstarted motorway project, while in his second tenure he made Pakistan a declaredatomic power by carrying out atomic explosions. How the second democratic force PPPcan justify which alone has burdened the country with about 50% of total debtsobtained after 1973 by getting $ 26.500 billion loans from different external agencies.

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D emocracy without democrats:

The name of democracy is often abused and misused in Pakistan. There are two basicprinciples that democracy includes: equality and freedom. These principles are reflected

in all citizens being equal before the law and having equal access to power, and thefreedom of its citizens is secured by legitimized rights and liberties which are generallyprotected by a constitution. On this touchstone it can be concluded whether Pakistancitizenry has ever seen democracy in Pakistan? Surely the people of Pakistan have neverseen real democracy in its history. Our Rulers want to remain above law and to keepdragnet of accountability confined to have-nots only. They have no respect for law andsuperior judiciary. Morality, principles and values are of no concern to them. Democracyis used as a ploy to cover up every wrong of the rulers. As regards freedom; consider thefact that an ordinary citizen remains terrified even today of the prospect of having tointeract at even a basic level with any of the institutions of the state including the police

station and court to ascertain the actual function of the state in people s lives?Quaid-e-Azam wanted Pakistan to become a welfare state. Our present rulers are doing quite theopposite. They are deeply involved in plundering the assets of the state as well as thenation, and have allowed social evils to flourish. The strange and incomprehensibleattitude of the elected leaders is damaging Pakistan and threatening the wholesystem. The institutions are being ruined, constitutional distortions are subtly protectedby consistently highlighting tales of murder of merit, favoritism, bad governance tothrust and sustain a one man rule that could be defined as civilian dictatorship, andparliament is ignored and cabinet is turned into a non-entity. The impact of nepotismalso moves along further down the hierarchy, resulting in flawed mechanisms that takeroot in many places. The failure to adhere to merit has had a negative impact oneducation, on healthcare and on many other spheres of life.

In fact there are no democrats in Pakistan. The democracy in Pakistan is withoutdemocrats. Pakistan s history pertaining to the period from 1988 to 1999 and then since2008 is a witness to the fact that Nawaz Sharif , Benazir Bhutto and Asif Ali Zardari haveproved to be the spoilers of democracy and betrayers of peoples trust, hopes andaspirations. In fact the greatest stumbling block in democratic development has beenthe contradictory behavior and attitude of Pakistani political leadership itself. They have

failed to build a pro-democracy environment, and building consensus. The politicalleaders tirelessly talking about democracy, who expressed democratic sentiments, uponassuming power, changed and demonstrated authoritarian tendencies. They pursued oradopted policies that strengthened authoritarian attitudes rather than promotedemocratic norms, flout rule of law and defy tolerance of any political opposition. As aresult of these tendencies, there is a growing skepticism about the sustainability of

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provincial and linguistic issues and sentiments that to this date Pakistan has not cometogether as a united nation; it was this incapacity of the political leadership that led tothe dismemberment of Pakistan in 1971.

The paradox of Pakistani politics is such that though everyone is against army rule, thereisn't much enthusiasm for the alternatives. In fact looking at their past performancethere are genuine fears about the ability of the others to deal with escalating violenceand religious extremism, let alone their capacity to deal with the real issue of poverty,ignorance, feudalism and health.

Judging from Pakistan's track record, the operating principle in Pakistan's politics to thisdate remains "the doctrine of necessity". This is not the excuse that only the army usesto rule Pakistan but is also a guiding principle for many politicians in their "horse-trading".

W hat should our leaders have to do?

Dictators should learn their lessons from historical civil disobedience and change theirdictatorial perception, that ultimate power is the power dedicated by the people totheir representatives that make political leaders more accountable. Therefore, powerremains unexcitable if its existence diversifies from through proper channel. On theother hand, democracy without morality is impossible; therefore it is an absoluteresponsibility of the democratic leadership to take all the necessary measures that couldsave our country from dictatorial regimes.

All the leaders of all the parties have to sit together to talk on the different issues whichare being raised by the poor people of Pakistan and also do something about the voicesraised on us by the foreigners. They don t have to show off that they are doing goodthings for the people of Pakistan and does not hide their mistakes. Stop scaring from thecountries which are scaring us that we will do this and that. Don t become a puppet forthose who want to demolish our precious homeland. For example; Iranian president.America is still pressurizing Iran to stop their nuclear programs but he never bow downin front of American policies and facing it with true spirit of patriotism. our leaders alsowants to shoe unity not like that i.e.; Chinese president is on visit of Pakistan. Ourpresident has given all the leaders of the party to sit in a room with Chinese president sothat we can show our unity but question arises that when any American minister cameto Pakistan then that thing is never happened but when Chinese president has come it ishappening. So our leaders have to show unity and don t lose their self respect in front of the world.

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Big picture:

Since Pakistan is facing so many problems throughout 63 years it is very difficult to takeover the situation. Since democracy and dictatorship are the two systems which arebeing applied since the creation of Pakistan. Why not try something new instead of using old concepts which are not favoring Pakistan. If we merge both dictatorship anddemocracy and create a new system then at least we can say that we have at least triedto do something for Pakistan. The institutions which worked properly under dictatorshiptransfer the power to the dictators and the institutions which are doing good work indemocracy handed the control to the democrats. If it works then it will be very good forPakistan and Pakistan progress rate will star climbing but if unfortunately it flops, then just think that by using democracy and dictatorship we also find nothing. They were alsoof no use for us. Law making bodies must have to do something so that if we implementthis idea our country starts progressing. By doing this the institutions will workefficiently and effectively and it will help Pakistan to be a great nation of this world.

Conclusion:

The people of Pakistan have suffered enough on account of corrupt civilian leadershipand recurrent self-serving army rule. All Pakistanis now seem convinced of curtailing therole of the army in politics. They need, however, first a gradual establishment of

processes that will lead to the desired outcome of the primacy of constitutional rule.The lawyers must deserve a lot of credit for stepping out boldly to draw attention to theissue of governance and the rule of law in Pakistan. They must continue to remain incivil discourse with the government on the issue of rule of law, human rights andfreedom. However at a time of grave internal threat to Pakistan's viability and survival,recriminatory politics will not only be counterproductive but even more harmful.Pakistan's future hangs in the balance.

It must be realized that the primacy of constitutionally based civilian rule in Pakistan ispossible only over a period of time, and with patience. Coalition-building transition with

interim establishment and strengthening of processes of accountability andtransparency must be put in place. The lawyers and the courts can play an active role instrengthening these processes to help Pakistan move forward.

The media along with the lawyers can play a crucial role in change management bybeing honest broker, leveraging transparency with identification of innovative

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alternatives. We all may yet have to overcome our own gut feelings against PervezMusharraf, Benazir Bhutto or Nawaz Sharif!

In 1947 when Pakistan came into existence, a well-known poet in Urdu, the officiallanguage of Pakistan, Faiz, wrote a poem called the "The Dawn of Freedom". It is ratherlong and reflects on the people's struggle in achieving Pakistan as a sovereign nationfrom the British colonizers. The whole poem is very compelling but the concluding threelines say it all for the people of Pakistan. It says:

"The darkness of the night has not abated yet,

The moment that our hearts and minds can be truly free has not arrived yet,

Let's keep on going, for we haven't arrived at our destination yet."

At the end I just want to say that Pakistan needs us and we need her.

PAK ISTAN ZINDA BAD