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MAKE SECTARIANISM HISTORY

Contents

I. EXECUTIVESUMMARY

A quietmarchingseason,but sectarianismpersists

Paradingloyalistparamilitarism

II. EYEWITNESSREPORTS FROM PARADES,SUMMER 2006 1

Short Strand, East Belfast, July 1,2006 1

Lurgan, Co. Armagh, July 7,2006 1

July 12, 2006 parades past the Short Strand 1

Maghera, Co. Derry, July 12, 2006 2

Dunloy, Co. Antrim, July 12, 2006 2

Ballycastle, Co. Antrim, July 12, 2006 3

Springfield Road, Belfast, July 12, 2006 3

Ormeau Road, July 12, 2006 3

Ardoyne, North Belfast, July 12, 2006 4

III. POLICINGANALYSIS 5

IV. CONCLUSION 5

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 6



2 MAKE SECTARIANISM HISTORY

I. Executive summary

A quiet marching season, but sectarianism persists

International observers with the Irish Parades Emergency Committee (lPEC) and the

Brehon Law Society observed contested parades and the tensions surrounding them

in several communities in July, 2006. These included four Belfast neighborhoods as

well as towns in Counties Derry, Antrim and Armagh.

Over the past decade we have witnessed significant improvements in the policing ofparades and in the British state's management of controversial loyal order parades

near or through nationalist, mostly Catholic areas. This has especially been evident in

Derry and Portadown. Alongside the dramatic changes we have witnessed since the

growth of the peace process in the mid-1990s, the improved policing and handling

of contested Apprentice Boys and Orange Order parades have correlated with an

improvement in living conditions and a normalization of life for most residents of

those communities-both unionists and nationalists.

Since first observing contested parades in Ardoyne in 2001, IPEC and Brehon Law

Society observers have observed striking changes in how nationalist residents of this

North Belfast enclave approach unwanted parades through their community. 2006

A man photographs

international observers

during the return parade

in Ballycastle, Co.

Antrim, July 12, 2006.

During the course of the

afternoon Orange march

supporters, Orangemen,

and band members

became increasingly hostile

toward the small number

of international observers

present, asking aggressive

questions and calling them

"fenians." The Fenians were

an Irish republican movement

in the 1860s named after

"na fianna," a group of

soldiers in Irish mythology.

"Fenian bastard" and "fenian

whore" are epithets often

thrown at nationalists and

Catholics in general, not

just members of Sinn Fein.



The Giant's CausewayProtestant Boys band,

Ballycastle, July 12, 2006.

MAKE SECTARIANISM HISTORY 3

was characterized by significant cross-community dialogue involving leaders from

Ardoyne and nearby loyalist/unionist areas. There was also a significant amount of

engagement between Ardoyne leaders and the police. This unprecedented dialogue

was crucial to the relatively quiet nature of the 2006 marching season.

However, sectarian hatred continues to function as a toxin inNorthern Ireland's body poli-

tic. The most grotesque example of sectarianism during the marching season of 2006 wasthe kicking to death of 15-year-old Ballymena resident Michael McIlveen because he was

Catholic. Even worse were statements made in the wake of his killing, such as the unionist

politician who said McIlveen and other Catholics wouldn't go to heaven.

On the evening of "the glorious 12th," IPEC and Brehon Law Society observers were

appalled to find an Irish tricolor atop a loyalist bonfire in Ahoghill on which had been

spray painted "Fuck MickeyBo," a reference to Michael McIlveen. In 2005 the last

remaining Catholic families were terrorized out of Ahoghill, a small village on the

outskirts of Ballymena.




IPEC and Brehon Law Society observers are hopeful that the positive trends inparades we have documented over the past decade will continue. Still, it is essential

that political progress keep pace with the changes we have seen during the height

of marching season. Continued delays in fully implementing the Good Friday

Agreement, and the Ombudsman's report documenting systemic collusion between

loyalist paramilitaries and the police as recently as 2003, threaten to undermine

confidence in political change.

The continued promotion of loyalist paramilitaries and sectarian songs and taunts at

parades forced through nationalist areas undermines the Good Friday Agreement's

fundamental guarantee of "freedom from sectarian harassment." Sectarian murders

like that of Michael McIlveen, and the burning of Gaelic Athletic Association hallsand Orange lodges, also demonstrate just how far the north of Ireland still has to go

to "make sectarianism history."

It is essential that leaders in Dublin, London, and Washington support full implemen-

tation of the Good Friday Agreement. This means not only addressing outstanding

concerns regarding Orange parades. It also means addressing the root causes of the

conflict: sectarianism, partition, and continued disproportionate economic disadvan-

tage in Catholic communities.

DEFINITIONS OF TERMS:UNIONISTS, NATIONALISTS, LOYALISTS AND REPUBLICANS

Nationalists are Irish-identified residents of Northern Ireland who aspire to

British withdrawal from Ireland and Irish reunification and who employ peace-

ful means toward accomplishing that goal.

Republicans are Irish-identified residents of Northern Ireland. Some republicans

have used violence to achieve the goal of an end to British political and military

rule in Northern Ireland; however, for the past decade mainline republicans have

supported a ceasefire, the peace process, and decommissioning, Most, but cer-

tainly not all, nationalists and republicans are Catholic, though many who mightidentify as Catholic are not religious.

Loyalists are British-identified residents of Northern Ireland, many of whom have

been willing to use violence to maintain British and unionist rule in the north.

Loyalist violence often randomly targets Irish Catholics and nationalists due to

their perceivedethnicity, religion, or political identity. Most loyalists and unionists

are Protestant, though many who might identify as Protestant are not religious.

Unionists are British-identified residents of the north who oppose violence

IPEG and Brehon Law

Society observers

are hopeful that the

positive trends in

parades we have

documented over

the past decade

will continue.



Traditionally most

unionist leaders in

business and politics

were also members

of the Orange Order.

Perceptions of

contested Orange

marches forced

through Catholic areas

by the British state

must be understood

in this recent

historical context.


as a means toward maintaining the union with Britain. Most are Protestant.

Traditionally most unionist leaders in business and politics were also members

of the Orange Order. From 1920 to 1972 unionists ruled Northern Ireland as

a sectarian state, discriminating against the Catholic minority in employment,

housing, policing, and other areas. As a result, rates of poverty, unemployment,

and emigration among Catholics were extremely high. Perceptions of contested

Orange marches forced through Catholic areas by the British state must be

understood in this recent historical context.

Both republicans and loyalists have killed civilians, as have the unionist-aligned

police and British army. Since 1997 the Irish Republican Army (IRA) has beenon ceasefire. In 2005 the IRA declared an end to its armed campaign, renounced

violence, and decommissioned all of its weapons. Small groupings of republi-

cans oppose the peace process and have not ceased violent acts. Since the Good

Friday Agreement of 1998 some loyalist groups have maintained a ceasefire and

others have not; frequently even loyalist groups ostensibly on cease-fire have

used cover names to claim credit for sectarian murders and attacks. Loyalist

paramilitary groups referred to within this report include: the UVF (Ulster

Volunteer Force), the UDA (Ulster Defence Association), the UFF (Ulster

Freedom Fighters, a cover name for the UDA), the LVF (Loyalist Volunteer

Force), and the RHD (Red Hand Defenders), which has been used as a cover

name for both UDA and LVF attacks.'

In this report we refer to communities like the Short Strand, Ardoyne, and Maghera

as nationalist and sometimes nationalist/republican, because that is how residents

of those communities generally refer to themselves. We refer to areas like East

Belfast (outside the Short Strand), Glenbryn, and the Shankill Road as unionist/

loyalist, as residents of those communities use both terms to self identify.

Parading loyalist paramilitarism

Increasing paramilitary presence: Despite a legal prohibition of paramilitary displays

at parades, IPEC and Brehon observers have documented an increasing presence of

loyalist paramilitary flags, emblems, and verbal support at Orange Order and other

loyal order marches since 1996. Paramilitary groups actively engaged in attacks on

nationalists and Catholics were once again promoted openly by bands marching

through or past nationalist communities in 2006.

Legacy of sectarian violence: Since 1969, loyalist paramilitary groups have killed

I . Federation ofAmerican Scientists , Intelligence Resource Program, Red Hand Defenders, http://www.fas.org/irp/

world/para/rhd.htm, accessed January 20, 2007.

5

http://www.fas.org/irp/

http://www.fas.org/irp/




more than 1,000 people in Ireland.i mostly Catholics in the north, and many of themtargeted because of their presumed religion, ethnicity, and/or political aspiration.

Many of the communities in question-Ardoyne, the Short Strand, Lurgan-have also

lost many residents to loyalist terrorists or British security forces, includng the police,

which colluded with loyalists until quite recently.

Paramilitary displays allowed by authorities: IPEC and Brehon Law Society observ-

ers have never witnessed any interference with displays of loyalist paramilitarism

in nationalist communities on the part of the police, the military, or the stewards of

the Orange Order. This lack of intervention occurs despite the body of law explicitly

forbidding paramilitary displays [see below]. This lack of intervention has also been

observed in response to blatant anti-Catholic sectarian displays.

Official response to queries: In meetings over the years with the Royal Ulster

Constabulary/Police Service of Northern Ireland, the Parades Commission, and the

Orange Order, authorities and Orange leaders told observers they were unable to

do anything to prevent the involvement of loyalist paramilitaries or their supporters

in Orange marches. Representatives of each institution either pointed the finger at

another body with greater responsibility, or said they could not intervene for fear of

a violent response from loyalist paramilitaries. While such a violent response may

be likely, another option would be for authorities to refuse to allow future parades

when violations of the prohibition of paramilitary flags and emblems have been

repeatedly documented, as is the case in a number of communities year after year,

including Ardoyne, the Springfield Road, and the Short Strand (see previous reports

at www.ipecobservers.org).

Enabling para militarism: By forcing contested loyal order marches through national-

ist, mostly Catholic communities, and allowing the presence of paramilitary displays,

the British government in Northern Ireland enables the parading of loyalist para-

militarism through these communities, and bears responsibility for the sectarian abuse

hurled by the parade participants and supporters in their triumphalist marches and for

the polarization in community relations that result.

Legal context: British law governs the conduct of private CItizens and gov-

ernment officials during public processions and the demonstrations that may

accompany them and specifically prohibits the display of paramilitary emblems,

flags, or other insignia.

The Public Processions Act: The Public Processions (Northern Ireland) Act of 1998

established the Parades Commission and empowered it to impose conditions on public

processions. The act also requires loyal orders to file notice of an upcoming parade

2. Malcolm Sutton, An I nd ex a /D e at hs f rom th e Co ri fl ic t i n I r el an d, CAIN website, accessed summer 2002. Data base

shows responsibility for deaths as follows: British Security Forces: 363; Irish Security Forces: 5;LoyalistParamili-

tary: 1020; not known: 81; Republican Paramilitary: 2054. http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/sutton/tables/

http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/sutton/tables/

http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/sutton/tables/



Dervock Young Defendersband, Ballycastle,

July 12, 2006.

This mostly Catholic

town shuts down on July

12th to accommodate

Orange parades. Marchers

and supporters were

aggressively hostile

toward IPEC and Brehon

Law Society observers.


with the police 28 days in advance.' The Parades Commission's guidelines, code oconduct, and procedural rules govern the Commission in resolving disagreements.

Parades Commission guidelines: The guidelines are based on the fundamental premise

that people have the right of assembly and freedom of expression. These rights, among

many others, are outlined in the European Convention on Human Rights, the Human

Rights Act of the United Kingdom and the United Nations International Covenant o

Civil and Political Rights. They are important but not absolute rights. These rights ar

subject to the limitations set forth in the documents and in the general law to protec

the rights and freedoms of others or for the prevention of disorder or crime.The code of conduct

specifies a ban on the Code of conduct: The code of conduct" specifies:

wearing of paramilitary

style clothing and

prohibits the display

of flags of unlawful

organizations

• a ban on the wearing of paramilitary style clothing and prohibition of the dis

play of flags of unlawful organizations;

• no display of musical instruments with paramilitary markings and no use o

sectarian words and behavior; and

• at churches, war memorials and cemeteries only hymn tunes are to be played

3. Dominic Bryan, Orange parades: Thepolitics of ritual, tradition and control (London: Pluto Press, 2000) p 118.

4. "Code ofConduct", Northern Ireland Parades Commission.




under the fundamental premise that people have the right of assembly and free-dom of expression.

Prohibited behavior: The Parades Commission's Code of Conduct explicitly describes

prohibited behavior:

Where the Majority Population of the Vicinity are of a Different Tradition, and

in Interface Areas. Behaviour should be respectful. There should be no exces-

sively loud drumming. Participants should refrain from conduct, words, music

or behaviour which could reasonably be perceived as intentionally sectarian,

provocative, threatening, abusive, insulting or lewd. 5

Protest guidelines: The Code of Conduct also addresses protest activities, but defers

to the police by invoking the Public Order (Northern Ireland) Order of 1987 which

imposes conditions on processions, meetings and demonstrations, prohibits stirring up

hatred or arousing fear, forbids riotous or disorderly behavior or breach of the peace in

a public place, as well as threats and abuse at public meetings or public places, carry-

ing an offensive weapon in public, and obstructive conduct at public places. Regarding

parade protests, the Commission regulations provide that in addition to the Code of

Conduct, the Public Order of 1987 also controls the conduct of protesters.

Public Order (Northern Ireland) Act of 1987: The public order legislation in

Northern Ireland makes it an offense to incite fear, provocation and hatred towards

people of different religious beliefs, color, race, nationality, citizenship and ethnic

5. "Appendix 8", Northern Ireland Parades Commission.

Riot police inArdoye,

belfast, July 12, 2006.




and national origins, by the use of words or behavior or through the display owritten material in a public place. Many forms of behavior can constitute sectarian

harassment. It can range from extreme forms such as violence and bullying to les

obvious actions. It includes:

• physical harassment: ranging from gestures to serious assault;

• verbal harassment: deliberate articulation of sectarian jokes, banter, offensive

language, gossip, sectarian songs, threats; and

• visual display of offensive materials: posters, graffiti, flags, bunting, and emblems




II. Eyewitness reports fromparades, summer 2006

Short Strand, East Belfast, July 1, 2006

BACKGROUND

The Short Strand is a small Catholic enclave located in East Belfast. The triangular

shaped area, comprising less than a square mile, is almost completely surrounded by

walls. Throughout its existence the Short Strand district has been the scene of inter-

communal violence and sectarian attacks. Because of the neighborhood's geography

and demographics, as well as the extreme tension and constant baseline low-level

violence at its interfaces, Short Strand residents perceive and describe their com-

munity as a nationalist community of 3,000 residents surrounded and besieged by a

loyalist/unionist community of 90,000.

The historically tense relationship between the Short Strand community and the

neighboring loyalist/unionist communities deteriorated because of increasing sectar-

ian violence in 2001 and 2002. The small community of 800 homes on 14 streets is

completely surrounded by a l2-foot security fence. A heavily fortified, though now

largely unused, police station sits squarely in the middle. In June 2002 almost every

house along the inside of the perimeter of the Short Strand had its windows broken

by missiles raining in from outside.

IPEe and Brehon Law Society observers were present in the Short Strand during the

first two weeks of July, 2006.

JULY 1, 2006 MINI-TWELFTH PARADE

On July 1, 2006, international observers from IPEC, the Brehon Law Society, and

the Pat Finucane Centre for Human Rights, along with three other individuals from

London, were in attendance on Albertbridge Road which runs along the south side of

the Short Strand community in East Belfast.

Albertbridge Road has a traffic island down its middle and the parade proceeds in

a generally westerly direction south of the traffic island. Supporters of the parade

generally assemble on the south side of Albertbridge Road, whereas residents of the

Short Strand generally assemble on the north side. Members of the PSNI were in

attendance, with many of them attired in riot gear minus shields and hard helmets.

The majority of the PSNI were on the loyalist side. There were only approximately



Short Strand residentsmonitor the Orange/

loyalist parade past their

community, July 1, 2006.


six officers on the nationalist side, at the western end of Albertbridge and Ravenhill

Roads. In this area, the number of people on the unionist side of the street was n

larger than the number of people on the Short Strand side, which was probably les

than 50.

In contrast to previous years, no British army personnel were deployed in East Belfas

July 1st, 2006. We soon discovered that this would be the first marching season sinc

1969 during which the British army was not actively deployed.

At approximately 7:15 p.m., a band was heard in the distance. At that point a numbe

of police officers emerged from their parked Land Rovers and donned heat resistan

balaclavas and heavy helmets with visors. These officers, now clad in full riot gear

took out riot shields and faced the Short Strand community. Of the dozen or so offi

cers so assembled, one had an Alsatian attack dog on a leash.

The first band that came along had, as one of its many flags, the Stars and Stripes o

the United States. The parade proceeded in a westerly direction and then turned lef

in a southbound direction at Ravenhill Road. At this point, there was a large group o

police officers facing the marchers and their supporters. Significantly, none of them

had shields, whereas all of the police facing the Short Strand (nationalist) side ha

plastic riot shields out.

At 7:40 p.m., a group of Orange and band supporters went by. One young man walked

past the assembled police with his shirt off carrying an open bottle of beer. Nothing

was done to the man and he continued on his way without the alcohol container being

confiscated.




It should be pointed out that there were stewards clad in yellow construction-typevests on both sides of the parade. In addition, there were demonstrators on the unionist

sideprimarily consisting of women and children who held up signs approximately 1.5

feet square. Observers were unable to read what they said.

Residents of the Short Strand also had signs which they held up facing the paraders

which stated, "It's good to talk - Dialogue is the only way!" and also a number of the

Short Strand Residents Group held an additional sign stating, "Dialogue is the only

way."

It was reported that a group of unionist women held a counter protest against the

Short Strand residents' protest. It was reported that a girl at this protest held a plac-ard and a UVF flag. This would not be surprising, given that IPEC and Brehon Law

Society observers witnessed a man pushing a shopping cart full of small purple and

red UVF flags up the Albertbridge Road prior to the parade. The man was apparently

selling the UVF flags. This display of UVF flags constituted a breach of the Parade

Commission's Code of Conduct regarding the prohibition of flags relating to a pro-

scribed organization in a protest.

During this parade, provocative, sectarian tunes were played, including "The Sash,"

"Derry's Walls," "Orange Lily, O!," "No Pope in Rome," and "Here Lays a Soldier of

the UVF." Many parade spectatorwere holding the small UVF flags sold by the man

with the shopping cart.

The Pride of the Shankill Band played a tune entitled, "What a Friend We Have in

Jesus." While this song was being played by the band, supporters allegedly sang,

"Holy Mary, I am dying, just one word before I go, Will you bless me with a red hot

poker, so I can stick it right up the Pope's hole."

Residents also complained to observers that supporters sang the following words to

the tune, "No Pope in Rome": "No Pope in Rome, your Chapel's a slight in my eye,

No nuns, Pope or priests and no rosary beads, Sure every day is the 12thof July."

The Shankill Road Defenders played the tune, "Orange Lily, O!," which contains

the lyrics, "Do you ever think I'd let an old dirty Fenian Git destroy the colors of the

Orange Lily, O!?"

Prohibited flags

Many of the bands in the July 1st Short Strand parade were observed to be carrying

prohibited flags of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), the Young Citizen Volunteers

(YCV, the youth wing of the UVF), and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA).

As in previous years, the Shankill Star Band carried two UVF and one YCV flags.



One band in the July

1, 2006 East Belfast

parade carried a drum

that read "Rathcoole

KAI." This referred


The bass drum of this band had the message, "In Loving Memory of Brian Robinson"inscribed on it. Brian Robinson was a UVF member who was killed by the police

shortly after murdering Patrick McKenna, an Ardoyne Catholic. Robinson was one o

the notorious "Shankill Butchers," who got their name from their gruesome methods

of torture and killing.

Sons of KAI (Kill All Irish) UVF Flute Band

One band that marched in the July 1st parade past Short Strand was highly controver-

sial. This band carried a drum with "KAI" and "Rathcoole" written on it. This band

may have participated in the parade illegally, since it did not appear on a list that wa

sent to the Short Strand Residents' Group by the Parades Commission.

It has been reported that the Sons of KAI Flute Band has changed its name on

number of occasions, apparently because the band had been prevented from marching

in the various parades. There is a controversy and dispute over exactly what "KAI"

stands for. After it appeared at the July 1st parade past the Short Strand, members o

the band claimed that it is named in remembrance ofKai Johansen, a Rangers footbal

player famous in the 1960's.

to "a skinhead tartanHowever, David "Packie" Hamilton, a former member of the Ulster Volunteer Force

gang" whose initials and the Ulster Defence Association, told the Belfast Telegraph in 2005:

meant "kill all Irish."Two years later [after being beaten up by Catholic boys at age 13] I joined thRathcoole KAI. I still have that name tattooed on my arm-the initials stood fo

Kill All Irishmen. That was a skinhead tartan gang and there were about 400 o

us in it. We saw ourselves as protecting local Protestants and we were alway

rioting and fighting with Catholics, the police and the Army. I loved it, and there

was a sense of belonging and safety."

After denouncing IRA attacks of the late 1970s, Hamilton said, "I was a young man

with a mission, and that was to rid the area of Catholics, whom I now saw as th

enemy ...The idea was to get all the Catholics out of Rathcoole, barricade it off, an

make it a safe place for Protestants. So, I started to make petrol bombs and burn

Catholics out of their homes." Hamilton also petrol bombed a Catholic chapel anschool. 7

Red Hand Defenders band

Another band that marched in the July 1, 2006 Orange parade past the Short Strand

is called the Red Hand Defenders from Portavogie. Like the KAI Rathcoole band, th

Red Hand Defenders from Portavogie are controversial, since the Red Hand Defenders

6. Gail Walker, "Packie 's years ofterror," Belfast Telegraph, January 31,2005, http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.ukl

newsffeaturefstory.jsp?story=606411. Accessed July 3, 2006.

7. Ibid.

http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.ukl/

http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.ukl/




are a loyalist paramilitary group that has been involved in various criminal activities,including murder and violence against the nationalist community. As noted earlier, the

Red Hand Defenders is a cover name which has been used by various illegal paramili-

tary groups when publicly claiming responsibility for acts of violence; these include

the LVF and the UDA.

CONCLUSION

Once again, the July 1,2006 Orange parade past the Short Strand community in East

Belfast included dozens of controversial and probably illegal bands, the members of

which were dressed in what appeared to be paramilitary garb. Once again, illegal flags

of the UVF, YCV and UDA were carried by the bands and many supporters waivedillegal UVF flags. In addition, bands promoting the Rathcoole Kill All Irish terror

group and the Red Hand Defenders also brazenly participated.

In addition, prohibited sectarian and provocative tunes were played. Brian Robinson, a

notorious member of the Shankill Butchers, was celebrated in contravention of Parade

Commission rulings and as Catholic Short Strand residents watched. Alcohol was

freely consumed by supporters along the parade route. All of this violates numerous

laws, both British and international. Yet nothing was done about any of the above.

Lurgan, Co. Armagh, July 7, 2006

On Friday evening, July 7, 2006, a number of IPEC and Brehon observers proceeded

to Lurgan to observe the annual parade. This parade takes place in the town center and

basically makes a U-turn at the War Memorial. The parade was preceded by two men

clad in WWI -type army uniforms on what appear to be WWI -type motorcycles.

As the parade passed the local Church of Ireland, a single drum beat was used as per

the Parade Commission guidelines. Police land rovers were in attendance and the

police officers were clad in soft gear, meaning they did not have on what are com-

monly referred to as "boiler suits" usually worn during riots.

Most of the police stood in front of a Catholic bar named the Ceili House and were fac-ing the bar as the marchers went by. A group of people who appeared to be nationalist

residents were standing outside the bar behaving in a normal manner.

Flags

A number of contingents in the parade carried Young Citizen Volunteer (YCV) flags

and played loudly as they arrived at the church. Also observed were UVF flags with

1912 printed on them. It did not appear there were any dates on the YCV flags. The

YCV is the youth wing of th UVF. Some of the groups observed were the Craigavon

Protestant Boys Band, the Pioneers of Lurgan and the Star of the North Band.

Illegal flags of the UVF,

YCV and UDA were

carried by the bands

and many supporters

waved illegal UVF

flags. In addition,bands promoting

the Rathcoole Kill

All Irish terror group

and the Red Hand

Defenders also

brazenly participated.




It would appear that the carrying of the YCV flags is a violation of the ParadeCommission guidelines. The only unusual event was the attempt by what appeared

to be an intoxicated nationalist resident to cross the lines of the marchers. He wa

promptly surrounded by police officers who isolated him from some of the people i

the parade, which proceeded along.

Within five minutes after the conclusion of the parade, all the police vehicles wer

removed, all of the traffic cones were picked up and traffic returned to normal. N

members of the police remained at the scene.

All in all, this was a very peaceful parade with no incidents with the exception o

the interference by the intoxicated person which, due to prompt police action, waresolved and did not lead to any sort of incident.

July 12, 2006 parades past the Short Strand

ST. MATTHEW'S CHURCH GROUNDS, SHORTLY AFTER MIDNIGHT THE

MORNING OF JULY 12, 2006

At approximately midnight, on July 12, 2006, the loyalist bonfire across from S

Matthew's was set ablaze. The bonfire this year appeared to have no tires in it and wa

somewhat reduced in size, being only approximately 30 feet high as opposed to 40 t

50 feet high as in previous years.

Leading up to the ignition of the bonfire, the music was substantially reduced both i

duration and volume from previous years, although as the bonfire burned, there wer

loud loyalist paramilitary songs and other quasi-patriotic-type tunes being played.

The number of flags surrounding the bonfire was substantially reduced and diminished

from those flown in previous years and, in fact, no flags were on the surrounding

fence.

An Irish tri-color was set ablaze on the top of the bonfire, but observers did not see an

other objects, such as pictures of nationalist politicians and leaders, as in past years.

There is a housing estate behind the bonfire in a unionist area which is bedecked i

paramilitary flags consisting primarily of those of the YCV and the UVF.

The windows of this estate had to be boarded up with plywood because in 2005, ther

was damage to the windows of the buildings due to the intense heat of the bonfire

In addition, metal sheets were placed on the fence surrounding the bonfire area sinc

portions of the fence had also been damaged.

By 12:45 a.m. the fire had subsided substantially, leaving a pile of embers approxi




mately ten to fifteen feet high. There did not appear to be any tires in the bonfire and

at this point flames only reached into the air about 20 feet.

The crowd of people viewing the bonfire on Newtownards Road appeared rather

peaceful, as opposed to 2005 when masked loyalist paramilitaries staged a display of

force by firing rounds into the air.

MORNING PARADE ON ALBERTBRIDGE ROAD, JULY 12, 2006

At approximately 8:48 a.m. the parade proceeded from Ravenhill Road in a gener-

ally northerly direction and turned right onto Albertbridge Road heading in a easterly

direction. Protests by the Short Strand residents were scaled down this year with no

more than six to eight individuals holding small paper signs approximately twelve by

eighteen inches which stated, "It's good to talk - Dialogue is the only way!" A number

of the Short Strand Residents Group held an additional sign stating, "Dialogue is the

only way."

The police presence was also relatively small and only about 20 supporters of the

parade walked along on the traffic island in unison with the parade itself. There was

one young man who was particularly vocal and was yelling and screaming. He was

seemingly intoxicated despite the fact that it was only 8:45 in the morning.

Observers noted at least two open alcohol containers, one being beer, the other being

a blue bottle containing WKD which is a fonn of strong alcohol with a soft drink

component. It should be noted that the East Belfast PSNI Commander, Henry Irvine,

was in attendance. As the parade crossed the intersection of Mountpottinger and

Castlereagh Roads, the young man was arrested.

A band and an Orange lodgeapproach the Catholic Short

Strand neighborhood the

morning of July 12, 2006.




However, no efforts were made by the police to confiscate any open alcohol contain-ers, apparently on the theory that doing so could lead to serious public disorder. It i

difficult to understand this reasoning since the morning was a cold, cloudy one with

only a very small group of people in the vicinity. In fact, at most, there were 20 sup

porters with at least four times that amount of police.

The band in question was named the Pride of Govan and was from Glasgow, Scotland. Th

music they played was excessively loud as they passed by the Short Strand community.

It should be noted that the individual arrested was held overnight and was then condi

tionally discharged by the courts and apparently returned to Scotland.

NEWTOWNARDS ROAD, SHORT STRAND, JULY 12TH

It was reported that at 10:00 a.m., as the parade passed St. Matthew's, music wa

played which is a breach of the Parade Commission Code of Conduct.

Many of the bands carried UVF as well as YCV flags and many of the bandsmen

were observed wearing paramilitary uniforms. The loud banging of drums constantly

took place as bands passed st. Matthew's Chapel. Many supporters who were accom

panying the bands were drinking bottles of beer in clear contravention of the Parad

Commission's rulings as well as local ordinances.

Short Strand residents reported to observers that the Lower Woodstock Flute Ban

played a tune that contained provocative lyrics. Additionally, it would appear tha

the band in question did not appear on the list that was submitted to the Short Stran

Residents' Groups detailing which bands would be participating in the parade

Questions have, therefore, been raised as to whether or not this band participated i

this parade in a legal manner.

It was reported that the Whitewell Defenders carried a UDA flag and that the nam

"Thomas McDonald" was inscribed on its drum. Thomas McDonald was, it is report

ed, a member of the Ulster Young Militants paramilitary organization.

Parade Commission Guidelines and Determinations clearly prohibit anything othe

than hymn tunes in the vicinity of places of worship. Nevertheless, during the morn

ing outbound parade, as well as at the evening return parades, there were regular an

frequent violations of this stricture. Loud drumming was the order of the day as th

bands passed st. Matthew's Chapel and various sectarian songs other than hymns wer

heard including "The Sash," "Derry's Walls," "No Pope in Rome," "Orange Lily, O!

as well as other sectarian songs.

In addition, all types of paramilitary flags were observed including those representing

the UDA, UVF and the ycv.




Many supporters were seen to be carrying and drinking from open bottles of beer andcider as well as WTK. Not only were supporters seen carrying and drinking, as men-

tioned, but many of them were seen passing close by to police personnel and standing

and talking with police officers who did nothing regarding these clear violations ofthe

law taking place in their presence.

The reports by both international observers, as well as complaints made by Short

Strand residents seem to have absolutely no effect on the determinations of the

Parades Commission nor on the PSNI regarding enforcement of the prohibited

conduct clearly seen by all, including the carrying of paramilitary flags, the

playing of sectarian, provocative tunes in front of St. Matthew's Chapel, some-

times when services are taking place, and the consumption of alcohol whichseemingly goes on with impunity, making a mockery of the Parades Commission

determinations, the local ordinances and calling into question the professional-

ism and advocacy of the PSNI.

Diagonally across from St. Matthew's Church is located a memorial erected by the

unionist community honoring individuals killed in various conflicts in the area. It

would appear that the bands maintain silence as they pass this memorial but then

immediately start to play music, oftentimes prohibited songs and tunes, in a loud man-

ner as they reach the Roman Catholic St. Matthew's Chapel area.

Clearly the Short Strand is populated with people who are of a different tradition than

those participating in the parades. Also the Short Strand is clearly an Interface Area.

Pursuant to Appendix B, Paragraph C of the Parade Commission's Code of Conduct.

The excessively loud drumming and the playing of music can be seen by many as

being intentionally sectarian, provocative, abusive and insulting and therefore is in

direct contravention thereof.

ORANGE ORDER MARCHES MEANS DIFFERENT THINGS TO

NATIONALISTS AND UNIONISTS

Unionists and nationalists have diametrically opposed perspectives on the his-

torical and contemporary meaning of Orange and other loyal order marches.

Over the past decade, IPEC and Brehon Law Society observers have frequently

met with leaders of the Orange Order and unionist and loyalist political parties,

as well as with nationalist residents groups and their elected representatives. In

the course of these meetings we have noted widely differing perspectives as to

what the Orange Order represents, and as to the significance of Orange parades

(often with bands and supporters promoting loyalist paramilitary groups)

through or past nationalist areas.




The unionist perspective

Unionists, many of them Orangemen themselves, portray the Orange Order as

a harmless fraternal order that represents an expression of their patriotism and

loyalty as British subjects, and their commitment to the Protestant Reformation

and the "religious and civil liberties" that King William of Orange brought to

some Protestants in Britain and Ireland. Increasingly in recent years Orange

and unionist leaders have portrayed loyal order marches through Catholic areas

as manifestations of "Protestant culture." They assert that continuing to parade

through and past nationalist and largely Catholic communities is necessary to

ensure their culture, and request that their traditions and rituals be respected and

portrayed in a decent and honorable fashion.

Several unionist leaders have portrayed Orange parades as being non-conten-

tious prior to 1995, when "agitators" promoted dissension as part of a national-

ist/republican strategy. One unionist political leader we met with harkened back

to an idyllic past, when Catholics would watch the livestock of Protestants on

July 12th so that they could attend Orange celebrations. Others told us that, prior

to the Troubles, Catholics attended Orange celebrations, including parades and

bonfires. One unionist politician told us that republicans were trying to stifle

his culture and religion. Another portrayed community opposition to parades

as a Sinn Fein strategy, and both the media and unionist politicians often por-

tray nationalist community residents as being manipulated and intimidated intoopposing parades by Sinn Fein leaders.

Orangemen often refuse to talk with nationalist resident group leaders because

they are usually Sinn Fein party members, as the voters in Ardoyne, Short Strand,

Maghera and elsewhere vote overwhelmingly for Sinn Fein. Orangemen and

unionists often refer to Sinn Fein elected officials as "Sinn Fein/Ik.A," justifying

their refusal to talk with democratically elected community leaders as a refusal

to talk with terrorists. Other Orange supporters portray unionists and Protestants

as the victims of reverse discrimination by nationalists and Catholics.

In 2006 the Orange Order displayed greater openness to meeting with Catholicsand nationalists. Delegations met with the Social Democratic and Labor Party

(the second largest nationalist political party in the north), the Dublin govern-

ment, and Catholic Church leaders. We welcome these developments. As the

Belfast Telegraph noted, these meetings "reflect a growing acknowledgement

by Orangemen that they have to explain their role and policies to those they

traditionally regarded as opponents." However, the Orange Order continues to

refuse to engage with the Parades Commission.f

8. "N ew priorities as Orangemen move on," Belfast Telegraph, December 15,2006, http://www.belfasttelegraph.

co.uklnews/opinionlarticle2076990.ece?service=print. Accessed December 18,2006.

19

http://www.belfasttelegraph./

http://www.belfasttelegraph./




The nationalist perspective

Nationalists view Orange march-

es through and past Catholic

neighborhoods as provocative

expressions of political, eco-

nomic and social domination

by the unionist majority in the

six counties of Northern Ireland

over the nationalist minority.

The Orange Order emerged in

the 1790s as a movement toensure ProtestantlBritish minor-

ity rule in Ireland, in sharp con-

trast to the 1798 uprising against

British rule which was led by

many upper class Protestant,

Irish-identified republicans.

Throughout the 1800s and 1900s,

Orange marches that were forced

through poor Catholic neighbor-

hoods often involved attacks onthe residents of those areas by

marchers and forces of the state. So many Catholics were killed that the British

government sought repeatedly, from the 1820s through the 1870s, to ban Orange

marches throughout Ireland." Following especially bad rioting in Belfast sparked

by the marches of July 12th, 1857, which lasted into September, a royal commis-

sion appointed to investigate the causes of the riots reported:

The Orange system seems to us now to have no other practical result than

as a.means of keeping up the Orange festivals and celebrating them; lead-

ing as they do, to violence, outrage, religious animosities, hatred between

the classes and too often bloodshed and loss of life. 10

In the late 19th and early 20th century the Orange Order strongly opposed Home

Rule, which would have allowed Ireland some autonomy and self-government

within Great Britain. Orange leaders fought Home Rule, which they denounced

as "Rome Rule," because it would have meant that Ireland's 80 percent Catholic

majority would fmally control aspects of local government in Ireland. From the

9. Bryan, 2000, 35-43.

10. 1857 royal commission, cited in Two hundredyears inthe "Orange citadel": A nationalist perspective. (No date, no

publication information, such aswhere published or author. ) However, i tappears that this document was written by

the Garvaghy Road Residents Coalition and was published inlate 1996 or 1997.

The Pride of the Park

band, Ballycastle, Co.

Antrim, July 12, 2006.



Orange lodge, Ballycastle,

July 12, 2006. Orange leaders

refuse to discuss their

marches with Ballycastle

nationalists, who comprise

85% of the population.


founding of the Northern Ireland parliament in 1921 to its suspension in 1972,

the Orange Order was closely linked with the Protestant-controlled state and its

paramilitary police forces. A significant overlap between Orangism and right-

wing, rejectionist unionism continues into the present day.

The presence of loyalist paramilitary leaders is also sorely resented, as are the

bands' prohibited-and unpunished-displays of flags and banners celebrat-

ing the Ulster Defence Association, the Ulster Volunteer Force, the Red Hand

Commando and other outlawed loyalist paramilitary groups. Members of these

organizations have murdered many residents of the communities in question.

Another major nationalist concern is that unwanted Orange parades have tradi-

tionally been forced through or past nationalist/Catholic communities by massive

deployments of hundreds of police and British soldiers in riot gear. The British

soldiers are under the control of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI).

The PSNI is the successor to the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), which when

founded in 1920 was itself the successor to the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC),

set up by British Prime Minister Robert Peel in 1822 (although not called the

RIC until 1867).11 The RIC was set up to maintain British and Protestant minor-

ity rule in Ireland, and enforced oppressive laws that resulted in widespread

II. Mark Tierney agus Mairead Nic Curtain, Ei re s a Nua -Ao is (Baile Atha Cliath: Gill and MacMillan Ltd., 1979),

leathanaigh 10-12; Sharon Pickering, Women ,po li ci ng and r e si st an ce i nNo r t he r n I re l and (Belfast: Beyond the Pa

Publications, Ltd., 2002), pp. 23-33.

21




chronic hunger, mass evictions, the transportation of Irish prisoners overseas,

and the depopulation of Ireland in the 19th and early 20th centuries.

The RUC was viewed as a British, Protestant militia, and was widely viewed in

nationalist communities as biased against Catholics and in support of Protestant/

British/Orange hegemony in the north. The RUC was central "to the installation

of a highly repressive, sectarian and centralised regime" in Northern Ireland

from 1920-1972Y Security force collusion with loyalists during the 1974

Ulster workers strike helped collapse the Protestant-Catholic powersharing

government. Recent revelations that police colluded with loyalists in at least 15

murders until 2003 in North Belfast alone also shape nationalist and Catholicperspectives toward the RUCIPSNI.13

Finally, nationalists don't understand why Orange leaders refuse to talk with

Sinn Fein elected officials, especially when Orange leaders are willing to talk

with and work in coalition with loyalist paramilitary groups, as they did in the

North and West Belfast Parades Forum in 2004 in regards to the Springfield

RoadlWhiterock parade.!"

Leaders of the Ulster Unionist Party, until recently the dominant unionist party

in the north, have long refused to communicate directly with Sinn Fein party

members or leaders of communities that vote for Sinn Fein, alleging links

between Sinn Fein and the IRA. However, in 2006 the UUP formed a parliamen-

tary block with David Irvine, a moderate loyalist whose Progressive Unionist

Party is linked to the Ulster Volunteer Force. Ian Piasley accused UUP leader

Reg Empey of "want[ing] the support ofa terrorist organization.t'P

Maghera, CO . Derry, July 12, 2006

IPEClBrehon observers attended the morning march inMaghera, Co. Derry. Tensions were

running high because the Orange Order had applied for and received permission to march

through an overwhelmingly nationalist part of town, including an all-nationalist housing

estate. Traditionally the Orange Order marches in lower Maghera, but in 2006 they sought

and were granted permission by the Parades Commission to march through upper Maghera

12. Pickering, 2002, pp. 24-25.

13. Owen Bowcott, "15 murders linked to police collusion with loyalists; Special Branch protected paramilitaries,

Ombudsman finds; Calls for public inquiry over role of senior RUC officers," The Guardian, January 23, 2007,

http://www.guardian.co.uklfrontpage/story/O,, 1996611 ,00.html. Accessed January 23, 2007.

14. For more on this, see Irish Parades Emergency Committee and Brehon Law Society, Law and Lawlessness: Orange

parades inNorthern Ireland, Summer 2004 International Observers 'Report (New York: IPEC and BLS, 2005), 11-

12,available at www.ipecobservers.org.

15. BBC News, "DUPrejects first minister post," May 22, 2006, http://news.bbc.co.uklllhilnorthem_ire-

landiSOOSI 92.stm. Accessed December 18, 2006.

http://www.guardian.co.uklfrontpage/story/O,,

http://www.ipecobservers.org./


http://www.guardian.co.uklfrontpage/story/O,,




Maghera, Co. Derry, the


Nationalist residents are

barred from entering the

town where they planned to

protest the Orange parade

through Upper Maghera.

as well. Maghera is a staunchly republican town located in the mountains between Derr

and Belfast with a history of sectarian tension. The People's Democracy march passed

through Maghera in January 1969, just before it was attacked by hundreds of loyalist

and off-duty B-specia1s, a part-time branch of the Ulster Special Constabulary, as 80 RUC

officers escorting the civil rights march largely stood by and watched. 16Relations between

nationalist residents and police are very strained. About a decade ago police raided an Iris

language school in Maghera, terrorizing the young children inside.

The population of the town of Mag hera is about 10,000, 85% of whom are nationalists.

Prior to the 12th of July, 2006, fliers were distributed by Maghera Concerned Residents

calling for a peaceful protest to begin at 8 a.m. that morning in the Upper Main S

area. The protest was organized in response to the Parade Commission decision t

allow the Orange Order to march through the nationalist Upper Main St. area.

The Orange Order originally applied to march the nationalist Upper Main St. route o

the 12th of July both morning and evening. In its decision, the Parades Commission

used the Orange Order's refusal to engage in meaningful dialogue with residents a

grounds to bar the evening march, but not the morning march.

Maghera Concerned Residents have always made their willingness to engage in talk

with the Orange Order manifestly clear. Residents contend that in the past thel2th o

July parades marching through their neighborhood have included: bands displaying

insignia of the UDA and UVF; verbal taunts, drunkenness, and attacks on homes an

business; and the presence of prominent loyalists believed involved in the murders o

Maghera residents.

16. Bowes Egan and Vincent McCormack, Burntollet, London: L.R.S Publishers, 1969, excerpted atthe CAIN

website, http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/pdmarch/egan.htm, accessed November 14,2006; "The Royal Ulster Con-

stabulary, Ulster Special Constabulary," PSNI website, no date, http://www.psni.po1ice.uk/index/pg_police_mu-

seum/pg_the _royal_ ulster _constabulary/pg_ ulster_ special_ sonstabulary.htm, accessed November 14,2006.

http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/pdmarch/egan.htm,

http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/pdmarch/egan.htm,




The morning of the 12th there was a light rain. At 7:55 a.m., a few nationalist residents

started to gather at the intersection of Main Street and a street perpendicular to Main

Street at the comer with the Movie World video store, just in front of the Catholic

Chapel. The residents started to walk down the main street toward Kelly's Spar gro-

cery store. Their goal apparently was to stage a sit-down protest nearer to the main

intersection in town. Police grabbed individuals and told them not to head toward the

center of town. One protester refused to answer the police commander's questions.

Police also questioned one of the international observers, who was clearly wearing an

observer jacket and badge. Very quickly three or four PSNI land rovers pulled up in

front of about two dozen residents and about the same number of police in riot gear

exited and lined up across the road, displaying their riot shields.

By 8: 15 approximately 60-75 residents-most of them men, plus a few children, teen-

agers, and women-had gathered in a group in front of the Movie World video store

on Main Street. Police in riot gear stood forming a line blocking the road in front of

the residents. At this time, chief constable Johnston announced to the residents, "This

is an unlawful protest. You need to leave the road now. Force may be used." There was

no response from the residents, who stood their ground.

There were seven PSNI landrovers on a street perpendicular to Main Street, just 150

feet away, four of them acting as a blockade across the road. Ten to 15 PSNI officers

in full riot gear also formed a cordon across this street, although there were no other

people on the street.

The superintendent/chief constable attempted to speak to a resident who refused to

Police in riot gear,Maghera, July 12, 2006.




communicate. He also queried an IPEC observer as to his organization affiliation, hiname, and the spelling thereof.

At 8:35 a.m. two more PSNI landrovers drove up from lower Maghera. At 8:39 three

more PSNI landrovers drove into the parking lot in front of Kelly's Eurospar, bringing

the total PSNI vehicles on Main St. to 10 or 11. For about half an hour residents an

police faced one another in a tense standoff. A television crew eventually showed up

as did Member of Parliament Martin McGuinness.

A bit before 9 a.m., word came through that the Orange Order had agreed not to marc

though the nationalist neighborhood, the disputed part of the route. Residents had negoti

ated with the Orange Order through a Protestant minister, who served as an intermediary

At 9:06 the PSNI landrovers and PSNI officers began to leave, and the nationalis

residents also left the area.

"FUCK MICKEY BO": LOYALISTS MOCK THE SECTARIAN

MURDER OF 1S-YEAR-OLD CATHOLIC MICHAEL MCILVEEN

On May 7, 2006 15-year-old Michael McIlveen was kicked to death in a sec-

tarian attack in Ballymena, Co. Antrim. Michael, a Catholic whose nickname

was MickyBo, was walking into town to meet his friends for a film when he

was spotted, stopped and attacked by a gang of Protestant boys. Credit for his

murder was later claimed by the UDA youth. His murder followed a year of

loyalist intimidation in Ballymena, which forced many Catholic families to flee

their homes.

In the days running up to July 12th, 2006, an Irish tricolor with the words

"FUCK MICKYBO" spray painted on it in black paint flew over the loyalist

bonfire in the village of Ahogill, just outside of Ballymena.

Last year the last remaining Catholic families were intimidated out of Ahogill,

after residents received bullets in the mail, Catholic homes and schools were pet-

rol bombed, and police issued fire blankets to Catholic families and taught them

how to jump out of windows in case of a sectarian petrol bombing.l" Policing

17 . An ge li qu e C h ri sa fi s, " In a c ome r o fAn tr im , a no th er g e ne ra ti on g row s u p o n a d ie t o f s ec ta ri an h at re d; C a th o li cs

f or ce d t o f le e a s t ee na ge rs a re u se d t omoun t c amp ai gn o f a rs on ," The Guardian, Sept ember 6 , 2005 , h t tp :/ /www.

guard ian .co .uk lp r in tlO ,,5278406-1 03588 ,00 .h t rn l. Access ed December 29 , 2006 . The B r it is h Guardian newspaper

d es cr ib ed t he c as e o f Ka th ie e n McC au g hey, a C a th ol ic whos e mo th er wa s a P ro te st an t O r an g e s up po rt er f rom Be l-

f as t' s S han ki ll R o ad an d whos e h us band i s P r o te st an t. S ti ll , l o ya li st s p a id P ro te st an t c hi ld re n f iv e p ou n ds S te rl in g

e ac h t o s i t o n McC au gh ey 's f ro nt l awn b an g in g d rum s u n ti l s he c av ed i n a n d l ef tAh og hi l1 .

25




o f th e v illage an d the "too little, too late" reactio n of D em ocratic U nio nist Party

C D UP ) le ad er Ian P aisley, M em ber o f P arliam en t fo r th e A ho gh ill-B allym en a

a re a, we re w ide ly c rit ic iz ed .

"B allym en a is th e b uck le in N orth ern Irelan d's B ib le b elt, th e seat o f th e P aisley

fam ily and a place that has been liken ed to 19 60s M ississipp i," according to The

Guardian's Angelique Chrisafis.l''

M cIlveen's m urder w as follow ed by several days in w hich political and police

leaders m ade controversial com ments that could have only deepened the fam -

ily 's pain. D UP Councilor Roy G illespie of Ballym ena said, "A s a Catholic,he [M ichael M cIlveen] w on't get in to heaven. C atholics are not accepted into

heaven.,,19 D UP councilor D avy T weed w as criticized for com ments he m ade

que st io ni ng M ichae l Mc Il ve en 's upbr ingi ng .

And PSNI Chief Constable H ugh Orde united nationalists in outrage w hen he

said sectarian violence in the B allym ena area w as a "tw o-w ay thing." In fact,

S in n F ein C ou nc ilo r P hilip M cG uig an said th at 9 0 p ercen t o f sectaria n a ttack s in

B allym ena are by Protestants; S DL P C ouncilor D eclan O 'L oan agreed "that the

o verw helm in g m ajo rity o f attac ks are o n C ath olics," acc ord in g to S usan M cK ay

in the Irish Times.2o

D UP leader Ian Paisley m ade a claim sim ilar to O rde's w hen he urged "all sides

to pull back from the brink .,,21 A ccording to the Independent M edia Centre

Irelan d, "[b ]lam in g 'b oth sid es' is th e trad itio nal u nio nist co p-o ut fo r sectarian -

ism th at is p re dom in an tly u nio nis t in o rig in .'> 22

There were reports of flags mocking the murder of M ichael M cIlveen in

other parts of County Antrim in July 2006, including one near the Catholic

church in H arryville, B allym en a th at w as picketed by loyalist m obs during th e

D rum cree crisis nearly a decad e ago. A s in previous years, the C atholic church

in H arryville w as d efaced w ith graffiti su ch as "F uck th e P ope" d urin g the 200 6

m arching season. C om mun ity leaders cond em ned b oth the M ay 20 06 m urder o f

M cIlveen and th e 11th night celebrations of h is m urd er.

In the days follow ing July 12, 2006 , th is sectarian murder was again in the

18. Ibid.19. "Bally me naUPcou ncillor'som me ntsnmurd eredeena gerauseoutrag e; owowcanitgo?"Daily Ire/and,

May12,2006,p.1.20 . Su sanMcK ay,Someth ingasgo ttobedo neo stopthismadn ess ;hekill ing fBall ymenat een age rMichaelMe-

Ilveenseviden cefthedeep -rootedecta rian ismhatisin fect ingnewgen era tion ,"rish Times, May13,2006.21 . I bi d.22. "Funeralfmurderedatho licoytaking lace-PSNIcriticized,"ndep ende ntediaCen trereland,ttp://ww w.

indymedia.ie/article17609.Accessed ecemb er9,2006.




6mE IRISH N EW S

T HU R SD A Y J UL Y 1 3 2 00 6 N E W S

Revulsion at flag insultingthe memory of 'M ickey 80'

By S h ar on O 'N a lD

C h i e f Reporter

~ r ' "HERE was wide-•• .. sp read re vu lsio n last' c · ' n ig ht a t t he b ur ni ng

i'~ of a flag Insulting a, ,' . C at ho fl c m ur de r vic-

tim, A t ri co lour w i th an of fe n-s iv e r ef er en ce t o B al lymenat ee na ge r M ic ha el Mci lv ee nw as p la ce d on t op o f a bonf ir eIn Ah ogbllf, Co An trim onTuesday.The message read -F""·

Mickey 80, " a r ef er en ce t o t hedead teenager 's n i c k n a m e ' ,

The vi ll age ha s be en tain te dby s ec ta ri an ism ove r t he l as ty ea r f ol lo w in g a l oy a li st e a rn -

p a ig n o f i nt im id a ti on f or ci ng

Ca tholi c f ami li es to f le e thei rhomes.

Des pi te p o li ce e ff or ts t o g ett he o ff en si ve D ag r e move d byc al li ng on c ommun it y r ep re -

s en ta ti ve s t o u se t he ir i nf lu -ence. it was s t il l s et a U g h t ont he l it h n ig ht .

" Po li ce a nd o th er s I n B al ly .mena DCU are working tor ed uc e s ec ta ri an is m I n t hecommunity an d t his ty pe o fdisgracefu l display onlyu nderm in es th e go od w ork

be ing done ," poli c e s aid .There were a ls o u nc on -

firm ed reports 01 sim ilarInsults referring to' thetee nag er o n flag s In o th era re as o f C o A n tr im o n J ul y I I

~:~~~"I~~~~~~~g,_O?I:~~~'fta

I l$ECTARlANlSM: A n I r i sh t r ico lour w i t h the 'words 'Ft'*" Mickey So' f li es o n t op of a b on fi re i n t h e l o y a l i s t

v il ~ ge o r A h o g f l i l l CoAntrtm.T h i s r e f e rs t o !he murder or catholic schoolboy MichaelMal , .en OnseO

h atred d ir ected to ward ih elr m en t as h e w as tak ln g p art In A nt ri m w e h av e a s lt ua tt onson. the Twelfthcelebrations. where we want tolerance and" H o w c ou ld t he se f la gs h a ve H ow ev er ,O UPm ay or o f B al - w e w an t r es pe ct 0 1 - ea ch

been-permit ted to be p ut u p ly me na Ja me s A l ex an de rc on - o th er 's ' cu ltu re s a nd tr ad i·,1t•• h.. R..II _ ..?.._. -~.rn.. ....4 fl.; .

news as a video depicting and glorifying it was distributed by email and cell

phone. The video begins with a picture of the back of ablue shirt with the words

"FUCK MICKYBO" written across it Itcontinues with other offensive slogans

mocking the way the boy was murdered, pictures boys pushing and kicking

another boy, and is followed by the Ulster Defence Association logo and motto.

(The UDA is an illegal loyalist terror group.) The video is set to the music of a

sectarian, anti-Catholic song, and the question "Who killed MickeyBo?" flashes

across the screen. The video ends with a shot of the emblem of the South East

Antrim Ballymena battalion of the UDA This confirms charges made by Social

Democratic and Labor Party leader Mark Durkan that the UDA orchestrated

sectarian violence in North Antrim during 2005.23

23. McKay,May 13,2006.




The murder of Michael McIlveen in May 2006 and the cruel mockery of this

murder at several bonfires on the 11th night underscore the intense sectarianism

that bubbles just below the surface in Northern Ireland. The Institute for Conflict

Research reports that sectarian attacks have increased since the 1994 ceasefires

and the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, with more attacks on churches, Orange

halls and Gaelic sports clubs now than in the early 1990s. The Guardian's

Angelique Chrisafis went so far as to warn that "[a] generation is growing up

more segregated and sectarian than its parents.,,24

Dunloy, CO . Antrim, July 12, 2006

Tensions ran high in Dunloy, Co. Antrim, a tiny and overwhelmingly Catholic (97

percent) village of about 1,100 persons. The larger area served by the village brings

the number to about 2,000 persons, more than 90 percent of whom are Catholic.

Although Dunloy is overwhelmingly Catholic and nationalist, the surrounding region

of North Antrim is overwhelmingly evangelical Protestant and staunchly unionist. As

noted above, it is the scene of frequent, mostly anti-Catholic sectarian violence and

widespread anti-Catholic discrimination. The dispute over Orange parades in Dunloy

must be seen in that context.

Dunloy has been the scene of a long-running parades dispute, and the Orange Order

has consistently refused to hold talks with the local residents group. Opposition to the

July 12th Orange celebration in the village is nearly universal and deeply felt.

The Dunloy Residents Association held a large, well-attended community meeting

the evening of the 11th night to discuss what many described as an Orange invasion

planned for the next morning. The year before 26 residents were arrested at a peaceful

sit-down protest of the Orange presence in their community on July 12, 2005, which

was then followed by police violence. Many Dunloy residents experienced the sectari-

anism and terror of the loyalist blockade of a Catholic Church in nearby Ballymena's

Harryville neighborhood.

The Orange Order's insistence on celebrating July 12th in Dunloy is perceived as

aggressive and triumphalist by most residents. However, Orangemen, many elderly,

argue that they merely want to place a wreath at Dunloy's Presbyterian Church, and

that residents opposing their presence are religious bigots.

The Orange Order's original application for permission to parade in Dunloy on July 12

was dated June 10, 2006 and resulted in a decision, dated June 29, 2006, which restricted

24. Chrisafis , September 6,2005.

Sectar ian attackshave inc reased s ince

the 1 994 cease fire s

and the 1998 Good

Friday Agreement .



Orangemen in Dunloy,Co. Antrim, July 12,

2006.While at first they

were marching down the

middle of the street, when

they saw IPEC/Brehon

observers, the Orangemen

left the street and moved

onto the sidewalk.


marching to the grounds of the Orange Hall and proscribed assembly on the route from

the Orange Hall to the Dunloy Presbyterian Church. This both facilitated the parade

organizer's stated intention "to lay wreath at Dunloy Presbyterian Church in memory

of past brethren and friends," and honored the Parade Commission's respect and sup

port for religious expression and for remembering the dead. There was at no time an

application to enter the church and conduct a religious service therein but, rather, onlystated intention to proceed from Orange Lodge 496 on Station Road around the corne

375 yards to the church on Main Street and lay a wreath in front of the church.

The restrictions imposed by the Parades Commission were self-described as a balanc

ing exercise made in the interest of public order. The Commission noted the concerns

fears and even anger of the people living in the area through which the Orange wanted

to parade. Residents assert their right to live, work, shop, trade and carry on business

and to enjoy rights ensured by Human Rights Act (1998). The failure and refusal o

parade organizers to engage in dialogue with residents was a concern which figured

into the Commission's decision and fueled concerns around public disorder. While th

June 29, 2006 decision was not universally accepted by Dunloy residents, especiallygiven the organizers' refusal to engage in dialogue with residents and the absence o

any Orange presence in Dunloy on any other day, the Parade Commission's restric

tions were understood as an attempt to balance rights.

Parade organizers challenged the decision on July 7,2006. The Parades Commission

issued a revised decision, characterized as a "clarification," on July 11th, leaving n

time for further review. The new decision turned on the words "public procession."

While it was clear that there could be no parading directly from the Orange Hall t

the church, the route described in the parade organizers' Form 1111application, ther

was no restriction on any other way of proceeding to the church. If the marchers wer




to drive around the other way and then walk to the church from the other direction

rather than walk the "notified route for this procession," they were out from under the

nominal restrictions the Parade Commission had imposed in the first instance.

At 8:10 a.m. on the morning of the 12th there were several PSNI land rovers near the

Presbyterian Church in Dunloy and also in front of the Orange Hall that is 375 yards

around the comer. There were a few residents about the shops across the street from the

church. By 8:15a.m. the press and the Orange Order arrived at the church, having driven

(rather than walking) around the other way, along the not "notified" route. There was

no traffic as the Orangemen proceeded from their parked cars towards the church. They

walked down the middle of the Main Street, in tandem and as a group, parading for the

press until they saw observers, identifiable by jackets and badges, taking pictures. Then

they slowly proceeded to the side on the road and continued on to the church. As more

Orangemen arrived the same scenario was enacted. Orangemen parked on both sides of

Main Street for a distance of more than a quarter of a mile, leaving some room for traf-fic to pass by. At 8:20 a.m. a band played in front of the church. Dunloy Orange leader

David Tweed placed a wreath in front of the church. There was a reading and some

moments of silence. The PSNI filmed the observers rather than marchers or bands.

There were at least three people from the Parade Commission in attendance including

monitors, at least one person from the Northern Ireland Office, and many members

of the press and the PSNI. There was no protest and few residents in evidence that

morning, nor any obstruction from residents or other nationalists. The proceedings

were ended by 8:35 a.m. and the Orangemen and followers dispersed. The PSNI left

town by 9:35 a.m.

Orangemen in Dunloy movedfrom the road onto the

sidewalk to comply wiith

the Parades Commisson

determination, July 12, 2006.



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A prot.E!stsal~Orange: pa ' t]'u '2

or-a lrIi lQ~ Iead€!11IS r eif usQ t o negloti aJ~ew~,th Short StlFaln d r ,e !




Ballycastle, CO . Antrim, July 12, 2006Ballycastle is a small seaside town on the northeastern tip of County Antrim. Itis both

a market town and a seaside resort. Ithas many hotels and boarding houses filled with

tourists and visitors during the summer. Primarily nationalist (about 85%), residents

held public meetings to address concerns regarding the July 12th Orange marches.

The Parade Commission's decision, issued June 29, 2006, approved a five hour parade

through Ballycastle. Itwas to have a start time of 1 p.m., a dispersal time of 6 p.m.

34 bands and eight Lambeg drums. The decision noted public meetings and residen

objections to the parade and specifically mentioned community objection to the Silve

Plains Band, restricted since 2001, because of unacceptable behavior. Based on thassurances of parade organizers, the band was permitted to participate.

Lawns and sidewalks were lined with people well before the march was scheduled

to begin. Marchers entered at the top of the town at Altananam Park, a nationalist

estate. Sectarian attacks here in prior years had made the residents wary. Residents

surrounded the many billboards commemorating the 1981 hunger strikers at this en

of the town, because of the destruction of so many of them in previous weeks. Th

PSNI preceded the marchers with eight land rovers; one had a CTV camera to film

events. Residents noted that the camera was pointed at them rather than monitoring

the marchers.

Supporters marched along with the bands and lodges and many openly drank beer

some from beer cans in bags. The PSNI failed to discourage this illegal conduct i

any manner and continued to fail to do so throughout the day even as supporters

became more and more aggressive towards residents and observers. As the marchers

passed through the town's main commercial street to the Diamond or town square an

then down to the sea, insults were shouted by band members and some Orangemen.

There appeared a clear intent to intimidate. Anyone not identifiable as a celebrant o

Orangeism was fair game. Shop owners complained of the adverse business effec

caused by the parade and said that the parade was not welcome. Freedom of movemen

is restricted. Many are so intimidated by the Orangemen, bandsmen and their support

ers that they do not leave their homes.

Many marchers congregated to hear speeches in a seaside park and many more wen

to drink in hotels. Marchers removed their sashes and other insignia upon entering th

hotels and there were no reports of incidents concerning this requirement. As marchers

exited the town the atmosphere became one of barely suppressed violence. Band mem

bers, supporters and some Orangemen shouted insults and made provocative gesture

and appeared to be itching for a fight.

Despite this there were no incidents of violence. Residents exercised restraint i

responding to insults and provocation.




Springfield Road, Belfast, July 12, 2006On the morning of July 12,2006, IPEC and Brehon Law Society observers attended

a community meeting of Springfield Road residents where community leaders urged

a peaceful and dignified protest to the parade.

The parade itself commenced at approximately 9:35 a.m. with nationalist protesters

being lined on each side of the street with signs similar to those displayed at the Short

Strand. The protesters were spread out along the length of the parade route along

Springfield Road ..

Both the people in the parade itself and the protesters were all completely quiet. Thepolice, clad in riot gear minus their hard helmets, were lined across the roundabout.

There were at least a dozen police vehicles.

As the band turned into Workman's Gate, which leads to the unionist/loyalist com-

munity abutting the nationalist/republican Springfield Road community, the band

then started playing at full volume. Previous to this and throughout the march there

had only been drumbeats. The band entered the unionist community through the gate

which is opened only once per year for this parade. A unionist resident was seen giv-

ing the finger to the nationalist crowd, none of whom responded.

Ormeau Road, July 12, 2006At approximately 10:00 a.m., the parade approached the Ormeau Bridge from the

Ballynafeigh Orange Lodge.

At most, there were between 25 and 30 residents from the Lower Ormeau Road

nationalist community in the area. At approximately 10:00 a.m., the first band passed

by with supporters shouting at the nationalist residents. These supporters clearly had

open containers and the Ballynafeigh Apprentice Boys Band was playing a song with

the lyrics, "We won't be mastered by no Fenian bastards." Observers stated that a

majority of the bands in the parade were from Scotland, many of which carried large

YCV and UVF flags whereas other bands had furled flags that were not identifiable.

Other observers informed us that there was a single bannerette honoring Joseph

Bratty, although no one was able to confirm which band was involved. Mr. Bratty

reportedly was a member of the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF-a cover name for

the Ulster Defence Association, or UDA) and also the UDA Commander of South

Belfast. Itwas he who allegedly directed the operation on the Lower Ormeau Road

when five people were killed in the Sean Graham bookmakers shop on February 15,

1992. Two gunmen fired 44 shots from anAK-47. Mr. Bratty and another person were

subsequently assassinated by the Irish Republican Army.



Bandsmen celebrate on the

Lower Ormeau Road, South

Belfast, July 12, 2006.


Widespread use of alcohol

The use of alcohol by paraders and their supporters was widespread, as usual. Alcohol

is banned not only by the Parades Commission but also by local ordinances. It is dif-

ficult to understand why, particularly during morning parades, alcohol is not confis-

cated by the police.

Loyalist paramilitary presence in area

There is a clear paramilitary presence in this area which is testified to by the presence

of a paramilitary banner stretched across Kandahar Street near the Annadale Housing

Estate stating, "Loyalists Annadale Ormeau Road Batt., South Belfast".

In fact, on the opposite side of this estate on the Annadale embankment, the remains

of a huge bonfire remained burning at 10:30 a.m. on the morning of July 13th, having

been lit the previous midnight some ten and a half hours earlier.

EVENING PARADE, ORMEAU BRIDGE, JULY 12, 2006

At approximately 6:55 p.m., a police vehicle moved into position blocking the

Ormeau Bridge. Simultaneously road barriers were erected, blocking traffic. On the

nationalist side, a group of approximately 60 teenagers, mostly male and mostly

between 15 and 19 years of age, had assembled, many of whom were drinking beer

They were situated on a slight elevation between Dromara Street and the River Lagan,affording them a view of the intersection of Stranmillis Embankment and the Lower




Ormeau Road, which is the intersection where the returning parade makes a right tumsouthbound onto the Ormeau Road over the Ormeau Bridge.

These young people were generally behaving in a peaceful manner. It should be

pointed out that there were numerous nationalist community activists in the area from

both the Lower Ormeau Road area as well as other districts.

At approximately 7:25 p.m., approximately 15 parade supporters who were preceding

the parade were observed making hostile gestures to the nationalist crowd. A police

officer was observed keeping them in line and moving them along as were two parade

stewards armed with pikes. The orange stewards were observed directing these people

across the bridge and a Parade Commission observer was also observed in their midst.

The first band in line was the Ballynafeigh Apprentice Boys followed by the

Stranmillis Temperance Volunteers LOL 454. Once again, it was observed that many

if not most of the other bands were from Scotland.

At approximately 7:30 p.m., as provocative tunes were being played, a bottle was thrown

from the crowd of young people assembled on the nationalist side. Immediately the police

came across the Ormeau Road towards the nationalist side clad in their full riot gear. At

this point, the parade supporters on the unionist side were seen throwing bottles into the

Catholic area in response to bottles and golf balls being thrown by the nationalist group.

During this commotion, both the police and parade stewards took steps tomove the paradeacross the bridge despite the effort by some of the paraders to lunge forward toward the

nationalist crowd of youths. Many of the marchers and their supporters made sectarian

gestures toward the nationalist people but during all of this, both the parade stewards and

the police were observed to be moving the parade across the bridge.

By 7:35 p.m., all of the PSNI land rovers left the Strandmillis Embankment and

were facing the loyalist crowd on the opposite side of the bridge on the Annadale

Embankment, and no police remained at the scene of the commotion.

Five finger salute

A number of residents reported to observers that they clearly saw members of the

parade, as opposed to the supporters, raising their gloved hands toward the nationalist

crowd with all five fmgers extended. This gesture references the loyalist murder of

five men at the Sean Graham bookie shop on the Ormeau Road in 1992. A video of

the commotion quite clearly confirmed the gesture in question.

A televised broadcast by BBC Northern Ireland of the July 12th, 2006 parade in the city

center of Belfast allegedly showed loyalist banners celebrating those responsible for the

five killings at the bookmaker's shop in 1992. This led to a considerable degree of ten-

sion in the Lower Ormeau Road area. Itwas similar behavior at Orange parades in the

Opposite:

An Orangeman insults

nationalist residents by

lifting his arms in the "five

nil" gesture, a deliberate

and intentionally provocative

act. Since 1992 when

loyalist paramilitaries killed

five Catholics in an attack

on the Sean Grahan bookie

shop on the Lower Ormeau

Road, loyalists have used

this hand signal to goad,

incite or inflame nationalsitresidents here. It means

"we killed five of yours and

youv'e kil led none of ours."




wake of the massacre at the Sean Graham's bookie shop that led Ormeau residents tofirst seek the rerouting of parades away from their community in the early 1990s.

Observers clearly saw stewards on the nationalist side take constant measures to

rid the area of bottles, including throwing them into the bushes on the riverbank.

Obviously some bottles remained and probably were thrown. Itwas also reported

to observers that a number of the young people congregated came from outside the

Lower Ormeau district and may have been instrumental in agitating the unrest.

Itwas clear to observers that efforts were made by the nationalist stewards to keep

the young males segregated from the rest of the onlookers, particularly the young

women and children since in the past there have been situations in which there was anintermingling of these young men with the rest of the crowd with some people being

pushed to the ground during the excitement of the parade passing.

Numerous prohibited flags were noted during these parades including those represent-

ing the UDA, YCV and UVE

In addition, it was clear to all that many of the supporters had open alcohol contain-

ers although clearly prohibited by both the Parades Commission determinations and

local ordinances. These open containers were observed not only in the evening return

parade but also during the morning parades.

On the return evening march, the bands were observed to be particularly strident, loud

and arrogant in their behavior, body language and general attitude. In addition, the

playing of the music was loud and contained many provocative, sectarian tunes.

As with other marches, naked blades, both swords and pikes, were in evidence. In

this day and age it is difficult to imagine why harmless replicas, rather than ancient,

dangerous weapons, cannot be carried.

ANALYSIS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Some observers concluded that a majority of the bands were from Scotland as weremany of the supporters. Apparently these bands and supporters come by ferry to

Belfast where they party, participate in the 11th night bonfires, and then continue on in

the morning and evening parades. Anyone can see that the demeanor and deportment

of these individuals is markedly different in the evening than it is in the morning and

one can only conclude that the consumption of alcohol is involved in this dramatic

change. The police have repeatedly stated that their primary role is to prevent serious

public disorder. Nevertheless,· it may be time to make efforts at diminishing the effect

of alcohol consumption by beginning to enforce the Parade Commission determina-

tions and local ordinances banning the drinking of alcohol in public places, particu-

larly during parades.




At the very least, this could be done during morning parades when crowds are sparseand heads are clearer.

In addition, the presence of bands and supporters from Scotland seems to be playing

a major role in the disturbances. The arrest of a young man from Scotland on the

morning of July 1st at Albertbridge Road due to his obvious intoxication, as well a

the clearly provocative behavior of Scottish bands and supporters at Ormeau Bridge

on July 12th, indicate that many of these individuals come to Belfast only to engage

in anti-social and provocative behavior causing many of the disturbances that occur

at contested parades. (VVehave heard from a young American who stayed with Scots

at a youth hostel in Belfast that some young Scots come to Belfast just to be able to

beat up a "Taig," i.e. a Catholic.)

Ultimately, it is the Orange Order which includes these bands in the parades and there-

fore it is ultimately the responsibility of the Orange Order to control their conduct and

the conduct of the supporters who accompany them.

An easy solution?

One rather simple, seemingly obvious solution to the problem at the Ormeau Bridge

would be to have the paraders who proceed northerly on Ormeau Road turn left a

the Annadale Embankment rather than crossing the bridge and turning left at th

Strandmillis Embankment. The embankments parallel each other and follow th

course of the River Lagan. The morning parade would proceed in a generally norther-

ly direction on Ormeau Road, tum left on Annadale Embankment and then turn righ

on Kingsbridge, crossing the River Lagan to the Strandmillis Embankment, where i

could proceed to the final destination. On the return route, the paraders would simply

cross Kingsbridge, turn left on the Annadale Embankment and then turn right on th

Ormeau Road, returning to their lodge. This would completely remove their crossing

of the Ormeau Bridge and completely remove from the equation their passing th

Dromara Embankment area, which was the scene of the disturbance in 2006.

Ardoyne, North Belfast, July 12, 2006

RECENT HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF JULY 12TH ORANGE ORDER

PARADES IN ARDOYNE

The annual July 12 Orange Order parades on the Crumlin Road pass through one o

the most volatile interfaces in Belfast. IPEC and Brehon Law Society observers wer

present before, during and after the contested parades on July 12,2006 in the national

ist communities of Ardoyne and Mountainview in North Belfast.

The parade route runs from the loyalist Glenbryn and Ballysillan areas to the loyal

ist Shankill Road district in the morning. Itpasses the Ardoyne shops, an ambulance




center, and the Catholic Chapel, and splits the nationalist communities of Ardoyne

and Mountainview. The return parade follows the same route in reverse. Annual loyal

order parades through this interface have generated tremendous contention and sig-

nificant violence and disorder in recent years, particularly at the evening, returning

parade in which many participants and supporters are clearly drunk. No alternative

route is identified at this time.

North Belfast has been the scene of bitter sectarian violence for decades. Ninety-nine

Ardoyne residents were killed during the modem period of conflict starting in 1969,

and many residents were interned and arrested. Army and police raids and loyalist

attacks were frequent. The area became the focus of international attention in 2001

when loyalists picketed parents and children going to the Holy Cross Catholic pri-

mary school. Residents of the Ardoyne and Mountainview neighborhoods believe the

Policing Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) failed and refused to protect the children

and their families during that extended protest. The aggressive loyalist protest, which

included shouting threats and insults, and throwing bottles of urine and blast bombs

at children between the ages of 4 and 9, left residents of Ardoyne and Mountainview

with deep anger both at their neighbors and the PSNI.

Police Ombudsman Nuala O'Loan's bombshell report of systemic collusion between

police and loyalists in 15 murders from 1991 to 2003 is particularly significant for

Ardoyne, as O'Loan "concentrated solely on one relatively small patch of Belfast,"

the area in which Ardoyne is located.F' Whether police-loyalist collusion was worse in

North Belfast than elsewhere, or collusion was systemic throughout Northern Ireland, in

25. Owen Bowcott, "15 murders linked topolice collusion with loyalists; Special Branch protected paramilitaries,

Ombudsman finds; Calls for public inquiry over role of senior RUC officers," The Guardian, http://www.guardian.

co.uk/frontpage/story/O; 1996611 ,00.htm!. Accessed January 22,2007.

Ardoyne residents watchthe morning Orange/

loyalist parade through

their Catholic/nationalist

neighborhood, July 12, 2006.

http://www.guardian./

http://www.guardian./



An Orange supporter

expresses animosity toward

Ardoyne residents the



any case this documentation of police-loyalist collusion at least until 2003 indicates thedepth of the strains between the police and nationalist/Catholic residents of Ardoyne.

IPEC and Brehon observers have documented Orange Order July 12th parades

through this North Belfast interface since 2001. We have identified central issues tha

characterize the contested parades, including the policing decisions taken to deal with

the possibility of violence, the attempts by both neighboring communities to establish

dominance over the public space, and the response to positions taken by the Parades

Commission, the statutory body responsible for making decisions about parade routes

and participation.

Orange marches have a particular meaning for Ardoyne's Catholic residents. Many othe local families moved to Ardoyne in the 1930s, when hundreds of refugees from

neighborhoods closer to the center of Belfast fled in the wake of anti-Catholic rioting

which was ignited by Orange parades.i" Then, when the troubles erupted in 1969, resi

dents said police joined in loyalist attacks on nationalist residents. At least one resident

Sammy McLarnon, died from a police attack in his home in August, 1969.27

2001: In 2001, international observers documented multiple loyalist violations o

Parades Commission guidelines. A massive influx of military and police presence facili

tated the passage of the parade through the district against the wishes of the residents

Tensions between nationalists, unionists/loyalists, and police in the area were high, as

2 6 . "Be lf as t, No rt he rn I re la nd , J ul y 2 2 [ 19 35 ], T h e C a th o li c- Pr ot es ta nt f ig ht s t ha t b eg a n w it h t he O r an gemen 's Day

c el eb ra ti on o f J ul y 12 d e fi ni te ly b ec ame a r el ig io u s b at tl e t od ay a s i t s p re a d s ou thwar d i nt o t h e I ri sh F re e S ta te ,"

Wa sh in gt on P os t, J ul y 2 3, 1 9 35 .

2 7. A r do yn e Commemor at io n P ro je ct , A rd oy ne : T he U nt old T ru th , Belf a st : Beyond t he Pa le Pub li ca ti on s ,2002 ,pp . 24 -25 .




loyalist blockade of the Holy Cross Catholic girls school had been started in June 2001

and continued from September through November of 200 1. IPEC and Brehon observers

felt strongly that the violence that followed the passage of the evening parade on July

12, 2001 could have been prevented if the RUC (Royal Ulster Constabulary) and thearmy had pulled out of the area once the parade had passed. RUC presence escalated

rather than diffused the violence, which developed into a full-scale riot.

2002: In 2002, observers again documented multiple loyalist violations of Parades

Commission guidelines, including open display of loyalist paramilitary flags and

emblems promoting the Ulster Defence Association. The July 12th morning and eve-

ning parades were again forced through the neighborhoods by a massive military and

police presence. Prior to the parades, unproven allegations of planned violence on the

part of Ardoyne community residents, initiated by police officials and reported in the

mass media, served to demonize that community in the eyes of the public. Observers

also documented the disruptive behavior of supporters who joined the return parade.The situation was commented on by the Parades Commission in subsequent deter-

minations affecting the area. On July 12, 2002, IPEC and Brehon observers also

documented the controlling and calming role played by republicans and community

activists. After the event, Belfast's most senior police officer said senior republicans

had stopped violence during a nationalist protest in Ardoyne.

In2002 we also documented a disturbing incident of sectarian harassment/theater,

when a woman dressed up like a Catholic school girl and marched with other Orange

supporters in the evening parade through Ardoyne (see photo on page 85 of our report

on the 2002 marching season, Parading Paramilitarism, at www.ipecobservers.org).

A band carries UlsterVolunteer Force flags through

Ardoyne the morning of July

12, 2006. The UVFand other

outlawed loyalist paramilitary

groups have killed more than

1,000 people in Northern

Ireland, including many

residents of Ardoyne who

were killed just because they

were Catholic. Such sectarian

displays violate Parades

Commission guidelines

as well as the 1998 Good

Friday Agreement.



A bandsman carries a

drum as his band marches

through Ardoyne the



This was a clear reference to the often violent blockade of the Holy Cross Catholicgirls school from June through November, 2001.

2003: In making its determination for the July 12, 2003 parades, the Parades

Commission took particular notice of the issue of parade supporters and the respon-

sibility of organizers to manage their presence "positively" and "creatively." The

morning parade passed with no serious conflict and only minor violations of the

Parades Commission determinations. Massive police presence disrupted the normal

daily life of the community. When the Orange Order lodges returned for the evening

parade, they were accompanied by a large body of 'supporters." The interface area

was locked down by a massive military and police deployment. The PSNI made the

decision to allow the recently designated leader of the North Belfast UDA, WilliamJohn Borland, accompanied by hundreds of supporters, to lead the Orange Order

return parade through the nationalist community. This show of force was facilitated

by the massive military presence. Participants in this loyalist parade carried UDA and

UVF flags, which IPEC/Brehon observers documented in the report Marching and

Disorder, available on the IPEC/Brehon website at www.ipecobservers.org.

The police decision to allow Borland and his supporters to march through the locked

down nationalist area was particularly disturbing in the context of death threats tha

had been issued by the North Belfast UDA against nationalists in Ardoyne in the days

and months preceding the parade. The disruptive behavior of supporters in the return

parade, and the ensuing exchange of missiles between the communities, was docu

mented by IPEC and Brehon Law Society observers, the press, and commented on by

the Parades Commission itself.






2004: The run-up to the July 12th parades through Ardoyne was marked by blockadesof the road leading to the nationalist enclave in Ligoniel starting July 8th. The Orange

Order also threatened road blockades if bands were not allowed to march through

Ardoyne on the return parade the evening of July 12th. The night before the 12th

the Orange Order withdrew this threat. Also making threats were the Ulster Defence

Association and the Continuity IRA, a dissident republican group.

Parades through Ardoyne July 12th, 2004 included the display of unfurled UVF flags

by the Shankill Protestant Boys and the display of a proscribed UVF flag by the Pride

of Ardoyne band, both at the morning march, and the display of a UVF banner at

the evening parade. A woman standing at the edge of Twadell Avenue who cheered

on the marchers and bands and taunted nationalists gathered across Crumlin Roadwas dressed in an Orange nun's habit and wore a giant rosary around her waist. The

parades were accompanied by a relatively low-key military and police deployment

in the morning, with police in riot gear but not wearing their helmets. Police stood

between about a dozen nationalist protesters holding signs protesting the parade and

the Orange Order's refusal to talk with nationalist residents.

In the evening the police and military deployment was massive, and once again a

portable "peace wall" was erected on the back of a row of army trucks, blocking

residents' view of the parade and separating marchers and supporters from residents.

Conduct violations included the display of a UVF flag and a UVF bannerette by the

Pride of Ardoyne band, the display of a UDA bannerette by an Orangeman marching

with the Earl of Erne Lodge, and the display of a UDA flag by a march supporter

Orange supporters march

through Ardoyne the




A scrum of reporterssurrounds Gerry Adams,

Margaret McClenaghan and

other community leaders,

Ardoyne, July 12, 2006.


marching with the lodges and bands. For the second year in a row, UDA leader John

Borland marched through Ardoyne. The Irish News ran a photograph of Borland in

the evening Ardoyne parade July 14,2004.

Following a great deal of shouting between march supporters and residents, and some

objects thrown over the wall separating them, several hundred nationalist Ardoyne

residents surged up the Ardoyne Road toward the interface with the loyalist/unionist

area beyond Alliance Avenue. The residents ran into a group of British soldiers, who

drove their jeeps into the middle of the Ardoyne Road, blocking it. These soldiers,

known as "the Paras," came from the "parachute regiment," a regiment with a notori-

ously bad relationship with the nationalist community, stemming from the Paras' role

in massacring 14 unarmed civil rights protesters in Derry in 1972.28 A few residents

attacked the Paras with sticks, rocks, a metal post, and an uprooted tree. The highly

volatile incident was diffused when senior republicans and other community leaders

including two priests, stood between the crowd and the soldiers, allowing the soldiersto extricate themselves from the nationalist area. A subsequent media report indicated

that the soldiers were seconds away from firing live bullets into the crowd.

A few minutes after this incident, another outbreak of rioting occurred at the intersec-

tion of Brompton Park and Crumlin Road. Nationalist youths threw rocks at police

who responded with Alsatian dogs (called German shepherds in the U.S.) and two

water cannons.

28. Moloney, 2002, pp. 96, 110.




2005: The home of a Catholic family living on the Crumlin Road was firebombed

the weekend before the July 12th parades. Thankfully no one was seriously hurt. The

family was targeted by loyalists during the Tour of the North march through Ardoyne

about a fortnight prior to the attack. Father Aidan Troy, pastor of the Holy Cross

Catholic Church in Ardoyne, said the loyalist attack on the Catholic/nationalist fam-

ily just two days before the controversial July 12th marches "was nothing less than

attempted murder.,,29

On the weekend before the controversial July 12th parades through Ardoyne and

Mountainview a 19-year-old man was "gunned down in a house in Dhu Varren Crescent

in the Woodvale area" of northwest Belfast/" This is only minutes from the Ardoyne

shops and near Twadell Avenue, which intersects the Crumlin Road at the Ardoyne

shops. This killing, the third in the loyalist feud of summer 2005, further increased

tensions in Ardoyne. This was especially of concern given the promotion of loyalist

paramilitary groups in loyal order parades through Ardoyne over the past several years,as well as death threats against Ardoyne leaders who contested such parades.

Residents staged a sit-down protest to block the morning Orange parade. Police even-

tually removed the protesters, largely without incident. Orange supporters dressed as

Roman Catholic nuns marched triumphantly through Ardoyne the morning of July

12,2005. Residents staged another protest in the afternoon, standing in the middle of

Crumlin Road holding a banner that read, "Make sectarianism history." After a period

29. "Attempted murder," Andersonstown News, Monday July 11,2005, p. I.

30. "Teenager killed as feud escalates; UVF blamed as fears grow of further attacks," Belfast Telegraph, July 11,2005, p. I.

Sinn Fein leaders GerryAdams and Margaret

McClenaghan talk to

the media in Ardoyne,

July 12, 2006.



Sinn Fein Member of the

Legislative Assembly Gerry

Kelly addresses Ardoyne

residents and calls for

calm before the evening

parade, July 12, 2006.


of time they moved out of the road, and the parade was allowed through. As in pre-vious years, a number of flags, emblems, and uniforms promoting several outlawed

loyalist terror groups were observed in the parades. Orangemen walked alongside

bands promoting loyalist paramilitaries.

Positive developments in 2005 included the relative restraint shown by the Police

Service of Northern Ireland and Ardoyne residents until late in the evening of July

12th, 2005. Unfortunately, as soon as the parade came through some residents started

throwing rocks and bottles at the parade; police responded with water canons. While

police pulled out of most of Ardoyne after the evening parade passed through, riots

between the police and youth, mostly teenagers, continued for several hours. At one

point dissident republicans threw blast bombs at the police, seriously injuring abouta dozen of them as well as a journalist. Several plastic bullets were fired at the youth

rioting. However, intervention by community leaders prevented the rioting from esca-

lating further.

ORANGE PARADES THROUGH ARDOYNE, JULY 12, 2006

IPEC and Brehon observers were struck at how different the parades of July 12,2006

were compared to parades we observed over the previous five years. The parades

caused much less disruption to the community. This was thanks to the fact that the

nationalist and loyalist communities largely policed themselves, requiring a much

smaller police presence and a near total absence of British soldiers.

In the days leading up to the 12th observers noticed posters throughout the neighbor-




hood urging young people to refrain from rioting, as they and some older adults had

in 2001, 2004 and 2005. We also attended a community meeting where we learned

that Ardoyne community leaders had negotiated with leaders from communities

across the interface for peaceful passage of the parades in exchange for not protest-

ing the morning parade and self-policing a quiet, dignified protest in the evening.

Observers saw this as a significant step forward in intercommunity relations.

Riot police enter Ardoyne

the evening of July 12, 2006.

This was the lowest number

of riot police we haveseen since first observing

parades in Ardoyne in 2001.

Instriking contrast to previous years, Ardoyne residents stayed away from the morn-

ing parade. They did not stage a protest. There was a very minimal police presence,

with just a few landrovers present near the roundabout at Twadell Avenue and up the

Crumlin Road toward Heskth Avenue.

Although the Parades Commission determination called for 50 supporters to march

with a few nearby Orange lodges and bands, more like 150 to 200 supporters marched

alongside the Orangemen and bands. Many Orangewomen marched as well as men.

One supporter who marched through Ardoyne wore a Glasgow Rangers shirt that read

"FCUK ARDOYNE" on the upper back. Another supporter marching in the morning

stuck his tongue out at international observers and residents, while another gave the

finger. While minor incidents, these clearly violated the Parades Commissions guide-

lines for acceptable behavior when Orange supporters march through Catholic areas.

The evening march provided a test for police as well as for community leaders on the

loyalist and nationalist sides. All three groups passed this test. For the PSNI, the July



Nationalist stewards lined upat two points along Ardoyne

Road to prevent interface

violence before, during and

after the evening parade.

Stewards also prevented

violent interactions on

the unionist side of the

interface in Ballysillan, just

beyond the second group

of nationalist stewards

visible in the distance.

British army trucks mount

a mobile peace wall to

separate Orange supporters

from Ardoyne residents,

July 12, 2006. This was

the only deployment

of British soldiers we

witnessed, in a sharp

contrast to recent years.


12th evening march was a test as to whether they would finally enforce the Parades

Commission ruling banning Orange and loyalist supporters, or "hangers-on," from

marching through Ardoyne in front of or behind the parade. In previous years th

PSNI was supposed to enforce this ban, but declined to at the last minute, apparently

out of fear of loyalists rioting. Yet this failure to enforce the ban on hangers-on infuri

ated nationalist residents, for much of the violence and harassment that came from th

parades came from the hangers-on, and less from the bands and lodges.

Whereas in 2005 hundreds of police and soldiers in riot gear sealed off Ardoyne hours




before the evening parade, in 2006 the police operation was scaled down greatly. Five

PSNI land rovers gathered on Woodvale Road at 6:30 p.m. Ten minutes later two

more joined them. At 7:20 p.m. there were 11 land rovers there, and officers emerged

in riot gear.

Nationalist stewards donned green vests at around 7:20 p.m. They stood in front of

as well as on top of the Ardoyne shops-a welcome contrast to 2005 and prior years,

when British army sharpshooters were posted on top of the shops.

While there was still a very minimal police presence in Ardoyne, at around a quarter

to eight, Member of the Legislative Assembly and Sinn Fein policing spokesman

Gerry Kelly spoke to residents, urging them to remain calm while the Orange parade

came through the area: "The followers are not getting up this road. I give you my

word. They are not getting up ....This is a big step forward," Kelly said.

At 7:47 p.m. community stewards asked residents to stand far back from the Crumlin

Road, as far back as the Mace store. Another row of observers stood near the Alliance

Avenue interface. Several stewards stood on the roof of the Ardoyne shops. Itwas

from this same position that dissident republicans threw blast bombs at police in July

2005. Itwas quite remarkable to witness this transformation.

As Kelly predicted, at the July 12th, 2006 evening march through Ardoyne, police

finally enforced the ban on hangers-on. At 7:50 p.m., a few minutes before the march

came through Ardoyne and Mountainview, four buses transported lodge and band

supporters-mostly teens and young adults-through the area. Fifty police in riot gear

also marched into Ardoyne and took positions along both sides of Crumlin Road. The

buses stopped at the throng of hundreds of parade supporters gathered up Crumlin

Road at the corner of Heskith. This crowd moved closer to Ardoyne, within a couple

hundred yards of the shops.

Orange supporters arebussed through Ardoyne

just before the evening

march, July 12, 2006.



A drum commemorates

loyalist volunteers formed

to oppose Home Rule in

the 191Os.Denounced as

"Rome Rule" by many in

the Protestant minority,

Home Rule would have

allowed Ireland's Catholic

majority limited autonomy

while remaining part of

Great Britain. With the

outset of World War I,

Britain shelved the idea.


At 7:53 the Orange Order parade marched up the Crumlin Road past the shops. At leas60 PSNI officers lined this eighty-yard stretch, half on either side. There was no music

played except for a steady single drumbeat. No one in the parade was drinking.

Preceded by its color party (carrying an unknown banner, two Pride of Ardoyne flags

and a third unknown flag), the Pride of Ardoyne Flute Band led the parade in orange

short-sleeved shirts and cowboy hats. Behind the band marched LOL No. 1932, th

Ligoniel True Blues, followed by Ballysillan LOL No. 1891 and Belfast Dist. No.3,

carrying its lodge banner.

Next up were the West Belfast Volunteers-formed in late 2003 by a group of young

loyalists from the Highfield, Springmartin, and Shankhill areas of loyalist West Belfasin remembrance of the men of the Ulster Volunteer Force, Ulster Special Service Force

1912, the 9th Battalion Royal Irish Rifles 1914-1918, the Shankill Road Boys, and th

14th Battalion Royal Irish Rifles-the Young Citizen Volunteers who gave their all fo

king and empire on blood-drenched battlefields across Northern Europe in the Grea

War of 1914-1918. All their UVF flags pertained to the First World War.

Then came Crystal Springs Temperance LOL No. 303 (Belfast), carrying its banner

LOL 303 was followed by the Drumchapel Orange &Purple flute band (Glasgow)--

in blue caps with white XS on top, orange chin-length wigs, and orange jacket-car-

rying a small banner inscribed with the names of deceased comrades. In 2002 th

Drumchapel Orange & Purple Flute Band carried a UVF flag through Ardoyne.




Bringing up the rear of the parade was Earl of Earne LOL 647 (Ardoyne, NorthBelfast) carrying its lodge banner and two flags, one a union jack. The LOL 647

group included about 10 women. Several Orange men in the parade carried three-foot

swords held upright. PSNI officers lined the route, though in much smaller numbers

than in previous years. They stood about 10 feet apart from each other. Near the

Twadell Road roundabout police alternated between facing the paraders and facing

Ardoyne residents. In front of the Ardoyne shops police were more likely to face

the residents than the marchers. The crowd of parade supporters watching from the

Twaddell intersection began singing the sectarian song, "The Sash."

At 7:58 p.m. a loud bang, sounding like a firecracker, was heard, the first of four

loud bangs over the next three minutes. Shortly after 8 p.m., the parade finished pass-ing the nationalist area and reached the waiting loyalists who were several hundred

strong. More than half a dozen PSNI land rovers and 50 PSNI officers in full riot gear

accompanied by two Alsatian dogs were concentrated behind the parade to prevent

any marchers from turning back to the nationalist area.

By 8:05 p.m. landrovers began to leave the nationalist area.

Although some objects were thrown back and forth as the parade came through the

neighborhood at about 8:10 p.m., by and large loyalist leaders kept their people mov-

ing forward and nationalist leaders prevented their people from surging into the street

and attacking the march.

A young boy joins other band

members, evening parade,

Ardoyne, July 12, 2006.



Half a dozen Italian touristsobserved the events in

Ardoyne July 12, 2006,

including this woman.

Community stewards on top

of Ardoyne shops, July 12,

2006. In 2005 and previous

years, British snipers were

positioned on these roofs

during contested parades.


Unfortunately, as in previous years, bands march

ing through Ardoyne dis

played Ulster Voluntee

Force flags and emblems

in violation ofthe Parades

Commission determina

tion and the Good Friday

Agreement. One band

wore what to observers

and residents were new

uniforms. They wereparamilitary style, with

an emblem including

red hand. The words "West Belfast Volunteer" were also written on the shirts, implying

perhaps membership in the Ulster Volunteer Force, a loyalist paramilitary group that i

closely linked to another outlawed loyalist group, the Red Hand Commando." In addi

tion, we heard a band playing "The Sash" in Glenbryn, a neighboring loyalist neighbor

hood. We also heard shouts of "UFF!" from the crowd gathered at Twadell Avenue.

As the march passed through Ardoyne, residents held a banner reading "Make

Sectarianism History."

31. CAIN (Conflic t Archive on the Internet, aproject oftheUniversity of Ulster) , Red Hand Commando, http://cain.

ulst.ac.uklothelemlorganlrorgan.htm, accessed January 22, 2007.




After the march passed, there was some back-and-forth between loyalist and nation-

alist youth between Ardoyne Road and the Crumlin Road. However, stewards kept

this back-and-forth from escalating, and eventually the loyalists were moved further

down the Crumlin Road away from this interface area. Itwas along this stretch of

the Crumlin Road that we saw the only soldiers deployed during the 2006 marching

season-apparently because they had the large screens necessary to prevent the two

sides from throwing things at one another. But except for this minor exception, it is

true that the British Army was not deployed during the 2006 July 12th marching sea-

son for the first time since 1969.

For about an hour or so after the march passed through, stewards stood across Crumlin

Road in front of the ambulance station, because about 200 Ardoyne youth and outside

observers remained gathered in front of the shops, while at least 100 unionists stood at

the end of Twadell Avenue, across the street. At around 8:30 p.m. a firework exploded

around the ambulance station. Itappeared to come from Twadell Avenue, where four

PSNI land rovers were parked. When Ardoyne youth ran toward Twadell, nationalist

stewards restrained them. About 15 minutes later, a second firework or blast bomb

was thrown across the street from Twadell at a nationalist pub on Crumlin Road at the

round about. Again, nationalist stewards prevented any retaliation. Eventually things

quieted down and people on both sides dispersed.

A few blast bombs werethrown at interface areas

surrounding Ardoyne after

the July 12 evening march.




III. Policing analysis

Police conduct during the 2006 marching season continued to show remarkable

improvement over that witnessed by IPEC And Brehon Law observers in earlier years.

The details of these improvements are catalogued in the main section of the report.

Two remaining problems are evident. Both are arguably the product of police efforts

to avoid serious public disorder by supporters of the Orange Parades.

First, no effort is made to curtail parade participants from carrying illegal and inflam-

matory flags and symbols representing various loyalist paramilitary groups. A related

problem stems from avoidance of efforts to curtail the playing of provocative tunes

and songs by some bands participating in the Orange marches, even when passing

Catholic chapels during services. These displays and conduct present challenges to

public order in light of the history of Northern Ireland.

Second, the lack of response by the PSNI to supporters of the Orange Order attending

the marches while carrying and drinking beer and liquor creates a permissive atmosphere

that can quickly tum dangerous. Drinking by others along the route of the marches can

be equally dangerous. Public drinking at large or rowdy public events are seen by some

other police forces as explicit breaches of the public order and is flatly banned. The ten-sions surrounding contested parades are difficult enough for the authorities to keep within

manageable bounds. The addition of liquor fuels disorderly supporters and protestors who

can quickly create trying and perilous conditions for the police and other members of the

public. The open consumption ofliquor at contentious parades should be checked.

The professional actions of the PSNI and their uniformed leadership during some

particularly bellicose parades over the last two years have done much to increase

acceptance of policing in Nationalist and Republican communities. Acceleration of

this transition in positive public perception could be greatly assisted by several devel-

opments, only one of which is marginally in the direct control of the PSNI.

Further support for policing would be significantly enhanced by:

• The transfer of powers on policing and justice to the local power sharing gov-

ernment, with enactment of legislation to effect these changes.

• An explicit articulation of the powers and structures that will be transferred.

• A detailed timetable for the transfer.

• Compliance by the British government with its international legal and domestic

obligations by allowing full and impartial investigations into the murders of

Patrick Finucane and Rosemary Nelson.




• Movement on investigations of murders of Northern Irish citizens where collu-

sion by officers and agents of the State is strongly suspected. Further evidence

of collusion continues to mount, most recently with the Ombudsman's report on

collusion from 1991-2003 in North Belfast, released in January 2007. Until such

time as transparent and credible investigations into the role of senior RUC officers

are concluded-including former RUC Chief Constable Ronnie Flanagan-hon-

orable and professional members of the PSNI will suffer from the consequences

of suspicion brought on by some in their ranks who have never been prosecutedor even administratively disciplined for engaging in murder or colluding with

those who have carried out horrendous crimes against innocent civilians.

• Significant moves toward loyalist paramilitary decommissioning, with a time-

table for complete decommissioning as the republicans have accomplished.

This last factor would be very helpful in terms of confidence building in nation-

alist communities.

Police line the Crumlin Road

as buses carry Orange

supporters through Ardoyne

the evening of July 12, 2006.

It is critical that the Good Friday Agreement, the St. Andrews Accord and the Patten

Commission recommendations be fully implemented so that, for the first time in

centuries, Catholics and nationalists in the north may feel that they some say in their

governance and in accountability of the instruments of the state, including the police.One notable recommendation that remains unfulfilled by the British government is the

construction of a badly needed police college and training center. The lack of progress

on this item is all the more notable since the government found the money to erect a

new and highly controversial headquarters for MI5 in Northern Ireland.

The people of Northern Ireland are very close to resolving a seemingly intractable

conflict. The police have made much progress in reforming their role in a new

Northern Ireland, and deserve congratulations for the progress that has been made.



Compared to previous

years, the degree of

militarization in East

Belfast, North Belfast

and elsewherewas

noticeably less.

Dialogue between

leaders of republican/

nationalist and

loyalist/unionist

communities

helped significantly

diffuse tensions.

An Orange lodge burns in

the early hours of July 12,

2006 in Lavan, Co. Antrim


IV. Conclusion

IPEC and Brehon observers witnessed many significant changes in July 200

Compared to previous years, the degree of militarization in East Belfast, North Belf

and elsewhere was noticeably less. Instead of hundreds of police and soldiers in r

gear, British soldiers were nearly absent, and just a few dozen police officers we

deployed in Ardoyne. Police in Ardoyne also enforced the Parades Commission

determination that "hangers on" be bussed through the neighborhood instead

allowed to walk through. In prior years police have backed down from enforcin

this aspect of determinations. It was good to see the police enforcing this ruling wimpartiality, and not backing down in the face of threats.

The demilitarization that was so noticeable in Ardoyne is due to much-needed cro

community dialogue. We also witnessed indirect cross-community dialogue and co

promise in Maghera. This also diffused a tense situation.

While the Orange Order continues to refuse to talk with residents groups or reco

nize the Parades Commission, dialogue between leaders of republican/nationalist

and loyalist/unionist communities is welcome and helped significantly diffu

tensions in Ardoyne, Maghera and elsewhere. Self-policing, which we witnesse

in Ardoyne on the part of nationalist community leaders and Orange march steards, also proved successful in averting rioting there for the first time in thr

years. And the absence of loyalist paramilitary leaders in the parade, who

presence we documented in previous years, was also a welcome developmen

However, the display of UVF flags, the Rathcoole KAI drum, and the bann

celebrating Shankill Butcher Brian Robinson at the July 1st Orange parade p




the Short Strand still violates the Good Friday Agreement's guarantee of freedom

from sectarian harassment.

"Make sectarianism history" reads the banner held by Ardoyne residents. While the

2006 marching season was the quietest we have witnessed since we started observing

contested loyal order parades in 1996, it is critical to note that sectarian hatred still

percolates just below the surface:

• Northern Ireland remains highly segregated, and Catholics are still nearly twice

as likely as Protestants to be unemployed-this 30 years after fair employment

legislation was adopted to address anti-Catholic disadvantage in the north.32

• On May 6, 2006, 15-year-old Michael McIlveen was beaten to death in

Ballymena simply because he was Catholic. In one of the cruelest acts of sec-

tarianism we have witnessed, 12th night revelers painted "Fuck Mickey Bo" on

an Irish tricolor flag and placed it on top of a bonfire near Ballymena. Mickey

Bo was Michael McIlveen's nickname.

Ardoyne communitystewards largely replaced

riot police and soldiers at the

July 12th parades in 2006.

While the 2006

marching season was

the quietest we have

witnessed since we

started observing

contested loyal order

parades in 1996,

it is critical to note

that sectarian hatred

still percolates just

• The PSNI reported about 1,700 sectarian incidents throughout the six counties of below the surface.

Northern Ireland in the 12 month period preceding the murder of Mcllveen.r'

Sectarian incidents accompanying marching season 2006 included the burning

of an Orange lodge in Lavan, Co. Antrim the night of July 11th, 2006.34

32. William C. Thompson, Jr., Comptroller, The MacBride Principles and the Equality Agenda inNorthern Ireland: A

Status Report. New York: Office ofthe Comptroller, Bureau ofAsset Management, November, 2006; Committee

on the Administration of Justice, Equality inNorthern Ireland: The Rhetoric and the Reality. Belfast: CAJ, 2006.

An analysis of unemployment rates inPortadown, Co. Armagh in the late 1990s found that Catholics experienced

unemployment spells that lasted twice as long as Protestants, as well as higher overall rates of unemployment.

33. PSNI, "Statis tical Report No.3, Hate Incidents and Crimes, 1stApril 2005 - 31st March 2006," Belfast: PSNI, May

9,2006, http://www.psni.police.ukl3._hate_incidents_and _crimes-4.pdf. Accessed December 18,2006.

34. "Orange Hall i sDest royed inArson," BBC, July 12, 2006, http://news.bbc.co.uklllhilnorthem_irelandl5171484.

strn, accessed September 13,2006.

http://www.psni.police.ukl3._hate_incidents_and/

http://news.bbc.co.uklllhilnorthem_irelandl5171484./

http://news.bbc.co.uklllhilnorthem_irelandl5171484./

http://www.psni.police.ukl3._hate_incidents_and/




• The Independent Monitoring Commission's October 2006 report notes that,while paramilitary attacks have declined in frequency, there were more than

100 shootings and assaults in the most recent 12 month period. Most of these

were carried out by loyalists, the rest by republicans not affiliated with the

Provisional Irish Republican Army."

• The Ulster Volunteer Force has committed at least eight murders just since

early 2004.36 At a minimum, the Ombudsman's devastating report document-

ing systematic collusion between police and loyalist paramilitaries should

underscore the need to disarm loyalist paramilitaries.

We are hopeful that the relatively peaceful nature of the 2006 marching season,

coupled with recent political movement after years of stagnation on the peace process,

could mean that 2007 will be a year of significant political progress in the north o

Ireland. It is essential that the cross-community dialogue we witnessed in Ardoyne,

Maghera and elsewhere is built upon, and that the root causes of sectarianism and

inequality are addressed once and for all.

35. Twelfth Report of the Independent Monitoring Commission, London: The Stationery Office, October 2006.

36. Newton Emerson, "Stalling ofO'Loanreport toblame for bad timing," Irish News, January 26, 2007, http://www.

nuzhound.comlarticles/irish _news/arts2007 Ijan25 _stalling_ OLoan _report_bad _timing_ NEmerson.php




Acknowledgements

AUTHORS

Stephen M. McCabe, Sean Cahill, Paul Lynch, Marilyn Horan, James P. Cullen,

Mal)' Elizebeth Bartholomew

EDITORS

Dorothy Bukantz, Mary Elizcbcth Bartholomew, Sean Cahill, Marilyn Horan

PHOTO EDITOR

Diane Lent

PHOTOS

Sean Cahill, DelTI10tDelude-Dix, Elizabeth Delude-Dix, Marilyn Horan, Diane Lent,

Stephen M. McCabe, Deanna Turner

PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION

Mal)' Elizebeth Bartholomew, Sean Cahill, Debra Levine

2006 OBSERVER DELEGATION

Mary Elizebeth Bartholomew, Dorothy Bukantz, Sean Cahill, Elizabeth Delude-Dix,

DelTI10tDelude-Dix, Salvatore Fichera, Marilyn Horan, Diane Lent, Paul Lynch,

M.P., Stephen M. McCabe, Deanna Turner

GRAPHIC DESIGN

Samuel Buggeln

IPEC and the Brehon Law Society gratefully acknowledge the consistent and

generous financial support of the Irish Institute. We also acknowledge the generous

financial support of the Irish American Unity Conference.

www.ipecobservers. 0rg

© 2007 Irish Parades Emergency Committee and Brehon Law Society. New York, NY U.S.A.

report

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