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Analysing Competence:

Gender and Identity at Work

Bronwen Rees* and Elizabeth Garnsey

Competence approaches are among the techniques that claim to measurethe behaviour, skills, knowledge and understanding crucial to effectivemanagerial performance. It is claimed that competence approaches

empower and develop managers while enabling them to meet organiza-tional objectives. Since the bases for the techniques are avowedly scien-tific, they are said to provide organizations with a gender neutral form ofassessment. In this paper we construct a theoretical framework in terms ofwhich these claims can be analysed and assessed. Using this framework,we examine the competence approach as it has been implemented in sixorganizations in relation to the claim to objectivity.

Keywords: competence, gender, identity, women in management, power,

assessment

Introduction

There has been a widespread introduction of competence methods as fea-tures of human resource management in todays organizations.1 Compe-tence methods involve a concerted effort to align individual behaviour withthe aims of the organization. On first appearances, competence methods rep-

resent an objective application of a neutral technique. In this paper we ques-tion this understanding, in particular in relation to women managers. Weshow why the qualities many women bring to work may not gain recogni-tion on the basis of current methods of selection and promotion underpinnedby the competence approaches, which are increasingly becoming the norm.However, used with awareness, the competence assessment process can bea useful basis for debate and inquiry into the development and reward ofmanagement skills.

We attempt to build a theoretical framework that can identify how appar-

ently objective organizational practices may lead to inequalities. Drawing on

Gender, Work and Organization. Vol. 10 No. 5 November 2003

Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2003, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UKand 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA.

Address for correspondence: *Bronwen Rees, 28 Cattells Lane, Waterbeach, Cambridge, CB59NH, 01223 571264, e-mail: [email protected]


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critical theory, Foucaults understanding of power and feminist insights intogender relations, we attempt to explore how managerial practices associatedwith a technical competence approach operate to endorse a particular typeof managerial behaviour. We see why women continue to be less likely to

engage in this kind of behaviour. We begin by exploring the notion of thecompetent manager.

Section 1: The birth of the competent manager

Throughout the 20th century understanding of the manager has been amatter for debate and calls for action, though managerial performancehas been notoriously difficult to evaluate (Child, 1969; Anthony, 1986). The

measurement of management performance has in the past been over-whelmingly assessed in a results-oriented approach. The competenceapproach marks a new development. Its focus lies in endorsing and pro-moting types of managerial behaviour rather than measuring managerialoutcomes. There has been, however, an enormous diversity of interpretationof the meaning of the term, competence, and no agreed definition (Rees,2003).

The term competence was first used in a managerial context in theresearch of the McBer Consultancy in the late 1970s in the USA as part of the

initiative by the American Management Association to identify the charac-teristics which distinguish superior from average managerial performance(Iles, 1993). The work was encapsulated in The Competent Manager (Boyatzis,1982).

Boyatzis defined the term competency as an underlying characteristic ofthe person.2 It could be a motive, trait, skill, aspect of ones self-image orsocial role, or a body of knowledge which he or she uses (Boyatzis, 1982).However, as Woodruffe (1993) pointed out, defining the word in this wayleaves the term open to a multitude of interpretations. To avoid unresolved

debates about motives and traits and so on, the term competence can beused to refer to a set of behaviours, skills, knowledge and understandingwhich are crucial to the effective performance of a position (p. 29).

The term and its related concepts have been adapted in number of ways.It has been extended to cover the training of a select group of managersand to the total change of an entire organization. Despite Boyatzis originalintention to provide a model of competence that could be validated againstorganizational criteria, competences have also been taken up at a nationallevel and provide the framework for example, for developing general man-

agement competences (Townley, 1999). We are concerned here, however, withan analysis of the frameworks that are arrived at within, and are specific to,organizations.

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Despite a burgeoning literature on how to develop competences in or-ganizations (for example, Boam and Sparrow, 1992), the methods of thecompetence approach are fairly uniform. The basic process is as follows:

Stage 1 Select level of analysis (management strata, specialist functions,whole organization)

Stage 2 Conduct behavioural event interviews across selected sampleStage 3 Analyse interviews, cluster characteristics of competencesStage 4 Feedback competences to relevant personnelStage 5 Draw up framework of competences to characterize behaviour

required across the management strata, function or organization

Central to this type of model is the behavioural event or critical incidentinterview. In this type of interview, job holders and significant others who

regularly see a person perform a job, are interviewed to generate accountsof observed behaviour or activity that can be shown to be crucial to the effec-tive or less effective performance of the job in question. The process elicits alist of behavioural characteristics that can then be translated into competenceclusters of critical behaviours underlying the effective performance of thejob. The difference between this and traditional methods of job specificationare twofold: firstly, the interview focuses on the behaviour needed to carryout the specific task and not the task itself and secondly, the behaviour iselicited from the individuals themselves.

Competence frameworks and methods vary considerably from organiza-tion to organization and the extent and depth to which they become part ofhuman resource technologies can also differ. There is an expectation that theywill provide a guide for recruitment, selection and promotion choices. Jobsare to be profiled on the basis of roles (formerly job descriptions) usingcompetence techniques. A job is held to comprise both what is to be done(job description) and how this is to be done (behaviours required in a role).Further, through assessment in relation to required competences, the gaps inpeoples competences can be identified and training and development built

around this need. In theory, it is the business plan that drives job roles andprofiles, so that the whole becomes a tightly knit nexus of performance man-agement. In its fullest expression, a competence-based system of humanresource management (HRM) will be closely integrated into the paymentsystem.

The competence approach itself implies a greater level of self-managementand some competence programmes have workshops built in so that man-agers are trained in profiling other people in relation to jobs and also them-selves in relation to their own jobs. There has also been a growing use of

360 degree feedback, or upward appraisal, whereby feedback is collected allaround an employee, from his or her supervisors, subordinates, peers andcustomers (Fletcher, 1993; Novack, 1993).

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Assessment may be an ongoing process between subordinate and boss, orit may well take place, in addition, at an assessment centre. An assessmentcentre is a procedure that uses multiple assessment techniques to evaluateemployees for a variety of manpower purposes and decisions (Thornton and

Byham, 1982). What is particularly important is the focus on relevant behav-iours displayed in simulations (Seegers, 1987). Such methods of assessmentare underpinned by a growing literature relating to psychological methodsof assessing competence (for example, Arnold and Davey, 1992; Kinder andRobertson, 1994; Lewis, 1993).

Section 2: Finding an integrative theoretical framework

Competence frameworks have gained great ascendancy throughout the1990s (Rees, 2003). This research set out to build a theoretical frameworkfrom which we can examine their impact on the progress of women inmanagement.

Gender issues have largely been ignored in the body of literature that hasgrown up to describe management. Thus, discourses about scientific man-agement, human relations, organization theories, systems and contingencytheory and so on, treat the managerial function as a gender-free construct,

ignoring the fact that historically managers have more generally been pre-dominantly men. There are women working in the field of managementresearch, but with few exceptions (such as Kanter, 1977; Woodward, 1958)the subsidiary role of women researchers is in evidence (Tancred-Sheriff andCampbell, 1992). Where there has been an explicit focus on men as men andwomen as women it is in the largely marginalized women in managementliterature. When the focus on women marks them out as the problem it istheir inability or ability to fit into the norms of organizational life thatbecomes the focus of the problem, not a questioning of the basis on which

these norms are constructed (for example, Donnell and Hall, 1980; Ragins,1989; Schein, 1973, 1975). But this is to ignore issues of masculinity whichsome critical theorists have shown to be central to the analysis of behaviourin organizations (Collinson and Hearn, 1994; Roper, 1993).

Thus the story of management has been largely told in gender-freeaccounts that ignore the realities of organizational life by assuming a uni-versal worker. But critical organizational theorists have highlighted the waythat men in organizations tend to be engaged in the creation and mainte-nance of various identities which include the expression of power and status

in the workplace that relates to gender (such as Collinson et al., 1990;Kerfoots and Knights, 1996; Knights, 1990). They show how masculine iden-tities constantly have to be constructed, negotiated and reconstructed inroutine social interaction, both in the workplace and elsewhere. Studies have




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shown how masculine identities are threatened by social and economic forcessuch as new technology (Cockburn, 1983) and equal opportunity initiatives(Cockburn, 1991). Typically, mens gender identities are constructed, com-pared and evaluated according to a whole variety of criteria indicating

personal success in the workplace. In the process of construction and main-tenance of masculine identities, there is evidence that feminine identitiesbecome a kind of residual.

What is problematic is the fact that, while organizational realities are struc-tured around gender, among other issues, this is not made explicit and theconcept of gender neutrality prevails. Over the past few years a growingbody of critical feminist literature has developed alongside mainstream man-agement studies that explores these realities (for example, Acker, 1998; Calasand Smircich, 1992; Ely, 1995; Hearn and Parkin, 1992; Lamsa and Sintonen,

2001; Martin, 1990; Rubin, 1997). The break between the reality of genderissues and the pretence of gender neutrality is, as Acker (1992) points out,. . . maintained through the impersonal, objectifying practices of organizing,managing, and controlling large organizations (p. 256).

In these circumstances, it seemed possible that competence frameworksmay in practice maintain or even reinforce current imbalances in manage-ment, despite or because of their claims to gender neutrality. To investigatethis question we needed a robust theoretical framework that could capturethe complexity of gender relations, yet move beyond the polarization of an

exclusively feminist perspective. As feminist scholarship has pointed out,when gender patterning leading to inequality . . . is hidden, it is easier todeny, harder to detect, more difficult to study, more difficult to address.(Martin, 1990).

Building a framework for empirical study

There are many theoretical choices for examining gender issues in the femi-

nist literature.3 The problem of difference, however, besets them all. If wetreat gender entirely as a social construction, then it may appear logical toremove gender ascriptions and move towards notions of a level playing fieldas much liberal women in management theory has done. This apparentlyavoids treating women as other and marginalizing them. However, this alsooverlooks the possibility that women may be different as a result either oftheir particular social or biological conditioning. Equally, if we suggest thatwomens experience arises out of an essential difference, then emphasizingsuch a difference may be taken as a reason for denying them equal treatment,

when they already have limited access to political resources. It is often, para-doxically, in the denial or advocacy of gender difference that power relationsmay be operating. Cockburn (1991) makes the point that: Men will say whendifference is relevant.




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Some of the ideas of critical theory may help us with this problem. Criti-cal theory argues that, whenever knowledge is deemed to be purely objec-tive, there are power relations at work, sanctioning certain ideas, methodsand findings as authoritative. It is only by making this process explicit that

it is possible to develop fuller and richer constructions of reality. This canprovide us with: working hypotheses, ways of looking at the world whichwe might find useful in explaining some, but not all of the things we wantto study. (Craib, 1992). Thus, there may be broad gender patterns thatproduce a spectrum of behaviours, but that are also open to change. Withinthe framework of critical theory we can identify that a social identity is knitfrom a plurality of different descriptions arising from a plurality of differentsignifying practices (Fraser, 1991, p. 99). Some practices, for example, moth-ering, are more deeply embedded in the social fabric than others. These

ingrained practices are likely to produce a collective set of ascribed behav-iours that we take for granted and that provide the assumptions underlyinggender as an issue.4 Socio-historical conditions give rise to ingrained dif-ferences between behaviour deemed masculine and feminine, but there isobvious evidence that this is open to change.

Among the forces at work that can be overlooked are the way languageand discourse relate to the production of knowledge and are implicated inrelations of power. Discourse refers to the language used for talking about atopic and for producing a particular kind of knowledge about that topic (Du

Gay, 1996). Far from reflecting an already given social reality, language whichis taken for granted constitutes reality as it appears to us. Thus, for example,what is termed work in one environment (the home) may not be termed workin another; what is determined as a skilled job in one organization may notbe termed so in another (Garnsey and Rees, 1996). Meaning is not constantacross discourses (for example, between feminist or management discourses)and is subject to historical change.

Just as language defines and constructs the subjective outlook, so too dothe discursive practices that constitute institutions. Institutions comprise sets

of practices, everyday routines and procedures in which a pre-given set ofvalues exist, and in which people, as subjects, feel they are making senseof the word and creating meanings. But the individual is subject to a rangeof discourses, some of which conflict. Subjects are apparently free to definethemselves in their everyday life. The social construction of reality is not self-evident and can leave people unaware of ways of representing reality, andthe forms of control this exerts are difficult to detect.

The subjects world appears to be normal and unproblematic, but it has been produced in its current form with differential benefits and costs as

consequences. To see how such processes take place in the world of man-agement, we need to identify potential areas of conflict, even where these donot eventuate. This can be done by highlighting discursive practices whichblock discussion about values and close off avenues for exploring differences.




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As regards competence frameworks, are they objective and value-free? Arethe behaviours captured in competence frameworks open to discussion?Have people discussed them? Do the frameworks take into account differ-ences in the workforce?

In order to frame these questions, we need to reconsider the notion ofpower in organizations. Most conceptions of power in organizations arebased on the Weberian notion that A is exercising power over B when Acan make B act against his or her overt inclinations. But there are multiple,sometimes conflicting discourses in use that affect the way people see pos-sibilities. Gender issues are interwoven in a series of sense-making practices,such as stories, jokes, dress codes and managerial classifications which aretaken for granted and do not surface for recognition and assessment. Rela-tions of power here may not be overt and visible, but diffuse and hard to

recognize.Power relations here do not take the form of the overt economic or social

exploitation. They are constructed in processes of social interaction. Throughhis notion of disciplinary practices Foucault opened up the analysis of pro-cesses whereby power relations are maintained through methods for docu-menting and depicting behaviour in specific spheres of activity. Foucaultsnotion of disciplinary power represents the tensions between potentiallyenabling and constraining features of power relations. This provides us withthe framework for this research. Foucauldian studies have become more

prevalent in organization studies over the past decade (for example, Du Gayet al., 1996; Hollway, 1991; Rees, 2003; Rose, 1990; Townley, 1993a, 1993b, 1994).

Governance, in a Foucauldian sense, is not simply about the ordering ofactivities and processes; it is intimately concerned with the internalization ofdiscipline governance operates through subjects. Discipline is renderedmost effective and least visible through the internalization of norms andthe construction of a subjective outlook in keeping with a desired conduct.Thus, in the workplace, powerful interests may promote the constructionor concept of the competent manager in line with organizational aims.

Employees are encouraged to take responsibility for their own self-fulfilment, which is to be achieved through behaving in particularcompetent ways that also fulfil the aims of the organization.

Disciplinary practices encompass relations between power and knowl-edge with which Foucault was closely concerned: Power and knowledgedirectly imply each other; . . . there is no power relation without the correla-tive constitution of a field of knowledge, nor any knowledge that does notpresuppose and constitute at the same time power relations (1977, p. 27).Power works through the multiplicity of ways in which knowledge is clas-

sified, codified, recorded and inscribed. Foucaults notion of governanceemphasizes regulatory processes and methods of thinking about or perceiv-ing a domain, especially where specific forms of documentation have theauthority to depict this sphere of activity.




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Foucault (1977) identified three primary methods or dividing practiceswhich make it possible to manage people en masse: enclosure (the creation ofa space which includes others); partitioning (when each individual has herown place and each place an individual; and ranking (the hierarchical order-

ing of individuals). Such procedures establish relations of equality and dif-ference. Dividing practices are carried out on the space which individualsoccupy (the work space), on the individuals body (the way he or she isexpected to comport herself) and in terms of a division of the working weekinto hours and quarters (such as allocated schedules).

However, governance also acts on agents as subjects. Within dividingpractices lie further disciplining processes that alternatively objectify andsubjectify the individual. These Foucault called examination and confes-sion. The examination provides a mechanism by which individuals can be

measured, codified and classified within these procedures. This constant vis-ibility keeps individuals arranged like objects. This has two consequences;the constitution of the individual as a knowable, describable object and thepossibility of building up records to arrive at generalizations about popula-tions averages, norms and so on.

Just as examination objectifies individuals, so the process of confessionsubjectifies them: Lhomme, en Occident, est devenue une bete daveu (Foucault,1976, p. 80). Although, superficially, the capacity to know oneself throughconfession promises liberation, Foucault believes this can be an illusion: con-

fession can draw more of the person into the domain of power. The confes-sion is characterized by the power relations implied by the confessionalrelationship, where the interlocutor acts as judge, forgiver, counsellor. Itappears that confession has a special capacity to change the person who con-fesses. It exonerates and purifies her: The value of the confession is increasedby the obstacles and resistance one has to overcome to make it (Fairclough,1992, p. 53).

Theorizing differenceAs we have already shown, although we may understand that, to a certaindegree, gender is socially constructed, we cannot explore how this happensunless we begin with a provisional notion of difference. There are evolu-tionary reasons for gender differences but these are remote and unobserv-able. They are overlaid by current and demonstrable social influences. It isthese social patterns of construction with which we are concerned here. Thesense of gender identity is constructed in each generation through the inter-nalization of norms and assumptions about how people of each gender are

expected to behave. By exploring the relationship between manifest differ-ences and the processes that reinforce or change these differences we seek toachieve a better understanding of the construction of the sense of self in rela-tion to gender.




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For the purposes of our analysis, and drawing on evidence from outsideand inside the workplace, we would divide male and female behavioursalong a nurturing and directive continuum. This is not to say that posi-tions on the continuum are predetermined solely by sex, as evidently,

they are subject to change. Gender is not simply imposed: at all points ofdevelopment, human beings are actively constructing for themselves what itmeans to be male or female, just as they are actively constructing what itmeans to be, for example, a manager or an administrator.5

At the observable level of behaviour, there is a substantial body of empir-ical evidence both from childhood and workplace studies, showing thatnurturing behaviour is more common among girls and directive behaviourmore common among boys (for example, Eakins, 1976; Heatherington et al.,1993; Holmes, 1989; James and Drakich, 1993; Leaper, 1991; Maccoby, 1990;

Tracy and Eisenberg, 1990/91. For a fuller summary, see Rees, 2003).Tannens work on sociolinguistics (1994) cites conversational styles that char-acterize feminine and masculine behaviour. She finds that women and girlsplace emphasis on the equality of relationship, take into account the effect ofan exchange on the other person and tend to ask questions and seek infor-mation. Talk among men, her studies report, is characterized by joking,teasing, banter and playful put-down and men typically expend effortsto avoid a disadvantageous position. Holmes (1989) shows how womenapologize more frequently than men and offer compliments more readily.

Relational factors affect womens presentation of themselves. For example,Nadler and Nadler (1987) demonstrate significant gender-related differencesbetween men and women in negotiating pay.

Numerous studies present empirical evidence for differences between thegenders in how they perceive and present themselves. The psychologist,Gilligan, identifies differences in girls moral approach to the world(Gilligan, 1982, Gilligan et al., 1990). Gilligan demonstrates how women viewautonomy rather than attachment as the illusory and dangerous quest: . . .womens development points towards a different history of human attach-

ment, stressing continuity and change in configuration, rather than replace-ment and separation, elucidating a different response to loss, and changingthe metaphor of growth (1982, p. 48). In her work, based on three studiesencompassing all age groups, she explores conceptions of self and moralityand experiences of conflict and choice. She discovers that:

From the different dynamics of separation and attachment in their genderidentity formation through the divergence of identity and intimacy thatmarks their experience in the adolescent years, male and female voices typ-

ically speak of the importance of different truths, the former of the role ofseparation as it defines and empowers the self, the latter as the ongoingprocess of attachment that creates and sustains the human community.(Gilligan, 1982, p. 156)




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Biological drives apart, such differences appear to be reinforced by pat-terns of parenting. Chodorow (1978), in The Reproduction of Mothering,provides an interpretation that has not yet been theoretically superseded ofhow gender differences arise and are perpetuated. She shows how the social

system of mothering creates and reinforces different patterns of behaviour inboys and girls. Where the dominant role of women is to be mothers, they bring up daughters in their own image. Because women take primaryresponsibility for the welfare of infants and children, boys are cared for by aprimary care-giver of a different gender. As boys develop their sense of iden-tity in their earliest years, this emerges as separate from and other than themother who is their central care-giver. The need to come to terms with thisseparation very early was conceived by Freud as arousing Oedipal anxiety.Girls, in contrast, Chodorow shows, cared for by a same gender care-giver,

separate less early and typically grow up to value closeness to others and toexperience care and dependence as less anxiety-inducing than do boys. Girls,however, are more likely to be anxious in situations where independence iscalled for.

The way in which such differences are perpetuated may be connected withdifferent modes of cognition. Bruner (1986, 1990), building on work such asthat which Gilligan carried out on adolescent girls (1982) identified twomodes of cognition. He termed these paradigmatic (or categorical) and nar-rative. In the paradigmatic mode, cognition is viewed as an information-

processing phenomenon in which concepts are coded and manipulated bycognitive operators. Situations are represented as presenting problems to besolved by rational analysis, through computations, comparisons and sub-stitutions akin to scientific reasoning. This model dominates cognitive psy-chology, as it dominates other social sciences and, indeed, our everydayunderstanding of cognition (Boland and Schultze, 1996).

Despite contributing to the establishment of this mode in his own disci-pline of cognitive psychology, Bruner (1986, 1990) has now suggested thatthe dominance of this conception has suppressed the recognition of another,

more powerful and universal mode of cognition: the narrative mode. Hereevents are selected and populated with actors with their own histories andmotivation. Stories are told by setting the actors and events in a meaningfulsequence. This mode, Bruner argues, is ubiquitous as a means of makingsense of ourselves and the world we live in, but is consistently overlookedin authoritative discourse. A further characteristic of the narrative mode isthat the narrator more often uses her own voice. Narrative is less distantand impersonal than in the paradigmatic mode of cognition (Boland andSchultze, 1996).

This rediscovery of the strengths of the narrative mode emerged as themasculine bias in the analysis of psychological categories such as identityand morality and important concepts such as relationships, intimacy and




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so on began to emerge in evidence from cognitive psychology. Gilligan (1982)illustrated this with the case of an adolescent girl, who, when rated onKohlbergs measurement instrument for moral development, was unwillingto reply in the paradigmatic mode within which it was constructed. Despite

this low rating, she was able to give a sophisticated contextualization of theproblem in narrative form.

There is a spectrum of cognitive preferences. However, there is consider-able evidence to show that girls feel more at ease with the narrative mode,while boys are encouraged to follow sporting scores and other rankingswhich are rudimentary features of the paradigmatic mode. Further, the dis-tancing process that boys go through when separating their identity fromtheir mothers is more likely to lead to the paradigmatic self characterized by separation from others, segmentation and calculation (Boland and

Schultze, 1996). The narrative approach of looking for connections, followingthrough processes and taking into account relationships, bears a greaterresemblance to womens psychological development, as explored byChodorow (1978) and Gilligan (1982, Gilligan et al., 1990). Differencesbetween the sense of identity of men and women, their ways of relating toothers and their cognitive preferences are widespread in many spheres of lifeand manifest themselves also in the world of paid work. Occupational seg-regation indices show women consistently preferring nurturing occupationsand that they are less commonly found in professions where rational and

analytical tasks predominate.We are evidently dealing with a continuum of outlook and behaviour, not

with a clear-cut dichotomy. Undoubtedly, there are considerable differenceswithin gender groups. Some men are more nurturing than some women.There are women who are more distant or directive than men who are at thenurturing end of the continuum. Moreover, the manifestation of differenceis continually open to change. The conditioning that affects the sense ofgender identity undergoes change over time and has changed in manyrespects. Nevertheless, these variations and shifts have not replaced the still

powerful conditioning factors experienced by men and women, the impli-cations of which have been obscured by more prominent concerns inorganizational study.

Section 3: Assessing the theory objectivity and competence

In this section we draw together the theoretical strands by applying them to

empirical evidence derived from fieldwork in organizations.Competence methodologies were observed in six different organizations:

a university that was the instigator of open learning techniques in the early




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1970s; a major multinational company in the oil industry; a multinationalconstruction company; a semi-privatized national utility; a health and socialservices trust and a cosmetics retailer and manufacturer. The research tookplace in two stages. The first stage was conducted in all organizations and

consisted of in-depth exploratory interviews with those responsible forimplementing and driving through the competence initiative. The secondstage consisted of a more detailed case study in the cosmetics retailer. Thisconsisted of in-depth interviews with senior managers, participation in com-petence workshops and interviews with middle managers about their under-standings of the competence framework. This company was selected becauseits ethos and the employee profile differs significantly from the others. Theyemploy significantly higher numbers of women in senior positions than thenational average, and their ethos is underpinned by an explicit set of values

seeking to promote ethical working conditions and trading values. We drawon observations of all six organizations. In the light of our theoretical frame-work, we ask the following questions:

how objectively were the competence frameworks drawn up? to what extent do the frameworks resemble disciplinary practices? is there room for womens voices?

The interviews were open-ended and aimed to elicit the managers percep-

tions of the competence implementation process and their hopes and expec-tations; as well as to ascertain if there were any conscious resistance toimplementation. We analysed the sense they made of the competence frame-works, drawing on our interview and participant material, from our obser-vations about the practices associated with the implementation of theframeworks and from detailed analyses of the particular language in whichcompetences were framed.

In particular, we wanted to ascertain to what extent the claims for objec-tivity were met and how the competence frameworks or categories were

drawn up. Was there was any discussion or room for further discussion orchange in the future? Finally, we examined the competence frameworks andassociated practices in the light of womens voices.

1: Claims for objectivity

In all organizations studied, save the beauty and cosmetics retailer, seniormanagement respondents stressed the objectivity of the competence

approaches. However, the focus in all these organizations lay in the techni-cal issues of identification and application, rather than in questioning thevalidity and strategy of the competence initiative itself. The competenceapproach is said to unearth and discover the qualities underlying the suc-




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cessful incumbency of the management role under changing conditions:it does not construct them, nor does it question the underlying change instrategy or structure. In the interviews competence programmes were largelyviewed as objective: managers rarely seriously questioned the basis of the

competences or disagreed with their intentions. Indeed, these were praisedfor their objective nature. As the Head of Human Resources at the Univer-sity pointed out: It is clearing up their blind spots, and people will do objec-tive assessing.

In the trust in Northern Ireland, the objective nature of the competenceprocess was stressed, together with the tightness of the equal opportunitysystem. As one of the project implementers noted: I would say our systemis so stringent that there really is no discrimination. It was felt that as thecompetences were derived from the incumbents themselves, they would

automatically be neutral. At the trust again: Basically the competence frame-work is the words of the staff . . . a framework that has not been imposedfrom the outside, in fact, it is our own framework.

Further, because the competences were apparently derived in this objec-tive manner, there was an underlying but unstated assumption that theywere gender-free. When asked, all respondents said they considered that thecompetence approach would provide an excellent system to make sure thatequal opportunity issues were fully addressed. The HR Director in the multi-national construction company explained how they gave: higher levels of

accuracy than more traditional methods of assessment.Despite these claims of objectivity, we found that there were several key

parts of the technical process where explicit subjectivity appeared to beoperating. One of the most important areas where this took place was at thepoint at which competences were clustered when interviews with staff hadtaken place. Firstly, there was variation as to whom and how many peoplewere interviewed. Secondly, when the results of the interviews were gath-ered together and clustered into competences, changes were made to thecompetences as they were drawn up. In the trust, for example, which made

the greatest claim to objectivity, and despite an extensive period of criticalincident interviewing (over the period of a year and a half), it was the con-sultant who examined, clustered and drew up the 34 competences at sixlevels. One of us, in fact, witnessed her front room with several plastic bagsfull of written statements which she was in the process of cutting up andclustering. When asked what criteria she was using for the clustering, shesaid it was her knowledge, experience and learning that was making thechoices. Here, it would seem, though the process is presented as totally sci-entific and claimed to be written in the words of the interviewees, at the criti-

cal point of clustering, objectivity is replaced by subjective judgement. In themultinational oil company, where top and poor performers were identified,discussion took place later and changes made in the competences as theframework was developed. In the university where the competences were




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derived by a consultant from eight interviewees, the Dean of Social Sciencenoted that:

From the initial interviews we ended up with however many headingsthere were. Now, I dont remember suggesting any of these headings. Imay have mentioned some, I dont remember . . . For a social scientist itreally drives you mad, because you think this is so unscientific in a basicway . . . to actually draw that conclusion [about some of competences] iscompletely misleading.

Further, there was a lack of clarity in most organizations about what com-petences really are. There was a conceptual confusion about what is abehaviour or a trait or simply an outlook and attitude. If there is lackof clarity about what a competence is, then there will be even less clarity

about how this can be objectively measured.On the surface critical incident interviewing techniques are used to

capture the voices of the employees on their competence. These accountsare then carefully analysed and incorporated into lists of behaviours thatare observable and hence measurable and quantifiable. However, withoutclear and unambiguous understanding of competence, the aim of measur-ing such behaviour scientifically and objectively is open to question. What ishappening here, it seems, is that, despite the superficial attempts at render-ing the competence process objective, the competence framework reflects

constructs and categories that are already defined in the minds of seniormanagers or consultants. Unless there is a great deal of awareness, peopleare confined within the frameworks (including structures and language) ofthe process itself. The language of such discourses tends to reproduce itselfand draw on existing categories, rather than bringing in anything new.

The second major claim to objectivity that frames the competence processis the perceived benefits of the processes of assessment and appraisal used.The emphasis on appraisal that forms part of the competence process wasassumed to lead to greater objectivity in promotion and selection. This,

however, is to ignore the past decade of research into the process of assess-ment which shows that appraisal is not a straightforward tool, as we seebelow (Alimo-Metcalfe, 1994; Rubin, 1997). Those going through the processcan highlight positive aspects of their behaviour and will do so on the basisof what they view as acceptable to their superiors. The organizations hereshowed little awareness that this was potentially a problem. Given that, inthe competence process, responsibility is increasingly devolved to line man-agers to assess their subordinates, this was a surprising omission. Only twoorganizations, the trust and the beauty manufacturer and retailer, ran work-

shops to familiarize managers with appraisal techniques. It seemed that or-ganizations had simply not taken this into account when introducing theircompetence programmes.




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2: Disciplinary practices

Appraisal: examination and confession?

One of the key practices associated with competence is that of appraisal orassessment. However, the type, frequency and depth of the appraisal systemdiffers between organizations, as does the extent to which appraisal systemsrepresent forms of examination or confession. Where there is extensivedocumentation reflecting codifying and classifying processes, there is roomfor disciplinary techniques. Often the information encoded on the appraisalsheets is backed up by psychometric indicators which serve to reinforce thedisciplinary nature of the appraisal. A further manifestation of examinationis the setting up of assessment and development centres. Although assess-

ment is the term more frequently used, the term development may be usedas a euphemistic alternative, emphasizing the benefits accruing to the personassessed. The reification of the term centre also implies a certain fixing andcodification of competences, whereas the centre is, in fact, a process, not aplace.

The appraisal process also incorporates elements of Foucauldian confes-sion. In the appraisal process, both appraiser and appraisee prepare them-selves by filling in a competence profile or questionnaire related to thecompetences. They then meet to discuss the issue, match profiles of the job

and the role-holder and agree a development plan for the individual. In somecases the examination may not just be from above, but may take the form of360 degree appraisal, where the appraisees peers, subordinates and, some-times, customers are asked to make judgements about the appraisee. Afterthe appraisal, individuals are expected to draw up individual developmentplans, providing the foundation for the annual examination. In this waythe examination renders the individual responsible for his or her owndevelopment.

Though in principle, as we showed above, the competence approach is

now fairly standard, the way in which the approach is implemented variesfrom organization to organization and will depend on the culture in whichthe approach is operating. In some of the organizations studied, the purposeof the appraisal was as a focus of discussion. Perceptions about appraisalwere varied. Some viewed it as a type of examination where ones perfor-mance was under scrutiny. Yet others viewed it as an opportunity for openand fruitful discussion with a superior. Perceptions varied depending on theindividuals prior experience of appraisal and on the culture in which theircurrent organization was operating. For example, in the health and social

services trust, managers were introduced in a one-day workshop to theappraisal process and shown the forms that accompanied the appraisal, withguidance on how to use them. However, when asked what happened if the




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two participants in the process failed to come to an agreement on theappraisal, the human resource director said that dismissal would follow:there was no further arbiter. In the cosmetics retailer however, there wereavenues for the discussion to be taken to a higher level.

Whatever the types of frameworks, at the heart of the competenceapproach is the assessment by individuals of their own competences. Indi-viduals are drawn into their own self-development process by filling in theappraisal before the actual appraisal interview takes place. At the interview,the manager and subordinate discuss the appraisal, find the gaps and con-tract to develop the person appraised through the achievement of the newcompetence. Such contracts usually manifest as personal developmentplans which individuals may keep, but which are usually also depositedcentrally with the human resources department.

Thus aspects of individual subjectivity are incorporated into selection pro-cedures and filed away in the human resource department. In this mannerthe individual is a focus of surveillance and discipline. The degree to whichthis reflected a disciplinary practice varied from organization to organiza-tion. At one end of the continuum was the semi-privatized utility, with itslist of competences backed up by psychometric testing and with the entireappraisal system driving recruitment, selection and promotion. At the otherwas the beauty and cosmetics retailer where, though there was extensive doc-umentation, the whole process was accompanied by extensive discussion

throughout the company, with constant challenging of the notion of appraisaland where everyone was constantly encouraged to comment on and ques-tion the competence categories used.

Dividing practices

Once the information from the appraisal process is filed in the humanresource department it can be used as an on-going source for the practicesof promotion, selection and recruitment. Such practices do, to a greater or

lesser extent, resemble the dividing practices that we discussed earlier. Wenoted that Foucaults notions of enclosure, partitioning and ranking have theeffect of positioning individuals in time and space. The individual can bemeasured and codified within or outside the organization. The first form ofenclosure operating through competence methodologies is in the divisionbetween paid and unpaid work. Here, part-time or peripheral workers areoften viewed as failing to meet the commitment that was stressed in fiveout of the six organizations and which was measured through the individ-uals ability to cope with stress and sometimes is written into the com-

petencies. For example, Late in the day, or late in the week, maintainsconstantly high levels of activity; Shows willingness to take on extrawork/projects beyond scope of current job. Further, since the part-time orperipheral worker is not present for the full number of hours, he or she may




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find it difficult to internalize the types of behaviours required. A large bodyof research has shown how the effects of occupational segregation and part-time working have contributed to a picture of inequality in pay that hasremained little changed since the beginning of the century (Rothwell, 1991).

Within the sphere of the workplace itself, the competence approach worksat several levels in partitioning individuals. At a fundamental level, theinitial repertory grid methodology serves to identify with favour those whoare perceived to behave in effective ways. Inevitably, those effective wayswill reflect current ways of working. Splitting up the behaviours into mea-surable parts further renders the individual knowable and measurable, asFoucault conceives, in both in temporal and physical forms. The integratedpattern of behaviour of one individual who is perceived to be effective isdissected, whose fragmented attributes are used as a basis for building up

the components of the ideal person for the job.Some groups of workers are rewarded over others. Thus, for example, in

the Trust, of the 34 competences identified at six different levels, only onerelated to that of professionalism. The occupational profile of the trust isthat of social workers, paramedics and nurses whose authority is derivedfrom their professional standing, as opposed to managerial functions. Cate-gories that prioritize administrative functions can undervalue professionalexpertise. This was equally true in the university, where some of the acade-mics felt that the managerial competences prioritized in the methodology

could threaten their professional academic status. One academic interviewedexpressed his concerns: Competences could . . . reflect an attempt to getrid of the academic manager . . . and rather to make them part of an overar-ching framework . . . with loyalty towards management . . . rather than toprofessional routes.

The competence process has strong elements of ranking. Some of theorganizations had incorporated competences, either formally or informally,into recruitment, selection and promotion processes. All were using them asmethods of training and developing senior managers and expecting at some

time to cascade the competences down the organization. In the competencemethodology, ranking can take place in two ways. Either different compe-tences can be developed for different tiers of the organizations, or they canbe developed at top level and then ranked, according to the different levelsof jobs for which they are required.

The rigour of disciplinary techniques can be detected in the way the com-petences themselves are constructed; in the way in which they are imple-mented and in the way in which they combine with other human resourcemethodologies. Table 1 summarizes the results of our interviews.

Although using the language of empowerment, devolution and anti-bureaucracy, the competence framework can result in an increase in controland an increase in surveillance. Monitoring and assessment are built intoprocedures. In some organizations, the competence approach resembles a




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Table 1: Competence frameworks on a paradigmatic/narrative continuum

Use as trainingUse in and development,

recruitment, organizationalselection, restructuring,Reason for appraisal and performance

Organization implementation pay management

Semi- Privatization, Recruitment, Training andprivatized downsizing, selection, development,national utility flatter appraisal organizational

organization, restructuring,change in performanceculture management

National Break down Recruitment, Training andHealth and traditional selection, development,Social Services demarcations appraisal organizationalTrust between social restructuring,

services and performancehealth services, managementcreate culturechange andmarket-driven

cultureMultinational Need for culture Not formally, but Training andoil company change, recruitment development,

downsizing models aligned performancewith it. Selection managementat lower levels.360 appraisal

Multinational Recession As guidelines Training andconstruction created need developmentcompany for new

management

skillsUniversity Change in higher Hope to use it for Training and

education, need recruitment and developmentfor academics to selection. 360

be managers appraisal

Beauty goods Need to become Recruitment, Training andmanufacturer more selection, development,and retailer systematized appraisal, organizational

with growth possibly pay restructuring.

Performancemanagement


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Characteristics Depth of

of current dividing History of organizational practices and tradesculture, and disciplinary uniondesired change Time scales techniques disputes

Formal, bureaucratic, 4 years Extensive and Extensivestatus conscious, rigorousmove to first name documentation.terms. Need to start 18 carefullybehaving broken downdifferently competences,

combined with

psychometrictesting

Bureaucratic. 3 years, still Extensive and WithDesired fast, fluid on-going rigorous. 34 variousand enterprising competences at 6 professionalculture levels groupings

Fairly fluid, wants to 4 years, More asbe peopled by evolving guidelinesenterprising selves process

Currently formal. No 2 years Guidelines, use Recessionplans for change of development created needthrough competences and assessment for new

centres management

skillsFragmented: 18 months Not yet Noneacademic, (still on- incorporated intoadministration, going) HR strategies.technical. Need to Greater appraisalcreate seniormanagement ethos

Fluid, political and 2 years (still Yes, in terms of Noneopen. No desire to on-going) documentation.change Much greater

room for

discussion anddebate. Moreattention togender

Paradigmatic here

Narrative


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contemporary form of managerial Taylorism. Monitoring and evaluation arenow a normal part of the managers role. They are not only facilitated by thecompetence approach, but are usually elements of the management compe-tences identified. As the chief executive of the trust noted:

Start to talk about peoples behaviours, and up goes the barriers, and theskin gets thicker and the resentment, and there is a lack of ease. This(Behavioural Anchored Rating Scales) provides a tool, where people couldlook at the BARS, and where they felt they fitted into the skills . . . and thenwhen we sat down to talk about it, they had already subjected themselves tothe process. [our italics]

The use here of subjected themselves to by the chief executive officer is closeto the Foucauldian concept of subjectification. Competence approaches

offer organizations the opportunity to tailor behaviour to meet the organi-zations ends. Unless care is taken to build in flexibility, questioning andintelligence, competence approaches can encourage behaviour fitting a par-ticular mould, stifling innovation and creativity.

3: Implications for women managers

Using a Foucauldian framework, we have identified ways in which compe-

tence approaches can be likened to disciplinary practices. They encourageparticular types of behaviour that may come more naturally to members ofsome groups than of others. We found that the claims to objectivity made forthese approaches were often not supported.

Let us now examine those claims in the light of our understanding of dif-ference along a nurturing and directive continuum. We will analyse thesefirstly in the light of the competence categories themselves and secondly inthe light of the associated practices. On the whole, the type of behavioursadvocated are predominantly in directive mode. Thus, for example, in the

semi-privatized utility, the list of competences were as follows:

Strategic perspective/thinking ability/quality of judgement/commercialorientation/external awareness/technical depth/technical excellence/managementcontrol/development of human resources/communications/delivery focus/tenacity/stress tolerance/motivation and drive

These reflect a range of directive behaviours. The prime component ofmanagement is assumed to be one of control and the three personal char-

acteristics stress qualities of independence rather than co-operation and con-nectedness. This finding was repeated in all organizations save one. In thebeauty and cosmetics retailer, there was considerable emphasis on the skillsof listening, sharing and being democratic; all more clearly aligned with




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those behaviours which women are more likely to possess on entering theworkforce.

Not only do the competences reflect and reinforce the directive behav-iours, but they can embed expectations that those with domestic responsi-

bilities are unable to meet. Expectations about the desirability of longworking hours affect how employees with family commitments are valued.6

Disparate emphasis on home and work as an index of commitment reflectsthe practice of enclosure which, by denying the claims of life outside theworkplace, strictly separates paid work from the rest of life. The bulk ofworkers with one foot in each world are women working part-time (Reesand Brewster, 1995). A whole set of assumptions is based around the dividebetween work and home. The discourse of competence can confirm and rein-force the failure to value skills and abilities gained outside paid employment.

But the many skills developed through running a home and bringing up chil-dren do not come into the reckoning in competence analysis of this kind.With few exceptions (for example, externally aware, delivery of customercare and so on), the language of the competence discourse would not beapplied to skills developed in the household. It was only in the beauty andcosmetics retailer that attention was paid to the structural and linguisticassumptions that can be embedded in competence categories. Let us comparesome of the competences from the semi-privatized industry and the retailer.

Semi-privatized industry a selection of positive indicators:

Stress toleranceThrives on pressure and significance of workIn a debate maintains logic and persuasiveness of argument despite heavy oppo-sition from othersEmploys stress reduction techniques (Relaxation, Humour, Exercise, LeisureActivities).

A contra-indicator is:

Reports problems in home relationshipsIn the unusual case of the cosmetics retailer:

Employee motivationOpen door policy will take time to make themselves approachable to others todeal with their requests and queries and anxietiesTakes an interest in employees lives outside e.g. has some knowledge of family lifeand circumstancesHas concern for well-being of individuals, is aware of factors which will affectwell-being stress/ill-health/occupational health issues

In the first organization the competence categories could serve to reinforcemanagers behaviours that reflect the social world experienced by boys andmen. In the second organization, there is an unusual recognition of the




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worklife balance. This is explicit in the competence categories and alsoimplied in the more nurturing elements of the indicators.

However, it is not simply the language of the competences themselvesthat may disadvantage women. The associated discursive practices may also

have this effect. Competence strategies are invariably accompanied by anincrease in ongoing assessment and appraisal which are assumed to beobjective. However, research has clearly indicated that appraisal and assess-ment are not the objective and scientific exercise that is assumed. Many or-ganizational researchers argue that widespread assumptions about genderdifference are embedded in beliefs about personal skills and traits (Alimo-Metcalfe, 1994, 1995; Collinson et al., 1990; Rubin 1997). Even where womenare behaving in ways that match the organizational norm for success, suchbehaviour may be negatively perceived in a woman. Evidence of this kind is:

. . . a warning to those who seek to teach women simply to fit in to exist-ing organizational arrangements . . . Behaviours important for menssuccess are not directly transferable to women because identical behaviouris not perceived or treated in the same way. Success is not defined in sex-neutral terms. (Burton, 1992, p. 195)

For example, in the semi-privatized national utility the constructive lossof temper was included in the competence schedule as appropriate man-agerial behaviour under certain circumstances. But the expression of anger

is often viewed differently in men and women.In ostensibly gender-neutral assessment, the desire to focus on correct

procedure draws attention away from more subtle forms of stereotyping.Because the competence frameworks are deemed to be scientific and tech-nical, even where people recognize the inherent subjectivity of the process,the use of formal techniques may reduce vigilance about inequalities. As themethods are moved down the organization, the flaws in the appraisal processare likely to be magnified when the process is carried out by people who maynot be aware of the ongoing debates about the dangers inherent in the process.

In the type of appraisal associated with competence frameworks,employees are encouraged to confess their failures in order to improvethemselves. We have reviewed evidence that shows that women engage lessin self-promotion and are prone to concede to others rather than risk dam-aging a relationship through conflict. This evidence suggests that women arelikely to confess to perceived weakness than are men, possibly putting pro-motion at risk. Both women and men are indirectly encouraged to highlightthose aspects of their own behaviour which they perceive as compatible withthe organizational norm and to exclude others (Rubin, 1997). These norms

are likely to favour behaviour at the masculine end of the spectrum.Evidence from five of the six organizations suggested that the competence

frameworks and methods of implementation are more likely to disadvantagethe forms of behaviour associated with women than men. The competence




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methodologies, building as they do on the individuals sense of identity, arelikely to create dissonance for women as they struggle to reconcile differentways of being in the workplace and home.

The exceptional caseThe beauty manufacturer and retailer provided an important counterexample. Here the competence approach was introduced in a culture of ques-tioning and open debate. As the general manager for company culture noted:We are seeking to establish the values of integrity, honesty, respect andcare between ourselves but each of these has to be seen each time in context.

In other words, problems are not solved simply by rules and regulations.When a problem is viewed, it is set in context, its story is told, then a solu-tion proposed. Here, there was far greater discussion, openness and desireto change indicators should the competence categories not be helpful. Inaddition to a far greater number of discussions across the company, themessage was that competence categories were not fixed. They were a tooland not a rule. As one facilitator at a competence workshop noted about thedocumentation associated with competence analysis:

Pick them out, and mix them up. Make it work for you, . . . not to put it inboxes and say that is not my criteria . . . to some extent the discussion isthe most important thing, not the documentation and . . . if only we had

these discussions we wouldnt have to go through this tedious exercisewriting.

There was awareness about the way in which language could subjectify asthe Head of Product Development noted:

When you try to formulate something accurately . . . if you read it back aday later it always sounds really formal and rigid, because you have lit-erally tried to corner off what you are trying to say . . . and I find it a realchallenge to communicate something effectively without losing your audi-

ence, because you know you end up with political sounding language . . .the language of politicians.

This awareness was reflected in the employment conditions at this organi-zation. Compared with the national norm, women were significantly betterrepresented in terms of numbers at board, senior and middle managementlevel. The rates of pay for these posts were high, unlike in female-dominatedoccupations such as teaching and nursing, where top levels are less well-rewarded than in other occupations.

At a superficial level, the implementation of a competence approach was

not dissimilar from that in other organizations. However, the environment inwhich the approach was implemented meant that the implications of its usewere very different for women managers. Although the competence approachdid serve to partition and rank, there was a degree of flexibility that did not




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divide staff to the same extent as in other organizations. The extensive dis-cussions, the debate about the purpose of appraisal and the flexibility withwhich the appraisal documentation was treated meant that there was lessscope for examination and confession of the disciplinary type to take place. If

influences from other organizations brought in by new employees shouldcome to predominate, these conditions may, however, change.

Conclusions

This study has responded to Willmotts implied agenda:

The significance of gender relations has been seriously neglected in man-agement and organization studies. Only very recently have feminist voicesbeen heard . . . Rarely do they address broader issues or engage in deepercritiques of management theory and practice (Willmott, 1996 p. 6).

The competence method is celebrated as promoting equal opportunities (seeGarnsey and Rees, 1996). However, there are reasons for thinking that thepositive qualities women bring to the work of management can easily beoverlooked in approaches of this kind. In the evidence that we drew on fromdifferent organizations it was seen that decisions about competence frame-works were largely dominated by technical concerns to refine the means atthe expense of discussing the ends of improved performance. Relating this

to Foucaults work, we saw that the approach can be used both to objectifythrough enclosure, partitioning and ranking, and to subjectify throughappraisal processes used for self-criticism and development. What results isthe effect, not so much of distorted decisions or false consciousness, as ofthe neglect of situational complexities (Deetz, 1992). However, one organi-zation had broken this mould. This case showed how the issue of howwomen are affected by the competence procedure can be used to open debateabout appropriate management behaviour and skills.

There is growing recognition of the qualities of co-operation, empathy,

listening, nurturing, coaching and so on, often explicitly associated withwomen, to enhance the performance of managers, both in the business mediaand the research literature (for example, Ruderman et al., 2002; Sharpe, 2000).But this recognition is not reflected in compensation practice or a promotionpolicy towards women. The figures on the proportion of women in top man-agement show little improvement over the past ten years (EOC Report, 2002;Oakley, 2000). Failure to reward these qualities through competence-basedcompensation schemes, even when these schemes are deemed to be genderneutral, points to the gulf between lip-service and practice based on other

criteria.This study suggests that competence analysis is a methodology that can

be used in a variety of ways, including stimulating debate and questioningthe effective behaviour of individuals and the representation of this behav-




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iour. The competence approach has the potential to be used more creativelyunder these conditions. A more open approach to competence could enhancecreativity and foster ethical values, but also improve productivity by tappinginto a richer understanding of management skills.

Acknowledgements

The financial support of the ESRC (Grant no. R000234869) is gratefullyacknowledged for part of the empirical work in this paper.

Notes

1. We are not focusing here on generic concepts of competence such as those spon-

sored by UK-government lead initiatives for vocational training. Nor are weconcerned with wider issues of strategy associated with developing corecompetences of the corporation (see, for example, Prahalad and Hamel, 1996).

2. Competency is generally US usage. In UK usage, competence is often taken tobe the noun equivalent of competent.

3. These can be categorized into six: liberal feminism; radical feminism; psychoan-alytic feminism; socialist feminism; poststructuralist feminism and ThirdWorld/(post)colonial feminism (Calas and Smirchich, 1996).

4. As Fraser (1991) points out: To have a social identity, to be a woman or a man,

for example, just is to live and to act under a set of descriptions. These descrip-tions, of course, are not simply secreted by peoples bodies, still less are theyexuded by peoples psyches. Rather they are drawn from the fund of interpretivepossibilities available to agents in specific societies. It follows that in order tounderstand anyones feminine or masculine gender identity, it does not suffice tostudy biology or psychology. Instead, one must study the historically specificsocial practices through which cultural-descriptions of gender are produced andcirculated (p. 99).

5. Neither are we necessarily positing the real existence of a psychoanalytic subject.However, we are using the insights from psychoanalysis as a framework for

describing a process by which gender may be constructed, and as a tool for under-standing how some signifying practices may have more longer-term impact thanothers.

6. It is interesting that in the beauty and cosmetics retailer, although one or twomanagers had cited the ability to work long hours as a point of effective perfor-mance, this has been hotly contested, and written out of the companys schemeat a very early stage.

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