reconstructing archangel.pdf

7/26/2019 reconstructing archangel.pdf

1/15

Reconstructing the Archangel: Corelli 'ad Vivum Pinxit'Author(s): Peter WallsSource: Early Music, Vol. 35, No. 4 (Nov., 2007), pp. 525-538Published by: Oxford University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30139518Accessed: 25-04-2016 17:41 UTC

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at

http://about.jstor.org/terms

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted

digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about

JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Oxford University Pressis collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to EarlyMusic

This content downloaded from 140.192.113.143 on Mon, 25 Apr 2016 17:41:51 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms


2/15

Reconstructing the archangel: Corelli 'ad vivum

pinxit '

Peter Walls

JOHN Smith's beautifully executed mezzotint

of Arcangelo Corelli (illus.1) is inscribed, 'H.

Howard ad vivum pinxit' and 'I. Smith Anglus

fecit', phrases that might loosely be translated (and

expanded) as 'painted from life by H[ugh] Howard'

and 'engraved by J[ohn] Smith, Englishman'. The

Howard painting to which this inscription refers

is familiar to Corelli scholars as one of the items in

the Oxford Music Faculty collection (illus.2). It has

been reproduced many times (on the cover and as

the frontispiece of the Corelli Catalogue raisonne, for

example')-and, in the 18th century, achieved wide

circulation in engraved copies by William Sherwin,

Thomas Cole and Gerard Vandergucht that were

incorporated as frontispieces to numerous Corelli

editions (illus.3-5).2 But was this portrait really 'ad

vivum pinxit'?

An outline of Hugh Howard's early life is given in

Horace Walpole's Anecdotes ofPainting in England:

HUGH HOWARD ... was born in Dublin Feb 7, 1675. His father

being driven from Ireland by the troubles that followed the

Revolution, brought the lad to England, who discovering a

disposition to the arts and Belles Lettres, was sent to travel in

1697, and on his way to Italy, passed through Holland in the

train of Thomas earl of Pembroke, one of the plenipotentiar-

ies at the treaty of Ryswick. Mr Howard proceeded as he had

intended and having visited France and Italy, returned home

in October 1700.3

'Home' initially meant Ireland, but before long

Howard returned to London where he became rea-

sonably well known as a portrait painter. In 1714,

however, he married an heiress, secured an appoint-

ment in the civil service, and more or less gave up

painting for good.4

During this sojourn abroad, Howard spent

some time in Rome where he studied with Carlo

Maratti (1625-1713), who has been described as 'the

last major Italian artist of the classical tradition

that had originated with Raphael' and as a painter

whose 'pre-eminence among the artists of his time

marks the triumph of classicism'.5 Maratti's general

demeanour in his 1684 chalk-on-paper self-portrait

(illus.6) is strikingly like that of the Corelli in the

Howard portrait. Both belong to the same genre (the

portrait of an artist, or even just the portrait of an

important person). The sideways glance and flowing

hair are echoed in numerous drawings and paintings

of the late 17th and early 18th centuries.6

Maratti was particularly distinguished as a por-

trait painter, an occupation that gave him ready

access to the great and good. His subjects included

Pope Clement IX and Cardinal Antonio Barberini.

He also painted a number of the British elite passing

through Rome as part of their Grand Tour. Grove

Art Online notes that Maratti's portraits idealize

the subjects and often incorporate references to the

sitter's occupation.7

Maratti is known to have painted Corelli and

that portrait may have been taken to England by

Lord Edgcumbe, a keen amateur musician who had

taken lessons from the great violinist and who may

also have had access to Maratti's circle (given the

painter's involvement with other well-bred English

gentlemen). The painting in question was lent by

the earls of Mount Edgcumbe for exhibition at the

Royal Academy in 1876 and again in 1938 but then

seems to have been destroyed by the bombing of

Mount Edgcumbe in World War II. The Academy's

catalogue for the 1938 exhibition describes the paint-

ing in terms that suggest that it might well have pro-

vided an exemplar for Howard: 'A long half-length,

Early Music, Vol. xxxv, No. 4 @ The Author 2007. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.

doi: 10.1093/em/cam089, available online at www.em.oxfordjournals.org

525



3/15

1 Mezzotint of Arcangelo Corelli by John Smith after Hugh Howard (reproduced by kind permission) (London, National

Portrait Gallery)

526 EARLY MUSIC NOVEMBER 2 7



4/15

2 Hugh Howard, Portrait of Arcangelo Corelli (Oxford Music Faculty Collection, Ecta EKT547) (reproduced by kind per-

mission of the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford)

EARLY MUSIC NOVEMBER 2 7 527



5/15

3 Engraving of Arcangelo Corelli by William Sher-

win after Hugh Howard (reproduced with permission)

(London, British Library)

the body full face, the head turned slightly to the left;

in black dress with white bands. He holds a sheet of

music.'8

But back to the Howard portrait. Sir John

Hawkins gives the following account of its genesis:

During the residence of Corelli at Rome, besides those of his

own country, many persons were ambitious of becoming his

disciples, and learning the practice on the violin from the

greatest master of that instrument the world had then heard

of. Of these it is said the late Lord Edgcumbe was one; and

that the fine mezzotinto print of Corelli by Smith, was scraped

from a picture painted by Mr Hugh Howard at Rome for that

nobleman.9

The portrait in question would have had to have

been completed sometime between 1697 and

Howard's return to Ireland in October 1700.

Let us consider Howard's preparation for this

assignment. As a student of Maratti, he had set about

4 Engraving of Arcangelo Corelli by Thomas Cole after

Hugh Howard (reproduced with permission) (London,

British Library)

copying the works of great painters (the stand-

ard training for a painter at the time, of course).

There are Howard copies of paintings by Van Dyck,

Correggio, Raphael, Guercino, Carracci, Rubens

and many others. o Among Howard's exercises is

a black chalk on blue paper drawing of his teacher,

Carlo Maratti. But this (as Michael Wynne pointed

out in 1969) was executed, not from life, but from

another more elaborate Maratti self-portrait (illus.7

and 8).1 Just when he could quite easily, one would

have thought, have painted his teacher 'ad vivum',

Howard was being made to reproduce a painted

image.

What, then, if Howard's Corelli turned out (pace

Hawkins) not to have been painted 'ad vivum', but

to have been copied instead from the Maratti por-

trait of Corelli? After all, it strains credibility that

the illustrious Arcangelo Corelli would have agreed

to sit for a portrait by an obscure Irish dilettante.

Carlo Maratti, on the other hand, enjoyed fame as a

painter that paralleled Corelli's as a musician. More-

over, the two were close personal friends. Maratti




6/15

5 Engraving of Arcangelo Corelli by Gerard Vander-

gucht after Hugh Howard (reproduced with permission)

(London, British Library)

is said to have given Corelli quite a number of his

paintings. According to Hawkins, Corelli

died possessed of a sum of money equal to about six thousand

pounds sterling. He was a passionate admirer of pictures, and

lived in an uninterrupted friendship with Carlo Cignani and

Carlo Maratti: these two eminent painters were rivals for his

favour, and for a series of years presented him at times with

pictures, as well of other masters as of their own painting. The

consequence hereof was, that Corelli became possessed of a

large and valuable collection of original paintings, all which,

together with the sum above-mentioned, he bequeathed to

his dear friend and patron, Cardinal Ottoboni.12

It is obviously not impossible that Hugh Howard

painted Corelli from life. It is conceivable, I sup-

pose, that such a painting might have resulted

from his having had the opportunity of observing

Corelli outside a formal sitting. But, given what we

know of Howard's painting activities in Rome, my

guess is that his Corelli portrait is already at one

remove from its subject.

Of course, that cannot be proved one way or the

other. But even the possibility does prompt a ques-

tion about John Smith's insistence that the source

of his mezzotint had been painted 'from life'. For

Hawkins, this statement was quite uncomplicated.

He adds, in a footnote to the passage quoted above,

'That Corelli sat for Mr Howard it is certain, for in

the print after it is this inscription: H. Howard ad

vivum pinxit '. The inscription might, however,

originate in anxiety rather than certainty. Perhaps

the phrase 'ad vivum pinxit' should alert us, not to

the origins of the painting, but to some other kind of

claim to authenticity.

'Ad vivum pinxit' does, after all, promise a kind

of quasi-photographic accuracy. It might be read

as a guarantee that the painting is a life-like image,

not an interpretation. But, as Roland Barthes has

reminded us, even photographs are not neutral wit-

nesses. Barthes writes of 'the photographic paradox'

where we find 'the co-existence of two messages, the

one without a code (the photographic analogue), the

other with a code (the art , or the treatment, or

the writing , or the rhetoric, of the photograph)'.13

The real photograph is a special case (since the image

is captured mechanically not humanly); as Barthes

explains, 'there is no drawing, no matter how exact,

whose very exactitude is not turned into a style

(the style of verism )'.'4 In the case of the Corelli

portrait-and, in particular, the version of it seen in

the Smith mezzotint-an assertion of documentary

reliability should not distract us from the purposeful

rhetoric of the image.'5 This rhetoric is, in the final

analysis, more interesting than speculation about

whether or not Corelli was actually prepared to sit

for Hugh Howard.

The purpose or point of the portrait comes

through more clearly in the engravings than in the

Oxford Music Faculty's painting. As mentioned

above, all of the engraved versions of the portrait

extend downwards to the waist and depict Corelli

holding a music manuscript. They thus transform

an apparently uninterpreted head-shot into a state-

ment about the subject's profession (very much in

the manner of Maratti's own portraits).

The precise relationship between the original

oil painting and the various engravings has posed

something of a puzzle, however. Hans Joachim

Marx in two essays on Corelli iconography argued

that the earliest of the frontispieces (inscribed

'H Howard pinx. W Sherwin sculp') derives not

directly from the painting, but from the Smith




7/15

6 Carlo Maratti (1625-1713), self-portrait 1684 (chalk on paper, 37 x 27 cm) (London, British Museum) (@The Trustees of

the British Museum)




8/15

7 Carlo Maratti, self-portrait (Brussels, Musee des Beaux-Arts de Belgique) (reproduced with permission)

mezzotint.16 The Smith mezzotint and the Sherwin

engraving clearly are related. They share a Latin

epigraph, an arabesque on the idea that Corelli was

the new Orpheus of the age. Interestingly, this little

poem also asserts the reliability of the image: 'We

believe now that Orpheus has departed the abode of




9/15

8 Hugh Howard, Portrait of Carlo Maratti, black chalk

on blue paper drawing from Carlo Maratti, self-portrait

(reproduced with permission) (London, Courtauld Insti-

tute G allery)

the Underworld and dwells on Earth in this shape

and form' (see illus.2 and 3).17 The Smith mezzotint

has Corelli looking to his left whereas in the

Sherwin version he looks to his right-exactly as

one would expect of an engraved copy (given that

copying directly on to a copper plate will produce

an inverted image when printed).

Marx credited Smith (who was a distinguished

artist in his own right) with the idea of extending

the Howard portrait downwards to depict Corelli

holding a music manuscript.'8 His thesis, in other

words, was that Sherwin copied from Smith who,

in producing his own mezzotint directly from the

painting, decided to develop the composition to

show Corelli holding an emblem of his art. This

genealogy seems unlikely for the simple reason that

Smith s mezzotint is orientated in the same direc-

tion as the Oxford Music Faculty painting (with

Corelli looking to his left), not-as we would expect

in an engraved copy-a mirror image. Smith would

surely have had to be copying something other than

the Oxford portrait.

It turns out that there could be quite a straightfor-

ward explanation both for the 'wrong' orientation

of the Smith mezzotint and for the way it appears to

elaborate on the original image. There are, in fact,

three paintings of Corelli attributed to Howard, and

two of these depict the composer from the waist up

holding a music manuscript. Besides the Oxford

portrait, there is a similar painting that now belongs

to The Royal Society of Musicians (illus.9) and

another in the possession of the National Gallery

of Ireland (illus.io).19 Of these three paintings, two

(those in the Oxford Music Faculty and the National

Gallery of Ireland) have Corelli looking to his left,

while the Royal Society of Musicians' version has

him looking to his right.

On the face of it, the Royal Society portrait

emerges as the most likely exemplar for the Smith

mezzotint. There are a few complications relating

to provenance, however. The Royal Society's por-

trait was presented by Redmond Simpson, princi-

pal oboist in the Covent Garden orchestra. Simpson

had married the daughter of Matthew Dubourg

in Dublin in 1753. Dubourg, like his teacher,

Francesco Geminiani, had been a collector of

paintings. It seems likely, therefore, that Simp-

son acquired the Corelli portrait from him. If so,

the painting may well have remained in Ireland

(together with its companion, still at the National

Gallery in Dublin, throughout the first half of the

18th century).20 Given that the earliest of the edi-

tions with an engraved frontispiece dates from

around 1705, it is quite hard to construct a scenario

that provides a straightforward explanation. If the

Oxford portrait has, at some point, been cut down,

we still have to explain the wrong orientation of

the Smith engraving. If the Smith is based on a lost

Maratti painting, we then have to explain why he

and William Sherwin (Howard's contemporaries,

after all) could have become confused about whose

work they were copying. And there is no evidence

that Smith had access to Howard s work in Ireland.

Howard did, however, make several trips to Ireland

between 1700 and 1711. It is not unlikely, I suppose,

that he had the Royal Society of Musicians' version

with him in England (where Smith could have cop-

ied it) before taking it across to Ireland.

It must, in any case, have been the painter's idea

to include the symbols of Corelli's profession (to

have him holding a music manuscript) and it seems

highly likely that, in this as in other features, Howard




10/15

9 Hugh Howard, Portrait of Arcangelo Corelli (reproduced by kind permission of The Royal Society of Musicians of Great

Britain)




11/15

10 Hugh Howard, Portrait of Arcangelo Corelli (photograph courtesy of the National Gallery of Ireland)




12/15

was copying or at least influenced by a Maratti origi-

nal. Maratti, after all, was in the habit of including

references to his subjects' occupations in their por-

traits and the Royal Academy's description of the

now-lost Maratti portrait of Corelli mentions that

'he holds a sheet of music'.21

Given the near-impossibility of reaching a defini-

tive conclusion about the relationships between the

lost Maratti portrait, the three Howard paintings

and the various engraved versions, what becomes

most interesting in the end is the story that these

pictures tell about Corelli reception. They implicitly

reject the image of a wild, possessed artist suggested

by Nicola Haym (in his early 18th-century English

translation of Raguenet) in favour of the idea of a

controlled, urbane and learned musician.22 They

contribute to the construction of Corelli as chaste

and faultless' (to quote Charles Avison), an elegant,

educated, composer whose music (according to

Hawkins) 'Men remembered, and would refer to ...

as to a classic author'. And they reinforce the image

of a performer who avoided lavish embellishment

and all other forms of vulgar ostentation.23

With Raguenet's French/Italian binary still in

mind, it is interesting to note the following lines

from John Gay's 'Epistle to the Right Honour-

able William Pulteny' where he satirizes 'a famous

French dancing master':

So strongly with this prejudice possest

He thinks French music and French painting best.

Mention the force of learn'd Corelli's notes

Some scraping fidler of their ball he quotes ... 24

Note, Corelli the learned violinist.

In advancing the idea of Corelli as a learned and

decorous composer, the National Gallery of Ireland

painting is particularly interesting. Its representa-

tion of Corelli adds nothing more to the other ver-

sions that depict him holding a manuscript, but its

decorative border serves to underline the musical

subject matter (illus.11). The bottom panel, in par-

ticular, has two violins facing in towards the cen-

tre, both with silver wound G strings standing out

clearly. (Why, though, is the E string of the violin on

the left a dark colour?) There is an open manuscript

in the centre of the panel.

This manuscript is full of interest. It can be seen

that on the left-hand page of the opening there are

instrumental designations alongside each staff; the

lowest is the easiest to read: 'Organo'. At the top

of the page, the words 'Opera' and 'Sonata' can be

made out, though the writing becomes teasingly

indistinct at the point where we might have expected

it to reveal exactly which sonata of which opus. In

fact, though, the music itself is clear enough to be

identified as the opening of the Sonata in E minor,

op.3 no.7 (ex.1).25 Op.3 had been published in 1689-

a decade before Howard supposedly painted Corelli

from life -so its inclusion here is consistent with a

pre-1700 date for the portrait.

On the right-hand opening, however, is the second

movement (Allegro) of the Sonata in A major, op.5

no.6 (illus.12). The distribution of the music across

two systems here makes it absolutely clear that this

is not intended to be recognized as a facsimile of the

first printed edition or, for that matter, of any other

subsequent edition. Nevertheless, the fact that an op.5

sonata is depicted means that this painting must date

from after 1700. In other words, it could not be the

first of the three Howard paintings (if, in fact, these

derive in any way from the artist's visit to Rome).

11 Hugh Howard, Portrait of Arcangelo Corelli (detail) (photograph courtesy of the National Gallery of Ireland)




13/15

12 Arcangelo Corelli, Sonate a violino e violone 8 cimbalo (Rome, 1700), Sonata in A major, op. 5 no. 6, ii, Allegro (reproduced

with permission) (London British Library)

Given that no functional manuscript would ever

include the first eight bars of a sonata a3 and then

move straight to the second movement of one of the

op.5 sonatas, the question arises as to why these par-

ticular movements have been chosen. The opening

prelude of op.3 no.7 has more contrapuntal interest

Ex. 1 Sonata in E minor, op.3 no.7, first movement, opening

Grave

Violino I

ViolinO 11

Violone 0

ArcileutoI

7 77 7 77

Organo

98 7 77 98 7 77

555 5550




14/15

than any other first movement from the 12 sonatas

that comprise op.3-and it has few rivals in op.1.

It is genuinely a sonata a3. The three upper voices

(the two violins and the violone/archlute part)

engage in strict imitation across the first two sets

of entries. The organo part has a distinct function

as basso continuo. (It does, however, reinforce the

violone/archlute line once that enters with its imita-

tive entries in bars 3 and 7.) Corelli is at pains here

to distinguish between a thematic/melodic voice in

the bass register and a functional basso continuo

that provides the foundation of the harmony. This

is the only first movement in op.3 to differentiate

bass-line functions in this way.26 By comparison,

the other opening movements in both op.1 and op.3

seem much simpler, homophonic preludes. The

choice of the second movement of op.5 no.6 seems

to emphasize a similar view of Corelli (though it

is admittedly less distinctive in the context of op.5

than the opening of Sonata no.7 is in the context of

op.3). Like all the corresponding movements in the

first part of op.5, the one reproduced in the Dublin

painting is fugal.

Clearly, whoever was responsible for the border

on the National Gallery of Ireland painting wanted

to depict Corelli as a learned musician, someone

fluent in counterpoint and interested in complex

musical structures.

As Corelli-related claims go, 'ad vivum pinxit'

probably warrants at least as much scepticism as

Roger's assertion that the 1710 graces were composed

by Corelli 'as he plays them'. Perhaps underlying the

insistence in so many of these engravings that they

are only at one remove from a life portrait is a wish

to gloss over the extent to which they are actually less

concerned with the physical appearance of the com-

poser than they are with constructing an image of a

sophisticated, learned musician.

Peter Walls is the author of Music in the English courtly masque (Oxford, 1996), History, imagination,

and the performance of music (Woodbridge, 200o3), and numerous articles on 17th- and i8th-century

performance practice. He is Emeritus Professor of Music at Victoria University of Wellington, New Zea-

land, and currently Chief Executive of the New Zealand Symphony Orchestra. [email protected]

This article is a companion piece to my

'Constructing the archangel: Corelli in

18th century editions of opus 5', in

arcangelo Corelli-fra mito e realtai

storica: Nuove prospettive d'indagine

musicologica e interdisciplinare nel 3500

anniversario dalla nascita, Proceedings

of the International Corelli Congress

(Fusignano, 10-14 September 2003), ed.

G. Barnett, A. D'Ovidio and S. La Via

(Florence, 2007), pp.233-48.

1 Hans Joachim Marx, Die Uberlieferung

der Werke Arcangelo Corellis: catalogue

raisonne (Cologne, 1980).

2 Gerard Vandergucht (1696-1776)

engraver and print-seller was the eldest

son of Michael Vandergucht (166o-

1725), with whom he studied. Given that

the first edition to use the Vandergucht

engraving was The Score of the Four

Operas, Containing 48 Sonatas Compos'd

by Arcangelo Corelli (London: Walsh,

c.1735) it seems probable that it was

Gerard, rather than Michael, who was

responsible for the engraving. See

'Gerard Vandergucht', Grove Art Online,

Oxford University Press [2006], http://

www.groveart.com.

3 Horace Walpole, Anecdotes of Painting

in England; with some Account of the

Principal Artists; and Incidental Notes on

other Arts; collected by the late Mr. George

Vertue; and now digested and published

from his original MSS. By Mr. Horace

Walpole, 4 vols. (London, 2/1765), iii,

p.156.

4 See Walpole, Anecdotes of Painting in

England, and M. Wynne, 'Hugh

Howard: Irish portrait painter', Apollo,

xcii (1969), PP-314-17; also A. Puetz,

'Hugh Howard', Grove Art Online.

5 M. B. Mena Marques, 'Maratti,

Carlo', Grove Art Online.

6 See, for example, in the National

Portrait Gallery's collection on line

(www.npg.org.uk) NPG 4994 'Henry

Purcell' by John Closterman, black

chalk, probably 1695; NPG 1352 'Henry

Purcell' by or after John Closterman,

oil on canvas, oval, 1695; NPG D5218

'Henry Purcell' by Robert White, after

John Closterman line engraving; NPG

3794 'Sir Godfrey Kneller, Bt' by Sir

Godfrey Kneller, Bt, oil on canvas,

feigned oval, 1685; NPG D1365

'Unknown man, formerly known as

Sir Godfrey Kneller, Bt' by Unknown

artist, oil on canvas, c.1700.

7 Maratti depicts the art historian

Giovanni Pietro Bellori, for example,

seated in front of his own books.

8 Catalogue of the exhibition of 17th-

century art in Europe (London, 1938),

p.123, item 311. Interestingly, the same

exhibition included, as item 303, a self-

portrait of Carlo Maratti, also lent by

the Earl of Mount Edgcumbe, and

described as follows: 'A long half-

length, seated behind a table and

wearing black with white bands. He

looks up, slightly to left, and is drawing

with a crayon on a sheet of blue paper'

(p.123). The Corelli portrait had

already been exhibited at the Royal

Academy in 1876; see Exhibition of

works by the old masters and by deceased

masters of the British school (London,

1876), p.5 (item 19).




15/15

9 Sir John Hawkins, A General History

of the Science and Practice of Music

(1776) 2 vols. (New York, 1963), ii, p.675.

to See Wynne, 'Hugh Howard', p.314.

11 Oil painting now at the Muste

Royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique in

Brussels.

12 Hawkins, A General History, p.676.

13 R. Barthes, 'The photographic

message', in Image, music, text, trans.

S. Heath (New York, 1977), PP-15-31, at

p.19. See also 'Rhetoric of the image',

in Image, music, text, pp.32-51, at p.44.

14 'The photographic message', pp.17-18.

15 'Rhetorique de l'image' is the title

of an essay by Barthes first published

in Communications, iv (1964), pp.

40-51; Eng. trans. as 'Rhetoric of the

image', in Barthes, Image, music, text.

16 The National Portrait Gallery in

London lists locations of the John Smith

mezzotint on its website (see note 6).

17 'Liquisse Infernas, iam Credimus

Orphea Sedes I Et terras habitare,

huius sub imagine formae. I Divinus

patet Ipse Orpheus, dum numine

digna I Arte modos fingit, vel chordas

mulcet utramque I Agnoscit Laudem

meritosque Britannus honores.'

Translation by Peter Gainsford,

Victoria University of Wellington.

For Berardi s use of the new

Orpheus' image, see P. Allsop,

Arcangelo Corelli (Oxford, 1999),

p.40o.

18 See H. J. Marx, 'Probleme der

Corelli-Ikonographie', Nuovo studi

corelliani: Atti del secondo congresso

internazionale, ed. G. Giachin

(Florence, 1978), p.18.

19 On the Royal Society of Musicians'

painting, see B. Matthews, A history of

the Royal Society of Musicians 1738-1988

(London, 1988), pp.56, 58-9. The

society was founded in 1738.

20 The National Portrait Gallery in

London gives the following information

about this painting: 'Half length portrait

by Hugh Howard in the collection of

the National Gallery of Ireland, Dublin

(ace. no.773), probably a copy of the

portrait by Carlo Maratta [sic] formerly

in the collection of the Earl of Mount

Edgcumbe'. See http://www.npg.org.uk/

live/mellonsmith3.asp.

21 See above, note 8. It should be

noted that Wynne ('Hugh Howard',

p.315) writes of the now-destroyed

Mount Edgcumbe painting that 'On

the basis of a photograph Maratti

specialists today are not prepared to

give the work to him; it is a much

more polished work than any of the

other three Corelli portraits'. I have

not been able to trace any photographs

of this painting.

22 On Nicola Haym as the translator

of A Comparison Between the French

and Italian Musick and Opera's

(London, 1709), see L. Lindgren, 'The

great influx of Italians and their

instrumental music into London,

1701-1710', Studi Corelliani VI: Atti del

sesto congresso internazionale, p.476.

23 Charles Avison, An Essay on Musical

Expression (London, 3/1775), p.46;

Hawkins, General History, i, p.677. The

strand of Corelli reception in the 18th

century that represented him as a

violinist who eschewed decoration is

explored further in 'Constructing the

archangel', in Arcangelo Corelli-fra

mito e realtil storica.

24 John Gay, Poems on Several

Occasions (Dublin, 1729), p.192. See also

Thomas Tickell, 'To Mr Addison on

his Rosamond', in The Dramatic Works

of the late Right Honourable Joseph

Addison (Glasgow, 1750), p.cix: 'No

charms are wanting to thy artful Song |

Soft as Corelli, but, as Virgil strong'.

25 Sonate a tre, doi Violini, e Violone, o

Arcileuto col Basso per l'Organo, op.3

(Rome, 1689), Sonata VII.

26 Three opening movements in

op.i assign a distinct thematic

role to the Violone o Arcileuto part,

but they are all departures from the

customary Grave prelude:

Sonata no.4 (whose first movement is

a binary Vivace), Sonata no.7

(which also begins with an Allegro

movement) and Sonata no.9 (which

has a nine-bar opening fanfare with

the Violone o Arcileuto part

punctuating the Organo part's

sustained tonic pedal).

Cambridge

Early Music

Summer Schools

Intensively rewarding tuition second to none

for amateur, student and professional musicians.

Professional concerts, congenial company,

inspiring music-making, in the beautiful historic

setting of Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge.

27 July - 3 August 2008

THE PARLEY OF

INSTRUMENTS

Peter Holman (director, continuo), Mark Caudle (cellos,

bass viols), Judy Tarling (violins, violas), Gail Hennessy

(oboes, woodwind), Philip Thorby (voices)

English Baroque Music

Music for ensemble/solo singers, strings

(Baroque bows, gut strings), woodwind,

plucked and keyboard continuo. In 2008 we

focus on Blow & Purcell. Technique

classes, talks and an emphasis on stylistic

historically-informed performance make

this course invaluable to serious amateurs,

aspiring professionals, and those new to

Baroque performance practice. A=415.

3-10 August 2008

PHILIP THORBY

FRIENDS

Renaissance Music for

Voices and Instruments

Under the guidance of our exceptionally

inspiring tutors, discover the many

dimensions of the superb music of the

C15th and C16th. For solo/ensemble

singers and players of viols, recorders,

lutes, sackbuts and cornetts at A=440.

Tremendously enjoyable and inspiring Really

friendly atmosphere

Definitely the best Baroque orchestra course

A wonderful week that exceeded all expectations

Absolutely great - I'll be backfor sure

Selene Mills * CEMSS * Trinity College

Cambridge CB2 1TQ England

Telephone / fax: +44 (0)1223 847330

[email protected] * www.cemss.org


reconstructing archangel.pdf

Documents