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May - June 2010 Volume 20 Number 5/6

Providing analysis on the situation in Burma and a platform for thegrassroots people to share their voices

w w w . b u r m a i s s u e s . o r g

Burma Issues is a publication of the Peace Way Foundation and is distributed on a free subscriptionbasis to individuals and groups concerned with the state of affairs in Burma.

Editor: Naw Chamu235/26 Asoke Dindaeng Road,Makkasan, Rajtaevee (Rachathewi) Bangkok 10400, Thailand

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YOU KNOW THIS: QUESTIONS

FOR MEN OF THE

TATMADAW

EDUCATION AND

EMPOWERMENT IN EASTERN

BURMA

THE ASEAN

NON-INTERFERENCE POLICY:SHOULD THEY INTERFERE

WITH IT

LEARNING TO INTEGRATE:ERODING DIVISIONS AND

BUILDING A FUTURE FOR

BURMA

NEWS BRIEFS

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"The generals inNaypyidaw have sold our

country to the Chinese. TheChinese are taking all of our

natural resources"

Men of the Tatmadaw, I come before you tospeak of matters of honor and respect.Throughout the history of Myanmar, our

warriors have shown their courage in battle andkindness toward the people. They respected theirenemies and in turn, received their respect. But sadly,this has now changed. Over the past fifty years, theTatmadaw has brought dishonor to the warriorheritage of our country and lost the confidence of itspeople.You have been asked to uphold the Three MainNational Causes - non-disintegration of Union, non-disintegration of national solidarity, and perpetuationof sovereignty. But instead you have contributed tothe disintegration of national solidarity - the spirit thatbinds together our entire national races regardless oftheir different regions. By the Tatmadaw’s harshtreatment of our brother national race groups, youare causing the disintegration of national solidarityamong all of our people. Without strong nationalsolidarity, our Union will surely also disintegrate.Seeing this, your leaders force you to place evenharsher treatment on the backs of our people – acycle of suffering for all. Then the people must seekprotection from the national race armed groups fromthis brutality. If you treat the people kindly as yourfamily, there would be no need for those national racearmed groups. They fight you and kill your comradesto protect their people as you would if your peoplewere attacked. In this way, they carry on thehonorable traditions of our country’s warriors andhave the respect of their people. You know this.But of course, there are those armed groups whoengage in criminal activities – drugs, gambling, andprostitution - and say that they protect their people.They are known to you. They are allowed by thegenerals to control territories for their criminalactivities. Many times, you are asked to fight themand die because your military commanders have notreceived their bribes. These criminal armed groupshave contributed to our loss of national sovereignty

by their control over territories within our Union. Thisis permitted by the senior generals in Naypyidaw andsenior military commanders for their benefit, and thebenefit of their families and business friends. They getrich while you get little. So you are forced to stealfrom the people to survive, which is not right. Youknow of this.The generals in Naypyidaw have sold our country tothe Chinese. The Chinese are taking all of our naturalresources – teak, gems, oil, and gas – with the moneygoing into the pockets of those in Naypyidaw andsenior military commanders. Look at our Mandalay,Lashio, and other towns and villages in our northeast.Are they not now mostly Chinese? Our country isbecoming a colony of China. This is because ourcountry has been sold to the Chinese neo-colonialistsby the Tatmadaw generals. They are causing the lossof our national sovereignty to the Chinese. You knowthis.

So can you truthfully say that our Tatmadaw isupholding the Three Main National Causes bycontributing to the disintegration of the Union, thedisintegration of national solidarity, and the loss ofnational sovereignty? You know the answer to thisquestion.You have been told that you must serve the interestsof the people living in the region where you areassigned in accord with the codes of conduct for

By Moegyo

You Know This:Questions for Men of the Tatmadaw

You Know This:Questions for Men of the Tatmadaw

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dealing with people. You must regard them as yourown parents. But is that what you have done? Areyou loyal to the people? Do you protect their life,property and wealth? Do you have courteousrelations with people, behaving like “water andmoon”? Do you keep foremost in your mind theinterests of people? Do you give priority to peopleby not taking more opportunity for yourself? Doyou help the people to feel happy and satisfied inwhatever is done for them or whatever is being askedto be done? Do you respect the religion, belief,culture and traditions of all our people? Is it clearand evident to people that the sentiments of theTatmadaw towards the people are noble? It has beensaid that those who belong to the patriotic Tatmadawshould firmly safeguard these noble principles as onewould to keep the pistol firmly to one’s waist. Canyou really say that you uphold these codes of conductfor dealing with the people? You know the answerto these questions.

Every day, you make the act of taking the FourOaths:

1 We will be loyal to the people and thestate.

2 We will be loyal to the fallen comrades.3 We will conscientiously obey the orders

and responsibilities given by oursuperiors.

4 We vow to sacrifice our lives for ourcountry, our people, and our Tatmadaw.

Good warriors are those who keep these four oathsat risk to their lives. You must say the truth in takingthe Four Oaths and follow the Four Oaths withoutfail. You must never breach the promise you havesworn toward the country and the people. Are yourgenerals loyal to all the people, regardless of nationalrace or religion? Your officers? Your comrades?You? You know the answers to these questions.

Also being Tatmadaw members, you are touphold the 12 fine traditions of Tatmadaw, evenat the risk to your own lives:

1 Patriotic Tatmadaw2 Disciplined Tatmadaw3 Loyal Tatmadaw4 United Tatmadaw,5 Efficient Tatmadaw6 Tatmadaw which is willing to make

heroic sacrifices7 Tatmadaw which does not seek personal

gain and willing to give priority tonational interests over

individual interests8 Tatmadaw of noble spirit and high

morale9 Tatmadaw which possesses true quality

of overcoming obstacles10 Tatmadaw which can endure hardship11 Tenacious and persevering Tatmadaw12 Tatmadaw which always upholds Our

Three Main National CausesBut you know that Tatmadaw is not loyal to peoplewhen they treat them harshly, kill and rape them,and steal from them. How can Tatmadawmen thenbe considered as good men, noble men, and heroesto the people? How can the Tatmadaw be a worthyheir to the great warrior traditions established bynoble Kings Anawarahta, Bayint Naung and AlaungPhaya U Aung Zeya? Or of Mahabandoola andGalon Saya San,? You know the answers to thesequestions.They tell you that the ordinary people are lazy andonly want to make money. Also they say thatTatmadaw men are killed and injured because ournational race brothers and sisters provide the armedgroups with money, food, recruits, and intelligence.You know this is not so.Tatmadaw generals in Naypyidaw are taking all thebenefits of the good life while you and your fellowTatmadawmen are sacrificing your lives on thefrontlines. You and your comrades lack food,uniforms, boots, and decent places to sleep whilethe generals in Naypyidaw and at the regionalcommands are making millions of dollars throughcorruption, dealing with traffickers of drugs and ourdaughters, and the selling of our country’s naturalresources. Your families are living very poorly whilethe families of the generals live in luxury. While theylive in luxury, the generals tell you that there is nomoney because of Western sanctions, BogyokeAung San’s daughter, and the lazy Myanma civilians.You know that the problems of our country arecaused by the generals who do not know how tolead our country. They are corrupt and powerhungry. Because of them, you and our people aresuffering. You know this.The generals in Naypyidaw force you to beparasites on the backs of the people. You steal their


At the heart of our work here at BurmaIssues is the belief that to drive thenation along an achievable and

ultimately successful path towards a just andpeaceful future, grassroots knowledge,understanding and participation in thedemocratic process are vital. For this to berealised, communities both inside andoutside of Burma need the information andcapacity to participate in the movement toeffectively rebuild this perpetually troublednation.Events should prove to be particularlypertinent in the immediate future as theelections of 2010, the first in two decades,loom.

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Education and Empowerment in EasternBurma

Unfortunately, the internationally recognisedstandards that form the backbone of thedemocratic process: freedom of speech andexpression, freedom of assembly and a freemedia that provides the informationnecessary to make a choice, are woefullylacking for the Burmese people.As part of an effort to redress the balance,Burma Issues has recently undertaken aproject to educate people within EasternBurma with the aim of informing “localpeople of their basic human right to a freeand fair election”.Both Burma Issues Mae Sot – whoconcentrated on Karen regions – and Burma

food and money because your commanders do nothave enough food to feed you. You do not have propertrucks and can not pay for porters, so you forcevillagers to be porters. You are afraid of the landmines,so you force villagers to walk in front of you.Tatmadaw men beat and kill our monks because thegenerals say that they are not monks or that they arefalse monks. Is this the way to be true friends andguardians of the people and respect our monks? Youknow the answer to this.Without the support of our Tatmadaw, these corruptand dishonorable generals will fall from power. Untilthen, they will continue to destroy the honor and spiritof our Tatmadaw. You must not let this happen!! Iwould like to stress that you must uphold in highesteem the honorable warrior traditions of our countryand national races, and the codes of conduct fordealing with the people. You must protect all thepeople, including the national races, as you wouldprotect your own parents. You must protect thepeople, at the risk of your life and honor as a warrior,from those in the Tatmadaw who wish them harm.If you agree, then this is what you must do to regainthe honor of the Tatmadaw and the respect of thepeople:

Do not obey orders to: Beat the people Torture the people

Kill the people Rape the women Steal from the people Burn the villages of the people Put landmines around the villages, fields, and

pathways of the people Force the people to work without pay and food Use the people to detect landmines

Do:• Protect the people from your comrades who

seek to harm them• Pay the people fairly for food and work with

them in the fields• Respect them when you meet them as you

would your own parents• Talk quietly with your comrades about these

things I have talked about above• Seek new leaders who will protect the people,

are not corrupt, and care for our country andthe honor of the Tatmadaw

When the right time comes, go with those newleaders to rid our Tatmadaw of those generals inNaypyidaw who have brought dishonor to ourTatmadaw and suffering to you and our people.Make this your strong desire and cause!


Issues Mae Hong Son – who targeted theKarenni state - worked on the project inconjunction with other groups, specificallythe Karen Youth Organisation in the KarenState, with whom we have a strongrelationship, to access the widest possibleaudience. Our goal beingthe distribution andscreenings of a twentyminute fi lm about thedemocratic process, followedby an open discussion aboutthe regime’s failings. Thetarget was achieved earlierthis year.The events, the culminationof a three-month planningand implementation process,took place in villages ofthree Karen districts;Nyaunglebin, Mutraw andDoo Pla Ya, and six Karennitownships; Loikaw, Dee MawHso, Loi Non Pha, Moe Bye,Mae Set and the Kayanregion. In these areas some450 video CD’s produced inboth the Burmese and Karenlanguages were distributed,and there was a total audience participationof thousands. Importantly, the number ofyoung people who saw the film amountedto hundreds, exposing the next generationto the issues that are keeping them in thedreadful situation in which they continueto exist.In order to achieve the maximum possibleeffect of the screenings, the video was usedas a tool for discussion and debate aboutthe constant violation of the people’s humanrights by the Junta. Further, to help put theissue into the perspective of the people atthe grassroots, the 2008 constitution wasutilized to highlight how their situation hasbeen ignored.Undertaken at great risk, the campaign insideBurma entitled “Free and Fair Elections for2010” had the aim of directly empoweringpeople by giving them access to knowledgeand information regarding the democraticprocess. This empowerment is furthered bythe provision of the video CD’s. This givespeople access to a mobilization tool that,independent from outside influence, can beused within the communities to provoke

discussion and debate and facilitate theorganic development of a democraticmindset.Indeed, this organic development is vital if anation strives to achieve democratic justice.

The imposition of the democratic processby anonymous outside forces has historicallybeen, and currently is, short of success.Given the 3 to 4 million Vietnamese andnearly 60,000 US soldiers who lost their livesin an unsuccessful sixteen year offensivedesigned to bring democracy, and the currentshambles that is the attempt to installdemocracy in Iraq, our past and presentinform us that it is the grassroots that affectschange. Moreover, is the very notion ofinstalling democracy not necessarily anundemocratic action? Is enforcing ‘Western’ways onto others polit ical arrogance?Meaningful change comes from within: thegrassroots.The key elements a successful grassrootscampaign has to address are varied, butessentially it is about getting people involvedand allowing them to make decisions,guiding people to see the root of the issueand moving them to action, building themovement from the bottom up andconducting political education. It is on thisfoundation that the “Free and Fair Electionsfor 2010” campaign was built.

EDUCATION CONTINUES AT A MAKESHIFT SCHOOL IN THE

EASTERN BURMA JUNGLE


During the campaign, people who saw thefilm highlighted its necessity. In a reportfrom one staff member who was working inthe Mutraw district in the Karen state, it wasnoted that people who were spoken to inthe target area were unaware what theelection was, what it was for, how ithappened and how it related to them. Withthis being the reality, the execution of a freeand fair election with an informed electorateis simply not going to be the case. Peoplewho were informed about the imminentevents were those in possession of transistorradios that could access the daily BBCbroadcasts: information from within wascertainly not forthcoming. In terms of thealleged “fifth step of the seven-step roadmap to democracy” proposed by the StatePeace and Development Council (SPDC),this seems to be nothing more thanpropaganda. Information is central todemocracy.The problems facing the team during thecampaign were not just those of personalsecurity. The logistics of screening a filmto thousands of people across dozens ofremote regions, often in very basicconditions creates obvious barriers tosuccess, not least sparse access to electricityand lack of availability of televisions to screenthe film. These problems were overcome

ONE LAPTOP, DOZENS OF ONLOOKERS: THE CHALLENGE OF EDUCATION IN BURMA

with the use of a laptop computer takeninside with the team, and needless to say,showing a film to an entire vil lage ofonlookers using a small laptop screen is anachievement in its own right. As for power,the computer was charged when there waspower, and discharged where none existed.Nevertheless, and with an inevitability thatis Burmese daily life, issues of security cameto the fore during the operation. As iscommon procedure when partaking in suchan operation, our cameraman called aheadon his walkie-talkie to ask the head in thenext location, Ler Doh Township inNyaunglebin district, if it was safe to visit.Regretfully, the answer was in the negativeas the villagers were on the run, and hadbeen so for around four weeks. The SPDChad arranged for the mobilization of fourLight Infantry Battalions ostensibly to clearthe area of inhabitants and build militarycamps to ensure those people stayed away:this being done because of a proposed damconstruction nearby that will cause the areato be uninhabitable. An estimated 443households of almost 3,500 people had beendisplaced by the army’s activity. Houses havebeen burnt, food destroyed and animals slain.Two men are known to have died, and dueto the current living situation; on the runand hiding in the jungle, malaria and


Before, during and after the latestAssociation of Southeast AsianNations (ASEAN) summit, held on 9th

and 10th April 2010 in Hanoi, Vietnam, yardsof column inches in the international andASEAN press have been dedicated to theASEAN policy of non-interference in theinternal affairs of fellow member states. Thisbeing currently a hot-topic with regards toBurma in the context of this yearsforthcoming election.The press are suggesting that rather thanASAEN nations maintain this policy, theyshould become outspoken both collectivelyand as individual nations against the currentsituation in Burma. In spite of this, lipsremain largely sealed from ASEAN leaders,shying away from publically denouncing theBurmese Junta.This policy of non-interference is howeverat the very heart of the operation of ASEAN.In fact it is spelled out quite clearly on the

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second page of the ASEAN Charter of 2007,coming higher up the list of agreements thansuch things as “human rights” and“fundamental freedoms”.ASEAN nations may have failed to openlyvoice negative remarks against the Junta,not only because of the Charter to whichthey agreed to comply, but also because oftheir own questionable records in functionaldemocracy. Take the ASEAN examples:Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, the triplets ofIndochina. All of these are an awfully longway from democratic rule, so the likelihoodof either of the nations speaking outregarding the Burmese elections is simplyunrealistic. The situation in Brunei is muchthe same whereby an absolute monarch, theSultan of Brunei, is both head of state andhead of government; no attempt is made atdemocracy.What about the civilised and successful city-state of Singapore? Since the first prime

malnutrition may well effect countless moreof the men, women and children who haveto flee their homes.Under these conditions, our cameramandecided that showing the fi lm wasimpossible, and the best course of actionfor him to take would be to capture theimages as they unfolded. During the filming,scores of human rights abuses have beendocumented.What was also documented was the endlessresolve of the Burmese people, especiallythose involved with education. Schoolswere hastily constructed in the jungle, andwith barely any equipment of note, classescontinued. Even examinations were not puton hold. In inhumane conditions, the spiritof those who have been almost constantvictims during their lives is a lesson to usall. The notion that without educationthere will be no future leads people to puttheir own future at risk, not just the teachersand students in the jungle, but also our teamwho literally put their lives on the line toeducate the people of remote Burma.

There begs the question, what level of successdoes this achieve and how much good doesrisking ones own life do? The answer in thelong-term will remain to be seen, and onlythose who are eventually free to read thisarticle in a fair and just Burma will truly bethe judges.However, Burma will inevitable be a freecountry sometime in the future, what we atBurma Issues believe is that our educationand empowerment programs are but a smallcog in the giant wheel that will drive thatprocess, and without the small cogs giantwheels remain motionless. In that respect,risking oneself to improve the lot of futuregenerations, to move those very same wheelsand maybe increase their speed, is a worthy,valuable and admirable undertaking. Historyagain teaches many lessons, one being thatwithout some sacrifice, effort and educationin whatever form that may take, the statusquo remains, if we, and the otherorganizations out there keep turning ourvarious cogs, days of the status quo mustsurely be numbered.


minister was elected in 1959, the People’sAction Party has shown no sign of loosingpolitical control: a one-party (police?) statefor over half a century. There is no functionaldemocratic system of gaining power inSingapore.Malaysia, like Singapore, has been dominatedby a single party since its independence in1957. Although the United Malays NationalOrganisation (UMNO) is now part of acoalition government, the Malay primeminister has always been from UMNO. Theslogan of “race, religion, nation’ coined byUMNO has led to ongoing pro-Malay (i.e.anti-everyone else)policies of legaliseddiscrimination againstthose who do not fit thenative Malay model.This clearly begsquestions of humanrights and goes little wayin qualifying the nationto criticise theirneighbours.Thailand has allegedlybeen a democracy since1932, but it still fails toget it right. Dr. Thaksinwon elections with hugemajorities in 2001 and2005, the only primeminister to be re-electedin Thai history and thefirst with an absolutemajority since 1957.The military did not likeis so a coup was staged. Who is leadingThailand now? Many would argue that it isregime supported by the military, certainly ifit isn’t and the military become unhappy, itsoon would be, and with the currentpandemonium on the streets of Bangkok, thismay come sooner rather than later.The Philippines has been an advertisementof how democracy can be used and abusedsince the United States grantedindependence in 1946. Run by successivegenerations of ‘oligarchs and cronies’thereafter, with a small selection of surnamesrunning the course. The current election seesboth the wife of former leader FerdinandMarcos - the man who declared martial lawand ran the country as a despotic tyrant -

running alongside a boxer who seems to finddifficulties being tested for drugs. Violenceand corruption will inevitably play a part inthe elections; they always do in thePhilippines. Again this is hardly a foundationfrom which criticism is realistically eligible.Possibly the only partially healthy democracyin Southeast Asia is Indonesia, and this isagainst all odds. Ruled for 32 years byPresident Suharto before his fall in 1998,the nation’s leader demonstrated a strict,centralised, authoritarian, military rule, andduring the conflict over East Timor’ssovereignty was responsible for an estimated100,000 deaths. Nevertheless, what this did

seem to breed in Indonesia was an anti-statebased, ‘son-of-the-soil’, and decentra-lisationprocess that, to date, is showing the bestdemocratic development in the region.It would seem rather odd for any of theseparticular countries - perhaps with theIndonesian exception that could rather beused as a model - to take the moral highground with regards to Burma, whendemocratically they have previously, or stilldo, stand on ground that is at the moral sealevel.Is it not foolish for the media to expectnations with such questionable histories tospeak out against a neighbour with whomthey have signed a charter declaring that thisis exactly what they will not do?

THE SITUATION IN BURMA REMAINS HIGH ON THE AGENDA AT MEETINGS BETWEEN

FELLOW ASEAN POLITICIANS


Furthermore, would interference with othernation’s internal politics be able to runconcurrently with economic cooperation?Economic disengagement in the form ofsanctions has been seen to achieve very littlein improving the plight of theBurmese people, so taking theopposite route – the currentASEAN policy – could notachieve much less.Yet others are call ing onASEAN to do the same.Indeed, a petition delivered toleaders attending the latestASEAN summit, signed by105 members of parliament within themember states advocated that: “ASEANshould immediately enact strict and targetedeconomic sanctions against Myanmar’smilitary government”.Since the military government controls justabout everything that goes in and out ofthe nation, sanctions would have to be onjust about everything, a policy doomed forfailure.‘Constructive engagement’, the economicand trade policy adopted by ASEAN nationswith Burma seem to be an unlikely bedfellowwith outright and open political criticism.Would the Junta tolerate condemnation andstill deal economically with the rest ofASEAN? I suggest they would most likelyclose shop with ASEAN and deal with theChina instead. If this were to be thesituation, the generals could quite easilymaintain their ostentatious lifestyles, and thechance of any ‘trickle down’ of wealth wouldbe reduced.Moreover, by ASEAN maintaining thecombination of a non-interference policycombined with constructive engagement, itkeeps Burma at the ASEAN table. Here, awayfrom the public ear, discussion are said to beongoing regarding the situation in Burma.An ASEAN press statement in April of thisyear described the process as “extensivediscussions among themselves” with regardsto human rights in the region. In fact TheBangkok Post in April went even further tosuggest that: “every ASEAN summit for thelast decade has been dominated by theBurma issue. Although discussions areusually on the sidelines and in confidentialsessions, this year’s meeting in Hanoi wasno different”. Although little appears to alter,

this has to be more constructive thanostracizing Burma completely from relationswith the Association, leaving China toplunder resources without so much as a byyour leave regarding human rights.

If the non-interference policy was to crumblethe situation in Burma could only deteriorate.They would move away from ASEANcooperation and effectively introducesanctions upon themselves. The economywould suffer, but the generals would not.To breed more insularity into an alreadyinsular nation would only increase thetightness of the Junta’s seal that alreadycircumnavigates the border.What then would be the plight of the borderdwelling refugees? Would Thailand feel anyresponsibility for helping those from a nationwith which it has neither economic norpolitical ties? One could answer thisquestion humanitarianly, but if the answerwere one based on pragmatism, a differentconclusion would be reached.The heavy hand of sanctions, damnation anddisapproval are nothing new to the Burmeserulers, and the collective achievement of suchtactics have, for almost half a century,achieved the square root of nothing. Thatis, nothing negative for the rulers, andnothing positive for the ruled.Whilst clearly it would be wrong to cosy upto such a regime, other approaches havefailed, and failed dismally to alter the dailylives of the vast majority of the Burmesepopulation.The solution? Increased trade with decreasedinterference, the two policies that thescholars and the learned scorn, but perhapsthe only way that the internationalcommunity could affect a change. Thegenerals are already resplendent with wealth,so an increase in the countries economicinflows can do little harm with regards totheir further enrichment, but potentiallymake huge inroads into the rest of the nation.

The heaThe heaThe heaThe heaThe heavy hand ovy hand ovy hand ovy hand ovy hand of sanctionsf sanctionsf sanctionsf sanctionsf sanctions, damnation and, damnation and, damnation and, damnation and, damnation anddisapprdisapprdisapprdisapprdisapprooooovvvvval aral aral aral aral are nothing nee nothing nee nothing nee nothing nee nothing new tw tw tw tw to the Burmeseo the Burmeseo the Burmeseo the Burmeseo the Burmeserulerrulerrulerrulerrulersssss, and the collectiv, and the collectiv, and the collectiv, and the collectiv, and the collective achiee achiee achiee achiee achievvvvvement oement oement oement oement of suchf suchf suchf suchf suchtttttactics haactics haactics haactics haactics havvvvveeeee, f, f, f, f, for almost half a centuryor almost half a centuryor almost half a centuryor almost half a centuryor almost half a century, achie, achie, achie, achie, achievvvvvededededednothingnothingnothingnothingnothing


Constructive increased trade will not happenif interference in internal politics does.Lessons learned since the formulation ofASEAN show that the road to peace anddemocracy is a very rocky one in the region.Some nations have stumbled along it, someare still stumbling and others have not evenattempted their first stumble. Nevertheless,nine of the ten nations seem to be gettingsomewhere, somehow. Not necessarily interm of democracy, but in terms ofdevelopment and justice for those at thebottom rung of the ladder.That said, if there is a map to navigate thepitfalls and potholes along the road tobuilding a peaceful and just nation againstall odds, the ASEAN region seems to have it.Dictators, civil war, communism, terrorism,nepotism, corruption, ethnic division, and awhole host of other challenges confront theregion, or at least have done in the past

generation, and by hook or by crook theproblems have been surmounted.Burma remains the last great challenge, andchange so far has been limited. Nevertheless,time is infinite and change will happen. TheASEAN nations have so far met with thesternest of challenges that can be thrownat them, and they seem to have developed ahandy knack of putting them to one sideand progressing.Outside interference with their non-interference would therefore seem to be anunnecessary exercise of futile condescension.Heavy-handed methods have already beentried; perhaps a different approach mayactually achieve something.

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In Burma, two of the principal issues thatstand in the way of the development of aunited front against the Junta are internal

ethnic divisions and poor standards ofeducation. Both of which are in desperateneed of addressing if a cohesive, just andpeaceful nation is to be built.Colleges and universities are essential if acountry is to progress, but in Burma theyhave suffered from years of underinvestmentand closure, with the ruling State Peace andDevelopment Council fearing they may be abreeding ground of political dissent.Along with this is the long history of conflictbetween the 135 different ethnic groups that

co-exit in Burma. The Junta knows this, andhas exploited these differences to keep thepeople divided.If educational standards are to be raised butethnic tensions remain, cohesion is unlikelyand if ethnic divisions are eroded buteducation remains weak, Burmese solidaritywill continue to be as elusive as ever.The very people trying to help arguablyexacerbate the problem of division. Scoresof NGOs are run with ethnic, gendered orreligious ideologies that do little to unitethe nation with a common goal.Nevertheless, there are organisations that,like Burma Issues, have a secular, non-

The greatest threats to global security today come not from theeconomic deficiencies of the poorest nations but from religious, racial(or tribal) and political dissensions raging in those regions whereprinciples and practices which could reconcile the diverse instinctsand aspirations of mankind have been ignored, repressed or distorted.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

Democracy cannot succeed unless those who express their choice areprepared to choose wisely. The real safeguard of democracy, therefore,is education.

Franklin D. Roosevelt


gendered, non-ethnically biased mandate totackle some of the problems that persist.One of these organisations is the ExamPreparation Outreach Program (EPOP) whotake on the two challenges of education andintegration and meet them head on.EPOP is a study programme that aims toimprove the academic English of its studentsin order for them pass university entranceexams and gain scholarships for studyabroad. After graduation, the students returnhome with their education, and can thencontribute to development in a way theypreviously could not.In order to access the program, students mustalready have a strong command of thelanguage and have proven experience workingto develop and make their communities betterplaces to live.Early one Saturday morning in May of thisyear I attended an English language classfor Burmese migrant students in Tak province,Thailand ran by EPOP and their larger thanlife teacher, Buddy.Although only a small class, numbering justeight people, the inclusivity was evident onarrival and heightened after introductions.The class consisted of students all in theirearly twenties and all from very differentbackgrounds. The gender division was aperfect mix, half male and half female, andthe ethnic diversity was a testament toEPOP’s all-encompassing ethics. We had fourKaren from the Karen state, which, as it isthe closest Burmese state to Tak province isto be expected. However we also had in ourclass a Karen from Mon state, a Mon fromMon state, an Arakan student and a secondgeneration Shan lady whose Nepalesegrandparents had fled one conflict only fortheir offspring to be greeted by another.There was also a religious mixture ofBuddhism and Christianity.Diversity aside, the students were an exampleof what the future of a free Burma could belike.Attending classes on weekend mornings andin the evening during the week, seven of theeight students were currently working forlittle or no wages at local community basedorganisations, the eighth had previouslyworked for a number of such organisationsand no doubt will be doing so again in thenot too distant future.These are people who are not only trying to

further their own education and prospects;they are also giving their time and energyin a benevolent effort to affect the livesof others in a positive fashion.As the English spoken was already of ahigh standard, teacher Buddy had no causeto concentrate his efforts on grammar andthe like, but instead conducted class as itwould be in the Philippine or Hong Konguniversities that will hopefully be thestudents destination should they gain theirscholarships.Splitting the class along gender lines, thequestion, “In free Burma should 30% ofthe seats in parliament be reserved forwomen?” was debated, and interestinglyand provocatively the female students wereto be against the motion, and the malesin favour.Lively debate ensued, with not only theEnglish language under strict scrutiny, butalso the student’s critical thinking by ourenthusiastic chair. The students were ableto challenge each other freely and openly,a luxury that does not exist in Burma, buthopefully a skill the students will carrywith them through their studies and ontheir return home.The encouragement and teaching ofcritical thinking will prove to be an essentialaspect of Burmese development. Peopleneed to be critical in order to analyse, andanalysis is the key tool in surveying yoursurroundings, identifying the problems andformulating a solution. This is somethingthe internally divided Burmese have beenunable to do as a nation for five decades.The class concluded in a more light-hearteddirection with a game of Scrabble. Fourteams of two battled it out against eachother and a tight time limit, teaching notonly vocabulary, but also teamwork andquick thinking. It seemed to by enjoyedby all, and found favour in the competitivenature of our Burmese students.Saturday morning class was not only alesson for the eight students, it was also alesson about how an organisation canaddress two of Burma’s most pressingissues simultaneously. Bringing Burma’snew generation together, regardless ofethnicity, gender or religion in a missionto enter overseas universities has to givehope for not only their future, but thefuture of their nation.


••••• The National League for Democracy (NLD) disbanded at midnight, May 6th following a decision not to registerfor this year’s elections. Win Tin, the 79 years old Veteran leader and 19-year political prisoner said that even“if people vote for us we cannot win”.

••••• More than 25 former senior members of the NLD have broken rank and formed a new opposition party, theNational Democratic Force (NDF) who now plan to register and then contest the election.

••••• There is a serious rift developing between opposition parties following Win Tin’s accusation of the NDFshamelessly exploiting the NLD’s name. This comes after a number of the NDF leaders continue to refer tothemselves as “former NLD members”.

••••• The problem of a guaranteed 25 per cent of parliamentary seats being reserved for the military has beenworsened by a number of senior Junta figures resigning from their posts to contest the election as civilians.This will almost certainly secure more seats for a number of the militaries allies.

••••• As part of the increased high-level political engagement, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell, themost senior U.S. diplomat in the region, met with Aung San Suu Kyi to discuss the election. He also met withleaders of the Junta. This is no sign however that economic engagement is likely to alter any time in the nearfuture.

••••• Temperatures of up to 47°°°°°C have caused the death rates to soar in Rangoon, Mandalay and Magway Divisions.Charity funeral services in Rangoon have reported that funeral numbers last month showed a sixty per centincrease from previous months this year.

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