protectors of indigenous adolescents’ post-disaster adaptation in taiwan
TRANSCRIPT
ORIGINAL PAPER
Protectors of Indigenous Adolescents’ Post-disaster Adaptationin Taiwan
Hui-Ching Wu
� Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013
Abstract The study examined the protectors of post-
disaster adaption in indigenous adolescent survivors of a
devastating typhoon in Taiwan. In total, 152 adolescent
participants were recruited from two mountainous districts
that were the most severely destroyed by Typhoon Morakot
(August 7, 2009). A self-reported questionnaire with five
major sections including: (1) sociodemographic informa-
tion and previous traumatic experience; (2) the adolescent-
family inventory of life events and changes; (3) the Family
APGAR Index; (4) the Family Satisfaction Scale; and (5)
the WHO Quality of Life Scale was administered to the
adolescents. Multiple regression was performed to analyze
the collected data. Gender, religion, and perceptions of
overall life changes, family functioning, and satisfaction
with family were found to significantly affected post-
disaster life adaptation in indigenous adolescents. The
findings suggest that clinicians should be more sensitive to
gender differences, strengthen adolescents’ beliefs and
family systems, and minimize transitional post-disaster
experience in order to assist indigenous survivors with
coping with disasters.
Keywords Transition � Family � Indigenous adolescence �Adaptation � Nature disaster
Introduction
On August 7, 2009, Typhoon Morakot brought record
rainfall to Taiwan. Most areas recorded rainfall as much as
2,777 mm (109.3 in.), as reported by the Department of
Statistics, Ministry of Interior (2009). The extreme
amounts of rain caused severe flooding throughout South-
ern and Eastern Taiwan and triggered enormous landslides
in mountainous areas, leading to the deadliest typhoon-
related disaster in Taiwan in 50 years. In total, 85 students
were reported dead or missing, and 13 schools and more
than 40 villages were destroyed.
The worst hit regions were inhabited by Taiwan’s
indigenous tribes, with the Bunun tribe particularly affec-
ted. Villages were either washed away or buried by mud
due to the landslides. Many survivors not only lost family
members but also found themselves homeless and needing
to relocate. Parents were separated from their children by
government agencies that attempted to help the adults
rebuild their lives and enable the children to continue their
education. As a result, the survivors were not only grieving
but were also coping with unfamiliar environments whilst
separated from their loved ones.
Previous studies have shown that the degree of disaster
exposure due to property destruction, death, and serious
injuries can predict the prevalence of posttraumatic stress
disorder (PTSD) and that depression symptoms can hamper
an individual’s adaption to life afterwards (Galea et al.
2002; Norris et al. 2004). However, little is known about
the protective variables for post-disaster adaptation in
indigenous adolescent populations in Taiwan, who largely
live in small and remote communities with limited
resources. Often, a natural disaster would result in near
total destruction of their home environments, requiring
them to relocate from remote tribal areas to urban areas.
Although several studies have investigated the mental
statuses and suicide ideations of adolescents several
months after their survival from natural disasters, they have
not investigated the influence of adolescents’ perceptions
H.-C. Wu (&)
Department of Social Work, National Taiwan University,
No. 1, Sec. 4, Roosevelt Road, Taipei, Taiwan
e-mail: [email protected]
123
Clin Soc Work J
DOI 10.1007/s10615-013-0448-z
on their life changes or losses and the perceptions of their
families’ abilities to adapt to post-disaster circumstances.
Populations such as ethnic minorities or aborigines who
have been displaced or relocated to unfamiliar environ-
ments have also been neglected in these studies. These
displaced individuals not only have to adapt to life in a
different culture but also need to handle ongoing tasks,
such as rebuilding family schedules and maintaining con-
nections with their own tribes. This study thus attempted to
examine the influence of factors such as gender, religion,
perception of life change and family function, satisfaction
with family, and previous traumatic experience on indig-
enous adolescent survivors’ post-disaster adaptations to
their new living environments.
Factors Affecting Adolescents’ Adjustment to Natural
Disasters
Disaster research has found a high prevalence of psychi-
atric disturbance among youths exposed to disasters
months after occurrence (Lee et al. 2004; McDermott et al.
2005). However, it has also been found that adolescents
tend to adjust to the upheaval in their lives and form new
friendships in places where they have been relocated
(Smith and Carlson 1997; Walsh 2007).
The way in which young people adapt depends on
several factors, such as age, gender, disaster type, location,
frequency, predictability, suddenness, warning time,
severity, intensity, types of destruction experienced, sights
and sounds during the event, injury, damage, death of loved
ones, aftermath and preparation, prevention methods, and
different assessment methods (Smith and Carlson 1997;
Gavranidou and Rosner 2003; FEMA 2005; Norris 2005;
Thienkrua et al. 2006). Other factors include the kind of
exposure they had experienced prior to the event; the extent
of loss of psychosocial support systems and community
resources (Fullerton and Ursano 2005; Stevens and Slone
2005; Vigil and Geary 2009); as well as the disruption to
their families, the loss of their friends and classmates,
anxiety about relocation, and their perceptions of life
changes (Evans and Oehler-Stinnett 2006). However, this
adaptation process can be complicated by re-traumatiza-
tion. For instance, episodic displays of trauma-induced
symptoms in one family member can trigger secondary
traumatization or psychiatric impairment in other family
members, especially in children and adolescents (Kilic
et al. 2003; Fothergill and Peek 2006; Caruana 2010).
Meanwhile, how they respond depends on their individual
developmental stage, their peers’ responses, their family’s
functioning, and their satisfaction with their families.
Indeed, McFarlane (1987) has reported that separation
from parents in the immediate aftermath and disturbed
family functioning are more critical determinants of
adolescents’ responses to natural disaster than the direct
exposure experienced by them.
Moreover, Repetti et al. (2002) have suggested that ado-
lescent adjustment is best understood within the social con-
text of multiple factors, specifically within a family-related
system, which have been linked to a wide range of outcomes.
Proctor et al. (2007) have suggested that a negative family
environment might increase children’s vulnerability to
serious stressors such as natural disasters, while a positive
family environment might buffer or facilitate adjustment to
adverse life events (Garmezy et al. 1984). Both Osofsky
(2002) and SAMHSA (2005) have also reported that parents
play an important role in helping their children understand
and cope psychologically with a disaster. These studies,
however, did not examine indigenous populations or overall
adaptation. Therefore, this study attempted to determine the
role of the family in predicting indigenous adolescents’ post-
disaster adaptation.
Relocation and Adaptation in Early Adolescents
Relocation, a major issue in the aftermath of a large-scale
disaster, may increase psychological morbidity and reduce
the possibility of the social support that the victims might
have previously received from neighbors, religious groups,
family members, and recreation, because many would have
been destroyed, displaced, or in a state of disarray (Ful-
lerton and Ursano 2005; Uscher-Pines 2009). In major
disasters, many family members and friends are often
affected, disrupting familiar support systems (Evans and
Oehler-Stinnett 2006). Moreover, survivors of community-
wide disasters are likely to encounter considerable ongoing
stressors, such as homelessness, the threat of an epidemic,
supply worries, discontinued education, bureaucratic iner-
tia, and the inconveniences of living in temporary accom-
modations away from familiar social networks, which can
amplify the original trauma (Caruana 2010). Recovery and
adaptation is particularly difficult for displaced early
adolescents.
Relocation has also been associated with higher levels of
ecological stress, crowding, isolation, and social disruption
(Lazarus et al. 2002), because recreational activities in
evacuation centers are often limited to watching television,
listening to the radio, visiting friends, and daily routines. In
addition, survivors of disasters often need to relocate sev-
eral times until they, or the authorities, find a more per-
manent place to rebuild their lives. This frequent disruption
would certainly increase the social, environmental, and
psychological stress experienced by the survivors, increase
their vulnerability, and have negative social and economic
ramifications (Riad and Norris 1996; Badri et al. 2006).
Early adolescents, a particularly vulnerable group, have
to deal with the stress and anxiety of living in shelters and
Clin Soc Work J
123
the uncertainty of whether they will have a place to live in
when the shelters close. The insecurity associated with
relocation can have an adverse impact on a resettled pop-
ulation that has already lost shelter, land, cultural assets,
sanitation, social support networks, and education oppor-
tunities and that fears further loss (Badri et al. 2006). The
stress experienced by early adolescents could intensify to
the point of secondary traumatization due to a lack of
living and education facilities and of health and family
care. Wickrama and Kaspar (2007) found that prolonged
displacement increases the risk of mental health problems
and erodes hope for the future. Walsh (2007) suggested that
people, especially children, have an acute need to know
that they can rely on others for support, comfort, and
safety. Therefore, the loss of family function associated
with prolonged displacement can increase the risk for
psychiatric morbidity in the young adolescent group. In
particular, girls were found to have more negative out-
comes and use more social support in the face of stress than
boys (Smith and Carlson 1997; Gavranidou and Rosner
2003).
Post-disaster Family Function
Parents play an essential role in their children’s adaptation
in the face of stress and trauma (Salmon and Bryant 2002;
Kilmer and Gil-Rivas 2010). Research in Western societies
has suggested that authoritative parenting associated with
positive parent–child relationships fosters confidence,
which may reduce trauma-induced emotional difficulties
(Conger et al. 2002). As connection with others is of fun-
damental importance to children and adolescents, facili-
tating reconnections with their parents and parental figures
is a primary goal in disaster-related intervention (Hagan
2005). However, there have been few studies on the role of
family functioning in children’s reactions to disasters (Yule
et al. 1999; Kilic et al. 2003).
Walsh (2007) found that family functioning could be
disrupted, especially with complex, ongoing, or recurrent
trauma, as experienced by those living in war, conflict, or
recurring flood areas. Cohan and Cole (2002) found that
even intimate partner violence, child abuse, and sexual
violence are more prevalent after disasters. Thus, family
involvement might be critical to successfully treat dis-
tressed youths, because parenting strengths such as effec-
tive monitoring can protect teens from negative influences
(Rowe and Liddle 2008). Joshi and Lewin (2004) also
noted that parents’ functioning may be an important
determinant of stress reactions in youths following disas-
ters. Furthermore, Peng et al. (2006) have found that for
aboriginal adolescents, family communication is related to
satisfaction with quality of life.
Anecdotal studies have found that family/parent–child
relationships in remote mountainous villages are often
closer, stronger, more supportive, and warmer, and there is
generally closer monitoring of the children, which contin-
ues through adolescence (Yeh 2011). The indigenous
population tends to be more optimistic and positive than
the Han Chinese population in Taiwan. They also tend to
value collectivism even more than their Han Chinese
counterparts do. In a disaster context, the indigenous peo-
ple would therefore be more reliant on their own rela-
tionship-based or kinship-based social networks than on
relief agencies (Bhugra and van Ommeren 2006).
Thus, although the relocation of parents and adolescents
affected by Typhoon Morakot to two separate locations
might have been practical, it might have had adverse
effects on families, because the importance of family and
social support might have been overlooked by authorities
either unaware or insensitive to the culture of these people.
Cross-cultural researchers often emphasize the importance
of considering both universal and culture-specific aspects
of life or quality of life when evaluating survivor adapta-
tion. Hence, although these people were provided food and
shelter, it is unknown to what extent the disruption of
family functioning has affected their children’s adaptation
to the circumstances forced upon them by the disaster and
the authorities attempting to resolve their problems.
Indeed, it has been established that children’s social and
cultural contexts and reciprocal interactions with caregiv-
ers and other important social network members within
their environments influence their cognitive, emotional,
and behavioral responses to daily events (Lewis 2000).
On the basis of the existing literature (Smith and Carlson
1997; Gavranidou and Rosner 2003) and anecdotal find-
ings, this study hypothesized that teenage girls would be
more vulnerable than teenage boys and that those who
possessed religious beliefs, perceived less life changes,
were not severely injured, had stronger family function,
and felt more satisfied with their family would be better
adapted to the post-disaster environment. That is, individ-
ual factors such as gender, religion, perceived life change,
and previous traumatic experience as well as family factors
such as family function and satisfaction with family would
predict adaptation in displaced indigenous adolescents who
were separated from their parents. This study was con-
ducted by analyzing the data collected from a self-reported
questionnaire administered to 152 relocated indigenous
junior high school students from two mountainous villages
9 months after Typhoon Morakot, when they had already
returned to their respective villages or had moved perma-
nently to other areas. The scales embedded within the
questionnaire allowed us to determine the associations
between life changes, transition, and perceptions of family
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function and satisfaction with family on adolescent
adaptation.
Methods
Participants
Data for this study were collected from surveys completed
by junior high school students who had resided in villages
of varying sizes in two severely affected districts: Taoyuan
District and Namasia District. The surveys were adminis-
trated to 152 adolescents who referred by the indigenous
social workers. Many schools and houses had either been
ruined or designated as unsafe in these districts after the
disaster. School-aged children had to be airlifted to school
dormitories and their parents, airlifted to bases immedi-
ately after the disaster. The children continued their formal
education in groups and, if the circumstances permitted,
with their former teachers. Most of the students were able
to visit their parents during the weekends. These students
were recruited about 9 months after the disaster through a
name list provided by three junior high schools that the
students were attending before the disaster, and they par-
ticipated with their parents’ or guardians’ consent. They
had already been reunited with their families and had either
returned to their villages or had moved to permanent
locations by the time the study was conducted. As the
interviews were performed either in small groups or indi-
vidually, it took approximately 6 months to recruit and
interview the participants. All potential participants were
informed about the study orally and in writing by the
researcher. Each parent or guardian then provided written
informed consent, and each adolescent provided written
assent as well.
Measures
The questionnaire comprised 101 items divided into 5 sec-
tions: (1) socio-demographics including gender, religion,
and previous traumatic experience, (2) items from the ado-
lescent-family inventory of life events and changes
(A-LIFE), (3) the Family APGAR Index, (4) the Family Sat-
isfaction Scale (FSS), and (5) the short version of the WHO
Quality of Life Scale (WHOQOL–BREF). The Chinese
versions of the WHOQOL, APGAR, and FSS have been
previously administered to Taiwanese of Han Chinese origin
and has been confirmed to be valid and reliable. A-LIFE was
translated from English to Mandarin Chinese by a researcher
and subsequently reviewed by school counselors of indige-
nous descent to ensure cultural sensitivity. A bilingual
scholar then back translated the Chinese versions into Eng-
lish. The WHOQOL–BREF questionnaire served as the
measurement for the dependent variable ‘‘adaptation,’’ and
socio-demographic factors (i.e., gender and religion, previ-
ous traumatic experience), the A-LIFE, the family APGAR
Index, and the FSS served as measurements for the inde-
pendent variables (hypothesized protectors).
WHOQOL–BREF, the Proxy for Adaptation
The WHOQOL–BREF, which has been used previously to
measure adaptation (Bishop 2005), was used in a similar
manner in this study. It comprises 28 items that cover four
broad domains: (1) physical health, (2) psychological
health, (3) social relationships, and (4) environment (Har-
per and Power 1998), with greater satisfaction in the var-
ious domains representing better adaption. Internal
consistency (Cronbach’s a coefficients) for the Chinese
version ranged from .70 to .77 for the four domains and .91
for the entire questionnaire (Yao et al. 2002).
Adolescent-Family Inventory of Life Events and Changes
(A-LIFE)
Sense of loss was measured by the A-LIFE scale. The
A-LIFE is a 50-item instrument designed to measure an
adolescent’s perceptions of life events and changes expe-
rienced by his or her family within the past year. The
A-LIFE scale covers six domains of changes: (1) transition,
(2) sexuality, (3) loss, (4) responsibility and pressure, (5)
substance use, and (6) legal conflict. Each item is a state-
ment regarding whether the participant had issues with the
items under each sub-domain at least once within the year
leading up to the questionnaire. ‘‘Yes’’ was assigned a
value of 1 and ‘‘no,’’ a value of 0. Analysis of reliability for
this scale has been reported to yield high internal consis-
tency coefficients of .82 for total recent changes and .84 for
total past life changes (McCubbin and Thompson 1991).
Similarly, the Cronbach’s as of the Chinese version used in
our study were .84 for total recent changes and .67 for total
past life changes respectively.
Family APGAR Index
The Family APGAR consists of five items evaluating the
participants’ perceptions of family function, with one item
for each of the following categories: adaptation, partner-
ship, growth, affection, and resolve (Smilkstein 1978; Chau
et al. 1991). Each item was answered on a 3-point fre-
quency scale ranging from 1 (almost never) to 3 (usually).
The higher the total score was, the better the participant’s
perception was of family function. The Cronbach’s a of the
Chinese version of the Family APGAR was reported to be
.72 when used with Taiwanese adolescents (Ko et al.
2009).
Clin Soc Work J
123
Family Satisfaction Scales
The 10-item form of the 14-item FSS developed by Olson
and Wilson (1989) was used. This scale assesses the sat-
isfaction of family members with family closeness, cohe-
sion, flexibility, and communication. All of the items are
rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (dissatisfied) to 5
(extremely satisfied). Administration to a sample of 2,465
family members found the 10-item scale to have high
internal consistency, a = .92 (Olson et al. 2006); the
Cronbach’s a for our Chinese version was .89.
Data Collection
This study used a non-probability, purposive sampling
technique to select a convenience sample from a surviving
population of indigenous adolescents. The questionnaire
was administered with the assistance of indigenous social
workers. The participants were informed that their answers
were confidential, that their participation was voluntary,
and that their personal data could only be accessed by the
researcher who would report it in an aggregate manner.
Each participant provided informed written assent and
parental/guardian consent.
All research participants were referred to the study
directly by the indigenous social workers in two branches
of a local social service organization, known as Taiwanese
World Vision. This study was approved by the participat-
ing schools and the collaborating sites.
Data Analysis
Quantitative data were coded and analyzed. Descriptive
data are presented as means and standard deviations.
Multiple regression analyses were conducted to test the
hypotheses of the study. An obtained p value of .05 or less
was considered statistically significant. All statistical
operations were performed using SPSS 16.0.
Results
In total, 152 indigenous adolescents (69 boys, 83 girls)
ranging in age from 11 to 15 years (mean age = 13 years)
participated in this study. Most of them live (96.1 %) with
two or more family members (M = 4.84). Of the partici-
pants, 90.10 % held Christian beliefs (i.e., Protestant or
Catholic) and 10.5 % (16 participants) had had previous
traumatic experiences (i.e., another natural disaster or
family violence) before Typhoon Morakot. After the
disaster, 94.7 % were relocated to school-based dormito-
ries for one semester (Table 1).
Six protective variables were investigated. Multiple
regression analysis revealed possible protectors for overall
adaptation in early adolescents (Table 2). Adaptation was
found to be significantly influenced by gender (b = -.74,
b = -.17, SE = .30, p B .05), religion (b = -1.22, b =
-.21, SE = .42, p B .01), perception of overall life changes
(b = -4.00, b = -.21, SE = 1.31, p B .01), family
Table 1 Demographic data for the indigenous adolescents
N %
n 152 100.0
Gender
Male 69 45.4
Female 83 54.6
Age (years)
11 18 11.8
12 36 23.7
13 43 28.3
14 48 31.6
15 7 4.6
Religion
None 2 1.3
Eastern 12 7.9
Western 137 90.1
Others 1 .7
Number of family members
One 6 3.9
Two and above 146 96.1
Having previous traumatic experience
Yes 16 10.5
No 136 89.5
Being relocated
Yes 144 94.7
No 8 5.3
Table 2 Predictors of indigenous adolescents’ post-disaster adapta-
tion in Taiwan
Adaptation/quality life
Variable
Constant 15.397***
Gender -.171*
Religion -.205**
All change -.212**
Family function .318***
Satisfactory with family .195*
Previous traumatic experience .043
R2 .319
F 11.141***
DR2 .290
N = 152; * p B .05; ** p B .01; *** p B .001
Clin Soc Work J
123
functioning (b = 1.43, b = .32, SE = .35, p B .001), and
satisfaction with family (b = .33, b = .20, SE = .13,
p B .05). The previous traumatic experience was not found
to significantly influence the adaptation of indigenous ado-
lescents. This might be because few of the participants had
suffered previous traumatic experience. Five variables
(gender, religion, perception of post-disaster life changes,
satisfaction with family, and family functioning) had a
combined significant impact on post-disaster adaptation
(F = 11.141, p B .001). The female adolescents had more
difficulty adapting to the disaster than the males did, that
those who held Christian beliefs (i.e., Protestant or Catholic)
tended to adapt better than the others, and that participants
who perceived less life changes and who were more satisfied
with their families and family functioning adapted better to
the post-disaster quality of life. Positive family function
accounted for the greatest variance in adaptation in HRQoL
(b = .32 vs. b = -.17, b = -.21, b = -.21, and b = .20).
This model explained 32 % of the variance (R2 = .32,
p B .001), as seen in Table 1.
Discussion
The study found post-disaster life adaptation of indigenous
adolescents to be significantly influenced by gender, reli-
gion, perceptions of overall life change, family functioning,
and satisfaction with their families. Except for previous
traumatic experience, five variables significantly predicted
adaptation in indigenous adolescents (Table 2).
Relocation and loss due to disasters require people to
face great changes in how they navigate within their
environments. If unsuccessful, they may face misunder-
standing and discrimination and be considered as malad-
justed by people in the new environment. The participants
in this study were forced to relocate to either a plain or an
urban area. In these unfamiliar places, there was a high
probability that their own social networks were disrupted,
as they were separated into groups and relocated to various
military bases. In this study, the participants’ ability to
adapt was significantly influenced by changes in overall
life, especially with transitions such as their parents having
new jobs or their having to attend new schools. They might
also have had to handle additional responsibilities if
another family member became ill, injured, or was no
longer able to perform certain tasks. This would have
influenced their perspectives of family functioning and
subjective satisfaction with their families.
However, family function and community connected-
ness are foundations for coping with a catastrophic event
(Walsh 2007; Kayser et al. 2008). If functions and con-
nections are troubled or estranged, distress is intensified
(Walsh 2007). This appears to be especially true for the
adaptation of young people to post-disaster life. Tui-
comepee and Romano (2008) found an association between
poor family functioning and behavioral problems among
Thai adolescents exposed to the 2004 tsunami, which is
consistent with the results of this study.
While family functioning may play an important role in
adaptability, adolescents’ subjective perceptions of their
families’ abilities to function may play a greater role in
their adaptation. This is supported by the results of our
study, which found that adolescents’ subjective perceptions
of family functioning and satisfaction with their families
were essential in predicting the level of adaptation. The
results also correspond with those of Bokszczanin (2007).
Moreover, previous studies have suggested that parents can
serve as a critical ‘‘protective’’ function for their children
and increase the likelihood of successful coping and
adaptation while reducing the likelihood of maladjustment
(Hafstad et al. 2010; Luthar et al. 2000).
In total, 90 % of the present study’s participants were
Christians. This study findings support those of Calhoun and
Tedeschi (1999), who found that families’ belief systems,
which are often rooted in cultural and spiritual traditions and
are sources of comfort and support, are important consider-
ations when studying perceptions of traumatic experiences
and coping strategies. Religion, particularly Christianity,
was found to predict adaptation in adolescents. Christian
missionaries often concern themselves with forgotten or
less-fortunate populations. Accordingly, the missionary
community has paid much more attention to the 14 indige-
nous tribes in Taiwan, which were mostly relegated to
mountainous, often hard to reach areas where churches, not
temples, are more common. As much as 90 % of Taiwan’s
indigenous people grew up in villages ministered by various
Christian churches. To some extent, the Christian church has
been viewed as an important contributor to how the indige-
nous adolescents in Taiwan respond to disaster and adapt to
new circumstances.
Gender has been found to predict adaptation in stressful
events in our study and in that of Smith and Carlson
(1997); girls appear to be at higher risk of experiencing
distress than boys (Chen et al. 2002; Chang et al. 2005;
Bokszczanin 2007; Galea et al. 2008). Similarly, the girls
in this study were found to be more vulnerable to stressful
life events than boys. This may be due to the tendency of
teenage girls to use social support as the main coping
mechanism, followed by wishful thinking, worries, and
self-blame, whereas boys tend not to use such coping styles
(Gavranidou and Rosner 2003). Therefore, family dys-
function may have had a particular impact on female
adolescents’ coping mechanisms and level of satisfaction
with their families.
Although we found that gender, religion, perceptions of
life changes, family function, and satisfaction with family
Clin Soc Work J
123
predicted indigenous adolescents’ adaptation to disaster,
previous traumatic experience was not found to be a sig-
nificant predictor, which differs from the results of Norris
(2005) and Thienkrua et al. (2006). This might be because
few participants in this study were exposed to trauma.
Limitations
This study has several limitations. First, the uniqueness of
the disaster as well as the time of assessment might have
had a significant impact on the types of adaptation repor-
ted. Second, this is a cross-sectional study conducted
approximately 9 months post-disaster and on only two
districts; therefore, the results might not accurately portray
the adolescents’ adaptation. In other word, this is not a
representative sample. Third, its focus on one sub-culture
limits generalizability. Fourth, the severity of exposure,
perceived life endangerment, and the percentage of par-
ticipants who lost family members were not assessed. The
length of exposure and interactions among protectors were
not investigated as well; these variables might have
affected the ability of survivors to adapt after a disaster.
Finally, the domains of the WHOQOL (i.e., physical,
psychological, social relationships, and environment)
should have been analyzed separately to determine if the
contributing factors are similar across domains. Therefore,
further research is needed to address these limitations.
Implications
This study findings suggest that clinicians should not only
obtain factual information such as gender, family func-
tioning, support system, and community connection, but
also examine beliefs that foster blame, shame, and guilt,
because adolescents, especially female adolescents, often
hesitate to confide in other people due to embarrassment.
Moreover, unless distressed symptoms are manifested
behaviorally, parents may be unaware that their children
are not adapting well. Therefore, clinicians (i.e., school
social workers) should conduct comprehensive bio–psy-
cho–social evaluations and be more sensitive to adoles-
cents’ school performance and interpersonal and family
relationships in order to determine adjustment accurately.
Social workers could educate parents on how to interpret
their children’s emotional and behavioral reactions at
home. Therefore, the school system needs to collaborate
with the family system to form a comprehensive safety
network for adolescents’ post-disaster adaptation.
As religion was found to be an influential protector,
community social workers could use this knowledge to
identify personal, relational, and spiritual resources that
adolescents or their families drew on in past hardships and
apply them to present circumstances. For instance,
teenagers could be encouraged to attend youth fellowships,
be reminded of how their families overcame hardships in
the past, or to have faith that their situations would
improve. Furthermore, social workers can collaborate with
clergies at local churches to provide a comfortable, sup-
portive, and private environment for self-expression.
It is essential to normalize and contextualize distress,
draw out strengths and active coping strategies for
empowerment, and mobilize family and social support for
ongoing adaptation. Thus, clinicians need to facilitate
family relationships, the realignment of family roles and
functions, and the rebuilding of lives, homes, livelihood,
kinship, and societal connections such as ethnic heritage or
religious communities. It is important to help family and
community members share concerns about the division of
responsibility or negligence, come to terms with situational
limitations, and learn from past experiences to guide future
actions. Social workers could also organize stress-man-
agement groups for caregivers. According to Kayser et al.
(2008), most interventions should be done within the
context of the family, community, culture, and religion.
In summary, this study found that indigenous adolescents’
gender, religion, the perceptions of overall life change and
family functioning, and the satisfaction with their families
affected how well they adapted after a regional disaster. The
findings suggest that clinicians should be more sensitive to
gender differences, strengthen adolescents’ perceptions of
beliefs and family systems, and minimize post-disaster
transitions in order to assist indigenous adolescents in coping
with disasters. Future studies should focus on the mecha-
nisms underlying the associations between family functions
and satisfaction with family on adaptability.
Acknowledgments This study was sponsored by National Science
Council, Taiwan, ROC (NSC99-2420-H-002-008).
Conflict of interest All authors declare no conflict of interest.
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Author Biography
Hui-Ching Wu is an associate professor at Department of Social
Work, National Taiwan University in Taipei, Taiwan and licensed
social worker with a PhD degree in social work practice track from
Columbia University School of Social Work (CUSSW). My specialty
and research interests are mental health, family and quality of life.
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