prophet of innovation: joseph schumpeter and creative destruction, by mccraw, t. k., belknap press...
TRANSCRIPT
MANAGERIAL AND DECISION ECONOMICS
Manage. Decis. Econ. 29: 675–677 (2008)
Published online in Wiley InterScience
(www.interscience.wiley.com) DOI: 10.1002/mde.1430
BOOK REVIEW
PROPHET OF INNOVATION: JOSEPH SCHUMPETER
AND CREATIVE DESTRUCTION, by McCraw, T. K.,
Belknap Press of Harvard University Press: Cambridge and
London, 2007, xiþ 719pp., USD 35.00 (cloth).
Many readers, as I did, will close Prophet of Innovation with a
feeling of dissatisfaction. On the plus side, McCraw’s life of
Joseph Alois Schumpeter is not as dauntingly long as it seems:
Nearly 30% of the volume is devoted to notes and other end
matter, and so the text runs to a more digestible 506 pages.
Generous line spacing and a respectable number of archival
photographs speed the pace of reading.
On the minus side, Prophet of Innovation pales in comparison
with the recent and far more penetrating biographies of John D.
Rockefeller, Sr. by Ron Chernow, of J. P. Morgan by Jean
Strouse, and of Andrew Mellon by David Cannadine. In the
end, one doesn’t know Joseph Schumpeter quite as fully as one
now knows those titans of industry. And we certainly don’t
know him as well as we know Robert Skidelsky’s John
Maynard Keynes, who was born the same year (1863).
Something is missing from Prophet of Innovation, perhaps
because McCraw chose not to be ‘concerned with Schumpeter’s
economic thinking, narrowly construed’ (p. xi). That choice, in
my judgment, fatally compromises any attempt to tell the story
of a man who lived and breathed economics over a
distinguished, remarkably productive academic career that
spanned four decades, taking him from the classrooms of the
University of Vienna, where he (and Ludwig von Mises) studied
under Eugen von Bohm-Bawerk, to Harvard Square.
What we are left with is a workmanlike recounting of the
facts of Schumpeter’s life, emphasizing the strong influences on
him of three women: His mother Johanna, who, following the
death of Schumpeter’s father calculatingly married Sigmund
von Keler, a retired general 33 years her senior, in order to
provide financial security for herself and entree to good schools
for young Joszi; his second wife, Annie Reisinger, who died in
childbirth before the first anniversary of their marriage; and his
third, Elizabeth Boody, a scholar in her own right, who
specialized in the Japanese economy and though stricken by
breast cancer in 1948, undertook the monumental task of
organizing, editing and securing a publisher for her husband’s
History of Economic Analysis, which did not appear in print
until both had passed away, he in 1950, she in 1953. These
personal details, especially the psychological impact of the
nearly coincidental deaths of his mother, Annie and their
stillborn son in 1926, blows from which Schumpeter never
completely recovered and escape from which he sought in work,
overshadow all that follows.
McCraw traces the winding path Schumpeter took through
academia, interrupted early on by a stint at Austria’s Finance
Ministry, which he subsequently leveraged into the chairman-
ship and presidency of the Biedermann Bank, a position that
ultimately plunged him deeply into debt when the owner of a
glass-making factory failed to repay a loan Schumpeter had
personally guaranteed. He supplies thumbnail sketches of the
major historical events of the period (two world wars and the
Great Depression) and summarizes many of Schumpeter’s
popular and scholarly writings, with special attention to The
Theory of Economic Development (1911, but not translated and
published in English until 1934), Business Cycles (1939),
Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (1942), which went
through three editions in his lifetime, the last in 1950, and
History of Economic Analysis (1954).
Prophet of Innovation’s other protagonist is capitalism (p. ix).
McCraw is a business historian, perhaps most well known for
Prophets of Regulation (1984), which contains essays on Charles
Francis Adams, Louis Brandeis, James Landis and Alfred
Kahn, and a little less so for an edited volume titled Creating
Modern Capitalism (1994). McCraw consequently is at his best
when discussing the development of large-scale business
enterprises in Britain, Germany, and the United States during
the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that provided
empirical context for Schumpeter’s famous description of the
competitive market process as one of creative destruction, an
insight that led him to place entrepreneurship and innovation at
the heart of economic progress. But McCraw is too enamored
of ‘stable mixed economies[,] one of the few aspects of modern
capitalism that Schumpeter did not foresee’ (p. 149; emphasis in
original), to appreciate the policy implications of Schumpeter-
ian reasoning. Despite Schumpeter’s observations that
‘innovation often benefitted from the rise of big business,
because giant firms could afford to gamble on new techniques’
(p. 164), that ‘‘trustified’ capitalism neither stifled innovation
nor prevented the ongoing creation of new startups’ (p. 165),
and that ‘the typical economic theorist or government
commission’, blinded by static equilibrium models, did not see
the behavior of firms ‘as an attempt . . . to deal with a situation
that is sure to change presently}as an attempt . . . to keep on
their feet, on ground that is slipping away from under them’ (p.
352), but rather indulged a distaste for big business in
‘indiscriminate ‘trust busting’’ (p. 481; emphasis in original),
McCraw nevertheless extolls the virtues of government inter-
vention to control the abuses of unfettered capitalism.
McCraw reserves his highest praise for the New Deal, to
which Schumpeter was implacably opposed, especially so it’s
‘vital measures’, such as the Social Security Act, the National
Labor Relations Act, the Securities Act and the Securities
Exchange Act, which supposedly ‘made American capitalism a
good deal more humane’ (p. 425). He also applauds the
economic management of the War Production Board, the Office
Copyright # 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
of Price Administration, and mistakenly credits the massive
increase in military spending during the Second World War
with bringing America’s Great Depression to an end (Higgs,
1997). Schumpeter’s warning that a transformation already
underway from ‘regulated, or fettered, capitalism’ into ‘a guided
capitalism that might, with almost equal justice, be called
socialism’ (p. 426; emphasis in original) goes unheeded. Like
Britain of the inter-war period and even more so in that nation’s
rush to vote Winston Churchill out of office shortly after the
Third Reich had collapsed, McCraw seems to have become
‘‘state-broken’}that is, accustomed to a strong government
hand’ (p. 365).
At the time he was writing The Theory of Economic
Development, Schumpeter was well aware that threats to the
status quo produced by new products, new production
processes, and new types of business organization would
encounter stiff opposition (p. 72). He also recognized that
entrenched interests would attempt to enlist government in the
battle ‘to preserve their culture and status’, as they for example
did in successfully petitioning for the Weaver’s Act of 1555,
which outlawed factories and the use of particular mechanical
devices (p. 257). McCraw does not acknowledge the lessons of
public choice that, far from protecting the interests of
consumers, making capitalism more humane, and unleashing
the forces of innovation and entrepreneurship, the regulatory
apparatus of the mixed economy for the most part is responsive
to the self-serving demands of established firms for protection
from the Schumpeterian gale of creative destruction.
Academic politics supplies some comic relief from the heavy
load of classroom teaching, one-on-one tutoring of under-
graduates, lectures, travel, and writing that absorbed much of
Schumpeter’s time. He did not suffer fools gladly and, in fact,
playing on the German pronunciation of ‘full’ that is how he
often referred to his full-professor colleagues; assistant and
associate professors were ‘asses’ (p. 225). Harvard, whose
faculty Schumpeter joined in 1932, and where he remained until
the end after turning down an attractive offer from Yale that
would have freed more time for research, was ‘a despicable
playground of despicable little tyrants’}‘a stifling atmosphere
. . . more like a brewery’, a ‘professorial monkey cage’ rife with
‘cunning antics’ by which he was not amused (p. 399).
Schumpeter was particularly affronted ‘when, in early 1940,
the [economics] department’s old guard refused to offer Paul
Samuelson an assistant professorship’ (p. 307).
Samuelson, like many of Schumpeter’s colleagues and
students, including Irving Fisher and Ragnar Frisch, who
collaborated with him in founding the Econometric Society,
Gustav and Wolfgang Stolper, Frank Taussig, Talcott Parsons,
Edward Mason, Seymour Harris, Wassily Leontieff, Paul
Sweezy, Alvin Hansen, Arthur Smithies, James Tobin, and
John Kenneth Galbraith, make occasional and usually brief
appearances in Prophet of Innovation. So, too, does John
Maynard Keynes, whose General Theory of Employment,
Interest and Money completely upstaged Business Cycles, and
from which Schumpeter privately accused Keynes of appro-
priating his ideas without attribution (p. 155). McCraw devotes
much more space to Schumpeter’s on-and-off, decade-long
affair with Mia Stockel, committing nearly an entire chapter to
previously untranslated and unpublished letters she wrote to
him from Europe during the 1930s. Mia finally married after
despairing of becoming Schumpeter’s wife; apparently because
they were members of a local English Club, she and her
husband were shot dead on the orders of Hungary’s Nazi
government during a purge of intellectuals, business people,
and landowners in late January 1942 (p. 300).
In assessing Schumpeter’s legacy, McCraw resists saying that
‘we are all Schumpeterians now’. One testament to Schumpe-
ter’s influence he does put forward, however, is that, ‘by the
twenty-first century, every reputable business school offered
numerous courses devoted to entrepreneurship, innovation, and
business strategy, and many housed full-blown departments
devoted to these subjects’ (p. 497). One imagines Schumpeter
turning over in his grave at the very idea that entrepreneurship
and innovation are things that can be taught by business school
professors or learned by business school students. I am
reminded of two stories. One is about Harlan Ellision, the
science fiction writer, who once began a convention talk by
asking how many members of the audience were hopeful of
becoming published authors of sci-fi. When lots of hands flew
up, Ellison reportedly said, ‘What are you doing here, then?
You should be at home writing!’ The other is about Larry
Ellison, the CEO of Oracle and to my knowledge not related to
Harlan, who, during his commencement address at Yale, a few
years ago called the graduating class a bunch of losers.
Warming to his theme, Ellison accused the graduates of wasting
their time and thereby condemning themselves to earning six-
figure salaries working for others, rather than making fortunes
by emulating successful entrepreneurs like himself and fellow
college dropout Bill Gates. (Yale’s president did not give Mr.
Ellison an opportunity to finish his address.)
One very good recommendation McCraw makes in Prophet
of Innovation is for a ruthless editor to reorganize and reissue
Schumpeter’s two-volume Business Cycles as three separate
books (pp. 277–278). One of these would contain Schumpeter’s
detailed and no longer important attempt to force messy
macroeconomic data into stylized Kondratieff (50–60 year),
Juglar (8–10 year), and Kitchin (40-month) cyclical patterns.
The two other, far more valuable books would be devoted to
Schumpeter’s summary of the events of the 1920s and 1930s,
and to his masterful description of the long-term evolution of
business in Britain, Germany, and the United States. Any
takers?
Economists have not ferreted out the sources of innovation,
nor have they identified the characteristics that distinguish the
entrepreneur from the pedestrian businessman or– woman (but
see Mokyr, 2002 for an insightful start). Innovation and
entrepreneurship are idiosyncratic, epiphenomenal and there-
fore not reducible to formula. Schumpeter called this the
‘principle of indeterminateness’, recognition of which late in life
caused him to abandon his quest for an ‘exact economics’.
What we do know, however, is that entrepreneurship and
innovation can flourish only in societies that respect property
rights and that allow individuals the right to capture the profits
of success (and to bear the costs of failure). To McCraw, the
ubiquity of the ‘mixed economy’ that lies somewhere between
the poles of unfettered capitalism and socialism, the either-or
extremes between which Schumpeter thought all countries were
destined to choose, is, combined with the collapse of centrally
planned economies, evidence of the robustness of the entrepre-
neurial spirit and the intellectual victory of Schumpeterian
ideas. Maybe so. But 60 years is hardly long enough to justify
concluding that ‘mixed economies seem as durable as any
capitalist arrangements have ever been or are likely to be’ (p.
441). With local, state and federal tax rates averaging 50%, with
BOOK REVIEW676
Copyright # 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Manage. Decis. Econ. 29: 675–677 (2008)DOI: 10.1002/mde
Reaganism and Thatcherism having been tossed into the
dustbin of history, and with the inexorable growth of big
government under an ostensibly conservative Republican
administration, it’s too soon to tell.
REFERENCES
Higgs R. 1997. Regime uncertainty: why the greatdepression lasted so long and why prosperity resumedafter the war. Independent Review 1:561–590.
Mokyr J. 2002. The Gifts of Athena: Historical Origins ofthe Knowledge Economy. Princeton University Press:Princeton and Oxford.
William F. Shughart IIDepartment of Economics University of MississippiP. O. Box 1848 University, MS 38677-1848 USA
BOOK REVIEW 677
Copyright # 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Manage. Decis. Econ. 29: 675–677 (2008)DOI: 10.1002/mde