Kemas Ridwan KurniawanCentre for the Built Environment StudiesDepartment of ArchitectureUniversity of Indonesiar_kemas@yahoo.co.uk

SACRED PLACE IN POSTCOLONIAL URBAN VERNACULAR: A STRUGGLE OF TRADITIONAL CULTURAL IDENTITY AGAINST

MODERN HEGEMONY IN THE KAMPUNG LUAR BATANG - JAKARTA

Abstract

Postcolonial urban vernacular discourse concerns aspects of power relations which occur in vernacular space and society. This postcolonial discourse also sees colonial practice (‘colonial modernity’) as a specific cultural entity operating in centre-periphery spectrum which is continued by postcolonial society. What was not recognized by this kind of [colonial] perspective is the ‘real’ social cultural life of vernacular inhabitants which still endures in an invisible and unrecognized manner. One of vernacular aspects which is often challenged by modern [postcolonial] pressure is the existence of sacred place which becomes an important symbol for traditional community’s dignity. Sacred place represents traditional values, spirit of place and cultural history; all these have to compete with the speed of [postcolonial] modern development.

To look at how this aspect of urban vernacular struggles against modern post-colonial conditions, this paper will put its cursor onto one of the oldest historic urban [postcolonial] kampung in Jakarta, namely Kampung Luar Batang, where floods are commonly a part of people’s environment. Located on the waterfront area facing Java Sea, this wet and crowded urban kampung is almost forgotten as part of important cultural heritage. The 17th century’s Sacred [Tomb] of Kampung Luar Batang located inside the Mosque (now undergoing change), where the body of the founder of the area (a descendant of an Arab family) was buried, is the spiritual anchor of this area. It attracts people from outside of the area to do pilgrimage (‘ziarah’).

This paper discusses urban vernacular space (and place) as a cultural identity being forced by modern hegemony to change in parallel with people’s pragmatism in facing economic pressures. The growth of modern developments through the construction of high-rise apartments and high class residences, highways, and shopping malls, encircle the historic urban vernacular, which is actually inhabited by lower class settlers whose living conditions are identical with poverty. Dominant powers are held by conglomerates and people who sit in government posts, while the power of urban vernacular settlers is still unvoiced. This disparity identifies the struggle of traditional cultural identity against modern hegemony.

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Introduction

There is a curious feeling when one day in 2007 I entered the area of Kampung Luar

Batang. This was my first time experience to visit this area, after almost 30 years

living in the capital city of Jakarta. Always heard about but never visited [by me],

thus making my journey to this place more challenging. This place is about half a mile

from my house in the centre of Jakarta. For me, the name of Luar Batang connotes the

mystery, the unknown place where part of our city’s history is buried.

The centre of attention in this place, is the traditional Jami’ Mosque which is

undergoing some alteration in its form through a conservation program. Inside this

mosque, the body of the founder of the mosque (as well as the area) namely Sayid

Husein Bin Abubakar bin Abdullah al-Aydroes (18th C) was buried. According to

local resources, this tomb, ‘Keramat’ (sacred) becomes the most important symbol in

this area except the mosque itself. Not only people around the area of Jakarta, but also

from overseas as well, visit this object. Even important elites and powerful people

from the country also spent their free-time to come to the area. The last one is from

the President of Republic of Indonesia, during the Ramadhan 2007, and the Jakarta’s

governor, during the provincial election in 2007. Most people come here in order to

obtain spiritual benefit (‘barakah’) for their better life, which was believed coming

from this sacred place.

However, it is a wonder that the area still endures in improper condition. Luar

Batang is still a backyard of Jakarta where poverty and floods are common place. In

this area, the symbol of sacred power is not parallel with the symbol of economic

power and prosperity. Luar Batang seems to be outside of the economic boundary

where capitalism through the erection of new modern apartments, shopping malls, and

the toll road encircle the area. Even, compared to other historic places in the northern

part of Jakarta, like Pekojan and Museum Bahari, Luar Batang area can be said as

leaving no historic buildings at all. The mosque, although still close to the form of the

older one, had undergone major alterations by its new extension and materials in the

1990s. Traces of native ‘Betawi’ dwellings like in the past, are hardly to be

recognized. It is why my strange feelings accumulated through my low expectations

when I imagine this place under its legendary name.

This journey left me with some questions. What is the identity of this kind of

sacred place today? What power does it play and how does it control the area? Does

the role of ulama as the common guardian of an Islamic society still exist in this

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place? The urban Kampung is one of colonial production in Batavia (the name of

Jakarta in colonial times), however, the question arises whether the particularity of the

postcolonial urban kampong of Luar Batang (through its sacredness) revives new

modes of coloniality? To understand these issues, let us delve into this place deeply.

Waduk Pluit

Kampung Luar Batang

Javanese Sea

Sunda Kelapa Port

Fig. 1. Satellite view of Kampung Luar Batang –Jakarta (2007) shows the area today is not really on the coastal area. Yearly sedimentation and land reclamations program make this area step-by-step farther from the edge of the beach. Source: Google Earth.

History

The history of Luar Batang area is linked to the history of colonialism, when the

Dutch Company VOC (Vereenigde Oost Indische Compagnie) still existed in the area.

The VOC (colonizer) viewed the Native or Oriental people (colonized) as a

representation of Western domination over the Orient. Through this kind of

representation, the indigenous people, native inhabitants, or colonized people were

victimized.1

This area originally was part of sea and swamp (Fig. 3). Due to intensive

sedimentation on the estuary of Groote Rivier and Sunda Kelapa Port, new extensive

lands were formed. Luar Batang itself appeared firstly on the 18th C colonial map. The

area was located outside the Batavia’s northern barrier, made from tree trunks

1 In Said’s Orientalism, this brings a Western style of thought to restructure and has authority over the Orient. The ethics of colonialism, which established a formation of colonial culture through imperialism, generated ‘the politics of domination and resistance.’ Kurniawan

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strengthened with iron which dammed up the Ciliwung River.2 This is why this area

was called Luar Batang which means ‘Out of Tree Trunk’.

Northern barrier

Fish Market

Luar Batang area

Fig. 2. Luar Batang area was basically surrounded by canals and sea, making this area was an island.

Segregation and separation of city’s people was a colonial common practice.

People from ‘Out of Tree Trunk’ area were identified as ‘Others’, outside of the

civilized culture of colonial people. They lived in traditional urban kampongs where

fishing, trading and small farming were common occupations. Like other indigenous

people living in poor conditions of urban kampongs scattered outside the wall of

Batavia’s city centre, people in Luar Batang had limitations in life under colonial

laws. They received different treatment from European masters, who controlled the

socio-cultural life of people from inside Batavia Casteel. In practice, indigenous

people was categorized as third class citizens under other Asian foreigners such as

Arabian and Chinese, who obtained more privileges from colonial rulers due to their

trading skills which benefited the colonial system.

2 Before passing this barrier, every boats and sloops must pay a certain tariff.

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a. b. c. d. e.

Fig. 3. Intensive sedimentary process made Luar Batang and its Mosque surrounded by new lands. a. 1630, b. 1700, c. 1750, d. 1830s, e. 2007. Reconstructed map, drawing by: Widyarko.

In 1739, the Dutch Governor General (from VOC)3 gave a small piece of land

on the western side of Ciliwung River across Sunda Kelapa Port to an Arabian ulama

from Hadramaut namely Sayid Husein bin Abubakar bin Abdullah al-Aydrus.4

According to local folklore, this ulama had ‘karomah’ (super-natural power) and was

influential in spreading and leading Moslem on the northern area of Batavia. He died

young in 1751 and unmarried. When his body was to be buried in Tanah Abang, a

cemetery for foreigners, it was missing from ‘kurung batang’ (a corpse litter), and was

found back in his house. According to this story, it is why this area was later called

‘Luar Batang’ meaning ‘out from its corpse litter.’ Sayid’s Husein body later was

buried near his mosque, and people immortalized his spiritual power through his tomb

and some traditional rites.

Fig. 4. The tomb of Sayid Husein bin Abubakar bin Abdullah al-Aydrus, the founder of the mosque. Due to mosque extension, the tomb is now part of the mosque building (2007). Private Collection.

The Mosque and Postcolonial Power

Like its name, Luar Batang was outside of the Dutch colonial history. Since there

were no colonial reports and only a few archives recorded of its existence, it is

difficult to trace back the description of the original mosque. Located on Jl. Kampung

Luar Batang V, on RW 3, this 1,050 sqm’s Mosque today sits comfortably on the site

3 Dutch Trading Company.4 This Arabian ulama landed firstly in Sunda Kelapa port in 1736.

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of more than 4,000 sqm land. The square plan, the pyramidal roof supported by

twelve columns, the tomb, the well, the minaret and the gate, are main features which

indicate the mosque original form. A refurbishment program in 1996 did not preserve

entirely the original materials, rather kept only main forms for future reference. The

new verandahs on the right and left walls were also added and functioned for

transitory access as well as protecting the walls and windows from solar heat.

The Mosque is the most impressive structure in Luar Batang. To enter this

complex, visitors have to pass a gate located on the southeastern side, which leads

visitors to a courtyard where two circle of ablution spots for male and female are

located. An old minaret stands separately on the southwest. The unique feature of this

mosque is from a space one-meter down into a large sheltered, sunken area beyond

the courtyard that functions as a transition area. Visitors have to pass this dry-

sheltered pond covered with a marble floor before entering the praying area. On its

left, the tomb of Sayid Husein bin Abubakar was located, separated from prayer room

and now due to extension of the mosque, was part of main building. Outside the

boundary of the mosque on the southwestern side, next to the founder’s tomb, there is

an unknown old cemetery which possibly has a link with the history of colonial

encounters. The only new forms of this mosque can be seen from supporting buildings

for management located on northwestern and southwestern side of the Mosque.

Fig. 5. The gate or main entrance of the mosque. An open corridor was added on the right and left of the gate to connect with main and supporting buildings (2007). Private collection.

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Fig. 6. Model of new mosque under glass box (2007). Source: Private Collection

Fig. 7. Three dimensional computer reconstruction. New high minaret was built on the right side of the

mosque. Drawing by: Widyarko

Nostalgia is something absurd here. Materiality and past images, through

which artifacts are visible, are not historical evidence in this object. The preservation

of this mosque, which only left 50% of its originality raised some criticism. Historical

societies (through NGO) that were widely developed after the 2000 era were not fully

involved when the Mosque underwent alteration. While local society should have a

link to history and place seemed unaware. For local people, as long as their Mosque

looks new and good, and the tomb is not demolished, they are okay.

Exploring this kind of conserved sacred place involves political possibilities.

This Mosque was protected as an heritage building under Gubanatorial Act, No. 475,

1993, when the gathering of cultural artifact were under intensive scrutiny to resolve

the lack of attention towards historic places in cosmopolitan areas such as Jakarta.

The conservation program for this mosque firstly started during a period from 1996 to

1997, coinciding with the last era of New Order regime in the Indonesian political

arena.

Compared to some of the colonial heritage demolished by New Order Regime,

like Harmonie and Des Indies Hotel, this Mosque has a better destiny. People still

respect this Mosque as part of Jakarta’s local history, although its neighbors such as

Museum Bahari, Syahbandar Tower, Fish Market and VOC Shipyard buildings are

entirely preserved in their original forms by government.

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Fig. 8. The southwestern side, the courtyard, and the interior of the old Mosque, when the major conservation took place in 1996. Photo: Courtesy of Masjid Luar Batang.

Fig. 9. The minaret and the north-eastern side of the old Mosque, when the major conservation took place in 1996. Photo: Courtesy of Masjid Luar Batang.

However, besides the issue of historical preservation, the interesting thing is

the relationship between the mosque and power; the mosque becoming one of

spiritual destination from this country’s important elite. The consideration is how

political symbols utilized as religious places to obtain spiritual benefits, besides

political advantages received through these visits. This country has a long legacy of

the connection between supernatural power and political power; from the Old Order

Regime to the present government.5 People’s understanding between religion and old

tradition is sometimes mixed up, as shown from the practice of important elites. The

separation between politics (secular) and religion (sacred), like in the West, results in

5 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities.

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disagreements among the majority of parliamentary members in this Eastern country.

This is why spiritual or religious places are important sites which are also effected by

political intervention. In this case, this comes very close to representing the way

architecture has sought to represent political space in the postcolonial age.

The Place and the Community

To enter the area of Luar Batang, visitors have to go through traditional ‘pasar’

(market) next to fish market and cross a bridge only for people. Presently, Kampung

Luar Batang is part of the ‘Kelurahan’ Penjaringan area, North of Jakarta. Situated in

an area of 131,500 sqm in size, this kampong consists of 3 RW (Rukun Warga) and

37 RT (Rukun Tetangga). The largest is RW 3 about 69,500 sqm, where the Mosque

is located. For the people who had lived for decades in Kampung Luar Batang, the

mosque becomes a spiritual centre that has an historical link to other spiritual centres

in Jakarta. Luar Batang is one of a series of mosques built near water (coast and river)

in the early era of colonial Batavia.6 These connections (and disconnections) are at

once hidden and visible. The centre (the Mosque), which is also public, is a sacred

place, while the surrounding is social space combined with private dwellings. Streets

become the main social space. People chat, gossip, perform events and play on the

street. Here, people are more active in the exterior rather than interior space.

The Mosque

Fig. 10. Luar Batang’s Map.

6 The Mosques in Marunda, Pekojan, and Kampung Bandan, as well as Kebon Jeruk are predicted as having a close historical connection.

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RW 3

The Mosque

RW 2

RW 1

Fig. 11. The Division of RW.

The present population here is 7,895 inhabitants and the majority are Moslems

(92%). This population figure is about thirty times greater than Luar Batang’s early

population in the mid of 18th C. People in Luar Batang, originally were migrants from

Java and Bugis/Makassar, and lately they are mixed with other indigenous ethnic

groups in Batavia, forming a ‘Betawi’ culture. Most people here worked as lower

income labourers whose monthly wages are under one million rupiahs. They work in

Sunda Kelapa port, some work as fishermen/sailors, some open small businesses at

home, some work as lower employees in companies and businesses outside the area.

No people here work as civil servants. The ratio between female and male is 48% :

52%. Most females work as housewives, and some open food stalls or other small

businesses at home. There are 2,551 family units and most live in RW 2 (about 42%).

The density in this area reaches 0.06 per sqm.

The provision of public facilities, beside the Mosque, is small which only can

be seen from schools (an elementary school, a Madrasah and a kindergarden) and

RW offices. The only open public place is located in front of the Mosque area which

is used also for a car park for the Mosque visitors. There are no health facilities in this

area. People here have to go out to find the doctor and Puskesmas (small clinic). A

few women have a profession as ‘dukun beranak’ (traditional midwife) to serve

locally.

No Public Facilities Total1 Luar Batang Mosque 12 Public Elementary School 13 Madrasah 14 Kindergarden 15 Public Parking for the Mosque 16 RW Office 3

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Table 1. Public Facilities in Luar Batang (2007). Surveyed by: Widyarko.

Electricity entered this area around 1980s, and now 100% of the houses here

obtained electrical access. Some houses are illegally hooked onto electric wires,

which is very dangerous. Communication facilities are also something in common in

this area. Owners of home telephones are plentiful. In some spots we can see public

telephones. The only problem is water facilities. People rely on water from pipes

rather than from private jet-pumps due to the salinity here which is mixed with sea

water.

Regarding the environment, in its distant past, when the number of inhabitants

was very low, the area was dominated by plantations and traditional ‘Betawi’ houses

with large yards. The indigenous buildings made from free materials easily obtained

from nature such as ‘rumbia’ and ‘gedek’ (bamboo partitions). Later in the 19thC,

some stone houses were erected in this area. Contrasted with today, large yards are

something impossible to be possessed by people. Open spaces are almost nothing; the

only empty places for possible gatherings are in front of the mosque and government

land on the western side of the area.

Fig. 12. Flooding area in Kelurahan Penjaringan (2007). Drawing by: Widyarko

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Fig. 13. Water drain (2007). Private Collection.

A walk through the roads and ‘gangs’ (pedestrian walkways) of Kampong

Luar Batang gives the sense of poverty under environmental concerns. Located on the

waterfront area on the northern edge of Jakarta, this area faces ecological problems

where monthly floods strike this area regularly. Some spots are still indicative of the

wet characteristics of this area where puddles, muddy conditions, and swamps are

common. Roads are now hot-mix concrete and 2 meters higher than 60 years ago,

which causes houses to raise their floor levels. The government, through its Public

Works Department, has repaired main drainage 2 meter under the roads in order to

reduce the possibility of flood. Trees and plants are very rare in this area. Only several

home owners maintain potted plants and hanging pot flowers on their house terraces.

The neighborhood is very crowded and bounded by its activities. There are no

spaces for expansion. Streets function as the extension of houses. People put chairs on

the street and are chatting easily with their neighbors. The peddler put kiosk for

selling their materials occurs in the street due to limitation of kiosk space. Sometimes

when a car passes through these narrow roads (gangs), the residents have to take their

personal belonging away. Houses, most are commonly two floors to avoid floods. The

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old ‘Betawi’ houses with large yards have been demolished, and the descendents of

the elder generations sold and divided their lands into smaller blocks. There is no

particular architectural style that can explain typically these present houses. Factually,

these houses do not have a front and backyard. Materials for houses are mixed,

ranging from bricks and mortar to triplex and zinc. The first floor is usually utilized

for family gatherings, kiosks, kitchen, and bathroom, while the upper floor is for

private functions such as bedrooms. Some houses are used as boarding edifices where

the access to bathroom is located outside the houses.

Fig. 14. Common People’s House on the waterfront side for fishermen and traders (2007). Drawing by: Widyarko.

Fig. 15. Typical houses made from wooden board, triplex and zinc (2007). Private Collection.

Fig. 16. Typical houses made from stucco and concrete (2007). Private Collection.

Sacred and Secular: The Mosque and Economic Pragmatism

The word sacred is derived from Latin ‘sacrare’ means ‘consecrate’, from Sacer

(holy); while secular originates from Latin ‘saecularis’ which means ‘relating to an

age or period’, and from ‘saeculum’ which means ‘generation’. It is something

strange to discuss sacredness in the place such Luar Batang. On one side, present

spatial production here is no longer related to the form of old society or follow old

values, but on another side the old tomb of Sayyid Husein still became the magnet for

the area. Present people here are part of a pragmatic society that is pushed to be part

of the cycle of capitalistic money. Visibility is an issue. The image of a preserved

spiritual centre is to benefit their commercial rewards and take advantage of the

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market forces. This represents a supranatural power (the Mosque) as a way for

outsiders to understand space here. Local people have different experiences and

relationships to the place compared to a visitor’s perspective. Most people here are

lower-income inhabitants who still struggle to survive.

The Mosque

Fig. 17. The view of the Mosque with preserved Museum Bahari in the fore ground, apartments and high rise buildings on the left, and industrial estate on the right (2007). Private Collection.

Money and sacred places possibly have a link in the presently materialistic

society. The mosque funding mostly came from the donation of visitors, ranging from

a hundred Rupiahs to hundreds of millions Rupiahs. Young children always tail every

visitor and ask for money aggressively. The mosque’s present management is from

the younger generation who also came from poor family backgrounds. Their life relies

on the Mosque visitors. According to some local sources, if some of members of this

mosque management had ever used mosque money illegally, these guys became ill or

had an accident later on.

Rapid development in Jakarta encircled traditional areas of urban kampong.

Luar Batang area is bounded by the combination between historic preservation of Old

City and modern apartments, buildings and toll road. The influence of capitalism as a

secular power step-by-step carries away traditional values into pragmatic conditions.

This is a serious thing as subsistence low-income traditional enclaves are threatened

by modern demands of the ever-growing cities. It seems that we are gripped by

material culture, by historic buildings and artifacts, but we pay less attention to the

sites and events that produced history (human settlements).

Present space is not multiplicity from old space, rather a reinvention from

economic demands. People here produce their own space, based on their needs,

without assistance from professional architects. Old ‘Betawi’ houses are no longer

exist because the connection to the past has been lost and displaces by more dynamic

social space where land value increased sharply than the value of building itself.

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Fig 18. Common people shop spots (2007). Drawing by: Widyarko

No Sort of Business RW 1(Unit)

RW 2 (Unit)

RW 3 (Unit)

Total Unit

1 Peddler shop 25 15 23 632 Food stall 1 1 2 43 Telephone stall (Wartel) 3 2 1 64 Sewer kiosk 2 3 0 55 Building materials store 0 1 0 16 Refill mobile-phone pulse kiosk 1 0 2 37 Refill drinking water kiosk 0 0 2 28 Electronic reparation 1 1 2 49 Health service 1 2 0 3

10 Internet kiosk (Warnet) 0 0 1 1

TOTAL 34 25 33 92

Table 2. Common People’s small business in Luar Batang (2007). Surveyed by: Widyarko

The power of big capitalism does not enter this area directly, but the impact of

surrounding modern investments threaten the existence of this area. Some big

investors have ever so often glanced at this area, but due to political interest, this area

is protected informally by some important elites. But who knows how long this

informal protection will remain. Moreover, we can also find cheap products of

capitalism provided here. Many small ‘warungs’ (stalls) sell cheap daily life needs,

ranging from shampoo, tooth-paste, soaps, snacks and soft drinks, all are well known

international brand names. These brand names are combined with local products made

from home industries. Even people can obtain new Hollywood films here through

video rental kiosks which rent these films cheaply. But we should check the

originality of these products, some maybe are genuine, but some others are not. In

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short, this phenomena represents the multiplicity of capitalist production which

intrudes into a postcolonial lower-income settlement.

Fig. 19. Multiplicity and commodification of capitalistic production through small kiosks (2007). Private collection.

Fig. 20. Street view reflects a lifely and dynamic of social space of lower income people (2007). Private Collection.

The true other powers in this urban kampong scene actually consist of several

parties. These people are very influential in running day-to-day social life. The first

one is retired military officers who also live in this area. These retired military

officers have stronger capital than the common people, and they own several rental

and boarding houses in the area. One of these men opened a billiard house about 80

meters from the Mosque. On the other hand, another power comes from the young

generation who do not possess large quantities of capital, but they possess control to

important territories like the Mosque and RW office in RW 3. According to a local

informant, the territory of RW 3 area was affected by drugs abuse several years ago.

But it is not clear, whether today this drugs problem has been resolved yet or not.

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Fig. 21. Billiard house, about 80 meters from the Mosque (2007). Private Collection.

Concluding Remarks

The identity of sacred place in Luar Batang is something which is not easy to answer.

It involves cultural and social aspects of form influenced by power and contextuality.

Capitalism had intruded into sacred place and transformed the environment of

religious symbols into new forms of modern physical scenes combined with the

problem of environment and poverty. What makes people still connected to this place

is the spirit which exists from the consecration of people’s activities in the mosque

and the corpse of Sayid Husein who is respected as the last guardian of the place.

Without these symbols, the identity of Luar Batang area will be wiped out by the

force of economic pragmatism which had occurred to the environment surrounding

the Mosque. The external and internal social powers also contribute to the practice

and formation of contemporary identity of Luar Batang area. External power comes

from elite, and strong investors, while internal power is from retired military officers

and the gang of the younger generations.

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