political catholicism and political islam_synopsis
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SYNOPSIS
ON
POLITICAL CATHOLICISM AND POLITICAL ISLAM COMPARATIVE
PERSPECTIVE
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ABSTRACT
The works of scholars and Eastern Christian writings claim that Christianity was
introduced to India by Thomas the Apostle, who visited Muziris in Kerala in 52
AD and baptized Kerala's Jewish settlements who are known as Saint Thomas
Christians (also known as Syrian Christians or Nasrani) today. Although the exact
origins of Christianity in India remain unclear, there is a general scholarly
consensus that Christianity was rooted in India by the 3rd century AD, including
some communities who used Syriac liturgically, and it is a possibility that the
religion's existence there extends to as far back as the 1st century.[35] Christianity
in India has different denominations, like Roman Catholicism, Oriental Orthodox
Christianity and Protestantism.
Roman Catholic is a denomination practiced by over 17.3 million people in India
which represents less than 2% of the total population. Most Catholics reside in
South India. Goa is home to Roman Catholics. The state known for its Christian
population. Christianity was introduced to Indians twice. Possibly in the 1st
century by St. Thomas, and by Europeans. Europeans brought Catholicism in the
13th century (Portuguese) and Protestantism in the 18th century (British and
American missionaries). It became popular following European colonization and
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Protestant missionary efforts. The essay draws some comparisons between Old
Catholic and current Muslim politics at three different levels:
(1) at the level of the transnational structures of Catholicism and Islam as world
religions;
(2) at the level of religious political parties and movements in national politics; and
(3) at related issues of immigrant incorporation of Catholics in Anglo-Protestant
societies in the past and of Muslims in secular-Christian Western societies today.
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INTRODUCTION
As religious regimes, both Catholicism and Islam preceded and are likely to outlast
the modern world system of nation-states The very attribute transnational only
makes sense in relation to the Westfalian system of sovereign nation-states that
emerged in early modernity and eventually replaced the system of medieval
Christendom. That system had been centered on the conflictive interdependent
relation between the Roman papacy and the Holy Roman Empire. Of all the world
religions, none had seemed as threatened at its core by the emergence of the
modern world system of sovereign territorial states as the Roman Church. The
dissolution of Western Christendom undermined the role of the papacy as the
spiritual head of a universal Christian monarchy represented by the Holy Roman
Empire. The papacy lost control of the emerging national Catholic churches to
caesaro-papist Catholic monarchs and it itself became territorialized into the Papal
States, reduced to being just another marginal and increasingly irrelevant sovereign
territorial state. One by one, from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries, most of
the transnational dimensions of Medieval Catholicism receded or disappeared
altogether. It is not surprising, therefore, that the Catholic Church remained for
centuries adamantly antimodern and developed a negative philosophy of history.
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Mother Teresa issued thousands of disclaimers about any knowledge of politics,
but even a casual look at her career would make one wonder if she "doth protest
too much."
I wish to make it absolutely clear that unlike Christopher Hitchens, I am not
judging Mother Teresa from a leftist sanctimonious angle. According to Hitchens,
Mother Teresa was bad because she did not share his politics. I am afraid I have no
time for such a view, not least because I have no defined politics myself.
On an national level, Mother Teresa's political agenda were narrow -- the "politics"
of human reproductive intervention, and, Catholicism. In India however, she often
involved herself with less subtle and more earthly politics.
On the issues of abortion, contraception and Catholicism, she found her political
allies in a particular spectrum in the political arena, who are most vociferous in the
United States. Indeed, her biggest political allies were also in this country, as were
her most powerful financial backers. Not all her political friends were Catholics,
and some -- like Ronald Reagan -- are sturdy Christians from other denominations.
Without actually giving an overt call to the American people to vote Republican,
she made it very clear -- especially by meeting Republican hopefuls before
elections -- whom she supported. When the Republican presidential nominee Bob
Dole was once challenged by his own party over his anti-abortion credentials, he
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invoked the Teresa card, saying that he had been endorsed by Mother Teresa.
Ironically, it was the 1804 Concordat with Napoleon that served as the blueprint
for the successive concordats with secular states, which allowed the papacy to
regain control of the national hierarchies. In the course of the nineteenth century,
however, as conflicts with the liberal state became endemic throughout Europe and
Latin America, it became increasingly evident that it was easier to safeguard papal
claims in Anglo-Saxon countries that had institutionalized freedom of religion than
in Latin Catholic countries, even when Catholicism was officially established as
the state religion. Indeed, Anglo-Saxon as well as Protestant countries such as
Holland, Germany, or Switzerland, where Catholics constituted large minorities,
became strongholds of modern Romanization and of a new liberal form of Catholic
ultramontanes, distinct from the integrality ultramontanes that was tied to the
restoration of European monarchies.
The year 1870 marks the turning point in the modern process of Catholic
globalization. At the very moment when the Papal States were incorporated into
the new Kingdom of Italy and the papacy was forced to renounce its claims to
territorial sovereignty, the First Vatican Council reaffirmed papal supremacy.
Through the control of the nomination of bishops, the papacy has gained
progressively and for the first time in history control over the national churches.
Significantly, non-Catholic liberal states were the first ones to accept the
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transnational papal claims, while Catholic monarchs tried to preserve the old
caesaro-papist claims of state supremacy. Today, the Peoples Republic of India
may be the only state in the world still claiming supremacy over its national
Catholic Church. Not surprisingly, Catholic nations under non-Catholic rule,
Catholic minorities in Protestant countries, and Catholic immigrant diasporas were
the first ones to lend support to the new papal global claims.
The Muslims of India, over 120 million, constitute about 12 percent of the total
population and are the second largest religious community in the country. They are
about 10 percent of the total Muslim population of the world and are nearly one
third of the total Muslim minority population in the world.[9] India has the largest
concentration of the Muslims outside the member countries of the Organization of
the Islamic Conference (OIC) and the second largest (after Indonesia) in the world.
The Muslim immigrants, mostly Arabs, Turks, Afghans and Mughals, made the
sub-continent their own homeland. Scattered in different cities, towns and villages,
they became indistinguishable from the original inhabitants of India. The Muslim
scholars and religious leaders propagated Islam among the original inhabitants and
a large number of them converted to Islam. The vast majority of the present-day
Indian Muslims are the descendants of these converts. It is therefore not correct to
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say that Indian Muslims are not Indian but outsiders as it is wrong to say that they
are all descendants of the converted Muslims. As far as the question of Indian
origin is concerned, there is no difference between the descendants of the Aryan
invaders (Brahmins, Kshatryas, Vaishyas) and the offsprings of the Muslim
immigrants. In fact, the Muslim community of India, with its major segment
having indigenous Indian origin, is more Indian than the descendants of the Aryan
immigrants who had their origin somewhere in the Central Asia.
The loss of the Papal States rather than leading to the further weakening or even
extinction of the papacy, as was first feared, has led to the reconstitution of the
Vatican as the highly centralized administrative core of a modern transnational
religious regime, this time on a truly Catholic, that is, global-ecumenical basis. The
Vaticans unchallenged control over the process of nomination of bishops through
the papal nuncios has proven to be the single most important factor in papal control
of the transnational Catholic Church. The internationalization of the Vatican Curia
serves as counterpart to the global Romanization of the local Catholic churches.
In addition, the contemporary process of Catholic globalization finds expression
primarily in three new directions: in the ever wider publication of papal encyclicals
dealing not only with matters of Catholic faith, morality, and internal church
discipline, but also with secular global issues affecting all of humanity; in the
increasingly active and vocal role of the papacy in international conflicts and in
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issues dealing with world peace, world order, and world politics; and in the public
visibility of the person of the pope as a symbolic high priest of a new universal
civil religion of humanity and as the first citizen of a global civil society.
As a transnational religious regime, Islam never had the highly centralized,
hierarchic, and priestly-clerical structure of the Catholic Church. Against the often
repeated claim that Islam is religion and state and, therefore, knows no clear
differentiation of religion and politics, even a superficial acquaintance with the
complex history of premodern Muslim societies across three continents and over a
millennium makes abundantly clear that the patterns of relations and, indeed,
differentiation between religious and political institutions and structures are as
diverse as anything one finds in Latin Christendom or, indeed, in any other world
religion. But as a political system, the Muslim Caliphate, in its successive
institutionalizations from the Umayyad Caliphate through the Abbasids, had some
structural similarities with medieval Christendom.
However, when the Ottoman Sultans assumed the title of Caliphs in the
sixteenth century, in the dynamic context of Mediterranean and Central East
European geopolitics and in confrontation with the emerging post-Reformation
European system of states, the Caliphate was transformed in a modern absolutist
caesaro-papist direction. Although what could be called positivist secular
legislation under the Ottomans was named qnn (after ecclesiastical canon law),
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in fact, canon law in Islam means exactly the opposite of Catholic canon law. The
two functions of Sultanate and Caliphate were separately invested in the same
Ottoman ruler, but, as positive legislators, the Ottomans functioned only as Sultans
and, as pointed out by Fazlur Rahman, the qnn-law was a product of the
Sultanate, not the Caliphate.4
The European colonial expansion into the abode of Islam and the posterior
globalization of the European system of nation-states undermined the viability of
all premodern forms of Muslim polities. The political world of Islam disintegrated
throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Like European
Christendom before, Islam also became fragmented and territorialized into nation-
states. The dissolution of the Caliphate following the collapse of the Ottoman
Empire found little resistance throughout the Muslim world, particularly in
predominantly Muslim countries. With the emergence of various forms of secular
nationalism after World War II, it seemed as if the nation were becoming also for
Muslim peoples the primary imagined community, replacing the old transnational
imagined community of the ummah. It is increasingly evident, however, that in the
last decades, Islam is being reconstituted as a transnational religious regime and as
a global imagined community. The proliferation of transnational Muslim networks
of all kinds, transnational migration and the emergence of Muslim diasporas
throughout the world, the massive global proportions of the pilgrimage to Mecca,
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the establishment of global Islamic mass media, the expressions of global
solidarity with the Palestinian people and other Muslim causes-all can be viewed
as manifestations of the contemporary globalization of Islam.6
But unlike the modern reconstitution of the papacy as the core of a de-
territorialized transnational Catholic religious regime, the dissolution of the
Caliphate has created a void and a still unresolved crisis in the political imaginery
of Islam as a transnational religious regime. Three alternative models of
organization of Islam and of the global ummah are competing on the world stage
among Muslim actors.
The predominant model and the one more in accordance with the world system of
states is that of an international system of Muslim states in geopolitical
competition with other state blocs and with Western hegemony. To a certain
extent, this has been the aim of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)
since its founding in 1972. Virtually all states with majority Muslim populations
now belong to the Conference. No other world religion has such an interstate
organization. Yet, the OIC has proven an extremely ineffective and noncohesive
organization.
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LITRATURE REVIEW
the Catholic Church is an institution of singular importance in the coastal villages
of Kanyakumari, there is no single way of understanding its role. It is a key
element of the identity of the villagers, the basis of their faith, and an intimate part
of their everyday lives and struggles. As Kalpana Ram (1992) has argued, it also
functions as a quasi-state in the villages. From the time of the Churchs entry
here five centuries ago, every state of the day, including that of postcolonial India,
has accommodated it, allowed it to take on administrative and judicial functions,
and to represent the villagers. The size and prominence of the church in every
village, especially when contrasted to the cramped housing of the villagers,
illustrates its centrality as a structure of authority. The Church also operates at
multiple scales beyond the local: not only as part of a powerful international
institution, but at the national scale, as representing a small minority. Catholic faith
and identity are deeply rooted and thoroughly indigenised; nevertheless, as an
international institution, the Church must constantly struggle between introducing
new ideas and directives from the World Church (for instance, around theological
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purity and liturgical practice), and the need to inculturate2 and remain
indigenous, especially in the context of Hindu nationalism. Nor is the relationship
between the local Church and its community entirely harmonious, with its
authority being constantly called into question, and many of its own activities
being about restoring or trying to maintain legitimacy. Charting the course this
struggle has taken over the centuries between the secular and the spiritual, the
international and the national, the institutional and the popularis necessary to a
complex understanding of the Churchs present role.
Much of the task of mediation between the different levels outlined above is
carried out by individual clergymen, many of whom come from the fishing
villages. Drawing on Gramscis schema (1971: 5-14), this article examines their
role as agents of transformation, both as organic intellectuals representing their
class, and as traditional intellectuals who articulate the ideology of the Church and
state. Attending closely to the background and role of the clergy helps us to
compare and counterpose their involvement in politics with similarly placed
individuals in Hindu right organisations, most of whom are drawn from the upper
castes (Jaffrelot 1996, Saberwal & Hasan 2006), and for whom the intertwining of
religion and politics is a way of keeping other castes and religions down.
Church-related associations play another key linking role between the Church and
state. Over the years, for reasons having to do locally with needing to maintain
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legitimacy with its followers, nationally with matching secular movements aimed
at social reform, and internationally with movements of contestation and reform,
the Catholic Church has introduced a variety of associational forms in the villages.
These range from pious associations and youth groups, to the Basic Christian
Communities (BCCs) and Parish Councils. They have become spaces from within
which the Church struggles to maintain its relevance, and from which parishioners
seek to make claims upon the Church and state, while simultaneously asserting
their autonomy from them. But they are also spaces within which villagers seek to
reform the hierarchies of village life itself, such as the exclusion of women from
political authority. Religiosity here is mediated by an awareness of wider Indian
tropes of democracy and development, and villagers ability to negotiate between
the Church and other patrons such as political parties in order to further their
secular interests. Fishers rarely act only as Catholics, but also as members of
backward castes, regional and linguistic identities, fisher people, and women.
Equally importantly, the associations are spaces where members learn the routines
and technologies of modern governance, such as rules of order for the conduct of
meetings, minutes and accounts, village censuses, and membership cards.
The second model is one of diverse nonstate transnational Muslim groups, the
kilafist, striving to reconstitute the Caliphate, or a global Muslim polity,
incorporating all the historical territories of Dar el Islam, of which the radical
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jihdis willing to use spectacular terror across state borders are the most prominent,
or at least they have attained the greatest global prominence. In terms of numbers,
those may be relatively small and rather isolated and loosely organized cells, but
through their willingness to openly challenge the hegemony of the Western
powers, particularly that of the United States, and through the skillful use of
Muslim rhetoric and symbols, they have captured the imagination and the
sympathy of many disaffected Muslims throughout the world, particularly in the
diasporas of radical Islam.9 Although a highly destructive force able to disrupt the
international order, such terrorist groups present no real threat to Western
hegemony or to the established Muslim states, no more so than did their modern
global precursors, the anarchist terrorist groups of the end of the nineteenth century
or the left communist factions of the 1960s. On the contrary, by provoking the
military response of the only global superpower, they have contributed to the
strengthening of global U.S. hegemony. International multilateral intelligence and
policing would probably prove more effective against such transnational terror
groups than a global war on terror that is unable to discriminate against various
forms of radical Islam.
There are some similarities between transnational jihdism today and Catholic
ultramontanism in the nineteenth century. Both were parallel responses of
transnational religious groups to the threats of the modern system of nation-states
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and the political opportunities of globalization. But Catholic ultramontanism only
turned politically violent in conjunction with integralist tendencies aiming to
restore Catholic authoritarian monarchism against the liberal state, particularly
against republicanism, as in the case of the Carlist wars in Spain or
counterrevolutionary Catholic monarchism in France.10 The Cristero Rebellion in
laic post-revolutionary Mexico had a similar character.11 In Spain, those Catholic
political movements also assumed explicitly the identity of Christian crusades and
in its final stage, in the global political context of the underground radical
movements of the 1960s, they even assumed the name of Guerrilleros de Cristo
Rey.
In the 1930s, however, the surviving currents of Catholic ant liberal and ant
modernist integralism fed the various movements of Catholic Fascism and
authoritarian corporatism throughout Latin Europe and Latin America, searching
for a Catholic Third Way between bourgeois liberal democracy and godless
Bolshevik communism.
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RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
India is a multicultural and pluralistic religious society, but Christians have been
largely absent from political life. Menezes took the plunge when he joined the BJP.
Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the present prime minister of India and the most influential
leader in the BJP party, appointed Menezes to the national executive committee.
When confronting immigrants in their midst, Europeans rarely reflect upon the fact
that, throughout the modern era, European societies have been the primary
immigrant-sending region in the world. In the last decades, however, the migration
flows have reversed and many Western European societies have become, instead,
centers of global immigration. But European societies still have difficulty viewing
themselves as permanent immigrant societies or viewing the native second
generation as nationals, irrespective of their legal status. They prefer to maintain
the illusion that immigration is a temporary phenomenon, that those are guest
workers who can be sent home or refused entry whenever it is convenient. But
unless it is willing to turn itself into fortress Europe, with heavily policed
external borders, and thus belie the self image of cosmopolitan modernity it would
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like to have, the EU is unlikely to be able to stop completely the constant global
flow of refugees and of legal and illegal immigration. Under contemporary
conditions of globalization, fortress Europe would be economically,
geopolitically, and culturally self-defeating. It would turn Europe into a parochial,
ethnocentric, and peripheral peninsula of Asia, the position it had before the rise of
European hegemony in early modernity.
It was only later on that the national perspective was frowned upon by a political
leadership which was out to seek Muslim support for the national movement as a
short-cut to a quick and peaceful transfer of power. The Muslim support failed to
materialise. Instead, Islamic imperialism became parasitic on the national
movement, and continued to fatten till it succeeded in partitioning the country. But
in the process, the national perspective on Indian history stood subverted in all its
essentials. We are now paying the price in the from of renewed aggression from
Islamic imperialism, and the growing fissiparous tendencies within the national
fold.
The national perspective had become diluted when some scribes, patronised by an
opportunist or self-alienated political leadership, had started parading Siraj-ud-
Dawla, Hyder Ali, Tipu Sultan and Bahadur Shah, the last Mughal, as Indian
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patriots, and pillorying Mir Jafar and Omichand as traitors. It had become distorted
when the Mughal empire had begun to be depicted as a native political system in
which its victims, the Hindus, were harangued to take as much pride as they had
done earlier in the Maurya, the Andhra, and the Gupta empires. And it had suffered
a total perversion when the Mamluks, the Khaljis, the Tughlaqs, the Sayyads, the
Lodis and the Bahmanis were transformed into indigenous dynasties on par with
the Maukharis, the Rashtrakutas, the Chalukyas, the Chandellas, the Chauhans, and
so on. In the process, the bulkwarks of national resistance like Mewar and
Vijayanagar were reduced to puny Hindu principalities on par with provinces ruled
by Muslim governors, and indomitable freedom fighters like Rana Pratap and
Shivaji were cut down to the size of local chieftains on par with Muslim rebels
who frequently ran foul of their imperialist overlords at Delhi or Agra.
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OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
Clash of Civilizations or Parallel Aggiornamentos? Transnational Structures of Catholicism and Islam as Worldly Religious
Regimes
Define Political Catholicism and Political Islam in Comparative Perspective.
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CONCLUSION
All the world religions, none had seemed as threatened at its core by the emergence
of the modern world system of sovereign territorial states as the Roman Church.
The dissolution of Western Christendom undermined the role of the papacy as the
spiritual head of a universal Christian monarchy represented by the Holy Roman
Empire. The papacy lost control of the emerging national Catholic churches to
caesaro-papist Catholic monarchs and it itself became territorialized into the Papal
States, reduced to being just another marginal and increasingly irrelevant sovereign
territorial state. One by one, from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries, most of
the transnational dimensions of Medieval Catholicism receded or disappeared
altogether.
Anti-immigrant xenophobic nativism, the conservative defense of Christian culture
and civilization, secularist antireligious prejudices, liberal-feminist critiques of
Muslim patriarchal fundamentalism, and the fear of Islamist terrorist networks are
being fused indiscriminately throughout Europe into a uniform anti-Muslim
discourse which practically precludes the kind of mutual accommodation between
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immigrant groups and host societies that is necessary for successful immigrant
incorporation.
REFERENCES
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Studies in Ottoman Greek History, Istanbul: The Isis Press
Draper, J. (2006) Africa in Sawyer J. (ed.) The Blackwell Companion to the Bible andCulture, Blackwell Publishing
Fuze, M.M. (1922) Abantu Abamnyama Lapa Bavela Ngakona, Pietermaritzburg:University of Natal Press
Grey, J. (2009) The Importance of Vernacular Bible Translations by Martin Luther, JohnWycliffe, and Erasmus in the Reformation, [online] available from:
http://janegrey.hubpages.com/hub/The-Role-of-Bible-Translations-in-the-Reformation
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