poetic language and religion in greece and rome edited by j

Poetic Language and Religion in Greece and Rome Edited by J Virgilio Garciacutea and Angel Ruiz

This book first published 2013

Cambridge Scholars Publishing

12 Back Chapman Street Newcastle upon Tyne NE6 2XX UK

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Copyright copy 2013 by J Virgilio Garciacutea Angel Ruiz and contributors

All rights for this book reserved No part of this book may be reproduced stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic mechanical photocopying recording or

otherwise without the prior permission of the copyright owner

ISBN (10) 1-4438-5248-1 ISBN (13) 978-1-4438-5248-7

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface viii Joseacute Virgilio Garciacutea Trabazo and Angel Ruiz

Indo-European Poetic Language

Gods And Vowels 2 Joshua T Katz

Some Linguistic Devices of the Greek Poetical Tradition 29 Jordi Redondo

In Tenga Bithnua y la Lengua Angeacutelica Sus Fuentes y su Funcioacuten 39 Henar Velasco Loacutepez

Rumpelstilzchen The Name of the Supernatural Helper and the Language of the Gods 51 Oacutescar M Bernao Farintildeas

Religious Onomastics in Ancient Greece and Italy Lexique Phraseology and Indo-european Poetic Language 60 Joseacute L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

Two Epithets of Zeus in Laconia in the Light of Homeric Phraseology 108 Ana Vegas Sansalvador

Τάρταρος 118 Daniel Koumllligan

Religious Etymology and Poetic Syncretism at Rome 127 Colin Shelton

Ancient Linguistic Literary and Religious Elements in Kallimachos and Chrysorrhoe 136 Edwin D Floyd

Table of Contents

vi

Religious Language in Greek and Latin Literature

Poesiacutea y Ritual en la Grecia Antigua Observaciones Sobre los Peanes Deacutelficos 146 Emilio Suaacuterez de la Torre

Consulting the Gods in the Odyssey 183 Claudia Zatta

lsquoReligious Registerrsquo and Comedy The Case of Cratinus 190 Francesco Paolo Bianchi

Oracles and Riddles Ambo Fratres Cultural (and Family) Relations Between Oracula and Aenigmata 199 Simone Beta

Late Antique Oracles Samples of Ασάφεια or Σαφήνεια 207 Lucia Maddalena Tissi

En Torno al Vocabulario Religioso Heleniacutestico Temis y dike en Euforioacuten y su Hipotexto Hesioacutedico 222 Josep A Cluacutea Serena

Intertextuality and the Cultic Dimension in Lycophronrsquos Rewriting of Myth Iphigenia and Childbirth 230 Giulia Biffis

The Achillesrsquo Oath in Hom Il 1236-244 Intertextuality and Survival 243 Manuel Peacuterez Loacutepez

Plegaria e Himno Literario Los Dioscuros en las Inscripciones de Prote Alceo y dos Himnos Homeacutericos 250 Joseacute B Torres Guerra

The Magicians who Sang to the Gods 258 Miriam Blanco

Thesea Devovi Magic Ritual and Heroes in Ovidrsquos Heroides 266 Nathalie Sado Nisinson

El Himno de Adrasto a Apolo en la Tebaida de Estacio 275 Joseacute Manuel Veacutelez Latorre

Poetic Language and Religion in Greece and Rome vii

Poetic and Religious Traditionalism in Avienus The Prooemium of the Aratea 282 Amedeo Alessandro Raschieri

Venus Ceres and Ovid Divinity Knowledge and the Generation of Poetry in Book IV of Ovidrsquos Fasti 293 Charles Bartlett

Magic as a Poetic Process Vergil and the Carmina 301 Mathieu Minet

Poetic and Religious Language in Roman Tragic Fragments Concerning Medea 310 Maria Jennifer Falcone

Index 321

RELIGIOUS ONOMASTICS IN ANCIENT GREECE AND ITALY

LEXIQUE PHRASEOLOGY AND INDO-EUROPEAN POETIC LANGUAGE

JOSEacute L GARCIacuteA RAMOacuteN UNIVERSITY OF COLOGNE

1 The epithets used to invoke gods in a ritual context (hence the term ἐπίκλησις) attested in inscriptions or quoted in literary texts reveal a lot of information about the respective godrsquos characteristics they therefore occupy a special position within the representations of divine beings by the Greeks and Romans The numerous cultic and literary epithets of gods inasmuch as they are understandable ex graeco ipso ex latino ipso or by linguistic comparison reflect different aspects of their divine personality in fact they can show astonishing characteristics which are highly instructive about the respective godrsquos powers and the religious knowledge codified in local traditions Divine epithets appear in epigraphical texts or are quoted in poetry or historical texts epithets of only literary provenance albeit sometimes based on the poetrsquos free imagination often also reflect the imagery of the cultic epithets and thus basically agree in their portrayal of the godrsquos characteristics Local epithets can reflect the

This paper has been written within the framework of the Research Project ldquoDivine epithets in Ancient Greece a linguistic and philological approachrdquo (PPP-Programme DAADVigoni Universitagrave Cattolica del Sacro Cuore Seminario di Filologia Classica e Papirologia Universitaumlt zi Koumlln Historisch-Vergelichende Sprachwissenschaft 20112012 It is a part of the Loeb Lecture ldquoIndo-European Continuity in Greek and Latin Onomasticsrdquo held April 17th 2012 at the Department of Classics at Harvard It is a pleasant duty to express my gratitude to Daniel Koumllligan (Koumlln) Daniele Maras (Roma) Joseacute Marcos Macedo (Saocirc Paulo Koumlln) Joseacute Luis Melena (Vitoria) Paolo Poccetti (Roma) Ana Vegas Sansalvador (Koumlln) and M Weiss (Cornell) for their remarks and criticism My warm thanks also go to Karolina Gierej Denise Huumlbner and especially Lena Wolberg (Koumlln) for her invaluable help in the material preparation of the manuscript

Joseacute L Garciacutea Ramoacuten 61

panhellenic divine imagery ie the standard imagery of the Olympic and lesser gods without geographical distinction But each Greek and Italic region attests in its epigraphy numerous typical sometimes also unexpected epithets They may be unique or related to a god for the first time only from one source and even appear completely strange for a specific god

The first question when dealing with epithets concerns the distinction between cultic and exclusively literary epithets ie whether epithets quoted in literature are of cultic provenance or a poetic invention That cultic epithets are usually written with majuscule whereas literary epithets are with minuscule (except when they are directly used as the name of the god) is of course purely conventional It must be noted that literary epithets can be of a cultic nature too the absence of a corresponding ritual context may be due to the lack of documentation Even if an epithet was invented by the poet (thus showing perhaps an lsquooccasionalrsquo nature) it has the same function as a traditional epithet inasmuch as it describes the godrsquos essence (or a part of it) Lexicographical literature which quotes many epithets with or without indication of their regional or dialectal provenance is often astonishingly precise in their explanation The evaluation of divine epithets meets with different possibilities

(1) the meaning of the epithet is obscure in this case there is no other possibility than to associate it as far as possible with non-Greek or non-Italic proper names (toponyms theonyms ethnics) in other words to admit that it is not Indo-European and to renounce a linguistic explanation

(2) the epithet inasmuch as it is interpretable within Greek or Latin Sabellic by way of comparison with other Indo-European traditions indicates a particularity (specific or not) of the god in this case we are dealing with various possibilities (a) the epithet perfectly fits into the pattern of the godrsquos nature

Ideally the divine character is indicated by epithets poetry and iconography at the same time this is eg the case of Apollo lsquowith the silver bowrsquo (ἀργυρότοξος) or Artemis lsquowho holds the arrow in her handsrsquo (ἰοχέαιρα)

(b) the epithet informs us about the godrsquos imagery in the region in which it appears although iconographical support is lacking This is eg the case of Χαμύνη of Demeter in Olympia or that of Ἐριούνιος of Ηermes Χαμύνη lsquowho has her bed (εὐνή) on

Religious Onomastics 62

the ground (χαμαί)rsquo1 reflects ex Graeco ipso the liaison of the goddess with mortal Iasion as transmitted since Hοmer (Od 5125) as shown by A Vegas Sansalvador For its part Ἐριούνιος Ἐριούνης lsquowho is highly (ἐριdeg) runner helperrsquo conceals in its second member an abstract οὖνος (or a denominative οὐνοε- lsquorunrsquo) οὔνη lsquocoursersquo2 of the same root h2euh1- as Hitt ḫuuai- ḫuia-ḫḫi lsquorunrsquo (HLuv ḫuuia-mi CLuv ḫūia-mi) Ved aviū Lat iūuō-are lsquohelprsquo as shown by E Langella3 which illustrates the coexistence of both activities as characteristic of Hermes

(c) the epithet is intelligible but without any recognizable relation to the godrsquos nature eg Apollo Δελφίνιος who is characterized in many regions by a strong connection with the local political institutions of various communities where he is venerated and with ephebical institutions (Graf 1979) In such a case where meaning and function are not in agreement the epithet is unlikely to be explained satisfactorily on the strength of its etymology

The present contribution will make the case for the importance of the phraseology (within Greek or Latin andor of Indo-European origin) to interpret divine epithets and names in a threefold approach Firstly compounded epithets literary compounds with ὀρσιdeg and ὀρσοdeg ἐγερσίμαχος (Atena) ἐριβόας (Dionysus) Lat opitulus (Iuppiter) Secondly non-compounded epithets coexisting or not with compounds having the same lexical item as one of its members Κεραυνoacuteς Στoacuteρπᾱς (both of Zeus) Thess κορουταρρα (En(n)odia) Ζητήρ (Ζeus) Lat Stator (Iuppiter) Finally an attempt will be made to detect the forerunners (or correspondences) of gods which are not mentioned by name in the Mycenaean and the Sabellic domain in light of onomastics and

1 Or lsquohaving the earth (χαμdeg) as bedrsquo (with degυνή as the zero-grade of εὐνή cf χαμαιεύvης [Hom] χαμεύvης [Hsch]) see Od 5125 ὣς δrsquo ὁπότrsquo Ἰασίωνι ἐϋπλόκαμος Δημήτηρ hellip μίγη φιλότητι καὶ εὐνῇ νειῷ ἔνι τριπόλῳ also Hes Th 9689 Δημήτηρ μὲν Πλoῦτoν ἐγείνατo Ἰασίωv᾿ ἥρῳ μιγεῖσ᾿ ἐρατῇ φιλότητι νειῷ ἔνι τριπόλῳ (Vegas Sansalvador 1992) 2 Cf the Hesychian glosses οὔνη δεῦρο δράμε Ἀρκάδες οὖνονmiddot [ὑγιές] Κύπριοι δρόμον οὔνιος οὔνης δρομεύς κλέπτης 3 Cf on the one hand HH 19289 οἷόν θrsquo Ἑρμείην ἐριούνιον hellip hellip ὡς ὅ hellip θοὸς ἄγγελός ἐστι HH 2407 Ἑρμῆς hellip ἐριούνιος ἄγγελος ὠκύς on the other HH 428f Διὸς δrsquo ἐριούνιος υἱὸς hellip ldquoσύμβολον ἤδη μοι μέγrsquo ὀνήσιμον hellip 34 hellipὄφελός τί μοι ἔσσῃ Further details in Langella (forthcoming)


phraseology Demeter and Apolo (not attested in Linear B) and Juno (non attested in Sabellic Italy)

I Compounded Epitheta Deorum and Phraseology

2 Let us start in memory of our friend Juan Joseacute Moralejo with the essentials of some literary epithets namely the compounds with ὀρσιdeg and ὀρσodeg as the first member which were in part dealt with extensively in my contribution to his Festschrift4 ὀρσίαλoς (Bacchylides) of Poseidon ὀρσιβάκχας (Ba) and ὀρσιγύναικα (lyr adesp) of Dionysus ὀρσίκτυπoς and ὀρσινεφής (Pindar) of Zeus ὀρσίμαχος (Ba) of Αthena also ὀρσοτρίανα (Pi) of Poseidon

A crucial point must be stressed at random ὀρσιdeg may actually conceal two lexemes which are perceived as different at least in Homeric ldquosynchronyrdquo namely (a) ὄρνυμι lsquoto rise (up) to put in vertical motionrsquo (aor ὀρσα- med ὦρτο perf ὄρωρε quoted as ὀρ- in what follows) and (b) ὀρίνω lsquoto stir (up) whirl agitate rousersquo (aor ὀρινα- perf ὀρώρεται ὀρινoε- in what follows) as phraseological collocations clearly show A first member ὀρσιdeg is the regular reflex of (a) ὀρ- Whereas for (b) ὀρινοε- whichever its etymology could be (surely connected with Ved riṇāti)5 one would have expected ὁρισιdeg (cf φθισιdeg φθίνω τ(ε)ισιdeg τίνω) the choice of ὀρσιdeg instead of regular +ὀρισιdeg was probably favoured by the absence of an aor +ὀρισα-

In fact ὀρ- lsquoto risersquo and ὀριvοε- lsquoto stir (up) whirlrsquo may occur in identical collocations they partially overlap although they were not used as exact synonyms6 Both senses are also attested for Ved ar r (pres [uacuted-]iyaacuterti)

4 Garciacutea Ramoacuten 2012 5 Most probably h3reiH- ldquowallen wirbelnrdquo (Rix 1965 29ff LIV2 sv) which may be an enlarged variant of h1er- OCS rějǫ (-ati) lsquoto flowrsquo Ved rīyate lsquoflowsrsquo Gk ὀρῑνω (-nH-ioe-) surely continues a nasal pres h1ri-n-eacuteH- (Ved riṇāti lsquosets in violent motionrsquo [of liquids] Goth rinnan lsquoto runrsquo) 6 Other referents may be attached to (a) ὀρ- or to (b) ὀρινοε- even if they are (fully or in part) synonym for instance to (a) ὀρ- cf νόος (ὅππῃ οἱ νόος ὄρνυται Od1347) μένος (καί μοι μένος ὤρορε Il 1378) στόνος (τῶν δὲ στόνος ὄρνυτlsquo ἀεικής Il 10483 et al) To (b) ὀρινοε- cf ἦτορ (hellipμηδέ μοι ἦτορ ἐν στήθεσσιν ὄρινε Od1747) κῆρ (ὄρινε δὲ κῆρ Ὀδυσῆος Od 17216) and especially θυμός (ldquoden θυμός aufwuumlhlen ihn aus der Ruhe in Wallung Erregung durcheinander bringenrdquo Rix 1965 23-24 cf hellip Ἴρῳ δὲ κακῶς ὠρίνετο θυμός Οd 1875 πᾶσιν ὀρίνθη θυμός Ιl 18223 τοῖσι δὲ θυμὸν ἐνὶ στήθεσσιν ὄρινε Il 2142 et al) also with perf ὀρώρεται (ἐπεί μοι ὀρώρεται ἔνδοθι θυμὸς κήδεσιν Od 19377 hellip ἐμοὶ δίχα θυμὸς ὀρώρεται ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα ibid 524)


which occurs partly in the same collocations whereas Ved rayi rī is restricted to flowing liquids in fact comparison with Vedic is not always helpful to elucidate the sense of compounds with ὀρσιdeg Consequently for each of the Greek divine epithets with ὀρσιdeg appurtenance to both (a) ὀρ- and (b) ὀρινοε- should be taken into account Α decision in favour of one or the other or of both is only possible on the basis of the collocations actually attested

3 Let us remember some collocations attested with both ὀρ- and ὀρινοε-

namely with γόος lsquowipe lamentrsquo ὀρυμαγδός lsquoloud noise dinrsquo and μῆνις and νεῖκος synonyms for lsquowrath strifersquo as well as with κῦμα lsquowaversquo

As to γόος7 cf (a) Od1746-7 μῆτερ ἐμή μή μοι γόον ὄρνυθι μηδέ μοι ἦτορ ἐν στήθεσσιν ὄρινε φυγόντι περ αἰπὺν ὄλεθρον lsquohellip do not make my weep rise (ὄρνυθι) nor agitate (ὄρινε) my heart in my breast at having escaped helliprsquo and (b) Il 24760 Ὣς ἔφατο κλαίουσα γόον δ ἀλίαστον ὄρινε lsquohellip and roused endless weeplamentrsquo

As to ὀρυμαγδός cf (a) Il 2810 πολὺς δ᾿ ὀρυμαγδὸς ὀρώρει lsquoa great din was arisenrsquo and (b) hellip πολὺν δ᾿ ὀρυμαγδὸν ὄρινε Il 21313 [ 24760] lsquoand stir up a great din rsquo Οd 22360 ἠὲ σοὶ ἀντεβόλησεν ὀρινομένῳ κατὰ δῶμα lsquohellip or he met you when you were storming through the palacersquo8

Αs to νεῖκoς μῆνις cf (a) Il 387 τoῦ εἵνεκα νεῖκoς ὄρωρε lsquofor whose sake this strife is arisenrsquo and (b) Ba 13110-2 ὁππότε Πη[λείδας τρα[χε]ῖαν [Ατρείδαισι μ]ᾶνιν ὠρίνατ[o lsquowhen the Pelide stirred hard strife against the Atridesrsquo

The same applies to κῦμα lsquowaversquo which is (a) lsquorisen uprsquo (ὀρ-) by the wind andor from the sea but also (b) lsquostirred (up)rsquo (expressed not by ὀρινoε- but by synonymous κινεοε-) As to (a) cf Od 5366 ὦρσε δ᾿ ἐπὶ μέγα κῦμα Πoσειδάων ἐνoσίχθων lsquoPoseidon shaker of the earth made to rise up drove on a great waversquo (also Il 14394-5 with the winds as the agent) As to (b) cf Il 2145-7 κινήθη δ᾿ ἀγορὴ φὴ κύματα μακρὰ θαλάσσης πόντου Ἰκαρίοιο τὰ μέν τ Εὖρός τε Νότος τε ὤρορ᾿(ε) lsquoand the assembly became stirred up (κινήθη ὠρίνθη) like the long waves of the Icarian see which the East wind or the South Wind has raisedrsquo (τὰ ὤρορ᾿[ε])

The comparison with Vedic (ūrmiacute- lsquowaversquo ar r) is straightforward and allows a step further to be taken

7 Also with ἵμερος γόοιο (τοῖσι δὲ πᾶσιν ὑφ ἵμερον ὦρσε γόοιο Il 23108) 8 There is no need to assume that σοὶ ὀρινομένῳ has been created on the model of σοὶ ὀρνυμένῳ (pace Rix 1965 25ff) The occurrences of ὀρινοε- in contexts where ὀρ- is also attested are not neccesarily to be understood as ldquohomerische Woumlrterrdquo


Il 14394-5 oὔτε θαλάσσης κῦμα τόσoν βoάᾳ πoτὶ χέρσoν πoντόθεν ὀρvύμενoν πνoίῃ Βoρέω ἀλεγεινῇ lsquonot such is the roaring of the wave of the sea on the shore drivenrisen up from the deepsea by the dread blast of the North Windrsquo RV X 1232a samudrād ūrmiacutem uacuted iyarti venaacuteḥ lsquofrom the sea the seer raises the waversquo

This allows for the assumption of a phraseological pattern which may be inherited

WAVE RAISE UP from SEA (by WIND) κῦμα ὀρ- ποντόθεν + ūrmiacute- uacuted- arr samudrād -

4 Some of the literary compounds with ὀρσιdeg reflect essential

peculiarities of the god but do not allow a decision to be made between lsquoto raise (up)rsquo and lsquoto stir (up) whirl agitatersquo This is the case of the epithets of Dionysus ὀρσιβάκχας and ὀρσιγύναικα

(1) ὀρσιβάκχας lsquowho excites the Bacchants ( Βάκχαι)rsquo Ba 1949-50

τὸν ὀρσιβάκχα[ν Διόνυσoν [9 In fact ὀρσιdeg may conceal (a) ὀρ- cf Nonn D 20342 ὣς ὅ γε hellip εἰς ὄροςhellip ἤλασε Βάκχας (with ἐλαυνοε- the lexical continuant if ὀρ- cf νῆυς ὀρνυμένη (Od 121823 Ved iyarti nāvam) νῆα ἐλαυνέμεν (Il 23334) but also (b) ὀρινοε- as expressed by means of σευοε- by Eust Il 2260 ἀφrsquo ἧς ὁ Διόνυσος ὠνομάσθαι δοκεῖ περὶ ἣν ὁ δηλωθεὶς Λυκοῦργος ἔσευε τὰς Βάκχας

(2) ὀρσιγύναικα lsquowho excites the women (γυναῖκες) Lyr adesp 131 [PMG 1003] εὔιoν ὀρσιγύναικα μαινoμέναις Διόνυσoν ἀνθέoντα10

5 Other epithets on the contrary are transparent as the interpretation of

ὀρσιdeg is supported by the attested phraseology This is the case of ὀρσίκτυπoς (Zeus) where ὀρσιdeg matches ὀρ- and of ὀρσίαλoς (Poseidon) and ὀρσινεφής (Zeus) which reflect Homeric collocations with only (b) ὀρινοε- (and synonymous)

9 Eust ad Il 2260 ἀφrsquo ἧς ὁ Διόνυσος ὠνομάσθαι δοκεῖ περὶ ἣν ὁ δηλωθεὶς Λυκοῦργος ἔσευε τὰς Βάκχας 10 Cf also the antonym γυναιμανής lsquomad for womenrsquo (of Dionysus -ές HH 3417 ἵληθ εἰραφιῶτα γυναιμανές Nonn) firstly of Paris (Δύσπαρι hellip γυναιμανές Il339 13769) glossed as γυναιμανές γυναικομανές (Hsch) γυναιμανής ἐπὶ γυναιξὶ μαινόμενος (Sud) Late γυναιμανέων was wrongly reinterpreted as lsquomaking women madrsquo (QS 735 Nonn D 2125)


(1) ὀρσίκτυπoς (Zeus) lsquowho raises bangrsquo ( κτύπος) Pi O 1081 ὀρσικτύπoυ Διὸς See Il 2066 τόσσoς ἄρα κτύπoς ὦρτo θεῶν ἔριδι ξυνιόντων lsquoso great was the crash that arose when the gods clashed in strifersquo11

(2) ὀρσίαλoς (Poseidon) lsquowho stirs the searsquo Βa 1619 ὀρσιάλῳ δαμασίχθoνι

The epithet reflects ὀρίνει ἅλα as shown by the parallel with Od 7271-3

πoλλῇ τήν μoι ἐπῶρσε Πoσειδάων ἐvoσίχθων ὅς μoι ἐφoρμήσας ἀνέμoυς κατέδησε κέλευθoν ὤρινεν δὲ θάλασσαν ἀθέσφατoν lsquohellip with great woe (scil ὀιζυῖ) which Poseidon rose12hellip upon me he who raising up the winds hellip and stirred up an unspeakable searsquo

More precisely the passages make clear that the god (a) raises up the winds (ἐπῶρσε ἐφoρμήσας13) and (b) stirs (up) the sea (ὤριvεv)14 This characteristic activity of Poseidon15 is also expressed by means of other synonym verbs (ταράσσω κινέω)16

On the other hand the collocation (b) [WIND ndash STIR UP ndash SEA] is well attested by means of synonyms also in Vedic

Il 94 ὡς δrsquo ἄνεμoι δύo πόντoν ὀρίνετoν ἰχθυόεντα17 lsquojust as two winds stir up the sea full of fishesrsquo RV IX 844c samudraacutem uacuted iyarti vāyuacutebhiḥ lsquo(this soma) its liquid raises ()stirs up the sea beneath the winds (vāyuacutebhiḥ)rsquo

All this allows the reconstructing of an inherited phraseological pattern

(by) WIND RAISE UP STIR UP SEA ἄvεμoς ὀρινοε- πόντoς vāyuacute- uacuted arr samudraacute-

11 Cf also Il 19363-4 ὑπὸ δὲ κτύπoς ὤρνυτo πoσσὶν ἀνδρῶν 12 Cf also Od 11407 ὄρσας [scil Poseidon] ἀργαλέων ἀvέμων ἀμέγαρτoν ἀυτμήν 13 Gk ἐφορμαοε- a synonym of ὄρνυμι (h3r-neacuteu-) is in fact a denominative of ὁρμή (h3or-smeacuteh2) of the same root (cf denominative τιμάoε- lsquohonourrsquo τίoε- lsquoidrsquo) 14 Cf also ὀρινομένη τε θάλασσα (Il 2294) ὅς τ᾿ ὤρινε θάλασσαν (Hes Op 676) 15Nonetheless both verbs are considered to be close semantically by the glosists cf ὀρίνετον ὥρμων (Hsch) See also ὀρίνετον δυϊκῶς ὥρμων ἐκίνουν (ApSoph) 16 Cf ἐτάραξε πόντoν χερσὶ τρίαιναν ἑλὼν (Od 5292) Πoσειδάωνα γαίης κινητῆρα καὶ ἀτρυγέτoιo θαλάσσης (HH 221-2) 17 Cf also Il112978 hellip ἶσος ἀέλλῃ ἥ τε καθαλλομένη ἰοειδέα πόντον ὀρίνει


(3) ὀρσινεφής (Zeus) lsquowho stirs upwilds the cloudsrsquo Pi N 534-5 ὀρσινεφὴς Ζεύς

The epithet actually reflects ὀρίνειὤρινε νέφος (expressed by means of synonymes in Homer) better than ὄρνυσι ὦρσε As in the case of ὀρσίαλος Homeric phraseology shows a combination of two actions (a) the god raises up the winds (Od 967 ἐπῶρσ ἄνεμoν Boρέην νεφεληγερέτα Ζεύς) and (b) the winds wild (κλονεοε- στυφελιζοε- δονεοε-) the clouds Τhis is evident in Il 23212ff

hellip τοὶ δ᾿ ὀρέοντο ἠχῇ θεσπεσίῃ νέφεα κλονέοντε πάροιθεν αἶψα δὲ πόντον ἵκανον ἀήμεναι ὦρτο δὲ κῦμα πνοιῇ ὕπο λιγυρῇ hellip lsquoand they (scil the winds) rose (ὀρέοντο) with a wondrous din stirring (κλονέοντε)18 the clouds in confusion tumultuously before them hellip and the wave rose (ὦρτο κῦμα) under the whistling windrsquo

The contrast between (b) winds stirring clouds and waves risen up by the actions of winds is straightforward The situation in Vedic (arr) is similar as seen in RV I 1161b

stoacutemām iyarmy abhriacuteyeva vātaḥ lsquoI raise songs of praise like the wind (raises [or wilds]) the cloudsrsquo)19

In this verse iyarmi matches the sense lsquoraisersquo lsquoimpelrsquo with stoacutema- as the object but its elliptic occurrence with abhriacuteya- may reflect also the second sense lsquoto wildrsquo ( ὀρινοε-) This is clear in the case of the thunder which fulfills the very same activity in RV VI 4412ab as again the lsquorising uprsquo fulfilled by Indra with the presents uacuted abhrāṇīva stanaacuteyann iyarti iacutendro rādhāṃsi aacuteśviyāni gaacutevyā lsquolike the thunder wilds the clouds so let Indra the equine and bovine presents rise uprsquo The following collocational pattern may therefore be considered as inherited

WIND RISE STIR UP CLOUD ἄvεμoς ὀρινοε- νέφεα vāta- ar r abhriacute-

18 Cf also πυκνὰ Θρηικίου Βορέω νέφεα κλονέοντος (Hes Op 553) With other verbs cf ὡς ὁπότε νέφεα Ζέφυρoς στυφελίξῃ (Il 11305) ἄνεμoς νέφεα δoνήσας (Il 12157) 19 Ved abhriacuteya- a derivative of abhraacute- lsquocloudrsquo (IE nbh-roacute- Lat imber) which is currently kept apart from Gk ἀφρός lsquofoam slaverrsquo because of the difference of meaning


6 The epithet ὀρσοτρίαινᾰ as a designation of Poseidon in Pindar (4x) eg Ol 848 ὀρσοτρίαινα δrsquo ἐπrsquo Ἰσθμῷ ποντίᾳ ἅρμα θοὸν τάνυεν20 is transmitted in this form The first member ὀρσοdeg was actually not felt to be as remarkable by scholiasts and not deserving of any comment at all This strongly suggests that it was considered to be a mere variant of ὀρσι-τρίαινα ie lsquowho raises ( ὀρ-) the tridentrsquo or lsquowho whirls (ὀρινοε-) the tridentrsquo both senses fitting the image we have of the god21

In fact ὀρσοτρίαινα is forma difficilior namely a possessive compound of the type ἀγλαoτρίαινα lsquohaving a bright tridentlsquo εὐτρίαινα lsquohaving a goodly tridentrsquo (both in Pindar) referring to the same god with ὀρσodeg as its first member the adjective matches Ved rṣvaacute- lsquohighrsquo ( Av ǝrǝšuua- lsquoidrsquo) which is also attested in compounds of the same type as Ved rṣvaacute-vīra-lsquohaving prominent menrsquo rṣvauacutejas-lsquohaving prominent forcersquo22 The epithet ὀρσοτρίαινα describes Poseidon as the god lsquowho has a high tridentrsquo or lsquowho keeps his trident highrsquo (in a horizontal position) as he is widely depicted in Greek tradition (eg A Pr 924-5 Ar Eq 840) and iconography This matches the figure of the god who whirls the sea with his trident (Od 5291-2 ἐτάραξε δὲ πόντον χερσὶ τρίαιναν ἑλών Od 7271-3 Πoσειδάων hellip ὤρινεν δὲ θάλασσαν see sect 5)

Nevertheless ὀρσο-τρίαιναν could alternatively be understood as a conventional ldquoDoricrdquo orthographic variant with ltσgt for ltθgt for a possessive compound ὀρθο-τρίαιναν lsquowho keeps his trident standing uprightrsquo (of the type ὀρθoacuteθριξ A Ch 32) which would actually match the collocation τρίαιναν ὀρθὴν στᾶσαν in a fragment of Euripidesrsquo Erecteus referring to the dispute between Poseidon and Athena for the hegemony of Athens (F 36047 Cropp-Collard speaks Praxithea vv 44 ff)

οὐδrsquo ἀντrsquo ἐλάας χρυσέας τε Γοργόνος τρίαιναν ὀρθὴν στᾶσαν ἐν πόλεως βάθροις Εὔμολπος οὐδὲ Θρῇξ ἀναστέψει λεὼς στεφάνοισι Παλλὰς δrsquo οὐδαμοῦ τιμήσεται lsquohellip nor shall Eumolpos or his Thracian folk crown a trident planted upright instead of the olive and the golden Gorgon in the foundations of the city nor dishonor Pallasrsquo

20 Also ὁ πόντιος Ὀρσ[oτ]ρίαινα (Pae F 52k 47) ὀρσοτρίαιναν εὐρυβίαν καλέων θεόν (P 212) N 485-7 21 However the Scholia do not give any guidance on this point for instance Schol O 861-70 (schol rec) ὁ ὀρσοτριαίνης δέ (64) ἤγουν ὁ Ποσειδῶν ὁ τὴν τρίαιναν φέρων 22 Cf also Hom ὀρσοθύρη lsquoa door high up (or back) in the wallrsquo actually a compound of the type ἀκρόπολις


Two facts may speak in favour of the interpretation as ὀρθο-τρίαινα lsquohaving his trident uprightrsquo (a) Greek traditions on the dispute make clear that Poseidon hit the earth with his trident in a vertical position making a spring rise up (Paus 1243) as is also widely reflected in the iconography23 (b) the expression τρίαιναν ὀρθὴν στᾶσαν obviously reflects the inherited collocation Hom στῆ δrsquo ὀρθός (eg Il 23271 [et al] στῆ δrsquo ὀρθὸς καὶ μῦθον ἐν Ἀργείοισιν ἔειπεν ) which is well attested also in Vedic and Avestan cf RV II 303ab ūrdhvoacute hy aacutesthād aacutedhy antarikṣeacute ᾿dhā vrtrāya praacute vadhaacutem lsquo upright he stood up in the air and addressed his weapon against Vrtrarsquo Yt 1376 yā taδa ǝrǝduuā hištǝṇta lsquothose who were standing uprightrsquo24

In this assumption the occurrence of ltσgt for ltθgt would reflect the ldquoDoricrdquo convention as seen in type σιός ( θεός) παρσένος ( παρθένος) in the text of Alcman25 The possibility of conventional ldquoDoricrdquo spellings in the text of Pindar is not excluded this is in my opinion the case for the forms ὥτε lsquoas likersquo (Hiō-) ὧτε lsquosorsquo (sō-) as against ὥστε + infinitive (4x) ὥς ὥσπερ (instead of ldquoDorrdquo ὥ ὥπερ) which actually reflect the distribution attested in the text of Alcman eg ὤτrsquo ἄλιον fr 141 (ϝrsquo ὤτ᾿) ὤτrsquo ὄρνις 8212 vs τόσσος κόρος ὤστrsquoἀμύναι 16426

Nevertheless the assumption of a compound ὀρθο-τρίαινα with artificial ldquoDoricrdquo spelling encounters a major difficulty the epithet ὀρθός is regularily attested with ltθgt in the transmitted text of Pindar27 also in the same construction as τρίαιναν ὀρθὴν στᾶσαν (see above) P 353 τοὺς δὲ τομαῖς ἔστασεν ὀρθούς lsquohellip and others he put upright (ie lsquoraises uprsquo) with surgeriesrsquo

This leaves as the only possibility for a putative basic form ὀρθο-τρίαινα the assumption that ὀρσοdeg in ὀρσοτρίαινα reflects the crossing of the formae faciliores ὀρσιdeg (ὀρσι-τρίαινα lsquowho raiseswilds the tridentrsquo) and ὀρθοdeg (ὀρθο-τρίαινα lsquowho has the trident uprightrsquo) Anyway ὀρσοτρίαινα may simply mean lsquowho keeps his trident highrsquo ( ὀρσοdeg lsquohighrsquo Ved rṣvaacute- lsquoidrsquo) ie in horizontal position which was not

23 Cf Hdt 855 πλήξας τῇ τριαίνῃ (Apollod 314) τύψεν Λυκτονίην γαίην χρυσῇ τριαίνῃ (A Orph 1280) τὴν τρίαιναν ἔπηξεν (Schol in E Ph 187) For the iconography cf the material of Simon 2004 in Garciacutea Ramoacuten 2011 322 no47 24 Cf Schmitt 1967 248ff for an extensive overview 25 Hinge 2006 70ff The variant with ltσgt is actually attested in Ar Lys 995-6 ὀρσὰ Λακεδαίμων πᾶἁ ( ὀρθὴ πᾶσα) καὶ τοὶ σύμμαχοι ἅπαντες ἐστύκαντι ( ἑστᾶσιν) in the Pseudo-Laconian dialect of the Spartan ambassador 26 Garciacutea Ramoacuten 1985 94ff 82ff 27 ὀρθόμαντις (N 161) ὀρθόβουλος (P 4262 875) ὀρθοδίκας (P 119) ὀρθόπολις lsquowho upholds (lsquoput uprightrsquo) the townrsquo (O 27 ἄωτον ὀρθόπολιν)


understandable within Greek and was reinterpreted as a formal variant of ὀρσιdeg which ultimately expressed the same content

7 Let us turn to two literary epithets of Athena ὀρσίμαχος lsquowho raises

stirs up the fightrsquo (Ba) and Athena ἐγρεμάχη lsquowho awakes the fightrsquo (HHCer) which reflect phraseological patterns attested in Greek and in other languages in which the second member μάχη and other quasi-synonymous terms (πόλεμος φύλοπις also μῆνις νεῖκος lsquowrath strife also ἔρις) to be subsumed under [EVIL] occur in collocations with (a) ὀρ- and (b) ὀρινοε- (ie [RISE UP ndash EVIL] or [STIR UP ndash EVIL]) as well as with (c) ἐγειροε- [AWAKE ndash EVIL] (a) and (b) are to be considered as stylistically non-marked as against (c) which is marked28 Both epithets in any case reflect the characteristic image of the warrior goddess who is otherwise referred to as ἀγέστρατος (Hes also Thess λαγείταρρα as an epiclesis in Larisa) ἐγχειβρόμος (Pi) λαοσόος (Hom) πάμμαχος (Ar) περσέπολις (Ar) πολεμόκλονος (Batr) πρόμαχος (AP)

The epithet ὀρσίμαχος of Athena in Ba 153 --] Παλλάδος ὀρσιμάχου reflects the phraseme [RISE UP ndash EVIL] with (a) ὀρ- which is well attested also by means of synonyms of both the verb (Hom ἀειροε- Att αἰροε- lsquoto lift uprsquo) and often the object (πόλεμος φύλοπις) with a human (Il 9353) or a god (Il 415-16) as subject

Il 9353 οὐκ ἐθέλεσκε μάχην ἀπὸ τείχεος ὀρνύμεν Ἕκτωρ29 lsquoHector would not drive his attack beyond the wallrsquos shelterrsquo Il 415-6 ἤ ῥrsquo αὖτις πόλεμόν τε κακὸν καὶ φύλοπιν αἰνὴν ὄρσομεν lsquohellip whether we again stir up grim warfare and the terrible fightingrsquo (Zeus to Hera)

As to the continuity with ἀείρεσθαι αἴρεσθαι (with people as the agent) in Classical Greek see Hdt 71322 oἱ Ἕλληνες hellip oἱ τῷ βαρβάρῳ πόλεμoν ἀειράμεvoι Thuc 4602 πόλεμον γὰρ αἰρομένων ἡμῶν as well as ἀερσίμαχος lsquowho raisesstirs battlersquo (Ba 13100 υἷας ἀερσιμάχ[ους of Ajax and Achilles)

Whether ὀρσιdeg in ὀρσίμαχος could also originally mean (b) lsquostir agitate whirlrsquo must remain open Anyway the collocation expressed by κινεοε- is attested in Classical Greek (see Thuc 6344 δεόμενοι hellip τὸν ἐκεῖ

28 That it is about the same state of affairs is clear in the light of the glosses explaining forms belonging to (or connected with) ὄρνυ- namely ἔρσεο διεγείρου ἔρσῃ ὁρμήσῃ neben ὄρσο ὄρσεο ἐγείρου ὄρσαι ὀρμῆσαι ἤ ἐγεῖραι (Hsch) 29 As to μάχην ὀρνύμεν cf MN Ὀρσίμαχος (Boeotia)


πόλεμον κινεῖν Pl R 566e πρῶτον μὲν πολέμους τινὰς ἀεὶ κινεῖ) The expression which is certainly banal may be inherited in view of close parallels with reflexes (or cognates) of h3er- attested in Vedic (with ar r both lsquoto risersquo and lsquoto whirllsquo) in Latin (with intransitive orīrī consurgere and transitive mouēre) and in Hittite (with arai-ariia-ḫḫi)30

RV 1813ab yaacuted udīrata ājaacuteyo dhrṣṇaacuteve dhīyatedhaacutenā lsquowhen fights31 arise for the courageous the booty prize stands has been placedrsquo Verg Aen 8637 addiderat subitoque nouum consurgere bellum Romulidis Tatioque seni Curibusque seueris lsquohe had added that a new war had suddenly arisen between the Romulids and the old Tatius and the strict men of Curesrsquo32 KUB 1262 xxii 7 Vs 1 k]u-u-ru-riHIA a-ra-iš-kat-ta-ri lsquoenemities rise up repeatedlylsquo33 Cf also KUB 3166 iv 4 TUKUTUKU-an a-ra-a-i lsquohe rouse wrathrsquo

8 Athena is referred to as ἐγρεμάχη in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter (HH 2424 Παλλάς τrsquo ἐγρεμάχη καὶ Ἄρτεμις ἰοχέαιρα) as well by later authors34 A variant ἐγερσιμάχη (cf ἐγρεμάχαςmiddot ἐγερσιμάχας (Hsch) is also attested in Late Poetry (AP 6122 τίς νύ σε θῆκε θεᾷ δῶρον ἐγερσιμάχᾳ)35 The epithet conceals a collocation [AWAKE ndash EVIL (WAR)] which is stylistically marked and may be assumed to reflect IE ldquoDichterspracherdquo on the basis of it also occurring in Latin and especially in Old Germanic languages and in Armenian36

The collocation is well attested in Greek since Homer both with men and gods as the subject and with μάχην πόλεμον (Zeus) Ἄρηα as the object

30 Lat orīrī and Ved ar r can almost certainly be traced back to h3er- lsquorise uprsquo Whether this applies to Hitt arai-ḫḫi ariia- (with deletion of laryngeal in a De Saussure context h3or-) or to h3reiH- (Rix LIV2) remains open to question at this point 31 Cf Ved ājiacute- lsquofight disputersquo cf Gk ἀγών OIr āg lsquoidrsquo 32 Cf also Aen 1148-9 cum saepe coorta est seditio 2411 oriturque miserrima caedes 33 Cf also KBo 5 4 ii 21f ma-an tu-uk-ma ku-iš-ki [LUacuteKUacuteR] a-ra-a-i lsquowhen an enemy rises up against yoursquo (also KBo 17151 v 4 Rs 27) 34 Cf σὺ δrsquo εὐχόμενος Κρονίωνι Παλλάδι τrsquo ἐγρεμάχῃ γλαυκώπιδι καὶ Διὸς υἱῷ Φοίβῳ (DS 8291 [oracle]) Παλλάδα τrsquo ἐγρεμάχην κούρην (Orph1738) The epithet is also referred to men cf ἐργεμάχαν Θησέα (Soph OC 1054-5) 35 The MN Ἐγέρτιος Ἐγρέσις (Attica) may be considered as ldquoshort formsrdquo of compounds with a first member Ἐγερτιdeg Ἐγρεσιdeg (cf the gloss ἔγρετοmiddot ἐγείρετο [ad Il 241] Hsch) and a highly probable second member degμαχος 36 Cf Garciacutea Ramoacuten 2007 (extensive presentation of the Latin material)


Il 13778 ἐξ οὗ γὰρ παρὰ νηυσὶ μάχην ἤγειρας ἑταίρων lsquofor since that time when by the ships you [775 Ἕκτορ] wakened the battle of our companions helliprsquo (also Hes Th 713 hellip μάχην δριμεῖαν ἔγειραν) Cf also Il 2031 Ὣς ἔφατο Κρονίδης πόλεμον δrsquo ἀλίαστον ἔγειρε Il 2440 ἴομεν ὄφρα κε θᾶσσον ἐγείρομεν ὀξὺν Ἄρηα

The same collocation occurs in Latin although expressed in other terms namely by compounds of citō -āre lsquoto put in motionrsquo lsquoto whirl agitatersquo37 both in poetry (suscitāre excitāre with caedem iras irarum aestus mollem belli as the object) and in prose (suscitāre with bellum iras seditionem)38

Aen 12497-8 terribilis saeuam nullo discrimine caedem suscitat lsquohe frightful and indiscriminately stirs a terrible slaughter up helliprsquo See also Liv 21103 obtestans ne Romanum cum Saguntino suscitarent bellum

The use of ordmcitāre points to a lexical renewal of inherited IE h1ger- ( ἐγείρειν Ved jaacuter-a-te with perf ἐγρήγορα Ved jāgāra YAv jaγāra) the reflex of which is expergere lsquoto awakersquo expergēfacere lsquoidrsquo which is not attested for [AWAKE ndash EVIL]39 The collocation in Latin poetry could a priori be due to Greek influence but its occurrence also in Prose seems however to speak in favour of an inherited phraseological pattern which made its way into the former language

Old Germanic languages are rich with the same collocation namely with the verb PGmc wakja- OE weccean ONors vekja (with viacuteg lsquofight strugglersquo hilde lsquoidrsquo vǫ lsquoevilrsquo) also Goth us-wakjan ldquoἐξυπνίζωrdquo OSax wekkian OHG weckan ldquoexcitare suscitarerdquo (Gloss)40 Some instances from Old English and Old Norse are

Beow 20446 onginneeth geōmor-mōd geongum cempan thornurh hreethra gehyad higes cunnian wīgbealu weccean

37 Frequentative citāre actually reflects the meaning of ciēre (causat koi-e ieoe- lsquoput in violent motionrsquo) which matches the collocations of Gk κινεῖν 38 Cf eg quantam molem excitarit belli Paris (Acc trag 610) In prose cf magnas excitari hellip iras (Liv 3405) multi temere excitati tumultus sunt 261010) also 6279 2781 39 From Lat exper-g-oe- beside expergīscī lsquoto become awakersquo YAv fra-γrisa- by dissimilation from degper-groe- degper-griscoe- Anyway Lat degpergere still survives in Span despertar 40 Cf Lat uegēre lsquoto vivify excitersquo (vs uigēre lsquoto be strongrsquo stat udegg-ē-) Ved vāj-aacuteya-ti lsquoidrsquo (RV +) which actually continues IE causat uog-eacuteioe- lsquoto make liversquo (RV+) as against statueg-ē- lsquobe vivified excitedrsquo (Watkins 1973 490)


lsquohe began sad in mind through his heart and thought to test the spirit of a young warrior to awake the evil of warrsquo Rthorn 383 viacuteg nam at vekja lsquohe began to awake the fightrsquo41

An identical collocation is attested in Armenian (zartlsquoean paterazmownklsquo) as Daniel Koumllligan has kindly pointed out to me yor yawowrs mer zartlsquoean paterazmownklsquo ičlsquooriclsquo kołmanclsquo lsquoin our days wars awake in all four (heaven) directionsrsquo (Aristakes Lastiverclsquoi 1st AD)

To sum up in the light of comparative evidence it may be stated that the epithet ἐγρεμάχη of Athena (HHCer) like its late variant ἐγερσιμάχη reflects a marked phraseological pattern which may be traced back to IE poetic language

9 The compounded epithet Ἑριβόας lsquoloud-shoutingrsquo in fact lsquohaving

high loudsrsquo42 is explicitely used like Βρόμιος as a designation of Dionysus43 by Pindar (Dith F 7512)

ἐπὶ τὸν κισσοδαῆ θεόν τὸν Βρόμιον τὸν Ἑριβόαν τε βροτοὶ καλέομεν lsquoto that ivy-knowing god whom we mortals call Bromios and Eriboas (Loud-Roarer Loud-Shouter)

The collocation [HIGH ndash SHOUT] underlying the epithet actually reflects a well known peculiarity of the god like contiguous βρόμιος lsquonoisy soundingrsquo ἐριβρεμέτης (HOrph) ἐρίβρομος (HH 756 261 Anacr) πυρίβρομος (Nonn) Its structure as a possessive compound is straightforward the first member ἐριdeg is synonymous of μεγαdeg ἀγαdeg ὑψιdeg (cf ἐριmiddot πολὺ μέγα ἰσχυρόν Hsch) namely a loc ser-I of ser- lsquotop upper pointrsquo (Hitt šēr lsquoon overrsquo direct šarā Lyc hriordm)44

The collocation is expressed by means of synonymous μέγα (Hom μέγα βοήσας) Il 17334 ἔγνω ἐς ἄντα ἰδών μέγα δrsquo Ἕκτορα εἶπε βοήσας lsquo(Aeneas) recognized (sc Apollo) when he saw his face and called aloud

41 Cf also Akv 153 at vekja gram hilde lsquoto awake the thorny strugglersquo 42 Its second member degβόας is actually βοᾱ lsquoshout clamorrsquo not an agentive degβόος) like degδουπος degκτυπος in Hom ἐρί(γ)δουπος lsquoidrsquo ἐρίκτυπος lsquoof high bangrsquo 43 See also ἐριβόας κᾶρυξ of Hermes (AP) 44 As per Willi 1999 ἐριdeg high to a high degreersquo has Ionic-Homeric psilosis for ἑριdeg


in a great shout to Hectorrsquo45 This is also recognizable in the redundant expression γόον ὀξυβόαν including the quasi synonym γόος (cf infra) in A Ag 56-58 ὕπατος δrsquo ἀίων ἤ τις Ἀπόλλων ἢ Πὰν ἢ Ζεὺς οἰωνόθροον γόον ὀξυβόαν τῶνδε μετοίκων lsquoor some Apollo on high or Pan or Zeus hearing the loud shrill wailing cries of the birdsrsquo

The epithet Ἐριβόας helps to interpret the Mycenaean personal name e-ri-ko-wo (PY An 6562 Ep 2122 Jn 8457 Jn 944) as Eri-gowos lsquoweeping aloudrsquo46 ie lsquohaving high weepingrsquo ( γόος lsquoweeping lamentrsquo)47

It must be stated that shout (βοή) and lamentation (γόος) two words not in fact etymogically connected48 have some features in common (a) someone raises them up (ὄρνυσι ὦρσε) and (b) both stand (perf ὄρωρε ὀρώρει) high (μέγας ie lsquoaloudrsquo) This is shown by collocational coincidences attested in Homer and in Poetry

As to (a) cf Od 17 46 hellip μή μοι γόον ὄρνυθι Pi P 31023 ὦρσεν hellip ἐκ Δαναῶν γόον The same applies to the lsquodesire for lamentationrsquo (ἵμερος

45 The βοή is raised up by the utterer and remains in the high (ὀρώρει) cf Il 11530 βοὴ δrsquo ἄσβεστος ὄρωρεν lsquoand the ceaseless clamour has risen is at the highestrsquo (also 11500 with ὀρώρει) 46 Actually lsquothe one who has loud weepingsrsquo better than Eri-kōwos lsquohaving a big high fleecersquo (cf Myc ko-wo kōwos lsquofleecersquo Hom κῶας) instead of regular Eri-kōwēs which is formally possible cf Ἐρί-ανθος besides Ἐρι-άνθης probably Myc pe-ra-ko Pherakos or Pherākos PN Φέρακος) Hom μέγαν κῶας (Garciacutea Ramoacuten 2012) 47 The basic meaning of γόος is lsquoshouting affected speakingrsquo cf γόης lsquowizardrsquo (PGk gouā-t-) 48 Gk γόος lsquolamentationrsquo from goacuteuh2-o- cf γοάω from gouh2-eacuteioe- (Hackstein 2003 192-3 or denominative of γόος) IE geuh2- cf Ved ldquointensiverdquo joacuteguve lsquocalls repeatedlyrsquo OHG gi-kewen lsquocallrsquo and lsquoloudrsquo (OHG kūma lsquolamentrsquo) The meaning and collocations of βοάω do not match those of γοάω and are basically coincident with those of IE gheuH- lsquoshout callrsquo (Ved hvā OCS zъvati and Toch kwā-) I would temptatively suggest that βοάω is a non-strictly phonetic outcome of IE gheuh2- namely of intensive ghuh2-eacuteioe- This would allow the absence of a counterpart of Ved havi- (hvaacuteya- ti) to be ignored βοάω would match Ved hvaacuteya-ti Av zβaiia-ti and could be ultimately traced back to IE ghuh2-eacuteioe- which would have yielded +φάοε- (homophonous with Hom φάε lsquowas visiblersquo bheacuteh2-e-t) and have been remodelled as +φοάοε- (by formal similaritywith γοάοε-) and onomatopoetically to βοάοε- as I have previously tried to demonstrate (Garciacutea Ramoacuten 2010 95ff) Aliter Hackstein loccit who operates with the ldquoSchwebeablautrdquo variants geuh2- and gueh2- reflected as γοάοε- (gouh2-eacuteioe-) and βοάοε- (guoh2-eacuteioe-) respectively this is formally in order and remains a good explanation but the semantic and collocation of both Greek verbs remain different


γόοιο)49 Il 2314 μετὰ δέ σφι Θέτις γόου ἵμερον ὦρσε (also 108 153 Od 16216) As to (b) cf μέγαν γόον (HHDem 823 ἀλλὰ θεὰ κατάπαυε μέγαν γόον lsquoyet goddess cease your loud lamentrsquo and ἐρικλάγκταν γόον s above) which is parallel to Hom μέγα βοήσας and ἐρικλάγκταν γόον (Pi P 1221 ὄφρα τὸν Εὐρυάλας hellip hellip μιμήσαιτrsquo ἐρικλάγκταν γόον lsquoso that she might imitate hellipthe echoingloud sounding wail of Eurialersquo) The overlap of γόος and βοή is evident in light of the Aeschylean γόον ὀξυβόαν (cf supra)

To sum up the epithet ἐριβόας lsquohaving high loudsrsquo of Dionysus (Pindar) reflects poetic phraseology and allows the elucidation of the Mycenaean MN e-ri-ko-wo as Eri-gowos lsquohaving high lamentationsrsquo (cf ἐρικλάγκταν γόον Pind) on the strength of the semantic overlap of βοή lsquoloudrsquo and γόος lsquolamentrsquo in Greek

10 Lat opitulus is quoted as an epithet of Iuppiter by Festus (p 184

M) opitulus Iuppiter et opitulator dictus est quasi opis lator The form is currently explained as the compound opi-tulus

(opi-tlh2-o-50 ops lsquohelprsquo degtulus lsquowho bringsrsquo cf perf [te]tulī of ferō) and interpreted as lsquowho bringsrsquo The two forms given as synonymous by Festus do actually exist opitulus (cf sodalis opitulator App Flor 3 p 353) underlies the denominative opi-tulor -ārī (Cato Plaut+ active -ō -āre Liv Andr) with the current meaning of lsquoto give helpassistancersquo also lsquobring relief to someonersquos plightrsquo As to lator lsquoproposer moverrsquo (of suffrage Cic+) it is attested as terminus technicus nonetheless opis lator is not directly supported by direct textual evidence

The sense lsquohelp aidrsquo of ops (type ope mea ope eius51 Acc inc 5 W quorum genitor fertur esse ops gentibus52) is secondary as compared

49 The same applies to thud (δοῦπος) which like γόος or βοή is mentioned as μέγας and as rising up ὄρνυτο ὀρώρει) cf middot τοῖος γάρ κε μέγας ὑπὸ δοῦπος ὀρώρει (Hsd Th 703 = fr 1581) or in the formula δοῦπος ὀρώρει (Il 9574 12289 Hes Th 70) and 16635 ὥς τῶν ὄρνυτο δοῦπος 50 Of the type foedi-fragus sacri-legus (Bader 1962 17 125 Lindner 1996 76 Livingston 2004 57 ff) The MN ᾿Οπίτωρ Ὀπιτώριος can with difficulty be interpreted as ldquoshort formsrdquo Opitor- of opitulus ie -tor- ( opi-tulus) or -or- ( opit-ulus) of the Greek type Κάσ-τωρ (καστιdeg κέκασμαι) Νέστωρ (Νεστιdeg νέομαι) This possibility though lacks practically any support in Italic (perhaps Stator beside Statius to a putative Stāt[i]deg as per Weiss Handout) 51 Cf nisi quid mi opis di dant disperii (Pl Cist 671) lsquoif the gods do not give me some help I am lostrsquo ope consilioque tuo (Cic Natdeor 374) 52 Prisc GlLat II 32124 glosses ops in this passage as opem ferens et auxilium but stresses that it meant opulentus in Archaic Latin This is actually a confusion with the back-formed adjective ops (Livingston 2004 60)


against the original lsquowealth resourcersquo whence lsquoabundancersquo lsquomightrsquo53 although it is already attested in Old Latin there is therefore no major difficulty for an interpretation of opideg as lsquohelprsquo in opitulus In fact the term is used as the name of the goddess Ops (also nom Opis in Plaut Bacch 893)54 wife of Saturn and mother of Zeus (Pl Mil 1082 hellip quam Iuppiter ex Ope natust) It underlies moreover the epithet Opigena lsquothe midwifersquo55 of her daughter Juno which cannot be separated from Iupiter opitulus

However an interpretation of opi-tulus as lsquowho brings helprsquo ie as a synonym of opi-fer (Ennius+)56 is not without its difficulties

(1) Lat opifer ʻwho brings helprsquo occurs with healing deities eg Diana

(DIANAI OPIFER(AE) ǀ NEMORENSEI CIL11480 [Tivoli]) Phoebus (deushellip opifer Ov met 1521f opiferque per orbem dicor of ( Aesculapius) Fortuna (FORTUNAE OPIFERAE 143539) Lat opifer obviously reflects the construction opem ferre lsquobring helprsquo which is actually attested cf Ter And 473 Iuno Lucina fer opem serua me obsecro lsquohelp me save me I beseech yoursquo

The coexistence of opifer and opitulus with the very same sense lsquobringsrsquo (of suppletive ferō (te)tulī) is in fact exceptional we do not have clear instances of two agentive compounds having in common the first member and the suppletive stems of infectum and perfectum in the second member57 For this reason one would expect for the agentive degtulus at least originally the sense of (deg)tollō -ere ʻto rise up

53 A third sense of ops as a synonymous of opulentum (PF 191 M ops antiqui dicebant opulentum unde e contrario inops (vl quem nunc opulentum ut testimonio est non solum ei contrarium inops hellip) may be as an isolated back-formation from inops 54 Cf P Fest p1867 Opima spolia dicuntur originem quidem trahentia ab Ope Saturni uxore hellipItaque illa quoque cognominatur Consiua et esse existimatur terra Ideoque in Regia colitur a populo Romano quia omnes opes humano generi terra tribuat 55 Iuno Opigena is the tutelar goddess of lying-in women cf Opigenam Iunonem matronae colebant quod ferre eam opem in partu laborantibus credebant (Fest p 200 M) 56 Trag 124 Ribb daggero pie eam secum aduocant [cj fidem] opiferam sociam aduocant Vahlen omnes secum aduocant Heinsius]) 57 It has been assumed that Lat grātulāre goes back to grāti-tulāre ( grātēs ferre) with a compound gratulus (grati-tulus) and that postulāre is the outcome of po(r)sci-tulāre ( porscam ferre) Even if this is so (discussion in Mignot 1969 317) the fact is that only grātulus may be assumed and there is no trace of grātifer


increaseʼ perf sustulī (IE telh2-) namely lsquowho rises uprsquo not that of (te)tulī lsquoI have broughtrsquo ( ferō)

(2) opideg may conceal not only ops lsquohelprsquo but also plur opēs

ʻresourcesʼ58 In other compounds opideg may also conceal opus lsquowork performancersquo eg opifex lsquoartificer craftsmanrsquo (Plaut +) opificium ʻwork(ing)ʼ opificus ʻhandworkerʼ Iuppiter is referred to as opifex aedificatorque mundi deus (Cic natdeor 1818 Ov) opifex rerum (Lucan) opifex rerum aeternus (Col 31010)

In fact the occurrence of opitulor -ārī in close vicinity with opēs

inopia speaks in favor of opēs lsquoresourcesrsquo as the first member of opi-tulus which may be interpreted as lsquowho rise up the resourcespower(s)rsquo59

Liv Andr 20-22 W Da mihi hasce opes quas peto quas precor Porrige opitula lsquogrant to me the powers for which I ask and pray hold them out bring me helprsquo Cf also Plaut Curc 332ff noluit frustrarier ut decet velle hominem amicum amico atque opitularier quod tibi est item sibi esse magnam argenti inopiam lsquo he didn`t want to dissapoint you he wanted to do the proper things between friends and help you what is common to you and to him a major lack of fundsrsquo Sall Cat 3321 saepe maiores vostrum miserti plebis Romanae decretis suis inopiae eius opitulati sunt lsquoyour forefathers often took pity on the Roman commons and relieved their necessities by decreesrsquo (it is also remembered that because of their debts -propter magnitudinem aeris alieni- it was allowed to pay silver in copper -argentum aere solutum est)

These passages suggest that the help implied by opitulāre could in the first instance be of a fairly concrete type in the form of opēs lsquoresourcesrsquo (as against inopia) which should grow This seems to be confirmed by the invocation to Iuppiter in Plaut Capt 768

Iuppiter supreme seruas me measque auges opes maximas opimitates opiparasque offers mihi lsquoO Iuppiter on high thou dost preserve me and make prosper my resources Your highest and

58 According to Livingston 2004 57ff the form goes back to IE h1ep- cf epula(e) ʻbanquetʼ ʻa religious performanceʼ 59 The sense lsquobring helprsquo is clear in spite of ex opibus summis in Plaut Mil 620-1 ea te expetere ex opibus summis mei honoris gratia mihique amanti ire opitulatum lsquofor me to look to you to help me with all your might out of regard for me and to have you aiding me in my love affairrsquo


splendid abundance do offer to mersquo in close parallel with Ter And 473 Iuno Lucina fer opem serua me obsecro Iuppiter is also invoked in this sense in Pl Poen1164-5 magne Iuppiter restitue certas mi ex incertis nunc opes lsquonow make my happiness turn from uncertain to certainrsquo

To sum up Iuppiter opitulus lsquowho brings helprsquo meant originally lsquowho increase rise up the resourcesrsquo (opēs) and degtulus reflects the original meaning of tollō lsquorise increasersquo

II Non-Compounded Compared to Compounded Divine Names and Phraseology

11A divine epithet related to a given reality or activity presents the deity as being connected with the same characteristic eg Zeus Kεραύνιος (Elis Thessaly et al Orph) ( κεραυνός lsquothunderboltrsquo) When the substantive is used as epithet one may assume that the deity is identified with the reality it denotes this is for instance the case of Zeus Κεραυνός and Zeus Στoacuteρπας (or Στορπᾶς (cf στροπά στορπά lsquolighteningrsquo a synonym of ἀστραπή στεροπή and ἀστεροπή) The connection of κεραυνός with βροντή βρόμος and with ἀστραπή στεροπή lsquolighteningrsquo and its variants is well known see Hes Th 853-4 Ζεὺς δrsquo(ὲ) εἵλετο δrsquo ὅπλα βροντήν τε στεροπήν τε καὶ αἰθαλόεντα κεραυνόν60

(1) Zeus Κεραυνός IG 52 288 (Arcadia Mantinea) fits the pattern of

other epithets61 which reflect his mastering of the thunderbolt62 (cf Od12416 [ναῦς] ἡ δrsquo ἐλελίχθη πᾶσα Διὸς πληγεῖσα κεραυνῷ) ἀργῐκέραυνος lsquowith bright thunderbolt (lightning)rsquo (Il19121+) and τερπικέραυνος lsquoenjoying the thunderboltrsquo (Il 6232 Od 20 75+) ἐγχεικέραυνος lsquohurling the thunderbolt with his spearrsquo (Pi P 4194 O 1377+) and κεραυνεγχής lsquowith a thunderbolt as spearrsquo (ὦ Ζεῦ κ[ε]ραυνεγχές Ba 826) also κεραυνοβρόντης lsquothunderer like thunderboltrsquo

60 Also ἀστράπτων ἔστειχε συνωχαδόν οἱ δὲ κεραυνοὶ ἴκταρ ἅμα βροντῇ τε καὶ ἀστεροπῇ ποτέοντο (Th 690-1) as well as Διὸς βροντῶντος καὶ Ἀστράπτοντος (Thera IG 123 supp 1359) ἀστραπὴ ἐξ αἰθρίης καὶ βροντὴ ἐγένετο (Hdt 386) 61 Cf the rich list of epithets by Schwabl 1978 253ff 62 κεραυνός is a formally non direct continuant of IE Perkwūno- lsquothe one who has [is connected with] the oakrsquo (perkwu- Lat quercus Celt Herkynia silva ethnic Querquerni (Hispania) OLth perkuacutenas lsquoThunder(god)rsquo ORuss Perunŭ lsquoidrsquo


(Ar Pax 376) and κεραυνο-βόλος lsquohurling the thunderrsquo IG 52 37 (ArcadiaTegea also AntPal Orph)63

(2) Zeus Στoacuteρπᾱς (not +Στoacuteρπαoς) is attested in Arcadia (gen Διος

Στορπαō IG 52 6413 Tegea 5th C) where his cult is indirectly referred to by Pausanias64 The term στορπά lsquolighteningrsquo like στροπά (with metathesis) is certainly a variant of ἀστραπή (ἀ)στεροπή whatever its etymology might be as shown by the glosses στροπά ἀστραπή Πάφιοι (Hsch) and στορπάν τὴν ἀστραπήν στροφαί ἀστραπαί (Herod) στραπή ἀστραπή (EM 51432) στεροπὴ ἀστραπή αὐγή ὥσ(τε) στεροπή ἀστραπή (Hsch) All this points to an interference with ἀστεροπή and στεροπή (Hom +) ἀστραπή sbquoidlsquo (Hdt +) cf ἀστράπτειν (Hom +) στράπτω sbquoidlsquo (Soph +) All these terms are also present in epithets of Zeus among them ἀστεροπητής lsquolightenerrsquo (Il 1580 +) Στεροπηγερέτα lsquogetherer of lighteningsrsquo (Il 16298 cf Il 1166 στεροπὴ πατρὸς Διὸς αἰγιόχοιο65 and Il 13242 hellip ἀστεροπῇ hellip ἥν τε Κρονίων hellip ἐτίναξεν ἀπrsquo αἰγλήεντος ᾽Ολύμπου) also Ἀστραπαῖος (Athens Antandros Bithynia) Ἀστραπάτας (Rhodos) ἀστράπιος ἀστράπτων (Orph)

A new epithet of Ennodia in Thessaly namely Στροπικα must be

added to the family of Arcadian Zeus Στoacuteρπᾱς The epithet occurs in a recently published dedication from Larisa with the text Εννοδια Στροπικα (SEG 54 561 3rd quarter 5thC)66 The epithet Στροπικά lsquothe one of the thunder(bolt) is a derivative in -ικόά- of στροπά lsquolighteningrsquo στορπά) of the type ἀρχικός ( ἀρχή) νυμφικός ( νύμφη) and Μυκαικά ( μύκη θήκη) also an epithet of Ennodia in Thessaly67 The epithet matches the image of Ennodia as the goddess with a light in her hand68

63 Cf the passive epithet κεραυνόβολος lsquothunder-strickenrsquo (of Semele E Ba 598 [lyr] D S 113) 64 Dubois 1986 I 44-5 II 13 (with an incorrect assumption of an epithet Στόρπαος) Paus 8291 λέγουσι δὲ οἱ Ἀρκάδες hellip καὶ θύουσιν ἀστραπαῖς αὐτόθι καὶ θυέλλαις τε καὶ βρονταῖς 65 Cf also Il 9580 10154 Hsd Th 390 + 66 The reading is certainly ΣΤΡΟΠΙΚΑ (as proved by Helly in Garciacutea Ramoacuten-Helly 2012 58-59) not ΣΤΡΟΓΙΚΑ which was explained by the first editor as a variant of a non-attested Στοργικά to στέργω lsquoloversquo (Chrysostomou 2001 12 2002 204ff) 67 Garciacutea Ramoacuten-Helly 2012 64ff 68 Cf φωσφόρος (Thera Rhodos) with a torch in the hand like Hekate (cf Eur Hel 569 ὦ φωσφόρrsquo ῾Εκάτη πέμπε φάσματrsquo εὐμενῆ IG 41 542)


12 When the divine epithet is a derivative its meaning may be more or less clear and match more or less clearly some pecularity of the god But the derivative is by itself obviously less explicit than a compound as the latter expresses a verbal phrase with indication of an object or a nominal phrase with explicit marking by preverbs A very illustrative case is that of the derivative Κορουταρρα epithet of En(n)odia (prob Larisa 3rd2nd C) and παιδοκόρης epithet of Hermes (Metapont)

The goddess Ἐν(ν)οδία (Thessaly also Macedonia) is referred to as Κορουταρρα (in dative) in a Thessalian dedication (SEG 51 739 prob Larisa 3rd2nd C)69 Εννοδια Κορουταρρα

The analysis of Thess Κορουταρρα is straightforward as to its structure it reflects the Thessalian outcome of PGk korō-t(e)ria-70 ( Att κορώτρια) a feminine agent noun of the type χρυσώτρια lsquogilderrsquo ie lsquowho provides with gold ( χρυσός)rsquo Its meaning may be lsquowho provides with growthrsquo (κόρος koacuterh1-o-) better than lsquowith fodderingrsquo (κόρος koacuterh3-o-)71 both of which certainly fit the pattern of the kourotrophic figure of the goddess who was later assimilated by Artemis (and by Hekate)

Thess κορου- reflects a basis κορω- (instr kor(H)o-h1)72 of the action noun κόρος lsquogrowthrsquo beside which an agent noun degκόρος (korh1-oacute- lsquowho

69 The text has been recently published by Chrysostomou 2001 11-20 figure 1 70 Thess -ταρρα is the regular outcome of -trdegia from -triia with secondary yotisation of i (Att -τρια Ηom -τειρα Lesb -τερρα Μyc -ti-ri-ja -ti-ra2) with nom -tria gen -triās IE -triih2 gen -triieacuteh2s) as attested in the epithet of Athena Λα[γει]ταρρα (Helly 1970 10-11) Thess degαγειταρρα ( degαγήτρια) ldquoconductrice drsquoarmeacuteesrdquo Helly 1970 250-1 262ff) reflects ἄγω not ἡγέομαι cf the epithets ἀγέστρατος (Hes Th 925 Τριτογένειανhellip ἀγέστρατον) 71 Gk κόρος lsquofodderingrsquo (of animals also of personskoacuterh3-o- but aor kerh3-s- cf Hom κορεσ(σ)α- with Ruipeacuterezrsquos metathesis) also lsquosatiety surfeitrsquo is attested at different times and levels (a) lsquoanimal fourragersquo in the new tablets from Thebes TH Ft(1) 218 1 ka-pa ṣị-ṭọ ko-ro-qe[ 2 a-ko-da-mo V 2 ka-si[ where ko-ro koros is the opposite of si-to ( σῖτον) lsquohuman foodrsquo (Garciacutea Ramoacuten 2010b 82f) with reference to Lith šeriugrave (šeacuterti) lsquofodder animalsrsquo Αἰγικόρος epiclesis of Pan (Nonn D 1475) Ionian tribe Αἰγικορεῖς eponymous hero Αἰγικορεύς (Hdt E inscr) (b) lsquoarrogancersquo in Poetry Pi O 295 f αἶνον ἐπέβα κόρος οὐ δίκα συναντόμενος O 1310 ὕβριν κόρου ματέρα CThgn 153 τίκτει τοι κόρος ὕβριν 72 Instrumental basis in -ω- eg στεφανω- lsquowith a crownrsquo χολω- lsquowith bilersquo underlie in fact the system established by Tucker 1990 for the verbs with aor -ω-σα- pres -όοε- (στεφανω- lsquoprovide with a crownrsquo χολω- lsquofill with bilersquo which also includes fut -ωσοε- pass aor -ωθη- perf -ωται (ptc -ωμένος) verbal adjective -ωτός (post-Hom pres -όοε- -ō-ioe-) eg χολω- lsquoprovide with bilersquo χολωσα- χολωσοε- χολωθη- perf κεχόλωται (ptc κεχωλομένος beside [deg]χολωτός) pres χολοῦται (Class Gk) The type is already attested in Myc qe-qi-no-me-no lsquodecoratedrsquo ie lsquovivifiedrsquo ( provided with qi-no lsquovivificationrsquo)


makes grow uprsquo better than and korh3-oacute- lsquowho foddersrsquo)73 may be safely assumed (s below) The assumption of a derivational basis PGk korō- underlying an agent noun korō-tḗr (κορωτήρ) fem korṓ-tria ( Thess ndashουταρρα -ō-tria) finds support in a series of nouns in -ωτήρ (and Att Ion -ωτής) fem -ώτρια

κορσωτήρ lsquobarberrsquo (Call) cf κορσοῦν κείρειν ἀπο-κορσόομαι (A) κομμώτρια lsquodresser tirewomanrsquo κομμωτής lsquo(hair)dresserlsquolsquovaletrsquo (Arr +)

cf κομμός lsquohair dressrsquo κομμόωομαι lsquoto beautifyrsquo χρυσώτρια χρυσωτής lsquogilderrsquo (aetimp) χρυσός χρυσόομαι

κεχρυσωμένος μορφώτρια lsquo(a goddess) who changes (scil lsquomen into swinersquo E Tr 437)

cf μορφή lsquoform shapersquo μορφόω lsquoto give shapeform torsquo

The agent noun Thess κορουταρρα does not in itself make explicit what the object of En(n)odiarsquos activity is and therefore its exact meaning remains hypothetical either lsquowho provides with growthrsquo or lsquowith fodderingrsquo At this point the compound παιδοκόρης an epithet of Hermes in Metapont (παιδοκόρης Ἑρμῆς τιμᾶται ἐν Μεταποντίοις Hsch) is a great help as it allows the recognition of the children as the most plausible object of Ennodiarsquos activity (she is of course a characteristically kourotrophic deity) and dissipates any doubt about the meaning of κορουταρρα as lsquothe one who makes growrsquo74

In conclusion The compound παιδοκόρης allows the sense of the agent noun Thess κορουταρρα (κορώτρια) to be specified Both terms stand in the same relation as Myc da-mo-ko-ro dāmo-koro- lsquowho makes grow up (degkorh1-o-) the communityrsquo or lsquowho nourishes (degkorh3-o-) the communityrsquo75 and ko-re-te korē-ter or korĕ-ter lsquonourisherrsquo or as Ved rṇa-yā- and yātaacuter- (of Ιndra) Gk Ζᾱτήρ (of Zeus) s below 12)

13 The epithet Ζητήρmiddot Ζεὺς ἐv Κύπρῳ as transmitted by Hesychius with

explicit geographic indication may be interpreted both within Greek itself where there are a few terms which cannot be unrelated to it as well as in light of comparison especially with Ved yātaacuter- lsquoavengerrsquo an epithet of Indra in Rig Veda as I have previously tried to show (1999)

73 The form may be traced back in pure formal terms to two IE roots namely to ḱerh1- lsquoto grow uprsquo (also lsquoto be born createdrsquo) with causative lsquoto make growrsquo (also lsquoto creatersquo) and to ḱerh3- lsquonourish feedrsquo 74 Cf also κρησίπαιδα ἐν Θαμιακῇ θυσίᾳ μέρη ἱερείων (Hsch) 75 As against δημοβόρος βασιλεύς (Il 1 231) or δημοφάγον τύραννον (CThgn 1181)


(1) The Greek evidence is scanty and limited to some glosses all referring to the semantic field of inquiry and punition (and execution) which allow for the assumption of the existence of an agent noun ζητρός or ζήτωρ (like Ζητήρ) ζητρόνmiddot τὸν δαμόκoινoν ζητόρωνmiddot ζητoύντων γράφoυσι δὲ ἔνιoι ζητητόρων (Hsch) ζητόρωνmiddot ζητητῶν (Phot) also ζήτρειoνmiddot τὸ τῶν δoύλωv κoλαστήριov (Hsch Phot with references to Theop Eup Herod) ζατρεύωmiddot ἐv μυλῶνι βασανίζω (ΕΜ) This last form with its ltαgt and the references to ζητητόρων (Hsch) ζητητῶν directly points to ζητέω ( ζᾱτέω) the continuant of Ιon δίζημαι ie to PGk dzā-76 One may therefore assume that the first ltηgt in the gloss Ζητήρ was an atticism of the tradition for Ζᾱτήρ The not particularly attractive terms and activities with which Zeus Ζητήρ ( Zᾱτήρ) is connected (s above) fit with Zeusrsquo characterisation as a τιμωρός lsquopunisherrsquo (Clem Al Protr 2392 oὐχὶ μέντoι Ζεὺς φαλακρὸς ἐν Ἄργει τιμωρὸς δὲ ἄλλoς ἐv Κύπρῳ τετίμησθoν with explicit reference to Cyprus) which is frequent in poetry eg E Supp 511 Ζεὺς ὁ τιμωρoύμεvoς Ap Rh 4709 Ζῆvα παλαμναίων τιμήoρoν ἱκεσιάων Other literary epithets of Zeus present him as lsquoavengerrsquo (Ἀλάστωρ A Pers 352 et al Ἀλάστoρoς Pherec+ inscr) as lsquoadministrator of fines and justicersquo (Δικασπόλoς Call Jov 13 Δικήφoρoς A Ag 525-6) as lsquopunisherrsquo (Ἐπιτιμήτωφ Od 9270) or simply as lsquokillerrsquo (αὐτόχειρ A Pers 753 et al ὀλετήρ φoνεύς Nonn D 21252 et al) also the epithet Φόνoς in Thessaly77

To sum up the epithet Zητήρ ( Zᾱτήρ) an old agent noun of the word family of ζητέω δίζημαι may be understood as lsquothe one who seeksdemandsrsquo (scil a reparation s below) by drastic methods as suggested by the related glosses of the type ζητρός et al

(2) The comparative evidence could hardly be more explicit about the

perfect equation both formal and semantic between Gk ζᾱτήρ and the Rig Vedic hapax yātaacuter- an agent noun of yā 2 lsquoseek demandrsquo78 ( Gk ζᾱ- PGk dzā- Ved Av yā 2 lsquoidrsquo also Toch yā- Β yāsk- lsquobegrsquo IE ieh2-) as I have tried to show)79 which designates Indra

76 ζᾱτέοε- is denominative of ζᾱ-το- (Ved yātaacute- Av yāta-) δί-ζημαι (Hom Ionian) is an anomalous reduplicated present of the same lexem namely IE ieh2- (Ved yā 2 middle 1pl īmahe as per Schmid 1956 cf n 78) cf the comparandum ptc Hom διζήμενος Ved iyānaacute- 77 Helly 1970 38 (Larisa end of 3rd C) 78 As brilliantly stated by Schmid 1956 222ff (ldquobitten flehen fordern verlangenrdquo) The assumption of a specific root yā 3 ldquoto injure harm to attack violentlyrdquo (Kuiper 1973 179ff) is unnecessary A different root is yā 1 lsquomove forwardrsquo (with agent noun yātar-) 79 Garciacutea Ramoacuten 1999 M Kuumlmmel in LIV2 sv ieh2-


RV I 3214ab aacuteher yātāraṃ kaacutem apaśya indra hrdiacute yaacutet te jaghnuacuteṣo bhīr aacutegachat lsquowho sawest you Indra as avenger of the Dragon that Fear came to your heart of Killerrsquo

In fact Indra is said to have killed the Dragon in the same hymn 1c et al (aacutehann aacutehim) and yātaacuter- is glossed as lsquokillerrsquo (Sāy hantr-) Ved yātaacuter- has an antonym namely ava-yātaacuter- lsquothe one who apologisesrsquo ( ava-yā lsquoturn offrsquo lsquoexpiatersquo) and stands alongside a reduced set of compounds with rṇaacute- lsquoguiltrsquo and lsquopunishment amendmentrsquo and an agentive second member degyā degyāvan- degyāt- lsquoseeking demandingrsquo ie lsquothe one who demands punishmentrsquo lsquoavengerrsquo rṇa-yā- (5x RV) rṇa-yāvan- (RV hapax) rṇa-yāt- (TS)

RV IV 237cd rṇā cid yaacutetra rṇayā na ugroacute dūreacute aacutejntildeātā uṣaacuteso babhādeacute lsquowhile the strong avenger of guilt pushed our guilties (rṇā) away to far-off unknown dawnsrsquo RV I 874c aacutesi satyaacute rṇayāvānedyaḥ lsquoyou are a true irreprochable avengerrsquo TS I525vīrahā vā eṣaacute devānāṃ yograve rsquogniacutem udvāsaacuteyate taacutesya vaacuteruṇa evaacute rṇayāt ldquonow he who removes the fire is the slayer of the hero among the gods Varuṇa is the exactor of the recompenserdquo yaacuteṃ caivaacuteṃ haacutenti yaacuteścāsaya rṇayāt taacuteu bhāgadheacuteyena prīṇāti ldquohim whom he slays and him whom exacts the recompense he delights with their own portionrdquo (Keith-Lanman)

A definitive argument in favour of the appartenance of yātaacuter- (and ordmyā-) to yā 2 is the perfect parallel with Ved ce-taacuter- lsquopunisherrsquo ( YAv a-caētar-) and rṇa-ciacute-t-80 ( cayci lsquopunishrsquo ie lsquomake payrsquo IEkuei- 1 cf Gk τίνομαι ποινὴν τεῖσαι τείσασθαι) which semantically matches rṇaacutem rṇāni caacutey-a-te)81

VII 605ab imeacute cetāro aacutentasya bhūrer mitroacute aryamā vaacuteruṇo hiacute saacutenti lsquoyou Mitra Aryaman Varuṇa are the punisher of the Untruthrsquo Cf also Yt 1026 (miϑram) acaetārǝm miϑrodrująm lsquo(who) takes revenge on the men deceiving Mitrarsquo

As to rṇa-ciacute-t- which occurs contiguously with synonymous rṇa-yā-

80 Cf also YAv arǝnatcaēša- lsquopunishing the injusticersquo (Yt 1035) 81 One must concede that yātaacuter- and the compounds with degyā- and variants could a priori also belong to yā 1 lsquogo (ahead)rsquo ie lsquothe one who rushes to punishmentrsquo but the agent noun of yā 1 is actually yātar- with the antonym avayātaacuter- which has the same accent as yātaacuter- pointing clearly to yā 2 as well


II 2317cd saacute rṇaciacuted rṇayā braacutehmaṇas paacutetir druhoacute hantā mahaacute rtaacutesya dhartaacuteri lsquothis Brahmaṇaspati is the avenger he who demands repayment the destroyer of Deceit holding the high Truthrsquo

We can therefore conclude that Gk Ζητήρ (Ζᾱτήρ epithet of Zeus isolated within Greek) and Ved yā-taacuter- lsquoavengerrsquo lsquowho demandsrsquo (designation of Indra fairly isolated in Vedic) make a perfect equation both formally and semantically which points to IE ieh2-teacuter- just like Ved cetaacuter- YAv caētar- point to kuei-teacuter- The Vedic and Iranian compounds with rṇaordm (rṇa-yā- also rṇaacute-ciacutet-) make explicit the object of lsquoseeking demandingrsquo in the derivative agent nouns in -taacuter- ( Gk -τήρ)

14 The epithet Stător lsquoStayerrsquo of Iuppiter82 (inscriptions literature)

obviously belongs to the same word family as the GN Statanus Statilinus (Varr nom 532 M Statano et Statilino) special gods presiding over the standing of infants and Stata Mater (protectress of fire)83 The epithet Stator formally matches the title of an official and is attached to provincial governors and later to the Emperor (Cic + inscriptions) The latter reflects two readings of sistō -ere namely intransitive lsquoto stand (scil over)rsquo ( stō -āre) and transitive lsquoto establishrsquo ( statuō -ere and compounds) As stator lsquoone who stands overrsquo cf ἐπιστατῆρες ἀγορανόμοι καὶ οἱ τῶν ποιμνίων νομεῖς and the epithet Ἐπιστατήριος Ζεὺς ἐν Κρήτῃ (Hsch) ἐπι-στάτης (Hom+)84 The Sabellic gentilice Opsturius Opstorius Ostorius in Latin inscriptions85 may belong here if it is the outcome of op-stător- ( Lat opstitor)86 lsquowho stands overrsquo87 As to the

82 Also of Mars cf Vel Pat 213 Iuppiter Capitoline et auctor ac stator Romani nominis Gradiue Mars custodite seruate protegite hunc statum hanc pacem 83 Cf the entries of Radke 1965 291-2 84 Also lsquopresident chairmanrsquo of different institutions (βουλή ἐκκλησία the prytans) in 5th C Athens 85 Opsturius (Samnium) Opstorius (Africa Consularis) Ostorius (Pompei Campania Rome also the name of a Sabinian eques [Tac]) The name is Sabellic (PSab opstur) as shown by ltugt in Lat Opstur- (opstōr-) inherited o yields PSabell u noted ltugt Lat Opstorius Ostorius go back to a refection on the model of Lat -ōrius 86 With syncope of the second syllable (cf Umb loc ustite lsquostationrsquo op-statūto- but also statita Lat statūta) or with haplology of a and t in a sequence with three t 87 Op(s)turius Opstorius may however be equally conceal the outcome of okus-tor- (h3ekus-tor- formed on desiderative okus- YAv aiuuiāxštar- lsquoobserverrsquo)


reading of lsquowho establishesrsquo cf Varr gram 137 statorem hellip quod haberet hellip statuendi hellip potestatem

The epithet stator of Iuppiter being formally identical to the title takes a somewhat different position It reflects only the transitive reading of sistō (and consistō) namely the acceptances (a) lsquoto halt stoprsquo (Liv 2652 consul ubi ad iniquum locum uentum est sistit aciem)88 and (b) lsquoto place firmlyrsquo (Tac Hist 377 cohortis expeditas summis montium iugis super caput hostium sistit)89 which basically matches lsquoto establish appointrsquo) The last acceptance is well attested (Cic Cat 133 tu Iuppiter qui isdem quibus haec urbs auspiciis a Romulo es constitutus quem Statorem huius urbis atque imperi vere nominamus) but is not the original one

That Iuppiter Stator is a lsquostayerrsquo was appreciated by the Romans themselves (see below) and is evident in Greek translations of the epithet in the narration of the episode during the war with the Sabines when Romulus prayed to Iuppiter to stay the flight of the Romans (and received therefore the epithet Stator)

Liv 1126 deme terrorem Romanis fugamque foedam siste hic ego tibi templum Statori Ioui quod monumentum sit posteris tua praesenti ope seruatam urbem esse uoueorsquo lsquohincrsquo inquit lsquoRomani Iuppiter optimus maximus resistere atque iterare pugnam iubetrsquo restitere Romani hellip lsquodeliver the Romans from their terror and stay their shamful flight (fugamque foedam siste) I here vow to thee Iuppiter the Stayer a temple to be a memorial to our descendants how the city was saved by the present helphellip Here Romans Iuppiter commands us to stand (resistere) and renew the fight The Romans did stand (restitere) helliprsquo90

The existence of two acceptances of Stator is well attested in a curious passage of Seneca (De ben 47) where he (to my mind wrongly) rejects that the sense of the epithet harks back to the episode of Romulus against the Samnians et Iovem illum Optimum ac Maximum rite dices et

88 Cf also Liv 1373 ut non sisterent modo Sabinas legiones Tac Hist 233 aegre coercitam legionem et hellip usque ad seditionem progressam Bedriaci sistit 89 Verg Aen 6857-8 hic rem Romanam magno turbante tumultu sistet (also Ap Met 418) 90 Cf also 103611 inter haec consulhellip templum Ioui Statori uouet si constitisset a fuga Romana acies The episode which is frequently referred to (Ov Fast 6793 Sen De ben 471 et al) is the origin of the epithet Stator as Stayer of troops which occurs beside other epithets (Cic de fin bon 366 Iouem cum Optimum et Maximum dicimus cumque eundem Salutarem Hospitalem Statorem hoc intellegi volumus salutem hominum in eius esse tutela Cic Cat 111 huic ipsi Iovi Statori antiquissimo custodi huius urbis)


Tonantem et Statorem qui non ut historici tradiderunt ex eo quod post uotum susceptum acies Romanorum fugientium stetit sed quod stant beneficio eius omnia stator stabilitorque est lsquohellipand it will be right if you call him Iuppiter the Best and Greatest and the Thunder and the Stayer not from the fact that as the Historians have related after his order the Roman battle-line stayed its flight but because all things are stayed by his benefits and he is their stayer and stabilizerrsquo

The episode is also transmitted by Greek historians who accurately translate Stator as Στάτωρ (and ᾿Επιστάσιος) Στήσιος (Plutarch) also as Ὀρθώσιος (Dionyssos of Halicarnassos)91 cf Plut Rom 189 πολλῆς δὲ τῆς φυγῆς αὐτῷ περιχεομένης καὶ μηδενὸς ἀναστρέφειν τολμῶντος ἀνατείνας εἰς οὐρανὸν τὰς χεῖρας ηὔξατο τῷ Διὶ στῆσαι τὸ στράτευμα hellip γενομένης δὲ τῆς εὐχῆς ἔστησαν οὖν πρῶτον οὗ νῦν ὁ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Στάτορος ἵδρυται νεώς ὃν ᾿Επιστάσιον ἄν τις ἑρμηνεύσειεν (also Cic 163 hellip εἰς τὸ τοῦ Στησίου Διὸς ἱερόν ὃν Στάτορα ῾Ρωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν)

In conclusion Iuppiter Stator lsquostayerrsquo ( Στάτωρ translated as ᾿Επιστάσιος Στήσιος by Plutarch) originally reflects the acceptance lsquoto halt stoprsquo of sistō consistō in memory of the episode when he stayed the Romans ( στῆσαι τὸ στράτευμα) who were taking flight and does not match semantically the title stator lsquosuperviserrsquo (intransitive lsquostanding overrsquo cf ἐπιστάτης ἐπιστατήρ)

III In search of Non Attested Gods in Mycenaean and in the Sabellic Domain in Light of Onomastics

Demeter Apollo Juno

15 It is a well-know fact that some epithets of major gods attested in first millenium Greek and Latin have been at an earlier phase proper names of minor independent gods which have become assimilated in the course of time This is evident in the case of Greek since the decipherment of Linear B the same name can be attested as a theonym in Mycenaean and as an epiclesis in Alphabetical Greek This fact is of major importance for the continuity of Mycenaean gods in post-Mycenaean times and may ultimately cast light on the absence of some Greek major gods in Linear B In what follows an attempt will be made to retrace the Mycenaean forerunners (or some of them) of Demeter and Apollo in the light of their epithets attested in the first millenium The same approach will make possible the identification

91 Ant 2503 ῾Ρωμύλος μὲν ὀρθωσίῳ Διὶ παρὰ ταῖς καλουμέναις Μουγωνίσι πύλαις hellip ὅτι τὴν στρατιὰν αὐτοῦ φυγοῦσαν ἐποίησεν ὁ θεὸς ὑπακούσας ταῖς εὐχαῖς στῆναί τε καὶ πρὸς ἀλκὴν τραπέσθαι


of the Oscan and Umbrian goddesses matching the Roman Juno (attested also in Etruria) which is unexpectedly absent in the Sabellic domain or at least is not mentioned by her in name

Let us turn first to the gods attested in Linear B who may be understood

as forerunners of Demeter and Apollo Some preliminary remarks on the religious mentions in Linear B are in order at this point

(1) The major Greek gods are mentioned exclusively by their names

not by means of epithets92 although it is obviously not certain that they have the same profile and characteristics as they have had since Homer and Hesiod apart from Zeus (dat di-we Diwei gen di-wo Diwos) and Hera (dat e-ra hĒrāi) we have in alphabetical order Ares (a-re with PN a-re-i-jo Arehios a-re-ja epithet of e-ma-a2 NP a-re-ị-me-ne Arehi-menēs a-re-me-ne) Artemis (gen a-te-mi-to dat a-ti-mi-te) Dionysus (di-wo-nu-so[ gen -o-jo) Hephaestus (hĀphaistos cf MN a-pa-i-ti-jo) Hermes (dat e-ma-a2 hErmāhāi gen e-ma-a2-o) Poseidon (dat po-se-da-o-ne gen -o-no feminine po-si-da-e-ja and others Four of the Olympic gods are not attested in the Linear B tablets namely Aphrodite Apollo Athena and Demeter93

(2) Some names of Mycenaean deities survive in post-Mycenaean times as epithets of Olympic gods who may be attested (Ares Artemis Poseidon) or not (Apollo) in the Linear B tablets di-wi-ja di-u-ja Diwiāi94 Pamphylian ΔιϜία (Artemis) e-nu-wa-ri-jo (dat) Enuwaliōi Ἐνυάλιος (Ares) e-ne-si-da-o-ne (dat) -dāhōnei probably Ἐννoσίδας (Poseidon) pa-ja-wo-ne (dat) Paiāwonei Παιήων Παιᾶν (Apollo)

(3) Epithets (derivatives or theonyms used as epithets) with distinctive function giving a specific reference to the god-name which are very

92 The occurrence of po-ti-ni-ja (as assumed by Aravantinos-Godart-Sacconi 2003 20) is obviously no argument in favour of the existence of major gods being designated by means of an epiclesis po-ti-ni-ja ( πότνια) is a generic designation not a specific distinctive epiclesis (Garciacutea Ramoacuten 2010 88ff) 93 The interpretation of ]pẹ-ṛọ2 [ in KN E 8423 as A]pellō[nei ( Dor ᾿Απέλλωv Cypr dat a-pe-i-lo-ne) is not cogent given the fragmentary character of the tablet The name Athena is attested as a place name cf a-ta-na-po-ti-ni-ja actually Athānās Potniāi lsquoto the Mistress of Athanarsquo (KN V 52 + 52 bis + 8285 Room of the Chariot tablets) The parallelism with Hom πότνιrsquo Ἀθηναίη is only apparent Myc a-ta-na matches formally the PN Ἀθῆναι 94 A minor deity (but originally the formal feminine counterpart of Zeus) Cf also the theophoric MN di-wi-ja-wo (KN PY TH) di-u-ja-wo (TH) Diwiāwōn) and di-u-ja-jo- Diwiaion lsquosanctuary of Diwiarsquo


frequent in alphabetical Greek are represented by only two instances namely di-ka-ta-jo ( Δικταῖος PN Δίκτα) in di-ka-ta-jo di-wei Diktaiōi Diwei (type Apollo Mαλεάτας Cape Μαλέα) and e-ma-a2 a-re-ja hErmāhāi Areiāi PY Tn 316v795 In Mycenaean there is no instance of distinctive-descriptive epithets of the type ὀρσίαλος ὀρσοτρίαινα (sectsect56) or Κορουταρρα in Thessaly Ζητήρ in Cyprus (sectsect12 13)

(4) Generic designations (type Hom πότνια θεάων δῖα θεάων) like po-ti-ni-ja ( πότνια) wa-na-sa ( ἄνασσα cf dat dual wa-na-so-i (wanatsoihi) lsquoto the two Ladiesrsquo or lsquoat the shrines of the Ladiesrsquo96 occur either without any further determination (and simply stress the divine character of the deity) or with concrete reference ie with distinctive and (if understandable) descriptive function eg da-pu2-ri-to-jo po-ti-ni-ja Daphurinthoio Potnia lsquoLady of Labyrinthrsquo po-ti-ni-ja a-si-wi-ja Potnia Aswiā) lsquoLady of Aswiarsquo po-ti-ni-ja i-qe-ja (h)ikkweiā- lsquoLady of Horsesrsquo si-to-po-ti-ni-ja Sītopotniāi or sītōn Potniāi lsquoLady of the cornrsquo (see below) Cf also ma-te-re po-ti-ni-ja Mātrei Potniāi lsquoto the divine Motherrsquo te-i-ja ma-te-re Theiāi Matrei lsquoto Mother Goddessrsquo

(5) Other Mycenaean religious names are not attested as such in the first millennium Few of them may be understandable as (or associated with) Greek words This is the case of the theonyms (all in dative) di-ri-mi-jo (cf δριμύς lsquosharp kinrsquo) do-po-ta (cf δεσπότης lsquo[house]lordrsquo) ko-ma-we-te-ja (cf κόμη lsquohairrsquo)97 qe-ra-si-ja (cf θήρ lsquofērarsquo θηρατής or PN Θήρα) ti-ri-se-ro-e Tris-hērōhei lsquothrice-herorsquo (cf ἥρως) Two further (probably minor) deities designated by means of an adjective may be conjectured on the basis of theophoric names with degδoτoς98 namely Awisto- lsquoinvisiblersquo in MN a-wi-

95 Either ldquoHermahas under the aspect close to Aresrdquo (Parker 2005 225) as in the case of Zeus Ares and Athena Areia (Athena is also known as πρόμαχος) or as Hermes who saved Ares in the episode of the Aloads told by Dione as a consolation to wounded Aphrodite (Guilleux 2012 469ff) 96 The question of whether reference is made to Demeter and Kore must remain open 97 Κomāwet-eiāi lsquowith long hair or Κomāwent-eiāi with appurtenance suffixe -eiā- ldquobelonging to Komāwensrdquo komāwents) lsquothe one with long hairsrsquo (Leukart 1994 65 n 53) probably a lsquotutelar goddess of ko-ma-we as Joseacute Luis Melena assumes on the strength of the fact that ko-ma-we is attested as a manrsquos name The assumption that ko-ma-we Komawēns in PY Aq 21810 is ldquoprobabilmente unrsquoepiclesi di Poseidonrdquo (Del Freo 1996-1997 153ff) is hardly cogent as nothing suggests that ko-ma-we is but a man The suggestive association with κυανοχαίτης epithet of Poseidon (Hom+) remains hypothetical only for this reason My scepticism about this point in Garciacutea Ramoacuten 2010a 89 n98 is nothing but a rough slip as Poseidon is repeatedy mentioned as κυανοχαίτας since Homer 98 Garciacutea Ramoacuten 2008 326ff


to-do-to Awisto-dotos (cf ἄ-ϊστoς lsquoinvisiblersquo or lsquowho may not be looked atrsquo)99 and Iskhu- lsquopowerfulrsquo in i-su-ku-wo-do-to Iskhuo-dotos (cf ἰσχύς)100

17 Α closer look at Enu(w)alios and Ares allows the identification of a

difference between the situation in Mycenaean and in Homer and some conclusions to be drawn which are relevant for the continuity of Mycenaean god names as Post-Mycenaean divine epithets

Both e-nu-wa-ri-jo Enuwalio- (a minor god attested in Crete) and Ares (a major god attested in Cnosos Pylos and indirectly in Thebes) coexisted in Mycenaean The latter shows some variants101 namely Ares- (nom a-re Hom Ἄρης dat Ἄρει) with theophoric MN a-re-i-jo Arehios ( Ἄρειoς adj ἄρειoς)102 as well as a-re-ja (dat) Areiāi (aresiā-) an epithet of Hermes (a-re-ja e-ma-a2) as well as the MN a-re-ị-me-ne a-re-me-ne Arē hi-menēs ( Ἀρειμένης cf Hom μένoς Ἄρηoς Il 18264 μαίνεται Ἄρης Il 15605) We can also assume that at the time of the Mycenaean tablets Enu(w)alios was still an autonomous god certainly a bellicose one who coexisted with (but was still not absorbed by) Ares The situation was a fairly different one at the time of Homer Ἐνυάλιος is used as an epithet of Ares (eg Il 172101 δῦ δέ μιν Ἄρης δεινὸς ἐνυάλιος) This points to an assimilation of Enu(w)alios by Ares or as synonymous of Ares Il 18309 ξυνὸς Ἐνυάλιος103 22132 ἶσος Ἐνυαλίῳ κορυθάϊκι πτολεμιστῇ104 2651 Μηριόνης τ᾿ ἀτάλαντος Ἐνυαλίῳ ἀνδρειφόντῃ (et al)

The same process with different chronology may be assumed for Paia(wo)n (Παιήων Hom+ Παιᾶν) the GN (dat) pa-ja-wo-ne Paiāwōnei (Cnossos) remains a divine healer in epic and lyric poetry (Il 5401f τῷ δrsquo ἐπὶ Παιήων ὀδυνήφατα φάρμακα πάσσων ἠκέσατrsquo[o]105 Anyway at a

99 The same applies to Athena (ἄιστoς Schol in Ar Nub 967 ἄπoπτoς Soph Ai 15) Persephone (ἀφανής Soph OC 1556) probably also Ἅιδης Ep Ἀΐδης which may have been interpreted by the Greeks as lsquoinvisiblersquo 100 Gk ἰσχύς is originally an adjective and a noun ἰσχύς (u) lsquoforce strengthrsquo (De Lamberterie 1990 297) cf Θερσύς epithet of Athena (Larissa 2nd C) Strong gods are Ares (κρατερός) Hera (ἰσχυρά) Hades (ἴφθιμος) et al 101 A variant Arēu- ( Hom Ἄρηoς Ἄρηι cf Ἀρήϊoς Lit Aeol Ἀρεύϊoς) is attested only in Alphabetical Greek 102 Also probably MN a-pi-ja-re[ (KN) Amphi-arēs a-pi-ja-re-jo pa-na-re-jo (KN PY) cf Παvάρης 103 Also Il 14519 2069 104 Also Il 7166 = 8264 = 17259 105 Cf also HHAp 517 Κρῆτες πρὸς Πυθὼ καὶ ἰηπαιήον ἄειδον Pi P 4270 hellipἰατὴρ hellip Παιάν hellip Sol F 1358 West Παιῶνος πολυφαρμάκου ἔργον ἔχοντες ἰητροί Whether he Παιήων is independent of Apollo the far shooter or simply an alternative epiclesis of him (like Ἐνυάλιος for Ἄρης since Homer) remains open to debate


given point Paiawon is certainly assimilated by Apollo and occurs as one of his epithets in Late Greek106 Myc pa-ja-wo-ne may thus be safely interpreted as a god with a salient feature in common with Apollo namely that of healer and also as his Mycenaean forerunner or at least as one of them

The coexistence in Mycenaean of e-ne-si-da-o-ne probably Enesidā(h)ōnei (Cnossos) whatever its meaning might be and Poseidaon (Pylos) in his different forms (po-se-da-o Poseidāhōn Hom Πoσειδάωv gen po-se-da-o-no - ōnos dat po-se-da-o-ne and po-se-da-o-ni - ōnei and -ōni with his feminine counterpart po-si-da-e-ja Posidāheiāi the sanctuary po-si-da-i-jo Posidāhion (direct po-si-da-i-jo-de) and datpl po-si-da-i-je-u-si Posidāhiēusi lsquoto the priests of the Posidaionrsquo) points to a period where both gods co-existed before the former was assimilated by the latter as seen in the poetic epithet Ἐννοσίδας which is attested as an epithet οf Poseidon in choral poetry (eg Pi P 4173 ᾿Εννοσίδα γένος)

To sum up Major gods co-exist in Mycenaen along with minor gods who they then later absorb Such is the case of Ares and Enuwalios Apollon and Paiawon Poseidon and Enesidaon

18 It is also possible that a major god who is attested in Mycenaean by

his ldquoclassicalrdquo name co-exists with other minor god(s) the names of whom are understandable and actually match the sense(s) of one or more epithet(s) of the major god in alphabetic Greek In this case one can assume that the minor Mycenaean god (or gods) sharing peculiarities with a major one was his forerunner ndashand was absorbed by him in post-Mycenaean times in the form of an epithet

This is the case of Artemis (gen a-te-mi-to dat a-tei-mi-te (Pylos) Ἄρτεμις West Gk Ἄρταμις) certainly a non-Greek name see Lyd Artimuś) The goddess is characteristically connected with horses and with wild beasts These peculiarities are found in the names of two other Mycenaean probably minor deities namely the po-ti-ni-ja i-qe-ja and qe-ra-si-ja (both in Cnosos) which may be considered as two of her forerunners in light of some of the epithets of Artemis in Greek poetry

po-ti-ni-ja i-qe-ja (h)ikkweiā- lsquolady of the horsesrsquo matches de epithets of Artemis ἱπποσόα lsquohorse-drivingrsquo (Pi O 326 hellip ἔνθα Λατοῦς ἱπποσoacuteα θυγάτηρ δέξατrsquo ἐλθόντrsquo(α) lsquowhere Letorsquos horse driving daughter had welcomed himrsquo107)

106 AP 952526 ὑμνέωμεν Παιᾶνα μέγαν θεὸν Ἀπόλλωνα 107 With ungrammatical motion Regular masc ἱπποσόος occurs also as an epithet of ἄνδρες (Pi P 265)


qe-ra-si-ja is more complicated The theonym belongs to a complex of six definite non-Greek and probably Minoan goddesses with obscure names (pi-pi-tu-na 56-ti pa-sa-ja si-ja-ma-to pa-de and qe-ra-si-ja) who are contextually linked in the tablets and may be subsumed under the common label pa-si-te-o-i in the Cnossian corpus and had cults which were probably spacially and temporally associated as shown by J Giulizio and D Nakassis108 Nevertheless if the GN qe-ra-si-ja conceals the outcome of Khwērasiā- (and that of qe-ra-si-jo Khwērasio-) it may have an IE etymology if connected with θήρ lsquowild beastrsquo Hom θήρ Aeol φήρ (IE ghuēr- cf Lat fērus fēra Lith žvėrigraves OCS zvěrъ) although the type of formation is not transparent One may assume a derivative in -σιος -σία of a collective khwērā- of the type ἡμεράσιος ἥμερος lsquomildrsquo cf Artemis Ἡμερασία in Arcadia) or eventually a lsquoLady of Huntersrsquo ( θηρατής lsquohunterrsquo as per J Taillardat)109 It remains of course possible that the name of the goddess is simply pre-Greek but even in this case it may have been secondarily adapted by folk-etymology to θήρ Whatever the close connection of Artemis with wild animals is well known as shown by the literary epithets θηροσκόπος lsquolooking out for wild beastsrsquo (HH 2711 θηροσκόπος Ἰοχέαιρα Ba F 11106-7 ἀριστοπάτρα θηροσκόπος) θηροφόνη lsquokilling wild beastsrsquo (CThgn 11 Ἄρτεμι θηροφόνη Ar Th 320 πολυώνυμε θηροφόνη Λατοῦς χρυσώπιδος ἔρνος110)

19 It is basically agreed that the main Greek gods have reached their

profile and functions in part as the result of the assimilation of other previous gods We can assume that major gods who do not occur in the Linear B tablets or who were still not major in Mycenaean times may have absorbed one (or more) of the gods attested in Linear B texts In what follows an attempt will be made to show that Demeter and Apollo who are absent in the tablets may have existed avant la lettre ie have been referred to by other names or have some forerunners in Mycenaean times Three explanations are a priori possible for the fact that neither of these deities is attested by their name

108 Giulizio-Nakassis forthcoming That the goddess is not Greek does not necessarily exclude the possibility that she could have received a Greek name or that she had a non-Greek name which had been adapted to Greek 109 Taillardat 1984 372-3 The fact that θηρατήρ is first attested in Classical Greek (Ar Nu 358 Ael) is no problem for the assumption of a pair Myc khwērātā- khwērāsioā- like lāwāgetā- lāwāgesioā- 110 Cf θηροφόνος θηροκτόνος Ἄρτεμις Hsch Cf also the epithet θηροκτόνος (Orph)


(a) it does not exist yet or at least is not integrated into the Mycenaean pantheon

(b) it does exist but is referred to by means of a different noun in the Linear B texts

(c) it does not exist yet with the characteristics it has in the first millennium but there is evidence for at least another deity the name of which evokes one of its significant peculiarities the latter may be considered as a direct forerunner of the non-attested ldquohiddenrdquo deity

The possibility (a) is a default one and can be neither confirmed nor disproved although it certainly remains open The same applies basically to (b) if the putative alternative Mycenaean noun of the hidden deity is not associated with it in first millennium Greek the case for a forerunner can hardly be made on the basis of real evidence More promising is (c)

20 Demeter a goddess directly associated with grain and corn (σῖτoς

lsquograinrsquo also lsquohuman foodrsquo) can hardly be separated from si-to-po-ti-ni-ja lsquoLadyMistress of Grainrsquo111 of Mycenae (Oi 701) probably of pre-Greek origin but referred to by the inherited term πότνια ( Ved paacutetnī-)

One may safely assume that si-to-po-ti-ni-ja was the forerunner (or one of the forerunners) of Demeter as ultimately shown by her mentions as πότνια Δημήτηρ (HH 554) πότνια Δηώ (πότνια Δηοῖ ἄνασσα ibid 47) and by the occurrence in Sicily of Σιτώ as an epithet of the goddess (Ael Eust)112 Σιτώ is a short form of a compounded epithet of Demeter with first member σιτοo (σιτοφόρος [of the earth] σιτοδότειρα) or simply the divine personification of σῖτος by means of the feminine suffix -ώ It must be stressed at this point that the Sicilian Σιτώ cannot match si-to in the series TH Ft (1) and Av 100 101 of Thebes and that si-to is not a mention of Demeter113 Myc si-to in TH Ft and Av matches Hom σῖτος as a mere designation of lsquocornrsquo ie lsquohuman foodrsquo and a concrete explicitation of ka-pa karpā collective of καρπός lsquofruit foodrsquo as against ko-ro koros

111 Cf Boeumllle 2004 186ff Rougemont 2005 348-9 Weilhartner 2005 195 199 112 Ael 127 λέγεται δὲ ἐν Σικελίᾳ Ἀδηφαγίας ἱερὸν εἶναι καὶ Σιτοῦς ἄγαλμα Δήμητρος Eust ad Il 1 p 405 καὶ ὡς παρὰ Συρακουσίοις ἐτιμᾶτο Δημήτηρ Σιτὼ διὰ τήν ὡς εἰκός ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ εὐφορίαν ἐκεῖ τοῦ σίτου συνιστορεῖ καὶ Ἀθηναῖος 113 Pace Aravantinos-Godart-Sacconi 2001 271 who interpret si-to as a variant of a putative goddess ma-ka (Thebes) in which they believe they see a Mycenaean Demeter


lsquoanimal fodderingrsquo (cf κόρος lsquosatietyrsquo also lsquoarrogancersquo) as I have tried to show114

21 As to the absence of Apollo in the Mycenaen texts I shall make the

case for di-ri-mi-jo a minor god as one of his forerunners115 The theonym attested in dative occurs in contiguity after di-we and e-ra each of both followed by the indication of an offering in the tablet PY Tn 316 v89

di-we AUR 213VAS 1 VIR 1 e-ra AUR 213VAS 1 MUL 1 di-ri-mi-jo di-wo i-je-we AUR 213VAS 1 [ ] vacat

It is evident that di-ri-mi-jo di-wo i-je-we Drīmiōi Diwos hiewei lsquofor Drimios the son of Zeusrsquo reflects the existence of a triad one can safely assume for Pylos The name does not match any theonym or epithet in the first millennium

The GN di-ri-mi-jo which may be read Drīmio- rather than Drimio- shows two crucial characteristics (1) it is connected with δριμύς116 (with i) lsquosharp keen piercingrsquo (Hom+)117 the name Drīmio- presents the god as a bitter one who causes pains and sorrows118 and (2) it refers to a minor god as lsquoson of Zeusrsquo who is member of a triad with Zeus and Hera

As to (1) Myc di-ri-mi-jo Drīm-io- is a derivative or a ldquoshort formrdquo of a compound with Δριμυdeg119 like the MN Δρίμων Δρίμυλος Δρίμακος (heroic name) fem Δριμώ (mythical name) They fit the pattern of a

114 Garciacutea Ramoacuten 2010a 84-5 The term occurs also in si-to-ko-wo sītokhowoi lsquopourers of grainrsquo (TH Av 104[+]191 PY An 292) degkhowo- χέω lsquopourrsquo cf Lat segetem fundere Hitt kar(a)š išḫu[a]-ḫḫi 115 This view has been set out with some different arguments in Garciacutea Ramoacuten 2012 116 Gk δριμύς goes back to driH-muacute- (from drHi-muacute- with laryngeal metathesis cf Latv drĩsme lsquotearingrsquo) and belongs to IE der(H)- lsquoto tear skin flay separate violently splitrsquo (Ved dar(i) Gr δείρω) as has been convincingly shown by De Lamberterie 1990 439ff 447ff (with accurate discussion of the data) Cf also δῆρις lsquocontestrsquo [lt lsquotearingrsquo] and PGmc turna- [ OSax torn lsquobitterrsquo Germ Zorn]) 117 A connection with δρυμά lsquogladesrsquo (Homer) is highly problematic because of the -u- vocalism 118 As rightly pointed out by Poumltscher 1987 21 (ldquoein leidbringender Gottrdquo) with reference to δριμύσοω lsquoto cause a biting painrsquo 119 Ruijgh 1967 105


subsystem including adjectives in -υ- MN in -ιος -ίας -ίων fem -ώ vel sim eg

βαθύς lsquodeeprsquo MN Βαθίας βαρύς lsquoheavyrsquo MN Βάριος βριθύς lsquoheavyrsquo MN fem Βριθώ γλυκύς lsquosweetrsquo MN Γλυκίων εὐθύς lsquorightrsquo MN Εὔθιος Ευθίων θρασύς lsquobraversquo MN Θράσιος ΘρασίαςΘαρσίας Θαρσίων κρατύς lsquostrongrsquo Κράτιος

The old epithet δριμύς designates everything which is (or may be perceived as) sharp or keen and is in many respects coincident with those of ὀξύς (as stated by the gloss δριμύmiddot ὀξύ σφοδρόν θερμόν δριμύςmiddot ὀξύς Hsch) and of πικρός In fact δριμύς ὀξύ and πικρός not being fully synonymous have some collocations in common among them120

a) with shafts and weapons namely βέλος lsquoarrow dartrsquo Apollorsquos weapon par excellence βέλος ὀξύ δριμύ (Il 11 269-70) ὀξὺ πάγη βέλος (Il 4185) and Mimn F 148 πικρὰ βέλεα See also ὀιστὸς ὀξυβελής lsquosharp pointed arrow (Il 4125-6 ὀξὺ βέλος) πικρὰ βέλεμνα (Il 22206) and especially πικρὸν ὀιστόν (Ιl 4118 Od 227-8) which is thrown by men who symptomatically invoke Apollo

b) with war δριμεῖα μάχη (Il 15696 +) beside ὀξὺν Ἀρῆα (Il 2 440 Epich +)

c) with μένος lsquointernal forcersquo δριμὺ μένος (Od 24319) δριμὺ μένος κραδίης (Mimn F 146) χόλος lsquoeagernessrsquo (δριμὺς χόλος Il 18322) beside θυμοῦ τrsquo αὖ μένος ὀξύ (HH 814)121

d) with persons divinities and avenging spirits referred to as lsquofierce bitterrsquo (first in classical poetry) δριμὺς ἅγροικος (Ar Eq 808 +) ὁ παλαιὸς δριμὺς ἀλάστωρ Ἀτρέως (A Ag 1501-2)

One may safely assume that the Mycenaean di-ri-mi-jo was felt as lsquosharp keen piercingrsquo or more precisely as a god acquainted with objects or activities which are designated as δπιμύς -or by the synonyms ὀξύς πικρός Consequently Myc Drīmios may be understand either as an onomastic variant or even as a ldquoshort formrdquo of a compound like δριμυ-βελής (cf βέλος ὀξὺ δριμύ Il 1126970) or δριμύ-τοξος or δριμυ-μένης (cf δριμὺ μένος Od 24319 +) or δριμύθυμος which are non-

120 The same applies to pains ὀξεῖαι δ᾿ὀδύναι (Il 11272) πικρὰς ὠδῖνας ibid271 and ὠδίνουσαν βέλος ὀξὺ γυναῖκα δριμύ 2689 121 Cf also Il θυμὸς ὀξύς (Soph) ὀξύθυμος (Epich Eur +) and ὀξύχολος ἀνήρ (Sol fr 1326 +) πικρόχολος CH)


attested in Alphabetic Greek but are conceivable for a god such as Apollo at a time in which the old epithet δριμύς was commonly used In fact the alleged δριμυ-βελής has a perfect parallel in the Homeric hapax ὀξυβελής (Il 4125) originally a possessive compound lsquowho has sharp dartsrsquo122

22 As to (2) a look at the gods who are called lsquoson of Zeusrsquo (Διὸς

υἱός) in Greek Poetry shows that only Dionysus Hermes (and Ares in Late Greek) and Apollo fulfill this condition

a) Dionysus who is quoted as Σεμέλας καὶ Δίος υἶος by Alcaeus (F 3463) also in a formal variant in the Homeric Hymn to Dionysus (HH 262 Ζηνὸς καὶ Σεμέλης ἐρικυδέος ἀγλαὸν υἱόν) is referred to as Διὸς παῖς (E Ba 1 ἥκω Διὸς παῖς τήνδε Θηβαίων χθόνα Διόνυσος) or simply as ὁ Διός (ibid 466 Διόνυσος ὁ τοῦ Διός 859-60 hellip τὸν Διὸς Διόνυσον) Dionysus is in fact a member of the triad together with Zeus and Hera in the Aiolis as attested since Alcaeus (F 30 Voigt 129 LP1-10 ἀντίαον Δία σὲ δrsquo Αἰολήιαν [κ]υδαλίμαν θέον hellip τὸν δὲ τέρτον hellip Ζόννυσσον ὠμήσταν) who mentions Zeus as protector of the suppliants (ἀντίαον Δία 6) Hera as Aeolian (Αἰολήιαν 7) and Dionysus as the third one eating raw flesh (τὸν δὲ τέρτον hellip Ζόννυσσον ὠμήσταν 10) He is never though as far as I know referred to as lsquokeen sharprsquo123

b) Hermes is often mentioned as the son of Zeus (and of Maia) twice in Homer (Od 8335 Ἑρμεια Διὸς υἱέ hellip)124 and frequently in the Homeric Hymn dedicated to him (HH 31 Ἑρμῆν Διὸς καὶ Μαιάδος υἱόν) He is also mentioned without explicit indication of his name (28 Διὸς δrsquo ἐριούνιος υἱός 101-2 hellip Διὸς ἄλκιμος υἱὸς Φοίβου Ἀπόλλωνος)125

c) Ares being actually a son of Zeus is first mentioned as Διὸς υἱός in Quintus of Smyrna (Διὸς ὄβριμος υἱὸς Ἄρης 1189 also 172)

122 This meaning is different from the current translation lsquosharp-pointedrsquo This has been correctly observed by Suda sv ὀξυβελήςmiddot ὀξέως βάλλων ἤ ὀξῦ βέλος ἔχων as against the Hesychian Gloss ὀξυβελής ὀξέως βληθείς ἤ ταχέως βαλλόμενος 123 As J L Melena has pointed out to me in the tablet of Khania CHA Gq 5 both the Cretan Zeus and Dionysus are recipients of honey offerings and share the same sanctuary namely that of Zeus (di-wijo-de) 1 di-wi-jo-ḍẹ di-we ṂẸ + ṚỊ 209 VAS + A 1 [ 2 di-wo-nu-so ṂẸ + ṚỊ 209 VAS + A ] 2 [ 124 Cf also Il 24333 (speaks Zeus) 125 Cf also HH 3183 432 In vocative cf ibid 455 Διὸς υἱέ 446 Διὸς καὶ Μαιάδος υἱέ 550-1


The god who incarnates (or simply designates) the bitter war and is referred to as ὀξύς in fact a synonym of δριμύς (Il 2440 ἐγείρoμεν ὀξὺν ῎Αρηα et al) turns out to be a good candidate to have been called Drimios (ie δριμύς) in the first instance or to have absorbed a Mycenaean minor god who bore this name This interpretation has been brilliantly argued for by W Poumltscher126 who invokes the formular collocations δριμεῖα μάχη (Il 15696)127 and ὀξὺν Ἄρηα128 μάχη and Ἄρης have formular epithets which are practically synonymous with δριμύς On the other hand the name of Ares has been associated by the Ancients with ἀρά lsquocursersquo and with πόλεμος129 Moreover the epithets of Ares in Homer point to a δριμὺς θεός130 βροτολοιγός lsquocausing pain to the mortalsrsquo στυγερός lsquohorriblersquo μιαιφόνος lsquoblood-stainedrsquo (lsquostainfully killingrsquo) οὖλος lsquodestructiversquo among others131 In any case the fact is that Ares is also well attested in Linear B132

The hypothesis remains therefore attractive but raises some problems Ares is not referred to as lsquoson of Zeusrsquo before Quintus of Smyrna and is not a member of a triade with Zeus and Hera

In summary in spite of their designation as lsquoson of Zeusrsquo Dionysus Hermes and Ares are in my opinion not good candidates to be identified with di-ri-mi-jo as both are attested in Linear B each one by his name namely di-wo-nu-so (Pylos) e-ma-a2 and a-re in different forms (Cnosos Pylos Thebes)

126 Poumltscher 1987 21ff 127 μάχην δριμεῖαν (Hes Th 713) 128 Il 2440 also 4352 8531 18305 17721 19237 129 Cf ἀρήmiddot εὐχή ldquoἀράων ἀίωνrdquo (Il 15378) καὶ βλάβη ἡ ἐν τῷ Ἄρει τουτέστιν ἐν πολέμῳ (Il 8100) ἀπειλή εὐχή κατάρα (Hsch) also παρὰ τὴν ἀράν τὴν γενομένην βλάβην ἐκ πολέμου (EM) 130 Poumltscher 1987 22ff with references 131 Homeric μῶλος Ἄρηος lsquothe turmoil of Aresrsquo cannot be separated from Hittite mallai ḫarrai lsquomilling grindingrsquo as has been convincingly argued by Barnes 2009 see Il 2401 εὐχόμενος θάνατόν τε φυγεῖν καὶ μῶλον Ἄρηος lsquoin prayer to escape death and the grind of Areswarrsquo 7147 μετὰ μῶλον Ἄρηος lsquothis armour he then wore himself through the grind of battlersquo In any case Ares is not exclusively a god of war he is also a god of material wealth (cf Ares Aphneios in Tegea Arcadia) and the cows of the Dawn as convincingly argued by Guilleux 2012 462ff 132 Garciacutea Ramoacuten 2008


23 Apollo who is not attested by name in Linear B fulfills in my opinion the conditions for being considered as the continuant of Mycenaean di-ri-mi-jo or as the god who has absorbed him133

Two arguments may be invoked in support of this view (a) Apollo is mentioned as son of Zeus in Homer also in formulaic contexts (b) sharpness the quality concealed by the name di-ri-mi-jo is well-known characteristic of Apollo (and of the arrows) since Homer

(a) Apollo is often mentioned as Διὸς υἱός with exactly the same word order as di-ri-mi-jo in tablet PY Tn 316 namely in the formulas Διograveς υἱός Ἀπόλλων (after the heptemimeres Il 16720 et al)134 and their variants ἄναξ Διograveς υἱός Ἀπόλλων (after the trochaic caesura Il 723 et al)135 Il 16720 τῷ μιν ἐεισάμενος προσέφη Διὸς υἱὸς Ἀπόλλων Il 723 τὴν πρότερος προσέειπεν ἄναξ Διὸς υἱὸς Ἀπόλλων cf also in Il 121 ἁζόμενοι Διὸς υἱὸν ἑκηβόλον Ἀπόλλωνα

The coincidence with the word order of Myc di-ri-mi-jo di-wo i-je-we is complete when the Homeric collocation occurs in dative

Il 22302 Ζηνί τε καὶ Διὸς υἷι ἑκηβόλῳ οἵ με πάρος γε136 hellip lsquo (pleasing) to Zeus and Zeusrsquos son who strikes from afar who in former times helliprsquo PY Tn 316 v9 di-we hellip di-ri-mi-jo di-wo i-je-we AUR 213VAS 1 [ ] vacat

Apollo is also designated by means of the collocation ἄναξ Διograveς υἱός without indication of the name (Il 5105 ὦρσεν ἄναξ Διὸς υἱὸς ἀπορνύμενον Λυκίηθεν and Διὸς τέκος (Il 21229)

(b) Apollo was (or was perceived by the Greeks as) δριμύς he had the personality that the etymology allows to assume for Myc di-ri-mi-jo or at least shared some of his salient features The attestations of Apollo in Greek poetry point unmistakingly to a god who is acquainted with (and master of) objects like darts arrows (βέλεα)

133 Apollo is integrated in a divine triad with Leto and Artemis There is to my knowledge no attestation of a triad composed of Zeus Hera and Apollo 134 Cf also Il7326 (= 2082) Od 8334 et al 135 Cf also Il 737 16804 20103 136 The case form attested in Mycenaean (dat Diw-ei) would not fit a Homeric formula a formulaic segment after the trihemimeres caesura could only be created at a date in which the dative form of the -u-stems was not -ei but -i ie in Post-Mycenaean times


and bows all of them also referred to as δριμύς (sect21a) It may be remembered at this point that those who throw a πικρὸν ὀιστόν often invoke Apollo as seen in the case of Pandaros (Il 4118) and Odysseus (Od 227-8)137 Moreover Apollo is referred to as πελεμίζων hellip τόξῳ (Pi O 948) τοξοφόρος lsquobow-bearerrsquo (HH 313 [=123] as τοξοφόρον καὶ καρτερὸν υἱὸν Pi O 659 ὅν πρόγονον καὶ τοξοφόρον Δάλου θεοδμάτας σκοπόν et al) and throws his βέλος ἐχεπευκὲς (Il 151 4128ff)

Moreover the epithets given to Apollo show a close relation with arrows and darts ἑκηβόλος (Il 196 Hes Th 94+) lsquoattaining his aim from afarrsquo lsquofar shootingrsquo (also ἑκαβόλος S OT 162) ἑκατηβόλος lsquohitting the mark at willrsquo (HH 3234+ also ἑκαταβόλος Pi P 888 +) and ἑκατηβελέτης (HH 1157) All this gives Apollo the profile of an evil god (δεινός Il 16788+) λαοσόος lsquowho rouses the people in armsrsquo (Il 20 79) ὀλοώτατος (HH 3307) who is a master of darts (Hom βέλος δριμύ) and is profiled in Homer as archer and killer If di-ri-mi-jo Drīm-io- reflects a compound like δριμυ-βελής lsquoof evil dartsrsquo or δριμύ-τοξος lsquoof evil bows and arrowsrsquo the match with Apollo seems a perfect one

It must remain open at this point whether this god is truly Greek or whether he has in fact come from the Near East In this latter case he could have either a connection to the Anatolian Lord of the Arrow (Hitt Yarri Babyl Erra) or to the Ugaritic archer god Rešep Mikal who has been assimilated in Greek under the form Ἄμυκλος (Cyprus also in Laconia hence the place name Ἄμύκλαι and the epiclesis of Apollo Ἀμυκλαῖος in Sparta)138 or represent a synthesis of at least two gods one of whom should be the Anatolian Lord of the Arrows139

In conclusion di-ri-mi-jo may be considered as a Mycenaean forerunner of Apollo We assume that the collocation [son of Zeus] points to a connection between Mycenaean di-ri-mi-jo and Apollo who in contrast to other gods who are also referred to in the same way (Dionysus Hermes in epic poetry Ares in Nonnos) does not occur in Mycenaean

137 Il 4118-9 αἶψα δrsquo ἐπὶ νευρῇ κατεκόσμει πικρὸν ὀϊστόν εὔχετο δ Ἀπόλλωνι Δυκηγενέϊ κλυτοτόξῳ lsquoswiftly he arranged the bitter arrow along the bowstring and made his prayer to Apollohellipof glorious archrsquo and Od 227-8 hellip αἴ κε τύχωμι πόρῃ δέ μοι εὖχος Ἀπόλλων ἦ καὶ ἐπ Ἀντινόῳrsquo θύνετο πικρὸν ὀϊστόν lsquohellipif I can hit it and Apollo grants me the gloryrdquo He spoke and steered a bitter arrow against Antinoosrsquo 138 Cf also the sanctuary Ἀμυκλαῖον and the month Ἀμυκλαῖος (extensively on this Vegas Sansalvador 2012) 139 Cf recently Haas 1994 368ff Graf 2010 9ff 136f 139ff


texts Moreover the personality of Apollo as the lord of the Arrows who deals with sharp darts (πικρὸν οἰστόν) and kills from afar (ἑκατηβόλος) fits the pattern of an evil god as sharp and keen as the name of di-ri-mi-jo ( δριμύς) suggests

24 Let us turn to Ancient Italy and especially to the Sabellic domain

where the absence of mentions of Juno by name is somehow surprising given that Juno is actually attested in Etruria under the form Uni (iūnī-)140 The situation in Sabellic Italy is not identical with that in Mycenaean and post-Mycenaean Greece as the data are contemporary and there is no possibility of establishing a chronological sequence However the theoretical framework and the approach remain the same it is possible to assume that a goddess (or more than one) matching Juno or a Proto- or Pre-Juno previous to the Classical Juno did exist in the Sabellic area and waswere mentioned by (an)other name(s) The search for traces of a goddess (or more goddesseses) who are forerunner(s) of Juno may be attempted on the basis of linguistic (names epithets) and cultual features which could fit the pattern of the earliest peculiarities of Juno ie before she became the ldquoclassicalrdquo Roman Juno In what follows an attempt will be made to show that Oscan Pupluna- (sect 25) and Umbrian Vesuna- (sect 26) match the Latin Juno at least in some of her features prior to her integration in the Classical Roman Pantheon as the spouse of Iuppiter141

25 The epithet Populona for Juno is attested in inscriptions of the

Oscan region namely Northern Campania and Samnium between the first century BC and end of the second century AD IUNO POPULONA (Campania Teanum Sidicinum (CIL X 4780 4789 4790 4791) also Apulia Calabria Luceria142

X 4780 [IU]NONI POPULONA[E] sacrum (Teanum) Cf also X Anniae Argivae sacerd(oti) IUNONIS POPULONAE X 4790 Noniae Prisca[e] sacerd(oti) IUNON(IS) POPULON(AE)143

A complex formula with the indication REGINAE POPULONIAE (dat) is also attested in Dacia (IUNONI REGINAE POPULONIAE DEAE PATRIAE CIL

140 Cf the overview by Rix 1981 111ff 141 For more detailed discussion of Osc Pupluna- and Umbr Vesuna- cf Garciacutea Ramoacuten (forthcoming) 142 Torelli 196970 70 143 Also X 4791 Vitelliae Virgiliae Felsiae [p]raesidis IU[N]ONIS POPULO[N(AE)] dat IUNONI POPULON(AE) (Torelli 19691970 20ff)


III 1075 dedication of a Samnian legionary) and in Samnium (IX 2630 IUNONI REG(INAE) POP(ULONAE))

The epithet is connected with populus by the Latin scholars cf Myth Vat 343 Populoniam quod populos multiplicet144 This in fact makes sense ex Latino ipso but is no more than just a folk-etymology (or ldquoGelehrtenetymologierdquo) due to the formal similarity with populus (Umbr puplum poplom) the outcome of an agent noun po-plh1-oacute- of pelh1- lsquobrandish waversquo (cf Hom πελεμίζειν πόλεμος) and meant originally ldquothe collective who wave the armsrdquo as convincingly argued by Helmut Rix145

In my opinion Lat Populona Populonia not to be separated from the Oscan divine name is certainly an epithet noted as pupluna[ in a fragment of a dedication (Sa 61 Mefete near Aquinum ante quem 300) which has been edited by P Poccetti146 and should be read as deiv]ại pupluna[i]147

The divine name occurs also in two fragmentary vase inscriptions (from Teano) in the Latin alphabet of the Republican age which have been recently published by D Izzo148 [---]tted puplunai and [---]ị pupl[unai

The occurence of epichoric ltugt in pupluna[ (instead of ltuacutegt) and of ltugt in the two forms in the Latin alphabet clearly point to u not to o which would have been noted ltuacutegt in epichoric Oscan and o in Latin This clearly points to puplōnā- not to +poplōnā- If the starting point was popdegl-ōnā- the first syllable should be noted as ltuacutegt in the Oscan alphabet (cf O puacuted ldquoquodrdquo) We can therefore conclude that O pupluna pupluna is not etymologically connected with populus149 the basic form of the feminine god name in -ōnā- is kueku(h1)lo- ( Ved cakraacute- lsquocirclersquo Eng wheel) the masculine counterpart of which is Umbrian pupřiko- (cf Bellōnā- bellicus) O pupluna pupluna puplōnā- (kuekulo-) may be

144 Also Mart Cap Nupt 2149 Iuno te Poplonam plebes Curitim debent memorare bellantes 145 Rix 1997 82 ldquola schiera che brandisce (le armi)rdquo with reference to pilumnoe poploe lsquofighters with javelinrsquo in CarmSal PF 224L 146 Poccetti 1980 83-4 as the author kindly confirmed to me after a new autopsy of the inscription 147 Instead of the first reading Iu]ṇei pupluna[i] (Poccetti 1980) 148 Izzo 1994 279 (kind indication of Daniel Maras per litteras) 149 Cf also Umb poplo- also PN Populonia in Etruria) A completely different word is the GN Fufluns ( the Etruscan Bacchus) which actually means ldquoHerr des Gartensrdquo (Meiser 1986 215) or ldquosignore della vegetazione degli alberi dellrsquo edererdquo (Rix 1998 214) PSabell fōflōns a derivative in -h3no- to fuflo-fōflo- dissimilated from flu-flo- (bhlō-dhlo- ldquoBluumlhort Gartenrdquo or bhobhlo- ldquochio che fioriscerdquo)


understood as lsquothe Lady of the Cyclic Timersquo the theonym would match Lat Cyclōna in the same way that the masculine U pupřiko- pupliko- in the brilliant interpretation of AL Prosdocimi150 would match Lat cyclicus The Latin form Populona reflects a remodelling of the Oscan form with Sabellic representation of labiovelars as bilabials (kuekulo- gt PSabell puplo-) One may safely assume that the goddess has been assimilated as epiclesis to Iūnō and survived in the Oscan area as Populona by secondary association with lat populus

In fact three characteristics of Roman Juno fit the pattern of a former Oscan lsquoLady of the Cyclic Timersquo related to the cycle of the year and to Umb pupřiko-

(a) Juno is a moon goddess (her original character according the Ancients) actually ldquothe deified new moonrdquo ie ldquothe young onerdquo as recently argued by B W Fortson151 She is referred to as Juno Covella in the Kalendae of every month152 and characteristically connected with Cyclic Time (cf Ianus Iunonius Macr 1915)

(b) Juno is characteristically connected with feminine nature and matters weddings153 births154 and the months of pregnancy155 (Iuno Lucina) processions of women (Matronalia)

(c) Juno is the counterpart of masculine Genius (cf among others Sen Ep 110 singulis enim et Genium et Iunonen dederunt)

The assumption that Lat Iuno Populona reflects an earlier Oscan goddess lsquoof the Cyclersquo (puplōnā- kuukulōnā-) can hardly be independent of a well established fact namely the existence in Umbrian of a divine couple which consists of a masculine puemun156 designated as

150 Prosdocimi 1996 543 151 Fortson 2002 723 with references 152 The Kalendae when the new moon makes itself visible are sacred to Iuno It is the day when the pontifex minor announces that the new moon becomes visible and tells Iuno Covella the day of the Nones corresponding to the year (Varro LL 627) 153 Cf Iuno Iuga (cf ῞Ηρα Ζυγία) Iunonis Iugae quam putabant matrimonia iungere (PF 92 L) unde et Iuno iugalis dicitur Serv Aen 416) 154 Cf Varro 569 quae ideo quoque uidetur ab Latinis Iuno Lucina dicta et lucet uel quod ab luce eius qua quis conceptus est usque ad eam qua partus quis in lucem ltlgtuna iuuat donec mensibus actis produxit in lucem ficta ab iuuando et luce Iuno Lucina a quo parientes eam inuocant 155 Cf also Myth Vat 343 Haec etiam coniugiis et partubus praeesse dicitur 156 Attested also in gen puemunes IV 3 et al dat puemune III 26 et al


ldquocyclicrdquo like pupřiko- ldquoκυκλικόςrdquo and of a femenine vesuna- (s below) This brings us to the path of the Umbrian match of Roman Juno

24 The goddess vesuna- is attested in Umbrian (dat vesune TI IV

3610 et al) and in Marsian (uesune VM 3 Antinum) as well as in a Latin dialect coloured inscription from Miliona and in the Etruscan mirror from Castelgiorgio (ca 300)157 cf for instance

IV 11 klavles persnihmu puemune pupřike et vesune puemunes pupřikes pustin ereccedillu ldquoPray with the spatulas to to Puemun- Pupřiko- and Vesuna of Puemun- Pupřiko- at each iconrdquo (Weiss)

The name of the goddess Umb vesuna- (and Mars Vesuna-) allows for an interpretation as the lsquoLady of the Yearrsquo (cf OE gear lsquoyearrsquo Germ Jahr (H)iēr-o-)158 or lsquoof the calvesrsquo (cf Lat Iūnō beside iūnīx lsquoeiferrsquo Hom Ἥρα βοῶπις) Umbr vesuna- goes back to ues(s)ōnā- from uetes-ōnā-159 a feminine derivative in -ōnā- to ueacutetes- lsquoyearrsquo ( Gk (ϝ)ἔτος)160 A variant uet-elo- lives on in the Italic domain with the sense lsquoyearlingrsquo (Umbr uitlu- lsquocalfrsquo Lat vitulus also the place-name Osc Vitel(l)iuacute ldquoItaliardquo)161 The name of Umb vesuna- Mars Vesuna- immediately evokes the connection of Juno (and Hera) with the year (as well as with cows and more precisely heifers) Let us shortly remember the essentials about Umb vesuna- as the divinity matching the aspects of Juno mentioned above (sect 25)

(a) vesuna- is actually a divinity of the cyclic time like her partner puemon- who is pupřiko- namely ldquothe god who goes in a circlerdquo ie the god of the yearly cycle As convincingly argued by M

157 The mirror now in the Baltimore Museum which four figures and their names (hrcle fufluns vesuna and fatuus (ltsvutafgt) in a Bacchic context has been insightfully interpreted by Weiss 2010 236 242ff 158 Gk Ἥρα lsquofrom (H)iēr-eh2- cf ὥρα lsquospringrsquo is actually the personification of the flowering period of the year 159 ldquoHerrin des Jungviehsrdquo (Rix apud Meiser 1986 255f) ldquoLady of the Yearrdquo (Weiss 2010 Waanders 2003) 160 Cf also uets-oacute- lsquoof the current yearrsquo (cf CLuv ušša- lsquoyearrsquo HLuv u-sai-) Ved vatsaacute- lsquoyearling calfrsquo (trideg lsquoyearrsquo) as well as the secondary form vatsaraacute- lsquoyearrsquo (parideg lsquocomplete yearrsquo saṁdeg lsquocourse of the yearrsquo) m lsquofifth (sixth) year in the cycle of five (six) yearsrsquo and Skr vatsalaacute- lsquoattached to her calfrsquo 161 Cf also the gentilices Vetlius Vitlius Vetulius Vitulius (Campania) Vitullius (Histria)


Weiss162 vesuna- is also directly connected with the fixation of fates of the New Year by trying to establish the fates of the New Year163

(b) and (c) vesuna- is the feminine counterpart of puemun- pupřiko-164 just like O pupluna (s above)

In conclusion The assumption that Osc pupluna matches an Oscan

Juno avant la lettre which was associated as the epithet populona fits perfectly into the pattern of continuity we have proposed between Mycenaean and Post Mycenaean gods major gods may have different forerunners in different regions and a major god may reflect the confluence of more than one divinity who may survive as one of his cultual epithets The same applies to Umbr vesuna- a goddess of the Cyclic Year partner of a pupřiko- ( cyclicus) the profile of whom matches that of Roman Juno

Works Cited

Aravantinos V L Godart and A Sacconi 2001 Thegravebes Fouilles de la Cadmeacutee I Les tablettes en Lineacuteaire B de la Odos Pelopidou Edition et commentaire Pisa ndash Roma Instituti Poligrafici Internazionali

Bader F 1962 La formation des composeacutes nominaux latins Paris Les Belles Lettres

Barnes T 2008 ldquoHomeric μῶλος Ἄρηος Hittite mallai harrairdquo In Proceedings of the 20th Annual Ucla Indo-European Conference Los Angeles October 31-november 1 2008 ed S W Jamison H C Melchert and B Vine 1-17 Bremen Hampen

Boumlelle C 2004 PO-TI-NI-JA Leacuteleacutement feacuteminin dans la religion myceacutenienne (dapregraves les archives en lineacuteaire B) Nancy ADRA ndash Paris De Boccard

Chrysostomou P 2001 ldquoΜια αναθηματική στήλη στην Εννοδια κορουτάρραrdquo Μουσεῖο Μπενάκη 1 11-20

162 Cf the insightful chapter on Umbr puemun- pupřiko- and vesuna- in Weiss 2010a 236ff to which the following lines are largely indebted 163 Umbr vesuna- is connected with the ldquopredictive possibilities inherent in New Yearrsquos Day the diviner seeks to read the future in the shapes forming in a bowl of water and oilrdquo (Weiss 2010 244 with references) 164 Weiss 2010 235


Dubois L 1986 Recherches sur le dialecte arcadien Louvain-la-Neuve Cabay

Fortson B W 2002 ldquoLinguistic and cultural notes on Latin Iūnius and related topicsrdquo In Indo-European Perspectives ed MRV Southern Journal of Indo-European Studies Monograph Studies 43 61-77 Washington D C

Del Freo M 1996-97 ldquoOsservazioni su miceneo KO-MA-WE-TE-JArdquo Minos 31-32 145-158

Garciacutea Ramoacuten JL 1985 ldquoὥτε und ὥστε bei Alkman und Pindarrdquo MSS 46 81-101

mdash 1999 ldquoGriechisch Ζητήρmiddot Ζεὺς ἐν Κύπρῳ vedisch yātaacuter-rdquo Compositiones Indogermanicae in Memoriam Jochem Schindler ed H Eichner H C Luschuumltzky and V Sadovski 77-96 Praha Enigma Corporation

mdash 2000 ldquoFraseologiacutea poeacutetica y epiacutetetos literarios los compuestos con ὀρσιdeg en Piacutendaro y Baquiacutelidesrdquo Ἐπιείκεια Studia Graeca in Memoriam Jesuacutes Lens Tuero ed M Alganza Roldaacuten et al 139-151 Granada Athos-Pergamos

mdash 2007 ldquoVergil und die indogermanische Dichterspracherdquo In Vergil und das antike Epos Festschrift Hans-Juumlrgen Tschiedel ed S Freund and M Vielberg 267-278 Tuumlbingen Steiner

mdash 2008 ldquoMykenische Personennamen und griechische Dichtung und Phraseologie i-su-ku-wo-do-to und a-re-me-ne a-re-ị-me-nerdquo In Colloquium Romanum Atti del XII Colloquio Internazionale di Micenologia Roma 2006 ed A Sacconi et al 325-335 Pisa-Roma Fabrizio Serra

mdash 2008b ldquoEl antropoacutenimo pilio e-ri-ko-wo y la fraseologiacutea poeacutetica Erikōwos (μέγα κῶας Hom+) o maacutes bien Erigowos (μέγαν γόον HHCer ἐρικλάγκταν γόον Pind y μέγα βοήσας Hom Ἐριβόας Pind)rdquo Faventia 30 33-45

mdash 2010a ldquoEspace reacuteligieux theacuteonymes epiclegraveses agrave propos des nouveaux textes theacutebainsrdquo In Espace civil espace reacuteligieux en Eacutegeacutee durant la peacuteriode myceacutenienne ed I Boehm and S Muumlller Celka 73-92 Lyon Travaux de la Maison de lOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee

mdash 2010b ldquoReconstructing IE Lexicon and Phraseology Inherited Patterns and Lexical Renewalrdquo In Proceedings of the 20th Annual Ucla Indo-European Conference Los Angeles October 31-november 1 2008 ed S W Jamison H C Melchert and B Vine 69-106 Bremen Hempen

mdash 2011 ldquoPosidoacuten ὀρσοτρίαινα sincroniacutea y tradicioacuten en un epiacuteteto pindaacutericordquo In Ἀντίδωρον Homenaje a Juan Joseacute Moralejo ed M J


Garciacutea Blanco et al 305-326 Santiago de Compostela Servicio de Publicacioacutens

mdash 2012 ldquoEn travaillant agrave une grammaire du myceacutenien 1 a-pi-e-qe amphihenkwe lsquo(on) mentionna (on) eacutenumeacuterarsquo 2 Absence drsquoaugment et mode injonctif 3 di-ri-mi-jo Drimios fils de Zeusrdquo In Eacutetudes myceacuteniennes 2010 Actes du XIIIe colloque international sur les textes eacutegeacuteens Segravevres Paris Nanterre 20-23 septembre 2010 ed P Carlier et al 434-454 Pisa-Roma Fabrizio Serra

mdash forthcoming ldquoIn search of Iuno in the Sabellic domain Umbrian Marsian Vesuna- Oscan Pupluna-rdquo In Forme e strutture della religione nellrsquo Italia mediana antica Terzo Convegno Internazionale Instituto di Ricerche e Documentazione sugli antichi Umbri Perugia-Gubbio 21-2592011

Garciacutea Ramoacuten JL and B Helly 2009 ldquoΕννοδια Κορουταρρα lsquocelle qui dote drsquoalimentation de croissancersquo et autres diviniteacutes kourotrophes en Thessalierdquo Revue de Philologie 802 291-312

mdash 2012 ldquoDeux nouvelles eacutepiclegraveses de la deacuteesse E(n)nodia dans des inscriptions de Larisardquo In Polymetis Meacutelanges en lhonneur de Franccediloise Bader ed A Blanc et al 41-53 Louvain-la-Neuve Peeters

Gulizio J D Nakassis forthcoming ldquoThe Minoan Goddess(es) Textual evidence for Minoan Religionrdquo In KE-RA-ME-JA (Studies Cynthia Shelmerdine)

Helly B 1970 ldquoAgrave Larisa Bouleversement et remise en ordre des sanctuairesrdquo Mnemosyne 23 250-296

Graf F 2009 Apollo London Routledge Guilleux N 2012 ldquoAgrave propos de lrsquoHermegraves Areias des sources

myceacuteniennes (PY Tn 316 v 7)rdquo In Eacutetudes myceacuteniennes 2010 Actes du XIIIe colloque international sur les textes eacutegeacuteens Segravevres Paris Nanterre 20-23 septembre 2010 ed P Carlier et al 455-473 Pisa-Roma Fabrizio Serra

Haas V 1994 Geschichte der hethitischen Religion Leiden Brill Hackstein O 2002 Die Sprachform der homerischen Epen Wiesbaden

Reichert Hinge G 2006 Die Sprache Alkmans Wiesbaden Reichert Izzo D 1994 ldquoNuove testimonianze sul culto di Pupluna da Teanum

Sidicinumrdquo Ostraka 32 277-284 Kuiper FBJ 1973 ldquoFour Word Studies I Vedic ayās lsquonot to be

injuredrsquordquo IIJ 15 170-190 De Lamberterie Ch 1990 Les adjectifs grecs en -υς Seacutemantique et

comparaison Louvain-la-Neuve Peeters


Langella E forthcoming ldquoHermes ῾Εριούνιος una nuova interpretazionerdquo Historische Sprachwissenschaft

Lindner Th 1996 Lateinische Komposita Ein Glossar vornehmlich zum Wortschatz der Dichtersprache Innsbruck IBS

Livingston I 2004 A Linguistic Commentary on Livius Andronicus New York Routledge

LIV2 Rix H 2001 Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen 2nd edn Wiesbaden Reichert

Meiser G 1986 Lautgeschichte der umbrischen Sprache Innsbruck IBS Mignot X 1969 Les verbes deacutenominatifs latins Paris Klincksieck Parker R 2005 ldquoArteacutemis Ilythie et autres le problegraveme du nom divin utiliseacute

comme epiclegraveserdquo In Nommer les dieux Theacuteonymes epithegravetes eacutepiclegraveses dans lAntiquiteacute ed N Belayche et al 219-226 Turnhout Brepols

Poumltscher W 1987 Hera Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft Poccetti P 1980 ldquoNuovi contributi alla topografia della documentazione

italicardquo ΑΙΩΝ 2 77-87 Prosdocimi AL 1996 ldquoLa Tavola di Agnone una interpretazionerdquo In La

tavola di Agnone nel contesto italico Convegno di Studio Agnone 13-1541994 ed L del Tutto Palma 435-630 Firenze LS Olschki

Radke G 1979 Die Goumltter Altitaliens Muumlnster Aschendorff Rix H 1965 ldquoHom ὀρώρεται und die Verben ὄρνυμι und ὀρίνωrdquo IF 70

25-49 (= 2001 Kleine Schriften 10-34 Bremen Hempen) mdash 1981 ldquoRapporti onomastici fra il panteon etrusco e quello romanordquo In

Gli etruschi e Roma Atti dellrsquo incontro di studio in onore di Massimo Pallottino ed G Colonna et al 104-126 Roma Bretschneider ( 2001 Kleine Schriften 272-294 Bremen Hempen)

mdash 1997 ldquoIl latino e lrsquoetruscordquo Eutopia 4 73-88 mdash 1998 ldquoTeonimi etruschi e teonimi italicirdquo Annali della Fondazione

per il Museo Claudio Faina 5 207-229 Rougemont F 2005 ldquoLes noms des dieux dans les tablettes inscrites en

lineacuteaire Brdquo In Nommer les dieux Theacuteonymes epithegravetes eacutepiclegraveses dans lAntiquiteacute ed N Belayche et al 325-388 Turnhout Brepols

Ruijgh CJ 1967 Eacutetudes sur la grammaire et le vocabulaire du grec myceacutenien Amsterdam Hakkert

Schmid WP 1956 ldquoVedisch īmahe und Verwandtesrdquo IF 62 229-239 Schmitt R 1967 Dichtung und Dichtersprache in indogermanischer Zeit

Wiesbaden Harrasowitz Schroumlder F 1956 ldquoHerardquo Gymnasium 63 57-78 Schwabl H 1972 ldquoZeus I Epiklesenrdquo In Realencyclopaumldie der

Classischen Altertumswissenschaft ed AF Pauly and G Wissowa XA 253-376 Stuttgart Alfred Druckenmuumlller ( Zeus Muumlnchen 1978)


Simon E 1974 ldquoPoseidonrdquo Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae VII 446-479 Zuumlrich Artemis

Taillardat J 1984 ldquoUne paneacutegyrie agrave Cnossos Agrave propos de la tablette Fp(1)141rdquo REG 97 356-373

Torelli M 1969-1970 ldquoLuceriardquo RendAccLinc 24 20-21 Tucker EF 1990 The Creation of Morphological Regularity Early

Greek Verbs in -eacuteō -aacuteō -oacuteō -uacuteō and -iacuteō Goumlttingen Vandenhoeck amp Rupprecht

Waanders F 2003 ldquoPantoia ndash A Mixed Saladrdquo Hyperboreus 9 16-21 Watkins C 1973 ldquoEtyma Eniana (1 uegeō 2 Ceurdquo HSCPh 77 195-201

(= Selected Writings Innsbruck 1994 487-493) Vegas Sansalvador A 1992 ldquoΧαμύνη ein Beiname der Demeter in

Olympia rdquo Glotta 703-4 166-180 mdash 2008 ldquoEl epiacuteteto Ἀμυκλαῖος el topoacutenimo Ἀμύκλαι y el dios sirio

Mikalrdquo Faventia 30 69-82 Weiss Μ 2010 Language and Ritual in Sabellic Italy Leiden Brill Weilhartner J 2005 Mykenische Opfergaben nach Aussage der Linear B-

Texte Wien AOumlAW Willi A 1999 ldquoZur Verwendung und Etymologie von griechisch ἐρι-rdquo

Historische Sprachwissenschaft 112 86-100

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface viii Joseacute Virgilio Garciacutea Trabazo and Angel Ruiz

Indo-European Poetic Language

Gods And Vowels 2 Joshua T Katz

Some Linguistic Devices of the Greek Poetical Tradition 29 Jordi Redondo

In Tenga Bithnua y la Lengua Angeacutelica Sus Fuentes y su Funcioacuten 39 Henar Velasco Loacutepez

Rumpelstilzchen The Name of the Supernatural Helper and the Language of the Gods 51 Oacutescar M Bernao Farintildeas

Religious Onomastics in Ancient Greece and Italy Lexique Phraseology and Indo-european Poetic Language 60 Joseacute L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

Two Epithets of Zeus in Laconia in the Light of Homeric Phraseology 108 Ana Vegas Sansalvador

Τάρταρος 118 Daniel Koumllligan

Religious Etymology and Poetic Syncretism at Rome 127 Colin Shelton

Ancient Linguistic Literary and Religious Elements in Kallimachos and Chrysorrhoe 136 Edwin D Floyd

Table of Contents

vi



















Index 321















































































































































































































Demeter Apollo Juno



































































































































Works Cited


































































Table of Contents

vi



















Index 321















































































































































































































Demeter Apollo Juno



































































































































Works Cited







































































Index 321















































































































































































































Demeter Apollo Juno



































































































































Works Cited
















































































































































































































































































Demeter Apollo Juno



































































































































Works Cited


































































































































































































Works Cited


































































poetic language and religion in greece and rome edited by j

Documents