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PRPhillppinefmurmatrisrnReview

20 | PJR DECEMBER 1991I

6EnterprisetBy MELINDA QUINTOS DE JESUSwith reports from the PJR staff

N recent monthso media circles have been rockedby a wave of reports on cornrption among theirranks. The story aboutbribe money beingpassedon to journalists attending a press conferenceheld in the National Press Club itself promptedNPC ofticials to create an independent body

composed of well-respected journalists to probe deeperinto the allegation. But because one of NPC's leadingmembers, Jesus Antiporda, a reporter of the tabloidPeople's Joumal and a current NPC director, was im-plicated, the case overshadowed other developments inthe beats, specifically in the Department of Justice andthe House of Representatives.

A division ofranks into rival and adversarial fac-tions heightens the crisis raised by the questions onjournalistic competence and cormption in these twobeats.

trn a series ofround-table discussions with some youngalists organized by the Center for Media Freedom

nd Responsibility, the issue of cormption has emerged asserious and constant concern. Their own experience in

scene.There, they see how offers are made and money change

hands. Some accept. Others refuse, or turn over these totheir editors as prescribed by certain newsroom policy.But they consider what they themselves see or hear aboutas the tip of the iceberg. They are barely scratching thesurface. And when they are identified as resistant to pay-offs, they may be marginalized from the circles or frndthemselves excluded from certain activities involving thebeat or both.

The concern for corruption seems linked to the otherissues of competence and integdty. There are reporterswho crib their stories from other journalists' copies andthose who habitually file stories without actually coveringthe event.

Any effort to probe and investigate these cases arefraught with danger. No less than threats-to-life-and-physical-welfare confront and intimidate the enterprise.

It is clear that the brave souls who speak out -breaking ranks with their colleagues and going publicwith their disenchantment and frustration - risk muchmore than just the cold shoulder treatment of those who

senous ano consumt concern. 'l'herr own expenence rneir respective beats brings them close enough to the

PJR DECEMBER 1e91 I 21

Journalismfeel singled out by the growing agitation for journalists toclean up their act.

The signs are strong, however, that such agitationwill not wane or be allowed to wither on the vine.

The resolve demonstrated by the NPC to go after thebad eggs, as shown in the probe on the charges madepublic March last year by then Philippine Daily In-quirer reporter Beth Pango of bribe money distributed toreporters during a congressional hearing (see related story,page 43) and the Antipordabribery attempt case was seenas a good sign by certain quarters. It signals the turn of anew leaf in the way the press confronts those charges. Butthe problem remains as to the sanctions on errrnsnewsmen because only the publishers can impose thes?.

Columnist Renato Constantino, who heads the NPCprobe team on the Antiporda case, said the team could alsolook into the alleged cases of cornrption in the justice andcongress beats and has appealed to anyone who could shedlight into the allegations. Both the unsigned "white papet''in the justice beat and the "BAIrITAYMEDIA" editionl inCongress (see succeeding stories) should be evaluated forleads.

Interestingly enough, the NPC has never had todeal with the issue of cormption until the Pango storybroke out. But an old-timer recalls for the benefit ofyounger journalists the one instance in memory whenthe NPC had to check on its reportedly erring members.

The case was vintage pre.Martial Law. Four mem-bers of the NPC, three reporters and a photographer,went on a trip to Hong Kong,to cover a politician. Ontheir return they were asked to carry with their ownbaggage additional suitcases as a favor. Apparently theplane to Manila was full so the extra luggage were senton a following flight. When opened by customs, thesuitcases were revealed to hold BanJon shirts. whichwere in vogue and expensive in the 60s. The coverage inthe newspapers occasioned an investigation. But evenbefore the investigation could clear their names, twochose to resign. Which is not to say that media corrup-tion is a feature only of our more recent and deeplytroubled times.

Quite clearly, the expectation runs high that in aperiod of democratic recovery, the media institutionsthemselves must fulfill the people's expectation formoral recovery and professional reform.

The concern for corruption seemslinked ta the other issues of competenceand, integrity. There are reparters who

crib their stories from other journalists'copies and those who habitually fiIestories without actually couering the

euent

22 | Prn DEcEMBER 1991I

HE controversy thathasshaken up the Congres-sional Press Corps mayhave more to it than thetypical competition forturf which in the Philip-

pines tends to erode many organtza-tions.

In this case, factionalism may haveemerged simply as a matter of course.After 1986, the rnix of old and newbrought together unlikely elementsrepresented by the veteran reporterswho covered the old Batasan Pam-bansa and the younger generation ofjournalists, some of them veritableneophytes in the profession, startingoff to explore the newly liberateddemocratic space. At the start of thisyeals congressional sessions in July,there were at least 50 names accred-it€d with the CPC.

FACADE OF IHRTVIONY

There were differences and reser-vations within the group on a numberof issues, but for the most part, these

remained under the surface.Last year, Philippine Daily In-

quiner reporter Beth Pango nnadepublic charges about rnoney paid outby an aide ofthen Secretary ofTradeand IndustryJose Concepcion to jour-nalists covering a House hearing whereConcepcion testified (see PJR, April1990 issue). Journalists in the ltrouseMedia Center reacted with anger andchagin. The charge, after all, had itthat the aide was distributing 10hundred-peso bills "to each reporter."

The charge caused Pango's ostra-cism by some CPC members. It didn'tactually last long, and the CPC re-tained its facade of harmony. ButPango has since left the country to livein Australia.

The source of a more serious cleav-age was found in the idea of the televi-sion show aired on People's Televi'sion 4, the "Congress Forum." Theintention of that enterprise seemedinnocent enough, which was to reacha larger audience - bringing the is-sues closer to themasa who constitutethe greater base of the Filipino televi-sion audience. The then ongoing

weekly House Forum, which was heidevery Friday, wouldbe expanded intoa weeklyTV show.

However, the ideacaused aripple ofdiscomfort with a certain group ofyoung reporters. Some argued thatthe proposed rnove would defeat thepurpose of the forum which was origi-nally designed to generate news on aday when there were no sessions sched-uled.

Others thought that the productionand marketing of such a programwould involve journalists in con{lict-of-interest situations, since they andnot the television station would haveto tap sponsors and secure commer-cials for the prograrn. The programcould also be subject to indirect politi-cal manipulation by politicians, andtherefore entrap journalists in a formof news management.

In all this, this group argued, theCPC's name would be used and there-fore individual representations - ofany kind - would carry with it thenames of all CPC members.

But the argument on the other sideopenly presented the advantages to be

FUROR IN THECONGRESSIONAL

Photos bv GEORGE GASCON

PJR DECEMBER 1e91 | 23

gained from the earnings of the pro-gram. The income could build up anemergency fund for the benefit of thereporters. The decision to incorporatethe group into a Securities and Ex-change Commission-registered foun-dation addressed those misgivingsabout anyone taking control of theearnings of the show. The leadingproponents ofthe project patiently ap-proached individual reporters, includ-ing those opposed to the move, to as-sure them that original incorporatorsof the foundation would continue toavail of the benefits like loans andscholarships for a reportey's childreneven if he has transferred beats.

In a telephone interview with thePJR, senior House reporter and for-mer CPC president Miguel Genoveastated that all ofthe books ofthe foun-dation are open to examination asrequired by the rules of its SEC-regis-tered charter.

In the midst of the rising tension,the project was put to a vote. Onlyeight totally rejected the proposal. The"anti" group stuck to their bottomline:its a money-making venture that

leaves too much room for questionabletransactions. The same meeting wit-nessed the heated but briefexchangeof opinions, followed by the resigna-tion ofSonoraOcampo ofThe ManilaTimes, then CPC treasurer, who wasidentified with the "antio group.

On June 7,1990, Congress Forutnaired its first telecast with SpeakerRamon Mitra as guest.

RESIGNATIONS

The passage left the CPC shaken.llrose who objected to the CongressForum began to converge from thatcommon caus€. It was the same groupthat clamored for an election, notingthat Genovea, who reports for thePhilippine Daily Globe, had beenholding the post since the corps wasformed in 1987.

They decided to contest the leader-ship of Genovea in elections held inSeptember 1990 but lost to the latter'sticket, with only one of their candi-dateselected to the Board ofDirectors.The experience forged an identity,

separate and distinct from the CPC.But all in all, a semblance ofharmonyheld the group together. It took a yearfor the cracks to show.

On September 4, 1991, members ofthe group presented their letter ofres-ignation from the CPC. Signed by 14reporters - two from radio, one fromTV, three from the tabloids, two fromthe same business paper and six fromdifferent national dailies (two ofwhomresigned, as noted, in supporting ca-pacities, they being new to the beat) -it was presented at a CPC generalmeeting, thefirst since lastyeafs elec-tions, which the group requested to beconvened.

Attached to the letter was a noticeinforming congressmen of the movewhich, the group stated, it took "due toirreconcilable differences." The noticeread: "Whili: our decision to resign islargely an intemal matter to the CPC,we deem it necessary to inform you todispel any notion that might be unfairto all parties concerned.

"Hereafter, we disassociate our-selves from any official activity of theCPC. The use of our names for any

,o I

PJR DECEMBERleel

The growing schismbetween two groups ofreporters couering theLower House threatens toengulf euen thelawmakers the j ournalistscouer

representation by any group is there-fore unauthorized."

The declaration was pror:nptly coun-tered by a resolution from those whoremained with the CPC, "commend-ingl the leadership of Genovea forsteering the club, signed by 29 tri-media reporters. The declarationclearly reflected the will of majority ofthe House reporters.

The September9 resolution mincedno words in accusing those who re-signed of denigrating the CPC leader-ship.

"Some former members who triedbut failed to wrest'the CPC leader-ship, and new reporters who are noteven members of the CPC, are nowtryrng to denigrate the CPC leader-ship and the CPC itself." An "official"listing of CPC members, numbering atleast 35 as of September 9,1991 andthe newly elected offrcers was attachedto the resolution, as a matter ofrecord.In the election of 1991, the reins of theCPC passed on to Angel Gonong, areporter from the tabloid People'sJoumal and a National Press Clubdirector.

Genovea said he personally under-stands the right ofany group to breakaway from the CPC. In the context ofthese developments, he said, the CPCcontinues to go about the business ofcovering the news in the House. 'TVe

are after all responsible only to oureditors and to no one else. The CPC isonly a social association, a social club."Only those who wish to join should bepart of it, he added. But the letter ofresignation would stir yet anotherripple of controversy, enough to at-tract the attention of media as well asothers in Congress.

Soon. after September 9, an an-nouncement proclaiming support forthe resigned reporters was furnishedHouse reporters, national dailies andmajor radio stations. It was actually anotice issued by members of the lfutip-unan Para sa Bagong Demokraqya, agrouping of so-called "progressive bloc"congressmen, about the resignedgroup. It was signed by CongressmanEnrico Dayanghirang, Katipunanchairman.

Tthe already palpable animositybetween the two groups was intensi-fied by the wording of Dayanghirangfsstatement, which took the group resig-nation to mean "an attempt to pre-serve the integrity of media coverage

in the flouse in view of adverse per-ceptions by many."

It proceeded to "commend.' the groupresignation 'as an important contri-bution to the promotion of eredible re-porting especially in the House ofRepresentives."

Predictably, the CPC took excep-tion with the lfutipunon statement.

. BA}iTAY MEDIA

To compound matters further, anunsigned "white paper," circulatedunder the name BAI{TAYI\4EDIA,with its accompanying slogan Fight toPurify Press, was released at aroundthe time. The first edition was datedSeptember 15,1991. TWo more havebeen released since then.

BAI{TAYMEDIA detailed allegedcormpt practices, the amounts andsources of largesse enjoyed by thepress, with individual House report-ers named. It described the domina-tion ofthe CPC by a "Media Gand'andproceeded to questionable raising offunds for a Christmas party, as well asa land deal proposed by a certain CPCmember who is now identified withthe 'break-awa/ group.

The release ofthe BAITIIAYMEDIAmay have had something to do withthe physical threats received by cer-tain reporters.

The lVlanila Chronicle reporterRedempto Anda recalled receiving aletter mailed to the House MediaCenter about a week after the releaseofthe frst"House edition" ofthe BAN-TAYMEDIA It said, "Anda and com-pany, don't use innocent people topromote your Marxist ideal." It wassigned by a certain Cris I. Aragon,"C.I.A" for short, and with a bulletenclosed.

"It (mail) didn't say anything aboutthe bullet, it just contained the bullet.It wasjust a small, .22 calibre regularbullet I pasted the letter and thebullet on the bulletin board for every-body to see," related Anda.

"I immediately suspected that somepeople must have thought that I waspart of the BAIIIAYIVIEDIA thing. Ofcourse, I talked to some officials of theCPC and I think I was able to convincethem that I have no part in any way increating a stir among the reporters. Ijust wanted to resign, that was all."

His cartires, saidAnda, were punc-

PJR DECEMBER 1991 I 25

tured twice. "Unfortunately, I couldnot accuse anybody. No nails or any-thing. It was apparently a sabotage.It happened not only to me but to somereporters who have cars."

RE.IOINDER

On October 10, nearly amonth sincethe receipt of Dayanghirangfs notice,CPC members wrote a stingingrejoin-der, protesting the "utter, unseemlyand childish disregard for the rights ofthose you denounce." The CPC la-mented that the commendation giventhe resigned group was "a slap on thereporters who did not join the childishact."

In its view, the CPC saw the resig-nation as a "spectacle...with an ulte-rior, selfish motive," noting how thegroup lost in last year's elections.

"Actually, your greatest sin as aman and as a congressman is thatyoudid notbother to talk to us members ofthe club to get our side on an issue thatyou must know has many sides," theCPC wrote Dayanghirang.

'Itr/hy you seek to divide newsmenwho cover the House of Representa-tives is beyond us. You, as a congress-man supposedly respected by report-ers as a Progressive, should insteadhave been or should be providing wisecounsel, specially to the young amongus who seem to labor under the HolierthanThou syndrome or who think theyhave discovered an everlasting truthabout cornrption in the media."

The CPC demanded no less than apublic retraction and a letter ofapol-ory to the members of the club as thenotice "libels us."

In a telephone interview with PJR,however, Dayanghirang reiterated theposition taken, sayrng the l(atipunanwas convinced there was much roomfor improvement in the coverage of thelegislative process and the membersfound no reason to change the state-ment.

IIISTBLOWS

On October 11, barely a day afterthe rejoinder was sent, two separateslugging incidents in the media roombroke out. The first involved seniorreporter Efren Danao of The Philip-pine Star and Ed Lingao of Times.

Later in the day, Danao would againfigure in an exchange of dares andblows with another veteran, Ros Sta.Cruz of the tabioid Bagong Araw.Lingao was a signatory to the "breaka-way" letter while Sta. Crua was citedin one of the BAI{IAYMEDIAreportsas a complainant on the proposed "landdeal."

On October 13, the fi mes publisheda story on the incidents, the only news-paper to do so. The CPC expressed itsregret over the incident in a publishedstatement on October 26.

Lingao related how, a few days later,he voluntarily explained to a rankingCPC offrcial that he was not in anyway responsible for the fimes' story(headlined "Newsmen in Mitra pay-roll?"), which expectedly courted theire of some CPC members. He quotedthe answer given him, "Mabuti na langsinabi mo sa amin." (It's a good thingyou told us).

The exchange of reactions, writtenand -un, ensued against the backdropof yet another BANTAYMEDIA edi-tion, still unsigned, and releasedaround the same time it was dated,October 1,1991, this time detailingalleged corru.pt practices of membersof the resigned group. Portions of thedocument were also devoted to per-sonal attacks.

Six of the 14 who originally signedthe letter of resignation were men-tioned, six were spared of the attacks,and two tabloid reporters have since"rejoined" the CPC.

The unfolding events compelled atleast one newspaper to editorialize oncormption but not without castingdoubts on BAITITAYMEDIA which, itsaid, 'tras identified some of (the)crooks, although its list seems taintedwith personal agendas." On Novem-ber 4, a columnist went on to writehow the BANTAYMEDIAgToup is "be-lieved to be mainly composed ofyoungreporters who had resigned from theHouse press eorps."

Speculation continues on the au-thorship and source of the BANTAY-MEDIA's different editions. While itdoes not satisfr the requirements ofinvestigative reporting, the materialprovides enough food for thought.Most of those who have read evenjust one ofthese unsigned reports feelthat the press must get at the truth ofthe charges, once and for all.

h

Factionalism may haueemerged simply as a

matter of course. After1986, the mix of old and

neu) brought togetherunlikely elements

represented by the ueteranreporters and the younger

generation of idealisticjournalists

,6 |

PJR DEcEMBERleel

LOOI(INO FOR JUSTIOEIN TIII JUSTIOI BNAT

A.CfT the justice beat, the ruCRA

(Justice and Court Reporters Association) has been torn by threats andcounter-threats of so-called rival groups. P.IR gathers from a numberof sources that, for some time now, the beat, like others, has beenafilicted by factionaiism in its ranks. Are the ghalggs o-f cormp^tion andthe so-calied "cartelization" the cause or result of the factions?

The question is made even more critical in the Iight of a SupremeCourt resolution issued last October approving a formal report of athree-man court body where six newsmen were named among thosewho benefitted from the "inegular" fund releases by the IntegratedBar of the Philippines under the term of its former president EugeneTan. T\vo of these newsmen have been covering the justice beat for along time.-

The findings, though, only stemmed from what was mainly aprobe of Tan conducted by three associate justices commission-ed byItre High Court, a probe which took nearly a year. The Supreme Court,in an en bonc session, approved the recommendation to severely cen-sure Tan for malpractice. Still, the findings on the newsmen are asequally significant in that they may provide leads for other investiga-tion.

NEWS CAR1EL

In the JUCRA cartelization of the news coverage of the courtsand its cases has been cited as a contentious issue. cartelization isunderstood to mean the controlled coverage of the beat, with the slantand scope and, sometimes, even actual text of the stories dictated bythe cartel. Those who do not follow the cartel tc:it may end up cut offfrom the sources ofthe story. Because ofthe ongoingrivalry, one or theother faction can always claim having better sources that allow themto establish their leads and write their scoops on a story.

The nature of judicial coverage, however, requires formal re-leases of documents by the proper court official, at least on decisions ofand proceedings in court. But while this is specified under court rules,

PJR DECEMBER 1es1 | 27

it has somehow been circumvented.On at least three separate occasions, representations were made

with then ChiefJustice Marcelo Feman by some reporterswho wantedto personally air their grievances about leaks. To establish the rules,Fernan himself had called JUCRA members to a dialogue, the firstsuch gathering which saw the two factions facing up to the issue. Butthe effort has apparently failed to forge a satisfactory resolution oftheconflicts wracking JUCRA's ranks.

Despite the formal agreement that court decisions will be madepublic only when a final copy is officially released by the ChiefJustice'soffice, court decisions were continually leaked to certain groups ofreporters by justices of the court themselves.

One such instance is the premature leakage of the SupremeCourt ruling upholding the appointment of Commission on Electionschairman Christian Monsod.

The September 4, 1991 story was written only by a group of fivereporters. A perusal of the papers shows how, at a certain period oranother, this faction had come out with the greater number of the so-called exclusives.

By the same token, the other group, though loosely organized,has had its own exclusive stories, allhough some of its members hadinitiated the appeal for the intercession of Supreme Court officialsregarding the alleged cartelization.

Predictably, the enterprising and expanding coverage ofcourtcases is severely limited by the principle of sub-judi.ce.

Indeed, as the leaks continue to plague the coverage of the courts,some questions should be answered - do these selective leaks serveany other agenda than public information? Are the "exclusives"legitimate scoops or news management by certain parties?

The Monsod story prompted Roy de Guzman, a PhilippineDarly Inquiner reporter, to send a memo to Fernan to remind him ofthe agreement and "to protest the premature release - for the nthtime - of another importafit decision of the High Court."

"One ofyour assistants has suggested thaf we file a complaint forcontempt of court against the five newspaper reporters from the justicecartel who wrote on the Monsod case. I and other reporters believethat this would be tantamount to supporting the possible suppressionof press freedom._ "Besides, we believe the probiem shoulf, be tackled not by us butby your kind office. After all, it was suggested that a Supreme Court

28 | PrR DEcEMBERleelI

In the JUCRA, so-called"cartelization" of the neu)scouerage of the courts has

been cited as acontentious issue

justice was responsible for the leak."Such "unauthorized'releases Oeaks) has intensified the rivalry

between the two factions. It has come to mean' at times, literally grab-bing a story, as in cornering one which is otherwise meant for allreporters.

WIITIE PAPER

Amid all this speculation, a "white paper" on the justice beat wascirculated almost simultaneously with its counterpart (BANTAYME-DIA) in the House of Representatives beat.

The justice white paper pointed t4 a certain reporter as leading acartel. All in all, it contained 14 serious allegations, among them cele-brated cases where coverage was imposed or non-coverage dictated.The cartel allegedly takes its guidancefrom parties involved in the sto-ries, their associates and PR persons who handle the press for thesepurposes.

The white paper also reported on a range ofbenefits enjoyed bycertain journalists, from "retainers' fees" or "protection money'' or"goodwill mone/ rangtng from about P2000 to be shared with thepack, to P100,000 in contracted fees for the production of souvenirprograms.-

It related how two justice reporters received monthly retainelsfees and other cash inflows from a certain businessman who wanted atemporary restraining order from the court to save his house frombeing demolished to give way to a public works project. It claimed thatthese reporters''services" were terminated after the "deal" fell through.It named two reporters from other major newspapers who were offeredthe same but who refused.

In the white paper, references to what was claimed to be well-known "liasons" - personal and otherwise - between journalists, re-porters and members of the justice staff sugest an alarming level ofentrenchment of the system being condemned.

Unfortunately, by itself, the white paper does not mount thenecessary evidence. The white paper - an unsourced document -and the cases it cites are nrlnerable to being dismissed as purehearsay. But interviews with journalists in and out of the beat reveala consensus that the charges should not be dismissed outright andthat some body or individuals should probe for the kind of "proof'thatwill make the charges stick.

According to JUCRA president Brando Merrera, a group ofreporbers is working on evidenciary materials to beef their caseagainst the alleged cartel. Given the pmper venue' Merrera vows, theevidence would be presented.

NAIVIINGNAIVIES

On November 27, L99L, the story naming frve lVlanila Bulletinstaffers and a reporter of The Manila Chronicle as beneficiaries ofthe IBP fund releases broke out. With this in the open, the accusationsin the beat gained ground.

Named in the Supreme Court-approved formal report censuringTan were Bulletin's editor-in-chief Ben Rodriguez, associate editor

' Vicente Foz, news editor Crispulo lcban, justice reporter Rey Panali-gan and correspondent Isidro Roman "who did press release work" forthe IBP. Vic Foz is a lawyer and a member of the IBP.

The findings stated that Tan disbursed the funds "with extrava-gance and irregularrty," thereby making a "milking cow" out of thenational lawyers' association.

The 23-page report listed under "questionable expenses" theIBFs "publicity/honorarium" fund. Such fund was increased from

PJR DECEMBER 1991 | 29

P50,000 (covering July 1989 to June 1990) to P90,000 under Tan'sterm the following year.

According to the formal report, the expense list was corroboratedby IBP auditor Zenatda Farcon who had testified she issued sevenchecks for all five Bulletin newsmen. On the other hand, Eva de losReyes, hired by Tan as IBPs press and media liaison of;ficer, confirmedthat Lamberto Castro, the Chronicle justice reporter and currentlychairman of the National Press Club Ethics committee, received aP3,000 check. Castro is a lawyer and a member of the IBP as well.

Castro, however, already admitted in an Inquir:er report of hisreceipt of the checkbut qualifiedthathe did so'for servingin the Boardof Editors of the IBP Joumal." In the same newspaper report, Castrosaid 'tre refused Tan's offer to pay for his services several times, butwas prevailed upon to accept the check after Tan said it came from his'personal funds'."

Associate Justices Teodoro Padilla, Abraham Sarmiento (nowretired) and Carolina Grino-Aquino noted in their report that withTan's resignation, disciplinary action had become "moot and aca-demic," adding no further sanctions c,ruld be imposed.

The formal report concluded in part: 'The fact that Atty. Tannever profited financially from his acts is not the issue here. In moreways than one, the IBP was made a'miiking cow'for certain favoritesof Atty. Tan and his administration."

Foz and Castro have since consislently stated that they receivedtheir honorarium in their capacity as IBP members, specifically forhelping the IBP with the preparation of press releases. Meanwhile,the Bulletin issued a short front page clarification the day a{ter thestory came out in the other papers.

VARIATIONS OF A'SCOOP'

The manner in which the IBP fund mess story was released bythe justice reporters themselves is a story in itself.

The approval of the formal report was endorsed by the associatejustices to the Supreme Court on October 4. The High Court approvedit on October 15.

On October 20, at least one national daily carried the story, filedby a reporter identified with the faction of frve. The story led offwithTan's censure but did not mention a thing about newsmen beingnamed in the formal report.

It took more than a month before the copy of the formal reportand the High Court resolution was made available to members ofJUCRA On November 27, at least four national dailies carried thestory which, this time, included the findings on the six newsmen.

Another news report which came out on the same day quoted As-sociate Justice Padilla as saying the three-man court body 'is notaccusing anybody in the media of any inegularity,f: perhaps to elarifrthat the investigation focused on the lawyers and their activities.

Obviously, the cartel system was easier to maintain during theperiod of Martial Law. Collusion between officials and journalists wasnot likely to be questioned during that time.

The white paper takes care to report efforts within JUCRA ilselfto break away from the practices instituted, but the cormption haspersisted. In time, the charge of cormption has been leveled on bothold and new members of JUCRA

The formal report of the court body, as approved by the SupremeCourt resolution of October 15, where six editors and reporters werenamed, has laid down the grounds from where an industry probe could

The problem of "leo,ks"continues to plague thec\uerage of the courts.

The critical questionrernains, whose agendado these selectiue leaks

SCTUE?commence.

30 I PIR DEcEMBER1gg1I

cartel reeks of monopoly,and sometimes of shadowytransanctions, whether inbusiness or in the practice

of profession or vocation.But cartel in news production

sounds new to the public.T\:rith is, it has been there in some

beats but has remained unnoticed.But this kind of monopoly in newsgathering is rare.

It arises out of expedienry, out of acollective desire ofpress people to keepthe news flowing smoothly.

It assures one amd all in the beatthat news wiil b€ available the nextday. Scoops are accidental, ifany.

But such arrangementcouldbe con-verted into a money-making racketby some journalists who know howto manipulate the naive, the uncon-cerned, the poorly-paid, and thenews-harassed media practitioners.

In Malacafiang, before and duringthe martial law regime of the latePresident Marcos, news cartelizationwas institutionalized by presidentialpress aides and palace insiders forvarious justifiable and vicious reasonstopmost of which was the rarity ofpresidential press conferences.

One interview alone with PresidentMarcos assured the reporters of onegood story a day for the entire week.

They have other sources of newsthough during those days: the pressreleases being churned out by theDepartment of Public Information(DPI) and the abhorrent scripted in-terviews with the President.

In those managed palace press con-ferences, a DPI sycophant would handa strip of paper containing preparedquestions to the reporters. Underthat dictated arrangement, no reportercould shoot questions which had notbeen included among those distrib-uted.

There are some who violated therules but their questions were follow-up ones and not only harmless butunimportant as well. Mr. Marcos, ofcourse, had ready and witty answersfor all of them.

There are some benefits in newscartels besides the assurance of newsstories. The largest prize, of course,goes to the cartel operator who cun-ningly operates either directly or indi-rectly.

His cohorts in the racket, get thenext biger sliees compared to those ofthe neophytes, and those represent-ing small papers.

The sources of the benefits couldbethe public officials in the beatr PRagencies doing business in the samebeat; and outsiders of clients askingfavors from the reporters.

First among those easily hood-winked into joining the cartel are re-porters -with so-called "multi-beats."they usually have a hard time goingthe rounds of the offices assigned tothem to cover. Some of these report-ers cover as much as three major beatsa day. They usually can't siay longenough to look for news in each beat.

And the peril of being "scooped" inother beats which get their scant at-tention is always ominous.

This predicament drives them,unwittingly too, to surrender theirprecious independence to the carteloperator who in most cases has betteraocess to traditional sources becausehe has been in the beat for so long.

Second are the congenitally non-performing journalists who appear atthe press office or cover the beat in thelast few minutes before their dead-line. They wait for handouts andscrounge for press releases like hun-gry beavers.

As a result, they got scooped leftand right for their vanishing acts af-ter getting the news doleouts. Insteadof covering events and news sources,they cover their fellow newsmen, thewires and the PROs. They would selltheir soul to the cartel operator inexchange for news.

The third are the scums in the beatcomposed mostly of the racketeers, theextortionists, and the scheming news-men in the payroll of bigtime PROS.They are few but the damage theywreak on the reputation of profes-sional journalists is incalculable.

They corner the printing contractsof associations attachedto the govern-ment offrce they cover. They pressureprivate persons and entities doingbusiness with the government agen-cies they cover to toss their PR pro-grams for a fee to their money-mak-ing rackets. They are not easily recog-nizable.

The cartel operator often comesfrom a major newspaper, and has the

-l

OFAI{ElrySCARTE

THEEVILS

By BERT CASTRO

Reprfnted fiom Dfiar|stq offlclal publlcatlonof the Unlon ot Journallsts of the Phlllpplnes.

PrR DECEMBER 19S1 | 31

1

*"rya,mer.-<acs tlair to help others to{.i*! rrelr patronage. He leads hisi:-l:,'is,ers fo- dangling financial assis---u::ig arC a *€ad) supply of news,=6::m.a:e or otherwise. He is well-tr":x-: ln press circles as the self-pro-: J-+: g::ofather.

fiie sou]d ignore self respect to:,iase ur,e major sources of news in;le :*ai rr exchange for recognitioni: *-: leaier of the press covering the:anr;h: beaL

-: :s d:.rs recognition which gives:.-* :r::ei :p€rator the badge of a de'::; raj=r who can get special favors; -:i- .a. enploynent for paying client,1i.", r -i. donations for ghost parties,

"-- i l:,:'r,ir--butions for newsmen going":-:;i.. cr for those in dire need of- -:,:', fir apartment rental.

3 ::rurn. the cartel operator stops;-" :-:b,ication of unfavorable news*-'::eip-:. distorts the news to please; n ;:"*ernment officials and his:*=:.;s- anC acts as the unofficial PR:*- " .;'i::;l of the department or office.

C-{RTEX-PRONE BEATS

5:: ail beats are susceptible to news*::e-ization.

$; nne peculiarly inevitable inci-i.n:s and press operations combine:.: gri'e rise to that sinister practice.-l:i-"ors are intricately laid down as a:r:; ior newsmen, to pull them down:,: *-e net of cormption.

,;irat factors need the cartel?Tie head of offiie.n-ieads of departments, bureaus,

: :::,::rissions and offices prefer a:r:ul ,e-free press.

S: me would even bargain with the;:..s people in terms of press confer-=:.:es. privileges, payolas and in al-::-:.: everybhing to ensure their irn-:i-.. :r:late image to the publii.

-\ potential of seasoned cartel op-nra:or would always seize this oppor-l,;:riry to strike a dirty concession withrhe equally scheming public official.AJways with financial or equivalentconsiderations.

Once the cartel is in place, the op-erator would function as the de factoFRO, the moolah dispenser, the newsccordinator between the differentsoruces in the beat and the press.

This was the situation in Mala-cariang during the martial law regirne;f ]Iarcos.

--r*eu's boitlenece in tht hegt"

There are beats which are mostvulnerable to cartelization. One ofthem is the justice beat due to its wideterritorial range of coverage.

Each subdivision of the beat suchas the Supreme Court, the Sandigan-bayan, the Office of the Solicitor Gen-eral, the Offrce of the Ombudsman,the Office of the Special Prosecutor(formerly the Tanodbayan), and theCourt of .{ppeals, is considered a ma-jor source of news.

On a busy day like Thursday orFliday, the Supreme Court usuallyissues L5 decisions, five or six of thepotential page one material.

Added to this are petitions and mo-tions being filed by parties in a law-suit. Besides, the possibility of pressconferences by and press statementsfrom the Justice Secretary and theSolicitor General would make the lifeof reporters not only busy but miser-able on that day.

When this happens, collectiveagreernent that each one serves as theponente (writer) for one potential newswill be an inevitable consequence. Acopy of oneponente will be xeroxed fordistribution to other porrcnte for mu-tual convenience.

firis peculiar situation is fertileground for spawning news cariels. Areporter-manipulator could grab suchopportunity to introduce his racket.

In the justicebeat, there were timeswhen the news cartel was almost irre-trievably institutionalized to the ex-tent that an exclusive or scoop wouldbe collectively and outrightly con-demned.

The writer would be ostracized as ifhis resourcefulness is a cardinal viola-tion of the code of cartel. That's whythat unwritten law in the press roomkills initiative and the growth ofyoungjournalists in the profession.

Dirty manipulator.Senior newsmen with unquench-

able lust for money and speeial privi-leges would ignore delicadzza andtradition to perpetuate themselves inthe position of power and to ensurethe unchallenged continuity of thenews cartel.

Once eleeted as president of thepress association, they would resistany attempt to call for a free yearlyelection that may topple them.

A purebred.in this dirty practicehad even suceeded in forrning a coregr"ou"f-! *llf,anatieal newsmen who, like

Pavlot's dogs, would wag their tails athis biddingbecause the prize for theirloyalty is always a steady supply ofstories and money.

He elowns to sell his story to thosesuspicious of his antics.

"This is the story I like to write,"followed by "I'll give P500 for thosewho would write this" and "this ispage (paid) one,' are his favoritepitches to one and all in the pressroom.

He either writcs his clients pressreleases or distributes the ones pre-pared by his clienf,s agency for con-sumption of the press (including thosewho refuse to accept the payola). Inreturn, he acts as the moneybag ofthe PR company.

But he also solicits potential clientsfor the outfit which is well known inpress circles.

One time, a cartel operator demon-strated his exceptional skill beforethe top officials in a major beat Theformer presidency had to unseat theincumbent of his press associationwho destroyed the cartel. Only thetimely discovery of the wicked plotbyone of the naive public officials and adoubting newsman aborted the coup.

But he succeded once in putting ingood publicity for one top public offr-cial who was on the verge of publiccondemnation, if not extinction, in thepublic service by providing him tosuppress a legitimate news story in-imical to his office.

The cartel master was afraid hemight be scooped that suppressingthe news was the only way to preventit. Had the writer of the story com-plained to "cause-oriented' press as-sociations, the concerned public offi-cia.l could have suffered a shatteredpublic image.

There are still many cartel opera-tors pounding the beat and destroyingthe image of the press.

Watch them closely before theytotally ruin the name of the press.

(Beft Castro is a Justice Depart-ment reporter of The fuIaniloChron-icle. He is a form.er presidnnt ofJUCRA and is also a director af theNatinnal Press Club and chairman ofthe legal comissinn of the Uninn ofJournalists of the Philippines. Castrois a practicing lewyer and kos taughtpress etlzics and. libet laws in usri,aussc&u,/s. l

32 I PJR DECEMBER 1991

PJR DEcEMBER 1991 I 33

CORRUPTIONa two.way street betweenPoliticians and the Press

By LTJ Z DEL ROSARIO-RIMBAN

.an the Philippine setting, journal-

ists are known to count a politician as a godfather or godmother.Patterns involve approaching a news source for favors like securingemployment for a jo6less sibling, son or daughter; soliciting funds for asportsactivity, or even recommendations for a US visa.

If there a.e.tewsmen who don't fit the bill, then they're probably tooyoung or too new to the profession or are otherwise unwillingto use the;'connlection." In the eyes of some of their peers, this translates as awaste of opportunity.

Journaiists know they need to nurbure their news connections.Newspapermen rely heavily on the relationships they build with theirsorrrces, soorces who may either be the politicians themselves or theirclose aides. And as journalists age in their beats and in the profession,the reporte.-soorce relationship can evolve from the purely profes-sional to the highly personal.

It is this relationship that the joumalist will turn to for easy accessto stories, affording him the occasional scoop he would not have gottenhad he chosen to stick to the official or regular sources of news.

Unfortunately, in a cultural milieu driven by patronage, the power-ful news *o"ce iends to dominate the exchange. Politicians in thePhilippines are so used to doling out favors, a practice that se-ems toco-e *ith the job. Some politiciins readily admit that this is what thepolitico is known for: to hilp constituents get a jo!,brinS-tlreir childrenio tft" hospital for treatment, or bury their dead. And knowing thesorry financial state most journalists are in, the politician readilyturns on the same kind of politics toward them.

A politician recently told a group of young and idealistic -reporters,'Normal lang sa arnin ang rnogbigay ng pera so press. Bal.e wala saamin ang P1000- Kung knilangan ninyo, eh, di rnagbibigay hamLPara sa amin tulnng yon dahil alnm namin kailnngan ninyo." (ltls

normal for us to give money to the press. P1000 is nothing to us so ifyou need money we will always be willing to grvg- -We look at it assome form of aJsistance because we know you need the money).

Is it any wonder then that in major political beats like the House of

34 | PJn DEcEMBERlsel

Illustration by DENGCOY MIELRepresentatives or the Senate, some reporters use theirconnections when in need, to get, for instance, a sick childor a pregnant wife to a hospital or to pay for the children'stuition fees?

In the same manner, it would come naturally for apolitician to grve a travelling reporter some pocketmoneyor help a reportefs relative get appointed to a desiredgovernment post

Rarely does a politician turn down journalists, speciallylegitimate reporters who come seekingfavors.

PoliticianB thrive on publicity and media exposure andare only too aware of the immense returns they could getfrom investing on a good "working" relationship withmembers of the fourth estate. But, of course, some of themknow only too well that when the time comes to collect, aswhen elections draw near or when these politicians sud-denly find themselves in hot water, then they know whomto turn to, banking on the very Filipino trait: utang nalmb-

The set-up inevitably raises the touchy ethical issuesthat face Filipino newsmen.

The more open-minded among journalists would tellyou that cash given by a congressman or a senator as as-sistance for a sick wife would not constitute grounds forthe breach of journalistic ethics. Others would take it astep further, sayrng, "If,s alright to receive as long as youdon't ask for it." The more cynical would shrug offethicalapprehensions, saying, "We journalisLs are doing thesepoliticians a big favor and if,s only natural that the favor isreturned."

Still others would regard with dismay reporters whodare raise ethical issues. These journalists point to lunchesor dinners given by sources or the provision of facilitiessuch as typewriters, fax machines or even paper by gov-ernment offices.

Then there are others who scoffat their colleagues whocome on as "squeaky clean," citing instances when the'clean boys and girls' don't hesitate to avail of free planerides or hotel accommodations during out-of-town cover-ages sponsored by politicians.

The question invariably asked is - when should theethics question be raised and when should it not?

Most journalists will agree that as a rule, as long as youdont sell your stories or let your sources dictate whatcomes out in your article and maintain an objective stance,then your conscience is clear. But then again, in mostcases, it would be hard to prove this point - once moreunderscoring the many gray areas that cover the questionof journalistic ethics.

A veteran newscaster who once headed the newsdepartrnent of a major television network likes to say, 1Aslong as there are politicians who are willing to give, thenthere will alwaysbe takers amongthe newsmen who covertheir activities."

It is a sad fact that when it comes to witch-hunting onnewsmen allegedly on the take, blame is pinned mostly onthe "takers," while the "givers" are left, out of the touchyethical question.

Many recall the case of then Trade and Industry Secre-tary Jose Concepcion Jr. whose aide was accused of givingout one thousand pesos each to newsmen covering a con-gressional hearing where Concepcion himself was testify-

ing. The reporter who had been accused ofacting as theconduit and handing out the cash himself has since beengrilled by the National Press Club and action has beentaken against hinn. But the giver himself frorn whom thecash emanated got away scot-free.

So where does this leave mediamen and their so-calledcrusade for a clean, independent profession? lrlewspaperoutfits continue to pay low salaries, leaving the door wideopen for the occasional "envelope,' if not for the monthlypayola.

Media outfits continue to rely on sources and politiciansforthe provision of out-of-town coverage requirements liketransportation and hotel abcommodation as if it is thesources'obligation to do so, grving reporters and theirmedia outfits and illusion of self-importance.

In a society where the elite - politicians and other suchwell-placed personalities - give out cash and favors tomedia as a matter of course, any attempt at cleansingranks or imposing a code of ethics could end up as merebitter personal confrontations between the takers andtheir accusers.

Gray areas abound in the journalisrn profession, wroughtas it is with the many pressures its practitioners have todeal with.

Editors, publishers and reporters have to sit down anddraw up a eode of ethics relevant to the Philippine settingto deal once and for all with the ethics question as animportant part of the profession and not as a mere docu-ment to be dug out of the files when media practitionersare charged with breach of the code. This involves costsand commitment at the very highest levels of the profes-sional industry.

(Luz Rimban is a reporter of GMA Heodline News ofChanrwl T. She couers the House of Represefiatiues.)

Ga

PJR DECEMBER 1es1 I 35

N* afew reporters arro-gantly wear their press cards likesome policemen do their badges.

At the very leasl a PRESS cardbrings some form of entitlement to,for instance, an erning motorist-reporLer who is caught by a high-way _policeman, thus, Boss, pnessito eh. Fasensiya na- Nagha-habol lamg ng deadl.ine"'even if,he or she's not" Thaf,s pretty basicas press card owner's conduct-according to rnany who hold ttresecards.

But the arrogant rnay Lnast:"pl&95",9'?"O"P {This is the press!)

And in cer[ain otkrer irrcidentsou{.side of minor traiTra violatronssornc newsmen who have theaudacity, if not the gall, to brandishpless cards to the faces of the'dis-r"espectful' ar e able to get away withthe act neat, and quick.

was secured.'Access to inforrnation is, of course,

one of the privileges you get fumbeing a duly-credited media practi,tioner,' says Vic Tuason of theInternational Press Center.'You can for instance have accessto government offices and military es-tabiishrnerrts provided they are non-prohibitive areas. F^nd of course, theiPC IDs are the only ones recognizedby IVtralacaflang."

$ti11, there are goverffnent menwho secure such lDs for their own butwho. T'uason hastens to add, are "im-mediately refused by us." *They havetheir offrce XDs and that wouldsuffice. Well, unless of,course you arefrom the state-owned Fhilippinel{ews Agency."

The IPC, he says, issues out thecards strictly to working newslnenduly accredited by their respectivenews agencies, to freelaneers, too,who, however, must submitfive bv-lined articles published by a nation-ally or internationally recognized andprofessional news agency, with an ac-companying eertification from itschief editor.

The National Fress Club, as a pri-vate organization, issues out theirown. The general rule is that anyworkingjournalist is eligible tobecome NPC card owners unlessaffi I iated with "questionable" pubica-tions or one's a blocktimer in radio.

These are stated guidelines but acertain Alfredo G" Reyes from Cala-pan, Oriental Mindoro would wantrnore hard and fast rules over oresscard issuan'ces.

In our files of The Manilafimes is Reyes'May 2?, 1991published letter where he fumed."government public relationsofficers (PROs) should not be al-lowed to parade with their press

cards as members of the Iegitimatepress.'

Reyes cited the case ofa corres,pondent of a Manila-based dailywho, on the side, works as the PROof a provincial official and who, ontop of receiving P6,000, is entitledto reimburse transport, representa-tion and other incidental expenses.

Reyes'letter, in part:'T.lewspapers or magazines and

other pubtrications of general ci rcu-lation should not allow governmentPROs to serve &s news correspon-dents.

"While they have the audacity todispiay their tradge of power'inorder to gain access to privateaffairs and records; to coerce,intimidate and trarass people,including public officiais, Chey havebeen known to correct crime syndi-cates, warlords, gambling opeiatorsand corrupt government officials.*They are even good at inventingnews stories. For instance, ifyourecord the nurnber ofNPAs in theso-called'encounters' over the lastfive years, Mindoro's populationwould have been reduced bv half.

fiere in Mindoro, we are unfor-tunate to have a corresDondent ofaManila daily who worki on the sideas the PRO of a government official.'...He is in the payroll of theADB-World Bank-funded reforesta-tion project of the office of theprovincial official.*This feliow has been threaten-ing to expose teachers here for notgivinghis child a high grade andnonor rn scnool.

"I think itis time for the Manila-based press to stop accrediting so-called newsmen who use theiinresscards for selfish and unlawful dnds.Otherwise, even the killine of Ie-gitirrrate joumalists will noT evenbother the conscience ofourpeople."

Enter, indeed, the omnipresentand ornnipotent press IDs - yes,rnake that plural. Haven't you atone time or another bumped into anewsrnan with a stringof old,fading press cards and newlylaminated ones danglingfrorn hisneck'l Is it stating in that fashionthat entitlements are not asked asmuch as they are, and should be,readily given to the press?

More often, a single, new pressID suffices to make it do as what itsowner/s may deem it will and itmust.

We at the PJft, know about this"l?eeiancer' non-joumal i st who, inneefl oI extra rncomer once success-fully fed a state intelligence bureauwith some information br:t notwithout first borrowing andskiiifuily i;ampering with the presscard ofa duly accredited youngrepori;er. The card was returned allright after the needed information

36 I PJR DECEMBER1gg1

HOIryIPOI/NDTDTHf,plr,UCF,BfiATBy DIANA G. MENDOZA

rrI.tOWto deal with cornrption in

media was one of the most importanttopics occasionally discussed injournalism school, side by side withthe basics in news gathering andnewswriting and dealingwith theever-present danger that goes withthe glamorized trade - libel.

During lectures inside classroomsor in fora with invited guest journal-ists who have distinguished them-selves in the industry, studentswould raise the most expectedquestions.

Examples: if a journalistbelongsto a press corps whose members havevirtual control over the managementof news stories (which story shouldbe written today, which is to be em-bargoed, etc.) and who openly acceptbribe money and gifts, how will hehandle the situation? How can hedistance himself from the practicewithout being ostracized?

Or, how will a new (or young)journalist distinguish a "token ofappreciation" given by news sourceswhom he has "incidentall/writtenfavorably about, from %ribe moneyor gift,s" from a news source wantingto have an article written abouthimself?

Some teachers brief journalismstudents about widespread corrup-tion in the industry and the studentsin turn ask how they can battlecormption, or avoid it, when majorityof newsmen are apparently party tothe practice.

If I remember it right, the answerscame in self-righteous denunciationsof the practice coupled with aninvocation of the journalist's code ofethics.

Journalism school was veryhelpful. Why? It told me to bestraight, to side with the good and toalways know which is right for ajournalist to do in the most criticaland uncompromising of times. Itgave me the basics.

It was also fun. Why? It taughtme to separate the campus fromreality. The warm comfort of thecampus was always there, but notuntil I started calling myself aneophyte, almost five years ago. TheIVfunila Chnonicle was myhighly-esteemed teacher after school.

With eagerness and the jitters, Iwas assigned to what editorialsuperiors call the place for a reporterto be hardy -the police beat

Not everyone started out in thepolice beat. But it has been the trendsince 1986 when editors were sur-prised at the number ofhalf-bakedcollege graduates sprouting every-where longingfor attention on theirresumds and very eager to be called"journalists."

One could cover politics all right orthat assignment he favors for him-self, but he or she should be "triedand bludgeoned" first in the policebeat. The editors would not fieldinnocent-looking youths to thepolitical arena or to the presidencyor to any other beat unless their faceswould show the grit characteristic ofa hardened, well-rounded reporter.

And indeed, I was "bludgeoned" inthe police beat for nearly two years- my first two years in the coverage.There was fun and pain at the sametime. It was not only my firstassignment. It was also rny firstencounter with cornrption - as faras I know of it - in all its forms.

The only thing worth wonderingabout in the police beat is whether itwas the appropriate beginning for afreshman journalist to learn theropes. It seemed more a proper fieldto complete one's training in policecoverage and its acknowledged twin,media cormption.

Luckily, I came out of it resoluteand learned.

I could not boast of making therounds of all the four police districtsof the metropolis. I was first as-signed to the Southern Police Districtbut only for a week. There,pusoy(Russian poker) and cases ofbeerwaiting to be consumed at a comer ofthe press office is the order of theday, that is, if there's no reason forreporters to join ihe policemen inundercover work.

uTsong, walang purnapasok ditolwng hindi u.mihwn," ("Pal, no onecan enter this place without having adrink first") egged a former collegesenior who covers for a tabloid whenshe saw me pounding the typewriteron my first day. I could tell how fastshe has learned the ropes. "Batako

----_l

PJR DECEMBER 1ee1 | 3?

ha rw ngayon. ("Yorr're now one of theboys"). "Now I know what IVe got tobe," I told her. She followed this upwith, "/t hindilang iyon, dapatmarunong ha ring mag-pusoy." ("Notonly that, you also must know how toplay Russian poker.")

In almost all police beats, mem-bers ofthe press corps are supposedto get acquainted not only with thepolicemen but even more so with theofficers. In that beat, I found itsurprising that some reporterscovering the Southern Police Districthave to be "acquainted" with anewly-appointed police offrcial almosteveryday. I learned that the *cour-

tesy calls" meant that the reporterswere getting acquainted with theofficer because of a "Iisf,'that policeofficers traditionally keep.

This "list" is actually a "payroll"from where members of the presscorps draw "salaries." In an atternptto have the payroll retained andupon learning that the new officerwas also cormpt (because he alsoprovides cash), the reporters had tomake the customary "courtesy call."

There, I rarely saw reporters playupusoy" or sleep on the couch. Butsome male reporters smell of mari-juana, liquor and cigarette whilesome female reporters spout guttertalk. Good thing I had sturdyinsides. In every respect, the pressoffice stinks.

But at the prime police beat,everybody's eveqrwhere looking forstories, some do it independently,others go in packs. nTYopa,'("TYoops") as they called the packs. Ican easily recall one faction that wasmade up of the "tropang" oldies, aterm coined by the freshmen report-ers.

lhe older newsmen (some are stillthere and will seem to be there forthe rest of their lives) are the fastestto latch on to sources of news. Someofthem are also quicker to spotprospective "sponsors" for a drinkingsession or sleazy night with bar girls.Surprisingly, the sponsors turn out tobe anybody from the roster of divi-sion chiefs who would make just onephone call to the best nightspot inthe bar district of the city.

If I could not boast of raking inample experience in all the policebeats, I could not also boast ofhavingbeen on the front seat or in the seats

themselves, of all the headline-hoggrng and perverted crimes evercommitted and were placed underinvestigation by the best policemen.I was not given the privilege to makethe rounds of all the beats.

I'm not sure if police reporters stillrefer to the WPD as the "prime policebeat" because ofthe current cele-brated crimes still unsolved invarious parts of Metro Manila. Butthen, the idea of where the realaction is, which is the WPD, stillremains. Because along with itcomes the National Bureau of Inves-tigation.

l'or the rest of my assignment, Iwas sent to the then Norbhern PoliceDistrict which covered the cities ofQuezon and Kalookan, and the townsof Malabon, Navotas and Valenzuela.

The beat was considered dead bymy colleagues, until ambuscadesstaged by various assassinationsq"rads gave us reporbers our dailyfare. If there was no daring ambushstaged before noontime, the iest ofthe day's coverage was ealled run-of-the-rnill.

Aside from the daily police stories,the area has story possibilities suchas the labor movement, environ-mental problems, petty politics,commerce and development, all ofwhich my paper saw fit to print.

And then the other part of thetraining came sirnultaneously. Butwhy did I say "police and media cor-ruption" earlier? Because there werewilling mediamen who connived \{rithcrooked and equally willing police-men. And this does not excludepoliticians, ordinary people and evenjunkies.

The willing mediamen includedone tabloid editor who scolded hisyoung correspondent for asking thathe be transferred to another beatbecause he disliked the area. "trtstinks. My colleagues ostracize mebecause I don t want to receivemoney from the payola (payroll) andI think, Sir, I'm just doing the rightthing," the still unnerved reportersaid. But tlie editor retorted, "[fngasha pala, eh. Kaya nga kita inilagaydiyan dahil nny pera diyan."("You're stupid, the reason why I putyou in that beat was because there'smoney to be made").

The editor was once a policereporter in the area, who, after

becoming a deskman and later oneditor of the tabloid, was still in-cluded in the payroll of the anti-viceunit of the five Northern PoliceDistrict stations. Ttre anti-vice unitgives out P200 to P500 a week toreporters whose names appear on thepayroll. Come Christmas time andthe amount is anted up to P1,000 inthe spirit of the season.

I know. I learned only later thatmy name was on the payroll but Iwasn't receiving anything. I shud-dered at the thought of my editorsfinding it out first without myknowledge. "Nabubukulan ka hind.imn alam,o ("They're putting one overyou'), sneered one reporter. I wasnot the only one. There were five ofus. I asked the press corps presidentto remove me from the list.

"But you are a mernber of thepress corps, ponnn yon?" he askedand then confided that he did notknow who was getting the moneythat was supposedly meant for thefive of us. I resigned from the presscorps but the president never hon-ored my resignation.

That started what other reportersbranded as a parting of ntropas."

The organization of the press corpswas one thing that police reportersbusied themselves with. Everybody,including those masquerading asreporters and photographers offly-by-night media groups, wanted tobecome a member of the districtpress corps.

In the police beat, there are a lot ofperks a member can enjoy. When heis included in the list the reporter is'rnka-timbre tur, may ayos ka na,"meaninghe is entitled to the weekly"payroll" and whatever money is tobe divided between crooked police-men and reporters on the take. This,according to a veteran newsmancovering the Southern Police District.

When I was pulled out of thepolice beat, I covered what othersconsider the'better" beats, butwhich, I would learn later were onlyslightly different from the one I leftbehind.

(Diana G. Mendoza is afreelancejournalist formeriy with The M*nila, Chroniale.)

h

The Antiporda Case

MEDIAONTRIALBv DIANA G. MENDOZA

Tn""" was a certain vagueness about the reac-tions which greeted reports on the alleged October 1Zbribery incident that took place at the very hub of thePhilippine press - the National Press Club (NPC).

But the response of journalists sharpened as aspecial ethics committee began public hearing sessionsseveral days after.

The hearings failed to hold the sustained attentionofnewsmen, save for reporters of three newspapers whoadded the bearings to their current beats and providedtheir eolleagues and the public news of the proceedings.

The fact-finding committee headed by Dr. RenatoConstantino included larqyer-j ournalist Luis Mauricio,Philippine Daily fnquirer associate publisher Isa-gani Yambot, Malou Mangahas of the Philippine Cen-ter for Investigative Journalism and freelance journal-ist Monica Feria who replaced Malaya news editorYvonne Chua.

The Constantino committee was formed mainly toinvestigate the Antiporda case. But as soon as the com-mittee buckled down to work, some journalists frownedat the sight of their colleagues, some of whom areoffrcers of the club, hurling attacks at each other. Thecharges ranged from misuse of NPC funds, receivingmoney from gambling lords, questionable solicitationifor trips abroad and shabu sessions right at the NPCpremrses.

Testimonies of reporters and photographers calledto the hearing revealed the view among mCdia that theincidents of corruption are as the Constantino commit-tee's 12-p3ge report, said, "ordinary, commonplace, dailyrealities."

Scorn was haped on yoqng reporters CatherineCanares(Manila fimes) and JinlqyJorgio (Daily Globe)

/for exposingthe incident. Philipine journalism's newcom-ers should at first be *sanny', or get used, tn such prac-tices, they said. Butthere were newsmen who denouncedAntiporda and gave Canares and Jorgio a pat on the back.

On the whole, the media community welcomed thecommittee and pinned their hopes that its work would setaprecedent. Others haited the sharp editorials mountedby two papers that called for a change in the entire NPCleadership and challenged the club to look at itself andstart cleaning up its ranks.

The Constantino committee itself reinforced the edi-torialsby statingin its reportthat the NPC has cast doubton its own integrity and competence with the way itbehaves andviolates itsbylaws. "Delicadezadictates thatthey take appropriate action in order to salvage whateveris left of the reputation of the club," the report said.

Julius Fortuna, NPC secretary, said he was awed bythe aftendant publicity that accompanied the case, butacknowledged the recommendations ofthe committee. "Itwas good and bad in a sense that the case generated widepublicity. It has gotten public attention but it has de-stroyed a lot of names and is still about to destroy names,"he said in an interview prior to the committee's findings.

Fortuna recognized the need to assess media evenprior to the Antiporda case. "I think that afler this," hesaid, 'we have a lot of work to do.'

In its findings and recommendations, the committeedid not center on the Antiporda case, saying the time hadcome to bring forth cases of media corruption "with a viewto contributing to the restoration of the integrity andreputation of legitimate journalists."

Mangahas, in answer to questions from reportersduring the presentation ofthe committee's findings, said

NPC ethicscommittee: Fromleft, Malou Mangahas, LuisMauricio, RenatoGonstantino,Monica Feria, andlsagani Yambot.

1&

PJR DECEMBER 1ee1 | 39

this is a case of the c-ommittee of "journalists trying theirfellow journalists, of the club trvi-ng the club."

- "fimes reporter Raul Daneej shlred the committee's

view. "Antiporda was nailed to the wall long before theConstantino committee began investigating the case.rronng hrm wrong was a secondary concern," he said.

What was more important, Dancel said. was that thecase "placed the issue of media ethics on center stage." Itprompted media "to examine itself, to re-assess its iole ina graft-ridden political structure. "Tarna lanp ba nayyma.bay s-a -ago! ng habulukan ng lipunan an! media.!.fay ppluhan.bang banggain ng media ang a[os?" ("Isit right for media to ride with thotide in a rotten societvor should media stem the tide instead?"), he asked.

Dancel further stressed that the issues discussed inthe investigation w_ere_ much more than seeing to it thatAntip.orda be punished for what he allegedly did. It wasnot his trial but media's.

But the committee's work is not yet over. JunexDoronio, political reporber of the philipine Time!;o"r-nal, asserted, saying the sick media thi countrv has riehtnow is reflective of the sick society that it belongs to.-

" "Ar1g 1agot ko diyan eh, whateise is

"*ii nifiiiopor

bq ng incident of investigation-, may mababagi bo, iuy,after 10 years?" _ Doronio said that for as l6ng as tlie"unwritten law"that-"th ere is nothing wrong" if ajournal-ist does. not go- after dole-outs but insiead ac"cepts withouthesitation grft_s o-r offers from news sources o, poblicrelations people for whatever these presents mean, theproblem stays.

Those _who adhere to the widespread practice thatperverts the Code of Ethics, according to Doronio, areporter .for nearly 10 years now, arJ the underpaidJournahsts-eto yung mga kapit sa patalim"_ who arethe easy prey ofcorruption.

,George_ Gascon, Newsday's chief of photographersa3d.on-e of the committee's witnesses, obre*IA:'.Arrttingin kasi ng maraming reporters at photograpAe.s siganyan, wala namang rnasarna. N{inian, pdmpalubap-looh, pamasahe lang, Minsan, ftind,i mo iataippihari."he said. "Hitd,i na_nga dapat pinag-uusapan ly"an,,'heacl{e$. ("Many repciE's an d ph'otud-p[;; r#ffih; r;1;nothing wrong with the praciice. It's just fare rnonev forthem. liometimes you can't say no.")- Doronio opined that publishers and editors are thebest people to initiate -a "radical change" by upgradingcompensatron standards and cleaning up their papers ofrncompetent and corrupt journalist.s.

l\farvic Caguran gan-Munar, Congress reporter ofthe Phiiippine Daily Globe said sh eihares t-he idealsof her feliow young journalists, that is, .honestv andcredibility rnust be the order of our busines s." b,rt vie*swith regret the "firmly-established root of corruntion"t\3,t;s low compensation and laxity of publisheis andeclttors in hiring reporters.

"Even if we eventualiy get, rid of Antiporda andTany others of his kind, the root will breed the samefruits'g the future. Alarn nating lahat kung paano ttyor#':#r#,?,":4&:i:;:JTr*"-r:x't.$i:rywidiv

People's Joumal man aging editor Alex Allan saidthere are a lot of factors that push newsmen to succumbto the practice. The editorial board ofthe paper. saidAllan, felt bad about their reporter Antipord-a's'case.but said the board gave all-its trust to the ethicjcommlttee.

'You cannot simply judge the integrity of peoplesometimes. But of course, as his (Antiporda's) editor.I felt bad about it," he said. "It was ttre paper's namethat Antiporda carried when he did thb act. ttre WpCleadership was another," he said.

Allan, a former police and defense reporter and wasthe paper's chief of police reporters before assurninehispresent post, pointed out that "there indeed is a thin linebetween morality and practicality" among journalistsbeing confronted with corruption.'I was always telling my reporters that wheneverthey are given such envelopes, they should know whatit's for. But if they are after it, that's another thing," hesaid. Bribe-takers, he said, abound in the beats hecovered.

Pegple's_Journal and People's Tonight re-p-orte-r Raul Beltran noted that a no-nonsense probeshould also be conducted on editors and columnisis (hesaid two of them write about police and military affairsand "receive money by the thousands daily,,)-who dosuch things but whose acts are covered by riewsmen ofthe same league as theirs.-. - Allan acknowledged the need for editors and pub-lishers to sit down and talk to their staffabout

"easorr-able.and humane remunerations and better workingconditions.

Lynette Ordofrez, day editor of the Manila Chron-icle, said the work does not end at the committee,shanding out its decision, because the NpC has to,,Drovethat it is not just the merc social club that, it is riehi nowfor it has always established itself seemingly For thatpurpose alone,

"Aft-er this case, whathappens next? Of course. wecan't call a s-pade a spade. We just don't stop wlren-theparties in_vo!_ve-d w91e proven guill,y," she said. Ordonezsaid the NFC should nbthesitate t-o discinline its rank.q_"Has it. ever func^tione_d as a jury which prosecuteierrlng Journatrstsr' I have never heard of the clubperfbrmi n g i ts s',-rpposed re sponsibi I ities,' sh e sai d, but

l"ri:Lli?lf th this case, the NPC will cease ro be jusr

But most journalists are thankful because the casesurfaced. The Globe's Nliguel Genovea said it will,,notonly separate the rotten apples in a basket but will-present the media as a part of society's institutions thathas its own ills."

An instance of public attention was Canares'hav_ingbeen invited to speak about media corruption beforethe University of the Philippines' Journalism Club.where, as a journalism student, she was once the oresi_dent.'"Th e s f.r.r dents h ad a lot of question s. At ieast, th ey

;;filO know how it is to be here at this tirne," Canare"s

Photo by BEN AVESTR(Z

40 | PJR DECEMBER1gg1I

THE ANITIPORDA CASE

A bribe attemptat the Press ClubSpecial Ethics Committee probesallegations of bribery by an NPC director.Here is a full account of the hearings.By JINICY JORGIO

66O.tou" r L7, t2p.m. press

conference by lawyer of murdersuspect Rolito Go at VIP Room,NPC," I hastily jotted down on mydiary to remind me about myassignment that day.

Mr. Antonio Antonio, president ofthe National Press Club (NPC), in-vited me to attend the press confer-ence to which I had also been as-signed by my editor, Angge Goloy ofthe Manila fimes. Cathy Canaresof the Philippine Daily Globewas also assigned to cover theevent.

October 17, Thursday. From theNational Bureau of Investigationwhich was also my beat, I hitched aride with ABS-CBN reporter GusAbelgas who was covering the NFCpress conference called by lawyerRaymundo Armovit.

The NPC restaurant was filleclwith newsrnen having their lunchand I cheeked f.l're VIF Roqrm first" tosee ifthe conferenee had atrreadystarted. I then proceeded to theNPC secretary's office to deposit mybag.

As I left the room, NPC secretaryFely Santos told me jestingly, "Pagmay nagbigay sa iyo ng enuelope,hatian mo ako."

("If someone hands you an enve-lope, don't forget to give me myshare.")

As we sat down to lunch whichwas prepared for the press confer-ence, Santos asked us to sign asheet ofyellow pad paper. Canaressarcastically muttered : nArlo'to,

payroll?" ('What's this, our pay-roll?")

Antonio then introduced Ar-movit, explaining he was the onewho suggested to the lawyer thatthe press conference l:e held in theciub to generate business. Antoniofurther said the club is not takingsides by allowing Armovit to holdthe press conference in the club'spremises.

Go, a businessman, was accusedof shooting to death De La SalleUniversity graduate Eldon Maguanduring an altercation over a traffrcincident in Greenhills, San Juan

- l

PJR DECEMBER 1991 I 41

last July 2.After the conference, I went to

the NPC secretary's office to makesome phone calls. I saw JessAntiporda, People's Joumalreporter and NPC director, accom-panied by two Chinese-looking menapproach NPC secretary NenaDelfin. Delfin then handed An-tiporda two NPC car stickers. Ithen saw Delfin write down'VicLim" in the log book.

I rushed to my other beats whereI reeeived a message from Oathysaying "Please call fimes offrce.Urgent."

I immediately returned to theNPC where I felt tension in the air.Fhilippine Newsday reporterEfren Dayauoun led me to thebilliards room and told me: 'Nakita

ka nang nagbibilangan sila ng per&.Nagh,abigayan kanina, Hindi ka panakakuha?" ("I saw them eountingmoney. Money was handed out.Were you not given any?") When Icalled up Cathy at the Globe, shesaid: "Jinky, kasi nabigyanako.".nakatanggap ka ba?" ("I wasgiven money...did yorr get any?") Itold her that I only received a T-shirt and nothing else. She thentold rne that Antiporda gave her anenvelope containing five F100 billsand that she will include the inci-dent in her story.

Just then Antiporda called meinside the NPC president's officeand in the presence of Antonioasked me about my recent Olongapoecv€rage. "Na-aalala mo ba na tnaypera si Alden?" ("Do you rememberif Alden had money then?") (refer-ring to Alden AIag, a reporter of theFhilippine Star). I replied, "No."Antiporda tlien said: "Alam kongrn&,y per& siya. Kasi binigyan niyaaho, nalaman ko galing pala saganr.bl,ing lord,s iyon kayri bitmbalikho. trba pala ang naintindihan niCathy sa pag-abot_ko ng pera." ("Iknew he had money because hegave me sorne. It, was only laterthat I learned he got it from garn-h:ling lords that's rvhy I wanted toreturn the rnoney. tr tirink Cathy{Canares) misinterpreted myLranding her the envelope.")

I then tolti Antipord,a: "Jess, yungtrip sa Olongapo last June pa iyon.Kung gusto mo talagang ibslik

'yung pera bakit ngayon rno langibabalik after fiue months?" Hereplied: *Kasi ngayon ko langnakita si Cathy, kaya ibinabalik kopara kay Alden." ("It was only nowthat I saw Cathy that's why I wastrying to return the money to Aldenthrough her.")

Goloy then called me up to checkon my story. I told her everythingthat transpired including the grvingof envelopes as confirmed byCanares.

The Globe story the followingmorning was a surprise since I wasnot expecting the paper to name thepeople involved. After the storybroke, NPC officials decided to forma special ethics committee toinvestigate the bribery attempt.

Named to the committee wereveteran andlifetime IrIPC memberRenato Constantino as chairman.Other committee rnembers werelawyer-j ourn alist Luis Mauricio,Isagani Yambot, associate publisherof the Fhilippine Daily Inquirer,Ma. Iourdes Mangahas of the Phil-ippine Center for InvestigativeJournalism and Yvonne Chua, Ma-laya news editor. Chua was laterreplaced by freelance journalistMonica Feria.

During the first meeting of thecommittee October 30, Antipordawrote Antonio protesting the com-position of the cornmittee, sayingmost of the members belong topapers which reported and even edi-torialized on the incident. He alsoclairned he was being framedbecause he tried to question thedealings of some NPC offrcers.

Antiporda was asked by thecommittee to attend all the hear-ings which were o.pened to the

'public. Canares was the first onecalled to testify. She stuck to herelaim that Antiporda gave her anenveiope containing five P100 billsand told her, "pasensiya ka na, na-pakiusapan lang ako dito." ("Sorry,I was just asked to do this.")

I was next to testifv.NPC secretaries Fely Santos and

Nena Deifin corroborated mv testi-xnony. Santos said she was jokingwhen she asked me about the "enve-lope thing." She denied any knowl-edge about the handing out ofenve-lopes. However, she told the com-

In its findings andrecommendations, thecommittee did not justfocus on the Antipordaco,se, saying the time hadcome to bring forth ca.sesof media corruption"with a uiew tocontribwting to therestora,tion of theintegrity end reputationof legitimate j ournalists.

42 I PJR DECEMBER 1991

mittee that she was asked byAntiporda to get the attendance ofthe reporters and photographerswho attended the press conference.

Delfin, on the other hand, admit-ted she was given P50 by one of themen in Armovitjs party to buywhite, letter-size envelopes, addingthat she gave the men two NPC carstickers on orders ofAntiporda.

Photographers Romy Florante ofthe Globe, and George Gascon ofNewsday, said they each reccived awhite envelope containing money.Florante said he received four P50bills while he was in the NPC presi-dent's offrce. He said he surren-dered the money to his editor whoin turn donated it to the union.Gascon testified that Antipordagave him five P50 bills inside awhite envelope. He said he alsoturned it over to his editor.

Florante and Gascon said thevthought the envelopes containedpress releases since they had beenasking for one to help them in writ-ing their captions.

Vergel Santos, assistant editor ofthe Chronicle, testified that hewas having lunch at the restaurantthat day with another journalist,Rolando Fadul, when he noticedpeople going in and out of the presi-dent's offrce.

Philippine Star reporter MayenJaymalin said she did not receiveanything since she was on her wayto another assignment and did notcover the whole press conference.Jaymalin also testified that An-tiporda later on visited her at herCity Hall beat to ask to her to signan affidavit saying she did notreceive any money from him.Another reporter covering CityHall, Jaymalin said, was also askedby Antiporda to sign the sameaffrdavit.

In his testimony November 8Newsday reporter Efren Dayauounsaid he saw two Chinese-lookingmen counting crisp P100 bills at therestaurant. Dayauoun also said hesaw the men conferring withAntiporda.

Fadul testified that he was sur-prised to see people during the Oc-tober 17 press conference *na nag-iikutan ng nag-iikutan." ("Peoplewere milling around.")

Fadul said he saw people going in

and out of the president's office andthen at the VIP room, adding thathe saw one of two Chinese-lookingmen clutching a folded brownenvelope which he described as"rnapintog na mapintog at tilamahalaga ang laman na hindimabitawan " (*Ihe man wasclutching a bulging brown envelopewhich he wouldn't put down.")

When asked by the committeewhat crossed his mind when he sawthat, envelope, Fadul said'Pera anglaman niyon." ("It containedmoney.")

Philip Reyes, an NPC waiter,said he served four cups ofcoffeeinside the president's office wherehe saw Antonio, two Chinese trnen, apregnant lady of Chinese extractionand another unidentified man whohe said was not a reporter becausehe knows the journalists who cometo the club.

Alag of the Star testified that hesaw Antiporda earlier that day atCamp Crame where they chattedfor some time. "Kung gusto niyangibalik sa akin noong araw na iyon,sana ibinigay na niya agad dmn palang sa Crame dahil rnatagal dinghaming naghuwentuhan." ("If hereally wanted to return the rnoneyhe said I gave him, he could havedone so at Crame.")

Ten more media persons werelater called to testify includingGlobe news editor Angelina Goloy,Times news editor CriseldaCerdena, Times photographerRomy Homillada, NPC presidentAntonio, NPC vice-president BobbyCapco and other reporters from theprint and broadcast media.

for the first time a

- 2L,I990 for exposing

first time a snecific case of en-for the first time a specific case of envelopmental journalism. (see PJRAugust 1990 issuc).The case was certainly not the first,but it surfaced among the many in-stances of cormption in rnedia be-cause it also became the first "majofcase to be investigated by the ethicsbody of the National Press Club.

That was after it merited a frontpage story in the Inquirer aboutwhat took place one day while Pangowas covering the congressional hear-ing of the Petroscam case involvingformer Ttade and Industry SecretaryJose Concepcion as alleged by formerExecutive Secretary Joker Arroyo.

Pango wrote in her story thatwhile Concepcion was testifying, hisaides were distributing P100 bills toeach reporter covering the investiga-tion.

The DTI public relations officeand the Congressional Fress Coppsleadership both denied the pointsraised by the story of Pango. TheDTI PR office said it did not and willnever engage in such acts andclaimed that nobody from their officewas hired to do such act.

Press Corps president MiguelGenovea condemned the reported acta'brazen" one, if true, and said thatother reporters were not aware ofany Concepcion aides moving aroundwhile the hearing was going on. Hepressed Pango to name narnes.

Pango said she would do so in theproper forum and added that, asSOP, she has turned over L0 piecesof P100-bills to the Inquirer unionand a receipt would be mailed to theparties concerned.

The Philippine Press Institutesingled out the incident, if true, as apay offor a bribe, saying it could "notbe dismissed lightly and must be in-vestigated to iLs logical conclusion nomatter who gets hurt." The groupclaimed that charges such as thiskeep cropping up so oft,en that aprobe would lead to the reduction, ifnot elimination, of "this blot on Phil-

PJR DECEMBER 1991 I 4iT

The NPC Ethics Committee

NEXT CA$E, PLEA$HDRUGABUSE INMunIA

Early this year, members of theEastern Police District Press Corps,Ied by their president Gina Tabon-ares of The Philippine Star, filedcomplaint! of drug abuse againstfrveof their colleagues before the Na-tional Fress Club ethics committee.- Tabonares charged that a group offive newsmen amongthe EPDPCmembers have been using"shabu''and have began using their ownpress offrce at the EPD headquartersin Pasig for their "shabu" ses$isns.

Former NPC president Butih delCactillo was pmmpted to direet aninvestigation, with Julius Fortuna ofthe NPC ethics committee againhandling the case.

There were six, not only five, asstated in the complaint, who werecalled to shed light on the allegationsof their colleagues. All denied thecharges, Fortuna said.

But Fortuna said the committee''s"most lethal" evidence was a phototaken by the complaining reportersof what they claimed was an actual'shabu" session in their press ofiice.The photo was published in the coverof the May 199L issue of The Fili-pino Jouraalist, the NFC's officialpubl icat ion. ' i , , '

The investigation was eonductedfor about four or five months, aft,er-which a decision was handed lastJune. Two of the six reporters wereexpelled from the NPC but theircases, Fortuna said, are beingreviewed periodically

The four others were not pun-ished, according to Fortuna, becausethere was little evidence of their par-ticipation. They were only grounded(from their work) while attending theinvestigation.

Fortuna said the NPC is in touehwith the editors of the two expelledreporters and said the two are exhib-iting good behavior.

_ DGM

ippine journalism."Then NPC president Butch del

Castillo ordered an investigation anddirected Julius Fortuna, tlien co-chairman of the ethics committee. tolead in conducting the inquiry.

Fortuna even when re-elected tobeeome the current NPC secretary,handled the investigation with RoyAcosta, editor of the Inquirer, andBert Castro, NPC officer and seniorreporter of The Manila Chroncile.

Fortuna said the investigationwhich started in June 1989 lasted foreight months. The fact-finding bodyhanded its decision to the NPC boardimmediately after it concluded its in-vestigation on January 18, 1990.

He said it took the committee alongtime to come up with a decisionbecause Pango left the country whenthe probe was ongoing. (At the sametime, a congressional reporter whowas implicated in the case wasasking for time to confront Pangowhen ordered by the committee.Several times the reporter, too,failed to appear.)

The decision suspended a congres-sional reporter for one year after thecommittee established that he indeedwas the'bagman." But Fortuna saidthat the repodet's suspension wasmeted only last year.

Fortuna explained that the NPC'board "shelved. the case" and did notmake any decision after the fact-frnd-ing committee tumed over its find-i4gs. No reason was provided al-though he recalled that by the timethe former NPC board started its de-liberation, it was already electionseason in the NPC.

Seven months aft,er, as NPC boardsecretar;r, Fortuna passed the caseon to the new NPC board, again, fordeliberations. Afifirming the fact-finding bod-y's decision seeking tosuspend the reporter for a year, theNPC board handed its decision lastJuly.