Paper submitted to the 1st International Conference of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical

Studies (ANGIS) at Tokyo University, dated December 1 – 2, 2012

A Preliminary Study on how G.I.S. Know-How Can Spatially Represent the Distribution of Nineteenth

Century Illegal Gambling in the Province of Manila

Marco Stefan B. Lagman

Assistant Professor

Department of Geography

University of the Philippines-Diliman

Not to be cited without author’s permission

A Preliminary Study on how G.I.S. Know-How Can Spatially Represent the Distribution of Nineteenth Century Illegal Gambling in the Province of Manila

Marco Stefan B. Lagman

Assistant Professor Department of Geography

University of the Philippines-Diliman Abstract Historical inquiry in the Philippines has traditionally employed conventional archival research in the generation of data vital in the production of historical knowledge. Unfortunately, the discipline has been slow to employ the use of modern technological tools, such as Geographic Information Systems (GIS), that could potentially provide a more visual, spatial and nuanced means of both understanding and analyzing archival information. As such, this paper seeks to explore the possibility of marrying conventional documentary research of the Juegos Prohibidos (Prohibited Games) police reports, with GIS tools in order to achieve a better understanding of illegal card gambling behavior among Monte and Panguingue game-playing inhabitants of the Province of Manila who were arrested from the 1880s to the 1890s. By tabulating locational and demographic information found in these police reports into a database in Microsoft Excel format and rendering these incidents into points in map layout through the utilization of Google Earth and ArcGIS, this study was able to generate thematic maps that provided several insights about the distribution and nature of gambling in the late nineteenth century Province of Manila, which include the following: a) petty gambling activity had marked concentrations along the western and eastern portions of the province, b) illegal card play was more prevalent in rural than in urban places and, surprisingly, were more likely to happen during the day, c) the number of women card players involved in arrests tended to increase as the apprehension occurred farther away from the City of Manila, d) majority of apprehensions involved poor people who betted on small amounts of money, while Chinese gamblers tended to play within places with established Chinese populations, e) illicit card playing persisted in the province even during the height of the Philippine Revolution of 1896, and f) geographic areas and communities in Manila Province, in terms of location, have remained relatively stable up to the present. This research contributes to the discipline of history and geography in the Philippines by showing how mapping technology can lead to a deeper understanding of Filipino behavior during the last years of Spanish colonial rule. In addition, this work also promotes the feasibility of utilizing GIS know-how in order to maximize the information and knowledge that can be gathered from other types of archival records pertaining to the Philippines. Introduction Gambling as an activity was said to have been observed in the Philippines well before the arrival of the western colonizers. By the late nineteenth century, games that involved betting whether in the form of cockfighting or popular card games such as panguingue and monte had become a regular source of entertainment among the country’s inhabitants (Le Roy, 1905; Bowring, 1963; Fernandez, 1990; Bankoff, 1991; Mallat, 2012). Although certain forms of gambling allowed the state to collect a significant amount of revenue (Bankoff, 1991), Spanish authorities nonetheless regulated some forms of gambling.

As such, with respect to card games, panguingue was allowed in certain places and times while others like monte was forbidden irrespective of context (Fernandez, 1990). As part of their program to curb illegal gambling, the Spanish government assigned its police forces, particularly their crack guardia civil units to implement their laws against illicit gaming and to arrest those who violate such policies. The activities of these units in their areas of jurisdiction such as the Province of Manila is reflected in the police reports written down and submitted by such personnel called Juegos Prohibidos (prohibited games) during the waning years of colonial rule in the 1800s. These documents, which usually follow a certain format with respect to the details it provides, have proven useful in recreating particular facets of Philippine social life in the last decades of Spanish rule as can be observed in the landmark work of Bankoff (1996) on criminal activity in Filipino society under colonial rule in the 1800s. However, this paper argues that the temporal, demographic and geographic data that these Juegos Prohibodos records so amply provides can be an even better source of spatial insights and analyses if these archival documents are used hand-in-hand with Geographic Information System (GIS) techniques. As such, it is hoped that this research could demonstrate that using such tools on archival data that can be geographically located with a fair amount accuracy could further maximize the usefulness of archival sources and thus encourage other historians and geographers interested in the Philippine history to employ GIS as a common and preferred tool in future historico-geographical studies. Methodology: From Nineteenth Century Police Report to GIS-Derived Map The process of transforming Juegos Prohibidos Monte and Panguingue arrests into points in various maps with different features or symbolizations required a) the creation of a database containing geographic and demographic information of each recorded arrest, b) the plotting of these aforementioned cases as specific geographic points in a map, and c) the generation of base and thematic maps grounded on characteristics contained in the said database. The generation of a database for roughly 195 identified gambling arrests and their easy manipulation required the tabulation of the following information on an MS Excel spreadsheet:

A) Town/district where the specific apprehension occurred; B) Present-day name of the aforementioned town or district; C) Specific barrio (village) or street where the gamblers were caught; D) Year and month when the said incident occurred; E) Number of players and number of males and females in the apprehended group; F) Ethnicity of those who were arrested (indio, chino mixed, chino, Spanish) G) Social status of those who were arrested (low, medium, high) H) Place where the arrest occurred (house, boat, farmland, empty lot, bamboo grove, wilderness) I) Time of apprehension (daytime, nighttime) J) Escapees (Y/N) K) Amount of money confiscated L) Specific archival source

It is clear that the different classifications and sub-classifications of this aforementioned information would lead to the generation of thematic maps containing consistent specific points with different symbols and colors representing different descriptions. Of particular importance are those that pertain

to the specific locations of the arrests. It was observed that, surprisingly, majority of the names and absolute locations of the towns and barrios have remained stable, with only their classifications changing from village to the barangay, the current smallest Philippine political unit, while those villages located near the borders of two towns may sometimes become a component of a present-day nearby city in Metro Manila. This contention was verified through the location of these specific places through Google Earth and through other readily available written documentary evidences (Mallat, 2012; U.S. Adjutant General’s Office, 1898; Sanger, Gannett and Olmstead, 1905). As for the streets that were identified, some throughways now had new names that were still identified in Google Earth, while others could no longer be determined. Roughly sixty (60) areas and streets that could no longer be ascertained were unfortunately removed from the database due to their lack of specific locations. Given the limits imposed by the Spanish colonial police reports, it was decided that any spatial or map analysis can only be done at the regional level. This scale of analysis also took into consideration the geographic extent of all recorded cases, specifically the location of the farthest points. The highest level of precision attained in the research was at the street level but majority of identified sites exist today as present-day barangays. Centroids were employed to plot all points in order to address gaps in precision, while the difficulties presented by the overlapping of multiple cases in a single point was dealt with by randomly offsetting succeeding points in order to differentiate them vis-à-vis other cases. Due to the reality that there is a paucity of maps representing the Province of Manila, especially ones that had a clear two-dimensional coordinate system, and given the relative stability of the locations identified in the reports until present times, Google Earth was used in plotting all identifiable points. While this same procedure could have been done using a gazetteer in ArcGIS, there was no available data that would have made the latter program useable. Clearly the procedure employed in plotting the points was rather lenient. Such an approach was unavoidable due to certain constraints and considerations. For one, the usefulness of historical data depends heavily on what was recorded, and, therefore, its accuracy and precision is limited by whatever information is available. The intent of the study is to produce maps that can be utilized for visual spatial analysis of gambling behavior during the latter Spanish period in the Province of Manila. As such the mapping process was more for illustrative than statistical purposes and did not require a very high level of accuracy and precision. Moreover, place names have remained fairly stable over time as a good number of nominal locations still exist to this day. The only difference is that, due to improvements in geospatial technologies and the demands of modern day policymaking and planning, boundaries are more or less clearly delineated, whereas in the past, naming and locating places was more arbitrary and their boundaries were not yet clearly established. Other places that have not retained their old names were only renamed. It can also be argued that all other spatial characteristics (extent, length, location, boundaries, neighboring localities) have most likely remained intact. Proof of this is that the current boundaries of Metro Manila approximate that of the late nineteenth century Province of Manila minus two towns – Montalban and San Mateo. As mentioned earlier, there were several cases in the initial database that lacked or had insufficient

spatial information and thus could not be plotted in a map. Sufficiency was also decided given the

abovementioned considerations. Useable geographic data led to the generation of place marks that

were grouped into a single place folder and exported as a KML file. This KML file was then imported into

ArcGIS using the conversion function included in the ArcToolbox (“KML to Layer”).

The imported KML had a field containing identification (ID), which are numbers stored as text, for each

point. Another column containing numerical information was created and calculated from the ID field to

create an identical field as a back-up to ensure that the database can be joined. The Excel spreadsheet

containing the initial database was also further processed to fix bugs encountered when joining the

table with the spatial data. This processing activity included the following:

o Removal of spaces in field headers

o Re-encoding of numbers stored as text

o Spell checks and rundown for typographical errors

o Re-classification of data (e.g. generalization)

o Re-expression of string information containing numerical data into mathematically-

operable format (done specifically for the column indicating amount of different

types of coin money involved)

A join between the working (bug-free) database and the resultant layer was then made after which

maps were then created by setting proper symbolizations for each map.

The base and thematic maps all underwent Adobe Photoshop for aesthetic purposes, and this was

accomplished through the following steps:

1. Base Map. To achieve the ‘old map’ effect, a stained paper texture was imported as a

background layer. Its color balance was adjusted to achieve the desired effect. A simple map

was overlaid, and the polygon depicting the landmass was removed, leaving the white area

depicting Manila Bay and Laguna de Bay. The opacity of these white polygons was subdued.

The resulting effect was achieved - it now seems like the landmass was drawn over a light

colored paper.

a. Since the map was exported in A4 size with no margins, the map had to be resized

to fit within the borders.

b. Fonts used were High Tower Text and a variant of the Garamond family. Font

spacing was slightly increased for titles and headers.

2. Thematic maps. Other themes were exported from ArcGIS in JPEG format, and imported in

Photoshop as a smart layer. The layers were rasterized and its white spaces were removed

either by manually deleting white spaces using quick selection (magic wand) or by applying a

blend mode that removes white from the layer (multiply). Note that the themes were

exported with a line feature depicting present-day boundaries of LGUs for reference in

resizing. In this procedure, the lower left corner of the new layer is anchored on the lower

left corner of the base map. Afterwards, the new layer is resized from the upper right corner

and down, carefully maintaining the aspect ratio of the layer being resized (holding down

the Shift key). The resized layer is then adjusted further, referring to the LGU boundaries to

ensure that the points overlay, distortions are entirely avoided and warping/offsets is

minimized.

a. The legends were exported in the same manner – A4 sized JPEG files containing the

legend of each map was also imported in Photoshop and resized in exactly the same

manner as the maps so as to maintain their scale. Extra care was taken in creating a

legend for proportionally symbolized maps.

b. Upon completion of each map, these are grouped and turned off whenever a new

map is created. This leaves a separable base map where more layers can be added

later.

The Maps and their Analyses The location of gambling incidents

Figure 1. Province of Manila base map.

The Province of Manila (Provincia de Manila), which was formally established in the latter part of the 1850s, was practically composed of the same towns that made up the former Province of Tondo (Lemps, 2000). With the exception of the towns of Montalban and San Mateo on its northeastern portions, the said province approximates the land area and the location of present-day Metro Manila. It had a land area of 264 square miles or 684 square kilometers and was composed of 23 towns (pueblos) and one city, the Ciudad de Manila, which was also considered as its administrative and economic center. From Manila City, the northernmost and easternmost towns, Caloocan and Marikina, respectively, are approximately 7 miles away, while Muntinlupa, the farthest town south of the capital, was 21 miles away (Adjutant General’s Office, 1898). Manila City was clearly the most populous settlement, but there

were also heavy concentrations of people in nearby towns of Navotas and Tambobong (Malabon) along the north as well as along the eastern towns of the province Pasig, Marikina, Taguig (Sanger, Gannett, & Olmstead, 1905). Even by simply observing the database that was developed for this study, it is clear that Manila Province was the site of many illegal gambling apprehensions. Yet the development of a map indicating the distribution of these arrests all over the area (See Figure 2.), yields quite a few insights that are easier to arrive at using spatial tools. For one, while monte and panguingue arrests tend to concentrate in Manila City and then spill over towards neighboring towns along its northern (Navotas and Malabon) and southern (Pineda, Malibay, Paranaque) portions, there is also a distinct concentration of abbreviated gambling activities along the province’s eastern towns, especially the contiguous Makati, Pasig, Taguig and Pateros pueblos, all of which, with the exception of Makati, do not share any borders with Manila.

Figure 2. Distribution of monte and panguingue gambling arrests, Manila Province.

Also, while panguingue activities seem to be greater in number compared to monte apprehensions, there seems to be no clear pattern with respect to the distribution of these arrests. Thus, it implies that, similar to what has been argued in several accounts, gambling activity during the nineteenth century Philippines was quite widespread. The high intensity of illicit gambling in Manila City, as shown in Figure 2, merits attention, and mapping at a smaller scale may be able to demonstrate which specific portions of the capital these activities occur. In the nineteenth century, Manila City was named La Ciudad y Sus Arrabales which, in English means “The Capital and its Surrounding Areas” (See Figure 3.). Here, the capital refers to Intramuros, or

the walled-city of Manila while the surrounding areas outside of the walls (Extramuros) would refer to the eleven nearby communities that border the capital (Sanger, Gannett & Olmstead, 1905; Lemps, 2000). Figure 4 below clearly demonstrates how majority of gambling activities successfully interrupted by the colonial police forces were situated in the Binondo area, a known commercial area filled with businesses owned by Chinese and half-Chinese merchants, which include, among others, gambling houses (Mallat, 2012).

Figure 3. Map showing the component communities of Manila City.

Figure 4. Distribution of Gambling Apprehensions, Ciudad de Manila.

Urban-rural distribution of monte and panguingue There are different means of classifying specific geographic entities as being predominantly urban or rural entities. From an economic perspective it has become standard practice in the Philippines to classify places where the main types of employment is non-agricultural (i.e., manufacturing, services) as urban areas (Serote, 2009). While Spanish police reports on gambling seem to be inconsistent with respect to listing down the occupations of those arrested for illegal gaming, studies by Bankoff (1996) and Lagman (n.p.) in both Manila City and the Province of Manila suggest that majority of those arrested were likely to have labor-intensive, service sector-based occupations. The urbanity and rural nature of a specific area can also be determined through the existence of infrastructure that is usually associated with urban areas such as the existence of streets or street plan, a commercial area, and other community-based facilities. As late as the 1970s, one of the criteria for determining if a barangay or village can be considered an urban area was if it had a clear street pattern (National Statistical Coordination Board, 2003), a feature that can easily be discerned in the colonial police reports that were studied. On the other hand, Filipinos do consider places that are called barrios or sitios as communities or components of provinces that are more rural in nature. Fortunately, the documents from the Juegos Prohibidos do provide details with respect to the location of apprehensions, as to whether they occurred in areas along streets or in barrios or sitios. If these terms, especially the existence of streets, would be used as markers of the urban or rural character of crime scenes, it could then be argued that most gambling incidents in Manila Province, with the exception of those that happened in the Ciudad de Manila, were likely to have occurred in more rural than urban settings (See Figure 5.).

Figure 5. Gambling incidents in urban and rural areas.

Hiding places Foreign accounts about the Philippines in the 1800s make mention of the gambling places that Filipinos used to hide their illicit gaming. Mallat (2012), Bankoff (1996) narrate how those who gamble would usually utilize structures such as houses to evade the authorities, and the spatial representation of the precise place where inhabitants of the localities of Manila Province gambled supports such contentions. All in all, almost 80% of apprehensions actually led to the police arresting people who were into illegal card games inside houses and other structures. Nonetheless, it is important to point out how there were still instances where Filipinos, especially those of lower class origins, employed farms, open lots, bamboo groves and even portions of sitio despoblados or wilderness areas to hide from the long arm of the law (Lagman, n.p.). The information on the map below (See Figure 6.) indicates that, while there were very few cases of people using the natural environment as a site of their card gaming, the area covering Pineda, which makes up part of present-day Pasay, and the town of San Pedro de Makati, had wilderness areas or woodlands where illicit gambling was played out. In relation this, it is important to note that these two places, which are now heavily urbanized, were considered as rough country and part of the province’s backwoods. Pineda back then was considered a village where betel nut, an agricultural crop abound and where brigands hid from the government. San Pedro de Makati, on the other hand, was said to be a place that was conducive for convalescents (Mallat, 2012).

It can be observed that areas classified as wilderness places where gamblers were caught were all located outside of Ciudad de Manila, with 3 of 5 (60%) of despoblado cases occurring just outside of the provincial center and two wilderness incidents happening along the eastern and western fringes of Manila Province. In addition, gambling incidents wherein the exact nature of the place could not be determined tended to concentrate in peripheral areas such as the eastern towns of Pateros and Pasig and the southern pueblo of Las Pinas.

Figure 6. Gambling incidents by place of arrest.

More a daytime than a nocturnal activity In his landmark work Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance, Scott (1985) argued that throughout history, the resistance of marginalized groups against the more dominant sectors of society, such as the more privileged classes and the state, rarely came in the form of direct confrontation and rebellion and instead manifested itself in more indirect forms that denied the latter of the ability to make claims on them. In essence, evading the police and violating laws against certain forms of gambling through means that are uncoordinated and are done by individuals that the authorities would be hard-pressed to identify, such as those who do their illicit activities within structures, are examples of a weapon of the weak. Common sense would dictate that doing activities in the cover of darkness, especially in the outdoors would be a reasonable form of resistance by those who still want to gamble despite mandated restrictions. Lagman’s (n.p.) qualitative study of monte and panguingue arrests by the colonial police yielded several examples of gambling suspects who also employed the nighttime darkness to play their

favorite games. But a more quantitative and spatial analysis of police report data demonstrates that those who got caught playing in the evening belonged to the minority as most abbreviated gambling sessions were held during the day (at least 60% of all recorded cases). This was especially true for Manila City where majority of the card game sessions that were raided by the agents of the state happened in houses and other permanent structures. The eastern towns Pateros and Pasig again seemed to have been the recipient of several night-time raids by the colonial police. The same observations can be made for the nearby pueblo of Makati (See Figure 7.).

Figure 7. Daytime and nighttime distribution of gambling arrests.

Escape: An act of last resort Police authorities would usually catch their targets while they are immersed in their illegal card games. For the most part, apprehended parties would cooperate with the police and would not resist arrest. Again, it can be determined through a spatial representation that majority of those who were caught gambling in Manila City did not resist arrest, and the same can be observed in the northern towns of Navotas and Malabon (See Figure 8.). But the farther the apprehensions were from the epicenter of apprehensions along Manila’s Binondo District, the proportion of gamblers escaping from the authorities seemed to increase. This becomes noticeable especially in the towns east and south of Manila’s southern edge such as the former pueblo of Pandacan, Pineda and Malibay (present-day Pasay), Las Pinas and the Pasig-Pateros-Taguig region.

Figure 8. Illicit gaming escapes and apprehension incidents.

Small groups and predominantly working class Le Roy (1905) in his account of the Philippines made mention of the penchant of Filipinos to gamble. But what separates his narrations with that of other western visitors of nineteenth and turn of the century Philippines such as Mallat (2012) and Bowring (1963) is that he makes known his opinion that more well-to-do members of Philippine society were able to avoid getting caught by the police as they did their gambling within the safety of their stone-made homes. Bankoff (1996) also mentions that the typical prisoner in the Philippines in the 1800s, regardless of the transgression committed, was usually male, poor and illiterate and held a job that paid in coin, the preferred betting item in gambling sessions. Philippine society during the Spanish period was highly stratified as people were legally categorized based on their race or racial mix and titles (i.e., Don) were used by people to denote individual status (Larkin, 1972). By the 1800s, it was argued that the communities in and around Manila had a five-level hierarchy with Spaniards at the top followed by Chinese mestizos, the native elite, the Chinese and the members of the local population (Constantino, 1975). For this study and following this aforementioned hierarchy, Spaniards, people of Caucasian heritage and members of the native elite were classified as members of the elite, the more enterprising ethnic Chinese, who paid more taxes than the members of the local population (Mallat, 2012) are categorized as individuals of middle status, while untitled natives or plain indios belong to the low status category. Figure 9 below clearly indicates that most successful apprehensions led to the arrest of ordinary Filipinos as they account for a vast majority of arrests in almost all the towns that are part of the study. Very few Spaniards and members of the local elite were

caught by the authorities and those who were arrested tended to reside primarily in Manila, especially in an area called Sampaloc, the northeastern end of the city, with isolated cases in Marikina and Taguig. The ethnic Chinese, on the other hand, were primarily arrested in Binondo, a place where many of their businesses and residences were located (Mallat, 2012), although there were a few recorded cases in current-day southeastern Manila, Makati and San Felipe Nery (modern-day Mandaluyong). Overall, it can be observed that successful raids by the police led to the arrest of relatively small groups of gamblers, which ranged from one person to sixteen individuals, with 60% of apprehensions netting not more than five players (See Figure 10.).

Figure 9. Number of participants per gambling incident and their social status.

Figure 10. Number of apprehended players per police raid.

Gambling as more of a male than a female preoccupation The database illustrates that gambling was predominantly a male activity. Overall, 53% of all arrests involved at least one female player, but it is only in the game of panguingue where there was a higher rate of female involvement at 65% of all cases. Nonetheless, only in 37% of all panguingue police reports were the number of arrested women more than or equal to the number of accosted males. The map below represents that majority of cases involved more males than females for the most part. Nonetheless, converting the information into map form allows one to realize that there are still certain portions of the province where there are a relatively higher proportion of women card players who were apprehended. This would include parts of present-day southeastern Manila and the then Pandacan town (now part of Manila City), the Pineda (Pasay) area, the southern towns of Las Pinas and Muntinlupa, as well as the contiguous area comprising the eastern part of Makati, Pateros and Pasig (See Figure 11.).

Figure 10. Gambling incidents by sex.

Gambling with relatively small stakes Whether the players were male or female, native or of foreign descent, it is also worth determining the amounts of money that these groups of arrested card players were wagering during their activities and how these range of amounts were distributed in the province. One way of discerning if the money being wagered by people were of small or large amounts during the late 1800s in these suddenly shortened sessions would be to compare these monies with the wages usually received by people during the same period. Fortunately, the Philippine Census of 1903 provides us with a means of comparing confiscated gambling money with people’s wages during the late 1890s. People doing menial labor in Manila and other urban areas would have daily wages that range from around P.20 to P.75 per day. A seamstress and a laundryman would only receive P.20 for a hard day’s work, a daily laborer usually received P.37, while a carpenter was a little bit better off as he, on the average, would receive P.62 a day form his employer. On the other hand, a tailor could command a daily rate of P. 75 and a clerk would receive a monthly pay of P25 (Sanger, Gannett & Olmstead, 1905). It should be noted that almost half (47%) of all police raids against panguingue and monte gamblers never exceeded one P1. If an average gambling session involves around five to six players, then most sessions had individuals who, on the average, brought coins that never exceeded the money that an ordinary person would earn in a day. As such, the amounts being gambled by individuals would ordinarily be quite modest. It is clear in the map below (See Figure 12.) that small gambling money being betted in sessions are fairly scattered all over the

Province of Manila. What is also quite clear is that it is in the Manila City area, particularly in the District of Binondo, where amounts of P10 or more were wagered the most.

Figure 12. Distribution of amounts of money wagered in gambling sessions that were abbreviated.

Gambling in the midst of a revolution Basic texts in Philippine history would note that it was also during the latter part of the 1800s that Filipinos led by a group called the Katipunan, whose members were predominantly from the towns of Manila Province and nearby areas (Guerrero, 1998). The first battles between the Filipino revolutionaries and the Spanish colonial forces began in San Juan del Monte, one of the towns of Manila Province. The said incident led to the declaration of martial law in eight provinces of the island of Luzon, including the Province of Manila, and this was soon followed by continuous fighting between the two groups in portions of Manila Province and in other areas where such a state of emergency was declared (Quirino, 1978; Guerrero, 1998). It should be noted that despite being in the midst of great social upheaval and uncertainty, inhabitants of the province could still not stop themselves from gambling (See Figure 13.). Roughly 13% of all police reports that have been examined involved incidents that occurred from August 1896, the month wherein the revolution started, up to 1897, a period wherein fighting between the Filipinos and the

Spanish colonial forces was still on going. Apparently, trends during war-time mirrored that of more tranquil periods as the Chinese still actively gambled in Manila’s Binondo District and ordinary Filipinos still in different parts of Manila Province. What should be noted, however, is that the relative size of the groups that did gamble during the outbreak of the Philippine Revolution was relatively larger than the usual five player group size during peacetime.

Figure 13. Distribution of gambling incidents during the initial phase of the Philippine Revolution.

Recommendations and future directions Historical research using archival data on nineteenth century Philippines has been very effective in reconstructing aspects of the lives of people during that period that may likely be neglected (Bankoff, 1996). While such type of conventional research usually focuses on the socioeconomic aspects of nineteenth century Philippine life, modern tools provided by Geographic Information Science can even help researchers maximize the usefulness of their sources by adding a spatial component to their analysis and understanding of the past. Through the geographic information provided by this paper on the distribution and nature of illicit gambling activities of the inhabitants of the Province of Manila, it is hoped that other archival researchers would warm up to the possibility of incorporating GIS tools as part of their menu of aids in their studies, especially in using sources that can be geographically located with a fair amount of accuracy.

The Juegos Prohibidos is by no means the only archival source in the Philippine National Archives that can yield data that can be spatially represented. From the past experiences of this researcher, other materials such as urban real estate taxes (Fincas Urbana), business permits (Contribucion Industrial), land sales and transactions from notarial bundles (Protocolos), and even fish corral permit lists (Pesquerias) are only some of the bundle types on the Philippine National Archives in Manila that are readily available to historico-geographical researchers who are interested in employing GIS tools in their studies.

References

Documents from the Philippine National Archives:

Juegos Prohibidos, SDS -1207 to 12511.

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