,..

Reviews

J. H. u« T. McCreanor, T. McIntosh, and T. Teaiwa, eds.,Zealand Identities: Departures and Destinations(MELANI ANAE) 138

PACIFIC STUDIES

John Pule and Nicholas Thomas, Hiapo: Past and Present in NiueanBarkcloth .(PING-ANN ADDO) 141

VOL. 29, Nos. 3/4 SeptemberlDecember 2006

Joel Robbins, Becoming Sinners: Christianity and Moral Torment in. ' a Papua New Guinea Society .

{RICHARD SCAGLION) : 144

Books Noted

Recent Pacific Islands Publications:. Selected Acquisitions,ApnI2003-August2003RILEY·M. MOFFAT ; 147

Recent Pacific Islands Publications: Selected Acquisitions,September 2003-Novemher 2003 .RILEY M. MOFFAT 156

Recent Pacific Islands Publications: Selected Acquisitions,June 2oo4-Decemher 2004RILEY M. MOFFAT 165

Contributors 181

'IOLANI PALACE: SPACES OF KINGSHIP IN LATENINETEENfH-CENTURY BAWAI'I

Stacy L. KamehiroUniversity ofCalifornia, Santa Cruz

This paper explores indigenous colonial architectural patronage in Hawai'ithrough King David Kalakaua's building project, 'Iolanl Palace, which consti-tuted the political center of Hawai'i during the last decades of the sovereignmonarchy and into the twentieth century when Hawai'i became an Americanstate. This paper examines intersections of global socio-political forces andindigenous agency and suggests that the design, pmpose and location of thepalace projected an image ofHawai'i as a modem independent nation vis-a-visother enlightened nations while it also functioned as a sacred chiefly structurethat presented the king as a legitimate political and religious authority inHawaiian terms.

Introduction: Cross-Cultural TranslatioJis*

AN EMBLEM OFHAWAIIAN HISTORY AND POLITICAL AUTHORITY since thelate nineteenth century, 'Iolani Palace (built 1879-1882), located in Honoluluon the island ofO'ahu, hasbeen a constant central fixture in the political andcultural theater ofHawai'i. Alternatively described as"American Florentine,""American Composite," and "French Rococo" in style (Pacific CommercialAdvertiser [PCA] 24 September 1881; Farrell 1936, 21) (Fig. I), this palaceserved as monarchical seat from 1883-1893 during the reigns ofKingKaliikaua (r, 1874-1891) and his successor Queen Lydia Lili'uo .(r, 1891-1893). It later functioned as the legislative halls and executiveoffices f9r the Provisional Government that overthrew the Hawaiianmonarchy in 1893 and established the Republic of Hawai'i in 1894 and

Pacij'l£ Studies, Vol. 29,Nos.314--SeptJDec. 2006

1

2 Pacific Studies, Vol. 29, Nos. 314--Sept.IDec. 2006'Iolani Palace 3

FIGURE 1. "Iolani Palace, Honolulu, O'ahu, Photograph S. 1..Kamehiro.2001.,.

continued as the administrative center of the Territory of Hawai'i uponannexation ofthe region by the United States in 1898.When Hawai'i becamethe fiftieth American state in 1959, 'IoIani Palace remained the politicalcenter until a new State Capitol building was erected nearby in 1969. In the1970s; the building was restored and, in 1978, was opened to the public as ahistoric house museum. Despite the fact that 'Iolani Palace persists as a keysymbol of Hawaiian history and culture, providing the site for sovereigntyevents and commemorations of royalty and Hawaiian history, few criticalanalyses of this structure have been published.'It may well be that late nineteenth-centmy Hawaiian architecture and

indigenous architectural patronage, more generally, have not received sig-nificant art historical attention due, in part, to the notion that after a centuryof contact with non-Hawaiians beginning in the late eighteenth century,indigenousvisual culturewas tooWesternized to be "authentically"Hawaiian.The dearth of scholarly attention paid to colonial Hawaiian visual culturesuggests that, because of its clear and pervasive Western references, it hasbeen dismissed as evidence of the decline of "traditional" Native culture andits assimilation into global cultural, economic, and political systems. Basedonsimilar assumptions about the hegemony of colonial culture, some descrip-tions of introduced influences on indigenous cultures attribute the ultimateloss of local autonomy to the indigenous people themselves; their "fatal

attraction" to irresistible foreign goods originating in initial encounters (seeThomas 1991, 85-87). While the far-reaching impact of colonialismand should not be ignored, Hawaiian cultural forms, nationalist or other, didnot Simply or inevitably adopt forms resembling those of a "dominant"culture due to ideological coercion (see Thomas 83-84). The languageof coercion and domination, fatal attraction, and na'iveacquiescence does notsatisfactorily characterize cultural change and exchange in Hawai'i or othercolonial cultures.Interpretingcolonialism and its ensuingcultural transformations primarily

in terms of globalization relies too heavily on metahistorical that"reduce the heterogeneity and contradictions in the world of the colonizerswhile ignoring the practical effect of the colonial discourse on those colo-nized" (Merle 1997, 131). These political economy interpretations empha-size how political and cultural bodies are incorporated into the world system,underscoring global economies and inequities. Colonial processes; werehighly variable in the Pacific; they were conditioned by the nature andmotivations of both colonizing and colonized entities and the agency 'of keyactors in creating environments conducive to collaboration or resistance(Munro 1993, 120-121; see Thomas 1997, 46, 51). In other words,capitalism and culture did not expand, and were not received, uniformly(Eisenstadt 1973, 95-115; Grimshaw 1997, 124; Linnekin 1991, 209).Anthropologist Nicholas Thomas (1994, 8--9) points out that much earlyscholarship on postcolonialism, inspired largelyby Edward Said'sOrienfdism(1978), presented a totalizingviewofcolonization, much in.the same '9-y thatworld system approaches represent global forces as over-determining.Without carefully acknowledging the cultural and historical specificity ofcolonial cultures, some postcolonial theorists assumed a monolithic narrativethat homogenized all colonial predicaments and processes. Elaborating onthisnotion, historian Patricia Grimshaw (1997, 124) states: "Failing to groundtheir observations in the specificities of historical situations, with all theirparticular contestations and ... theorists havein the creation ofa story that disgwses much that it purports to explain,One must be wary of overprivileging colonial agency and ignoring the

possibility' that indigenous expressions respond to phenomena·other thanthose imposed externally. Indigenous populations did react to colonial pres-ences, but this is not the sum of their cultural and political sensibilities.Hawaiian nationalist culturewas not exclusively dichotomized along the. linesof Hawai'i "versus" the West, nor did it position the West as "the best": (i.e.,the only modelworthyofconsideration). Furthermore, Hawaiian societywasnever unmarkedby internal social cleavages and political contests andcannot,therefore, be understood as an undivided, homogenous entitywith a unified

4 Pacific Studies, vol. 29, Nos. 314-Sept.lDec. 2006 'Iolani Palace 5will and subjectivity. At the same time, "culturalist" or "structural historical"approaches to syncretic cultural processes, which prioritize symbolic struc-tures ofmeaning and action existing prior to contact to explain local response(Linnekin 1991, 205-207), are also inadequate; these fail to account for theinterpretative changes in objects and ideas that occurwith prolonged culturalinteraction. Because this interpretive strategy confines actors "within the

space ofenduring traditional categories, capable only of assimilatingnovel ;context to preexisting forms" (Thomas 1997, 38), structural historycannot adequately explain processes and products of cultural change andtranslation.Focusing on 'Iolani Palace located in Honolulu, Hawai'i, thisstudyempha-

sizes the critical and conditional relationships between local subjectivity,indigenous agency and global dynamics in the production ofvisual and spatialcultural forms. Kalakaua (1836-:1891) initiated thisarchitectural commissionduring his rule as the constitutional monarch of the independent Hawaiiannation. He was a high chief whose ancestors had served Kamehaineha I(c.1758--1819), the first ruler of the unified Hawaiian archipelago. KaIakauasought to instill a sense of cultural and national pride among the Nativepopulation, notably through the visual, verbal, and performing arts. In fact,his reign has been described as "The First Hawaiian Renaissance" (Buck1993,110).In part, this king's nation-building projects, in general, and the building

of 'Iolani Palace, in particular, responded to intensifying European andAmerican colonizing activities during the last quarter of the nineteenthcentury. Prior to this time, the major colonial powers in the region-France,England, and the United States-had maintained an informal presence," Theimpetus to gainformal colonies escalated when Germany entered the regionas a colonialpower in the 1880s, causing other nations to make definitiveterritorial claims (Munro 1993, 115-117). The ensuing annexations and par-titions unsettled Native Hawaiian leaders, especially in light of the growingforeign population in Hawai'i and threats ofannexation by the United States.At tlie same. time, the symbols of chiefliness formalized in 'Iolani Palacedirectly addressed the internal cleavage in Hawaiian politics involving com-peting chiefly lineages. Since the late eighteenth century, the Kamehamehakings had ruled Hawai'i. Upon the death of King William Charles Lunalilo,grandson ofa half-brother to Kamehameha I, in 1874, no royal successor hadbeen named, leading to the need to elect a subsequent ruler from an eligiblepool of high-ranking chiefs. When Kalakaua announced his candidacy forthe kingship,· and even following his election, competing chiefs (namelyKamehameha descendents and supporters who believed the throne rightly

belonged to them) contested his right to rule. Their werebased on genealogical seniority; rivals argued that Kalakaua lacked sufficientgenealogical purity to properly lead the Hawaiian people. Much ofKalakaua'snational cultural program served to address this opposition.Addressing the inadequacy of interpreting colonial architecturalproduc-

tion and cultural change as Simplyreactive, rather than active and derberate,responses to historical and colonial processes, this paper sugge$ts that,through the function and location ofhis palace, as well as the embel-lishments, and technological innovations incorporated into the structure,Kalakaua made manifest his vision of himself as both an Internationallyrecognized ruler (to counter colonial threats to Hawaiian sovereignty) andan exalted political and religious authority in Hawaiian terms (as a responseto political divisions internal to the Native Hawaiian chiefly community).Kalakaua's 'Iolani Palace is best understood in the context ofgloballhstoricaland cultural conditions in conjunction with local systems of meaning andpolitical agendas. .

<IolaniPalace as National and International Symbol

'Iolani Palace is the structure Kalakaua built to replace a smaller royal build-ing of the same name erected in 1844 and used by Kings Kamehameha III(Kauikeaouli), IV (Alexander Liholiho), and V (Lota Kapuaiwa), Lunalilo,and Kalakaua (Chang et al, 1977, 17; Friends of 'Iolani Palace [FIP]1972,.1).4While many commentators attribute Kalakaua's aspirations to erecta palace to his desire to match the grand elegance of the royal courts he visit-ed in 1881 during his world tour," it was in the planning stages well beforehis departure; upon accepting hisroyal office in 1874, Kalakaua immediatelymade arrangements for his new palace (Jay 1992, 25; Peterson 1963,96).

IHe instructed architect Robert Lishman of Sydney, Australia,to make plans to substantially renovate the existing building in but the1878 Hawaiian Legislature appropriated $50,000 for a new royal home(Kuykendall 1956, 204). iBuilt of plastered brick and iron with concrete block trimmings, 'Iolani

Palace is a heavy rectangular structure (the ground plan' is 120 feet by140 feet) of two main levels plus an attic and a basement. Four towt ,eachapproximately 60 feet high, flank the deep verandas (which en Ie thesecond and third stories) and towers 80 feet high are located at the , ont andrear entrances. A square campanile with concave outlines caps each towerand Corinthian columns line the two main . levels. A 6-foot wide trenchresembling a moat encloses the base, providing the basement with light and

6

and other European rulers, which had been received by KalakaJa andhis predecessors, contributed to thiseffect (Hackler 1993, 12; Hoover 1994;Taylor 1927, 39, 45). Complementing the palace's ambiance ofinternational-ism were the decorations offoreign orders bestowed upon Kalakauabyjapan,Austria, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Spain, Italy, Venezuela, Great jritain,Belgium, Germany, Portugal, and Thailand. These hung on the walls;of theThrone Room," displayed with the Hawaiian Royal Orders. Each decorationwas mounted on escutcheons in gilded oval frames, surmounted by HawaiTsand each nation's coat of arms. Portraits of rulers and notable individualsfrom Hawai'i and foreign states (such as Rear Admiral Richard D. Thomas,Lord Beaconsfield, andWilliam Gladstone of Great Britain; Alexander II ofRussia; Napoleon III and Louis Philippe of France; and Frederick WilliamIII of Prussia), juxtaposed with likenesses of Hawaiian chiefs and royalty,10adorned the walls ofthe Dining Room and Grand Hall. Corresponding to theEuropean tradition of representing royal lineages through the display ofportraits, Kalakaua's display of foreign royal portraits along with his own(and his family and chiefly predecessors) established him as part of thisinternational royal lineage-he was their heir and equal.Kalakaua played an active role in planning and furnishing the palace.

Correspondence housed in the State Archives ofHawai'i indicate the degreeto which the king was involved with the preparation of the palace, from theoverall design to the smallest details (e.g., furniture, dishes, towels, etc.)."He carefully selected furnishings and materials from Europe, the UnitedStates, Asia, and the Middle East during his World Tour of 1881 and, at thetime ofhis coronation, orderedartworks andportraits for the palace (Hackler1971, 39-49; PCA 17 June 1882; St,one 1963; 42). The kin,g incoJPfratedtechnical innovations and modem inventions such as the use of co creteblocks (which was fairly new to masons throughout the world)," shee glass,a telephone system (the first in Honolulu), modem indoor plumbing, andelectriclighting('Iolanihadelectricitybefore theWhiteHouseorBuckinghamPalace; Daws 1980, 152; Hackler 1993, 7-8).'Iolani Palacewas the proper center for the cosmopolitan city ofHonolulu.

Contemporary Hawaiian publications described Honolulu in the as nolonger a "small city, or a one-horse town" but, rather, "a modem city, laid outupon the best American and European plans" (Paradise ofthe Pacific 1888;see Honolulu Business Directory 1888). The palace, then, served as a:politi-cal center in a modem city and a modem state. It pronounced the place ofthe Hawaiian nation in the world order. Kalakaua's building formed a part ofhis efforts to preserve Hawai'i as an independent nation and to make it visibleto all.

Pacific Studies,Vol. 29, Nos. 314-Sept./Dec. 2006

air (PCA 3 January 1880; Taylor 1927, 27). Several architects and builderscontributed to the design of the palace. Thomas J. Baker prepared the origi-nal plan in 1879 and estimated costs to be $65,000 {Judd 1975, 119). AfterBaker was discharged, Charles J. Wall finished the drawings and continuedtheworkduring 1880.With Robert andStirlingand Edward BedfordThomas,Isaac Moore completed the project and corrected many ofthe errors createdby the previous builders." George Lucas supervised the carpentry, using fineimported (e.g., American walnut and white cedar) and Hawaiian (koa, kou,kaman!> and 'ohi'a) woods. The sophisticated mansard roofs and the detailedbrickwork, moldings, andwrought-ironwere completed in time for Kalakaua'scoronation ceremony on 12 February 1883, for which the palace served ascenterpiece,The building was considered a symbol of great national importance and,

therefore, worthy of great expenditures. Royalist supporters believedKaIakana required an abode suitable to his high station. Before its comple-tion, the Advertiser (24 September 1881) published a description of thepalace stating: "There is a promise that our Sovereign will be provided withapartnients suitable for the reception of the distinguished personages he isfrom time to time called upon to entertain, and with aresidence suitable tohis position and dignity:' Backers of the king desired to produce the mostaccomplished architectural monument in the kingdom, one that would rivalthe great mansions of the highly successful resident haole (white, or foreign)businessmen. The rc« (3 January 1880), a pro-government newspaper,announced, ".. .it will be in all respects by far the finest and most imposingbuilding in the Islands, an honor and ornament to our capital city, and afitting abode for Royalty:' Kalakaua's vision of nationhood did not pictureHawaiI enduring as a separate or secluded island state, but instead waspremised on HawaiTs right to join the international community of nations.The planners of 'Iolani Palace believed an internationally recognized kingand napon should have a political center comparable to those ofother states.'Iolani'Palace also functioned to prove the wealth and achievements of thekingdom. Economic prosperity, stimulated by the 1875 Reciprocity Treatythat allowedHawaiian sugar to be sold in the United States duty-free, enabledthe funding of the new building' (and encouraged infrastructural expansionin genl'lral). Kalakaua celebrated the success of the kingdom through theostentatious palace and the extravagant display ofexpensive decorations andinterior fittings (see Neil 1972, 14-16).The building was truly intended as a symbol ofcosmopolitanism meant to

attract international attention. Its profusion of gold leaf, silks, satins, fineChina, exotic wood furnishings, and gifts from QueenVictoria, Napoleon III, I

'Iolani Palace 7

8 Pacific Studies, Vol. 29, Nos. 314-Sept.lDec. 2006 'Iolani Palace 9

,;..•. j.

DB---Chiefly Structures and Sacred Spaces

While the 'Iolani Palace could boast of its international style and furnishingsand its:modem building fabrication, it nonetheless was a Hawaiian chieflystructure. The forms, functions, and significations ofindigenous architecturemust, therefore, be carefully considered in an analysis of the palace. Thehomes of chiefs were distinguished. by height and girth according to rank{Charlot 1979, 27). Descriptions ofdomiciles in Lahaina, Maui, from the firstquarter of the nineteenth century, for instance, indicate that the homes oflower-ranking families were only 4 to 6 feet high, while chiefs' residenceswere 18 to 20 feet high (Stewart 1828, 128,137). Pou hana, denoting theridge post, indicated a person's status. in figurative speech and suggests theintimate social identification between a chief and his or her house (Buck. 1957, Charlot 1979, 27). Siniilar to Ali'iolani Hale, a structure erected in1874 n1tended to serve as a royal residence but used instead as the kingdom'sadministrative center, 'Iolani Palace towered over the surrounding buildingsand perhaps was intended to be the tallest building in the kingdom. An archi-tectural manifestation of the theme of "heights" expressed in poetry, 'Iolani'selevation allegorized superior chiefly status (Charlot 1979, 2S--30; Brigham1899, 58). And, like other chiefly homes, the palace possessed a name andspiritual identity.Kalakaua retained the name adopted by his nativist predecessor

Kamehameha V (1830-1872) for the former 'Iolani Palace. Kamehameha Vchose '''Iolani" because it signified the io, a species of hawk endemic to theisland ofHawal'i, the homeland of great chiefs and, therefore, itselfsymbolicof chiefs (Pukui et al1975, 57; Taylor 1927, 8). The high flight of thishawk,likewise, denoted the elevated status ofchiefs; it soared so high itwas believedto be "all-seeing" and able to engage the realm ofthe gods (Farrell 1936, 13).Kamehameha V originally entertained the name "St. Alexander Place," afterhis brother and royal predecessor Alexander Liholiho (Kamehameha N,1834-1863) but, in 1863, selected 'Iolani-one of Alexander Liholiho'sHawaiian names. Kamehameha II (Liholiho, 1796-1824) also possessed thisname, to him by his father Kamehameha I (Fukui et aI. 1974,56-57;Taylor "1927, 8). Thus, the appellation contained genealogical reference,alluding to a renowned ruling dynasty.

palace grounds resembled a kauhale, a chiefly residential buildingcomplex frequently surrounded by a fence or wall (Fig. 2). In addition to thehomes. of chiefs and retainers, buildings in a kauhale had specialized func-tions: temple (heiau),men's eating house (halemua),J3women's eatinghouse(hale 'aina), sleeping house (halemoe), menstrual house (halepea), storagebuilding (hole hoahu or hale papa'a),work house (hole kuku), andso on (see

FIGURE 2. Kamakahonu, the chiefly compound (kauhale) of jKingKamehameha I, 1813-1819. Map by Paul Rockwood. FromTI1959.Bishop Museum.

Kirch 1985, 6). The 'Iolani building complex was similarly comprised ofmultiple buildings on its grounds that were enclosed by an 8-foot high coralblockwall, In addition to the palace, therewasa lQ-room personal residenceused by the royal family called Hale AkaIa.14 Since the time tf theKamehamehas, many chiefs maintained homes in and near the .Iolani

I

10 Pacific Studies, Vol. 29,Nos. 314-Sept./Dec. 2006 'Iolani Palace 11

enclosure (Allen 1978,9; Taylor 1927, 11_12).15 Walter Coote, a visitor toHonolulu in 1879, described the early palace complex as a walled compoundcontaining a dozen wood structures; one of which belonged to Kalakaua(Chote 1882, 91-92).•:The palace building itself adapted some of the roles ofboth the hale mua(men's eating house) and temple. In traditional chiefly compounds, the sizeofthe hale mua indicated the chief's rank andserved as an audience chamberas \.veIl as a space in which men prepared and ate their foods. Markers calledpulo'ulo'u, sticks or spears surmounted by a bark-cloth covered ball thatwarned passersby against trespass (Daggett 1990, 33; Rose 1980, 167), distin-gulshed the hale mua.as a sacred, restricted (kapu) space. Like an eatinghquse, 'Iolani Palace's size and the rows ofkapu markers capping the secondstqry verandah railings (Fig. 3), which were designed by Kalakaua" and castby the Honolulu IronWorks, marked the building as a sacred space, intendedfor more formal and "official" uses such as state dinners and receptions (seeCharlot 1979, 30). Added some time in the 1880s, cast-iron lamps flankingthe bases of the stairways leading to the front and rear entrance vestibulesarnp.l.ified the reference to sacred space; each capped by three round glassglobes, the lamps resemble-pulo'ulo'u and have pulo'ulo'u motifs cast aroundtheir shafts (Figs. lA}.17

FIGURE 3. Second story verandah railings with pdlo'ulo'u motU.Phptograph by J. Boucher. State Archives ofHawai"i.

FIGURE 4. Detailof lamppost showing'pUCo'ulo'u design. Photograph by S.L. Kamehiro, 2001.

Furthermore, Kalakaua and his queen (Kapi'olani) did not live in thepalace, but preferred to reside in an adjacentbuilding, the Hale 'AF (Allen1978, 20; Horton 1978, 25; see Fig. 5). Hale 'AkaIa was the adapta-tion of the sleeping house (hale moe) fouad in traditional chiefly compounds(Malo 1951, 29). Previous rulers also reserved their palace b'¥1dings forpublic functions, simultaneously maintaining more modest quarters.Kings Kamehameha III, IV, and V and Lunalilo lived in small cottages intheir chiefly enclosures, surrounded by the dwelling structures of theirretainers (Farrell 1936, 14; Hackler 1993, 3; Neil 1972, 13), but entertainedand held audiences in their main palace structures. At ether Ioeations in theHawaiian Islands, highchiefs built 01' ownedWestern-styled strubtures, butactually lived in smaller wood or traditional grass homes. Ruth Ke'elikolani(of the Kamehameha line of chiefs), for example, inherited the Western-styled Hulihe'e Palace in Kona (which wasOriginally part ofKamehameha I'sroyal compound); although she entertainedandhoused visitors at this palace,she lived in the large grass house adjacent (Jay 1992, 26--29; Swenson andMidkiff 1979, 12). When Kalakaua visited Ruth. he-ate at thepalaee but sleptin Ruth's grass house (Swenson and MidkiJI 19-19, 13), suggestiIig that latenineteenth-eentury chiefsdid in fact perceivepalaces as somewhat analogousto the traditional halemua (eating house), and the dwelling builOing to the

FIGURE 5. 'Iolani Palace, Honolulu, O"ahu, mid-1880s.. Hale 'Akala islocated to the left of the Palace. State Archives ofHawai'i,

13'Iolaai Palace

FIGUBE 6. Arched vestibule and entranceo£ 'Iolani Palace. Photograph by S. L. Kamehiro,2001.

I

which in turn signified high chiefsandthe chiefly kin relations thatproducedthe highest-ranking offspring. Similarly. E. S. Craighill Handy (19tJ5. 41)Interprets the shape of feather cloaks as inverted crescents and thatgreat chiefs were identified through their cloaks or capes, of invertedrainbows representing"the sign of the alii's [(chiefs)] magnetism. powerandsacredness." Kaeppler (1982:),likewise. seeshowas a key aesthetic conceptand fonn in Hawaiian sculpted figures and drums. Arched fOnDS tohave been the prerogative of chiefs. and those featured on feathergllnnentsand sculpture conveyed similar meanings to arches found in architecture.Not to discount the prevalence of arched portals in contemporary Westernarchitecture, tlW formal element may have had multiple signiDcapons inHawai'i, providing a modem translation of the arched door. In vieW of the

Porific Studies, Vol. 29, Nos. 314-Sept.lDec. 200612

hale moe (sleeping house). 'Iolani Palace and Hale 'Akala continued suchfunctional distinctions, as the former accommodated state receptions andevents while the latter provided a more informal residence.Like a chiefly compound, a tall wall defloed the perimeter of the 'Iolani

Palace grounds. This heavy 8-foot high coral block wall was reminiscent ofpre- contact period chiefly enclosures, whichwere carefully select-ed and closed off as kapu, sacred areas (see Fig. 2) (Charlot 1979, 27, 30).Moreover. wall Iacerporatedvertical pillars sunnountedby stone spheres,anothq: manifestation ofpwo'ulo'u (Fig. 5).On special occasions, such as theKingstetumtromhisWorldTour,thegatewaysweredeooratedandcrownedwith an arch. This post and arch construction resembled the doors of pre-and early contact chiefly homes. Such doors were framed on each side byvertical posts. capped by an arch or crescent. denoted by the term hoaka(Kamakau in Buck 1957, 1(»-101). The palace's entrance vestibules and

(Figs. 1, 6) shared a similar construction, having two posts cappedWlthan arch. Hoakawas intimately associatedwith chiefs; it denoted "gIOlY."

"splendld" in Hawaiian verbal and visual language, offering apoetic and VIsualmetaphor for the revered genealogy of chiefs (Kaeppler1985,109). Tom Cumminl; (1984. 7-13) argues tbatcrescent motifs so preva-lent on Hawaiianfeather cloaks referred to the arching form of a rainbow,

nationalist and nativist sentiments evoked by the palace, it is not surprisingto Hnd that a mid-nineteenth-century Hawaiian-English dictionary suppliedthis additional translation of hoaka: "Clory, as of a people, i.e., their liberty;freedom" (Andrews 2003, 160).

As noted above, the palace adapted. to some extent, the symbolic functionof a temple. As Polynesian Studies scholar John Charlot observes,the site-for 'Iolani Palacewas meaningfully selected for religious and politicalreasons, as were earlier chiefly structures, Building locations were "chosenby experts versed in ritual andcodes for reading themeaningofthe land. Thehouse itself was built by other experts. A series of ceremonies marked thestages through completion and dedieation" (Charlot 1979, 27).18 A publicaddress written by Chief Justice and Privy Council member C. G. Harris,

by a more detailed speech in Hawaiian presented by the Minister ofForeignt Affairs John M. Kapena'" during the Masonic cornerstone layingceremony for the new palace, made explicit the sacred and chiefly associa-tions held by the palace location (Harris Kapena 1879). The speakersnot only detailed the previous notable residents of the site but stated that thepalace was believed to be situated on the site ofan ancient temple, or heiou,called Ka'ahaimauli (see Black 1981, 18; Chang et al. 1977, 19; FIP 1972,1-2.).20 Building a chiefly structure on a sacred temple site was not uncom-mon;Kaniakapupu(c.I843),KamehamehaIH'scountryresidenceinNu'uanu(northwest of the palace). was also constructed over an ancient heiau andchief home in the.Tolani grounds, Hanailoia, was located onKa'ahaimauli itself (Jay 1992, Kapena 1879).The palace's lateral axis intersects the line ofSight between the ocean and

the great temple site Piiowaina (today commonly known as Punchbowl; seeFig. 7), a kapu volcanic crater setting where human sacrifices were formerlyconducted (Charlot 1979,30; Pukui et al. 1975,195). Heiau were abundantin pre- and early contact Honolulu (Kamakau 1976, 144). In addition to thegreat temples ofPiiowainaandKa'ahasmauli, two other temples were locatednearbYr-Kanela'au and Mana; these heiau, which acted as the outposts forthe mdin temple at Puowaina, may have extended into the 'Iolani grounds.The heiau at Mana was situated about one-half block from the palace. Itsname fWSlates as "supernatural, or divine, power" and also refers to a spe-cific typeofheiau. In earlier times.human sacrifices were first drowned then'taken to Kanela'au and later to an altar at the summit of Piiowaina (Sterlingand Summers 1978, 291). Sacrificial victims were those who transgressedeither of the two main divisions of kapu (prohibitions)-kapu of the gods(kapu q.kua) and the godly kapuofchiefs (kapu akua ali'i) ofthe three highestranks. These chiefs were considered "chiefgods" (poe' akua) or "god chiefs"(ali'i okua). If their kapu were breached. the violators were burned. Those

FIGVBE. 7. Map of present-day Honolulu showing approximatelocationsoftenhistoric structures. MapbyJamesA.Bier.From 1975.Pacific Books, PaloAlto, CA.

15'Iolani PalacePacific Studies, Vol. 29, Nos. 314-Sept.lDec. 200614

16 Pacific Studies, Vol. 29, Nos. 314-Sept.lDec. 2006 'Iolani Palace 17

who defied the kapu of gods were also burned (Kamakau 1991,25). Humansacrifices appeased the gods ofthe rulingchief(Kelseyn.d., 819;Lyons 1901,192; McAllister 1933, 82). Its settingamonga series ofimportant temple sitesinformed the meaning of the palace in light ofKaIakaua's nativist-nationalistagenda. By associating himself, through his palace, with sacrosanct spacesand restrictive chiefly prohibitions, he presented himself as a political and

leader of the highest station, countering the claims of his Nativedetractors..Considered the greatest class of temples, heiau po'0 kanaka were fre-

quently built between shore and mountain ranges on former temple sites.Ritualsperformed at such heiau served to increase the population, enhancepublic health, preserve peace, and secure success at war (Kamakau 1865 inStokes 1991, 33). Like a heiau po'o ka:naka, 'Iolani Palace was situated on aplain between the mountains. and the sea (Figs. 5, i) andwas built on or nearat least one temple site, reinforcing the identity of the palaceas a modemtranslation of a heiau (see Charlot 1979, 31).21 In the traditional Hawaiianreligio-political system, the paramount ruler was a trained ritual specialistwho required to performthe necessary temple rites securingthe produc-tivity of the land and people. The chief was the intermediary between thepeople and the gods, and the welfare of aU depended on him (or her).Chiefllliess was contingent upon the produedve channeling of 1TIllTlO, adynamic force associated with power and authority that originates fromdivine sources (see Fukui and Elbert 1986, 235) and is necessary for main-taininga thrivingworld. Goodchiefs were generous, kind. and supportive oftheir people, They maintained fishpoads, iIrigation systems. temples, ete.,for the benefit of the chiefdom. The rule of bad chiefs resulted in disaster;they were cruel, self-serving, and prone to overthrow (Unnekin 1991,223-.-224).Kalakauas palace resonated with indigenous conceptions ofgood chiefly

rule. Possessing the right to officiate in a temple as both a chiefand a priestwasone of the indications that a person was of sacred status and, therefore,a true leader (Beckwith 1970; 376). Kalakauahimselfwas a recognized priest

known (and criticized JJy some) for reviving traditional religiouspractices. In erecting the palace as a temple linked to historic sacred sites,KaIabuacontinued the time-honoredpractice of building sacred structuresfor the fhiefdvm's (the nation's) welfare. Thiswas a particularly timely andprofowfd expression ofaloha by the king tohispeople. Since-the 1819 over-throw of the kapu system (the former religiOUS order), many major religioussites hadbeen destroyed or neglected,. replaced by architectural monumentssuch as:'the Kawaiaha'o Church,22 andduring the course of the nineteenthcentwy Native Hawaiians felt increiWngly alienated from their chiefs (see

Osorio 2(02). 'Iolani Palace conveyed what Thomas (1994, 155) considersto be the most important element of Polynesian chieftainship: "aauspiciousness manifest especially in agricultural fertility and more bra yin successful fishing and good health." Presentmghimself as priest-king re-siding in histemple-palace, Kalakauademonstratedhisrole as a true and ableHawaiian ruler.Through 'Iolani Palace's symbolic location and visual elements, the king

countered the claims ofhisNative opponents and effectively portrayed him-self as a "good chief' of sacred pedigree, worthy of rule. The imagery in thearched, etched sheet-crystal panels ofthe front and rear portal transoms spe-cifically manifest these conceptions of the king (Fig. 8). Clusters of taroleaves flank the central image in the transoms, Taro (kolo, Coloeasta esculen-ta) was a Hawaiian staple, deemed "the staffof life," and was designated! thenational dish. The taro le-afmotif referenced the chief as the source of life.As the progenitor of the people and the land, the chiefs. descent from thegods--the divine also denoted by the taro symbol (Bishop1958, 12). At thecenter ofthe glass panelwas the Hawaiian coat ofarms. 1fhescroll forming its lower border bears an early version of the national"Ua mau ka [ke] eao ka 'ainaikapono," which translates as "The life breathof the land bas endured through rightness." portraying Hawaiian kings as"good chiefs."2:l The taro motif and national motto were surmounted bt anarch, hoaka; the images are meaningfully juxtaposed. as together theyformalize the chiefs divine ancestry (hoaka) necessary to maintain theprosperity of the land and people (taro).The inclusion of the area known as Pohukaina contributed to the pereep-

tion of 'Iolani Palace as a sacred space. Pohukaiaa was the residence andbirthplaceofhigh chiefs24 and a famous chiefly burial site. alsoknown as "TheRoyal Tomb." Chiefly birth and residence sites were considered hallowedground, retaining the manaofthe chiefswith which they-were associated. Asa chiefly burial site, Pohukaina. resonated with extraordinary mana as well.Kapena spoke to this fact in his address delivered during the palace corner-stone laying ceremony. The tomb was a coral block building with a singleentrance and no windows. Kamehameha II and his favoritewife Kamamaluwere interred here in 1825 after their bodies were returned from London,where they died in 1824. Ka'ahumanu (Premier, or kuhina nui, andLmehameha I's favorite wife. <l1832), Kamehameha III (d.1854), Abnerfaki (a Kamehameha descendent and father ofBernice Pauahi Bishop, d.1855), Kamehameha IV (d. 1863),and others were buried in the tomb withlesser chiefs interred nearby (Farrell 193&. 46; O'Brien 1949. 24). The body

Young (c.1149-1835), advisor (of British descent) to Kamehameha Iandgovemorofsever-ell ofthe islands, was placed at the entranceto the tomb

·.18 Pacific Studies, Vol. 29, Nos. 314---Sept./Dec. 2006 'Iolani Palace 19

FIGURE 8. Etched sheet crystal entrances to 'IolaniPalace. Photograph: byGeorge Bacon, 'Iolani Palace Collection. PhotocourtesyThe Friendsof lolani Palace,

in 1835.25 Although the bodies were later moved to the larger RoyalMausoleum in a midnight torchlight procession on 30 October 1865 (TheFriend November 1865; peA 4 November 1865), other ancestral relics werebelieved to be located at the burial site, including the bones of an ancientchiefbrought from the famous heiau Hale 0 Keawe on the island of Hawai'i(FIP 1972, 2). Kalakaua restricted access to the area to prevent desecrationof the ancestral remains and ordered it to be planted with ferns and flowers(Hackler 1993, i

. j - I

Pohukainaalso referenced the secret chieflyburial cave of legendarf fameon O'ahu, Considered a hiding cave (ana huna), Pohukaina cave was con-cealed to protect the chiefly remains and possessions' stored thereinfrom deffiement (Kamakau 1964,38; Sterling and Summers 1978, 17!{-176).The primary cave entrances are at Ka'a'awaIn the Ko'olauloa District onthe windward side of the island. These were said to be connected to othersat Kalihi, Pii'iwa, Ha'ilikulamanu, and elsewhere in the Kona District to thesouth (KeAu Boo, 28 June 1911). Additional entrances in other dis-trictswere described as connectedbyundergroundpassages. Nativehistorian Samuel Kamakau indicatedpeople could traverse the island throughthese caves, and legendary narratives described the supernatural geographyhere (see Kamakau 1810; Kamakau 1964, 38-39; Sterling and Summers1978, 152, 175-176). Concerning the 'Iolani site, ethno-historical sourcesidentify an underground entrance to the cave in the Pohukaina area 'Ofthepalace oompouad, possibly liaked to the old Royal Tomb (McAllister, 1933;Sterling and Summers 1978, 176). The palace was, therefore, physic4y andconceptually connected with sites related to both the welfare of the: living[i.e., heiau) and the past (i.e., chiefly births and burials). ''Iolani Palace itself incorporated hallowed materials containing rich his-

torical reference, further contributing to its sacred quality.Kalakauabroughtstones from Kuki.·i heiau in Puna, Hawai'i to Honolulu in 1877 to be includedin the foundation ofthe palace (Pukui et al1974, 57,121). Kuki.'iwasman area noted for its volcanic activity-a location hosting numerous tfmplesites (James 1995, 61). 'Umi, Kalakaua's heroic ancestor of the fifteetlth orsixteenth century, was credited with building Kiiki'i' during an era of peaceand prosperity in his chiefdom. Establishing his kin relation to 'Umi, andultimately hisdime genealogy, was vital to Kalakaua's efforts to. legitimizehis claim to the throne. In for instance, Kalakaua published theKumulipo, a genealogical chant of over 2,000 lines that reeords the divineatwestry of the great chiefLonoiKamakahiki, from whom Kalakaua cLpmed:descent, to 'Umi (see Beckwith 1970, 310-313; Kamakau 1991,Kamakau 1992. 1-21). 'Umi was famous ror his fishing, fanning, anddrcuiting his chiefdom with the intention of developing industry and public

20 P,u;ifie Studies.Vol. 29, Nos. 3I4---Sept.lDec. 2006 'Iolani Palace 21

works. Hewas also recognized for his piety, which, in part, was evidenced byhis erecting and refurbishing of many heiau. 27 'Urni's heiau, such as that atKiiki'i. were distinguished from other temples by the use of hewn stones, forwhich this chief became famous (Fornander 1996, 100--101).At the tum ofthe century, Native informants told ethnologist John F. G. Stokes (1991, 152)the stones makingup theplatform ofKiiki'i heiauwere very carefully cut andclosely laid, reflecting not only a significant architectural accomplishmentbut also 'Umi's control of labor and resources and the peaceful and produc-tive nature of his reign, which allowed for the undertaking of intensive,well-crafted projects. 'Umi may have believed that this building innovationwas pleasing to the gods, since "[alncient Hawaiians. assumed that theakua (gods)were favorably influeneed by specific features of heiau design"(Dye 1991, 3).Temple building specialists (kahuna 'kuhikuhipu'uone) "combined a study

of Hawaiian political history, especially the careers of successful chiefs, witha knOwledge ofvariation in heiau plans through the ages. On this basis. theyformulated theories about the ability of particular heiau features to aid spe-cific chiefly ambitions" (Dye 1991, 3). In using stones from 'Umi's Kiiki'iheiau in theconstruction of'Iolani Palace, Kalakaua not only perpetuated thehonored chiefly practice of building sacred structures but also materiallylinked this practice with the building projects of his famous ancestor. Asenduring materials and objects, such as stones, held the mana of those withwhom they were associated, Kalakaua incorporated a concrete and sacredarchitectural manifestation ofhis indisputably popular and successful ances-tor to encourage confidence in his own reign and to imbue his rule and hispalace with the mana of glowing precedent."

Temple-Palaces and Divine Kings

The'"grand opening" of 'Iolani Palace coincided with Kalakaua'scoronationon 12 February 1883 and constituted the primary setting for much of thefestivities. which lasted until the 24th of the month (peA 3 February 1883;rc« 10 February 1883;HG 21 February 1883). These included the corona-tion. ceremony, State Dinner, gathering for the unveiling of the nationalmonument to Kamehameha I. Grand Ball, full dress Grand Lil'au, nightlyhula performances. and receptions for foreign dignitaries. To mark the occa-sion. the colonnades were draped in red and white, the king's monogramadorned each pillar. and the national coat of arms flanked the stairwayleading to the main entrance. It provided the theater for events intended toleave a lasting impression on the Hawaiian and international communities.Japan's ambassador and suite, consular and diplomatic officials from nations

such as theUnited States, France, Great Britain, Germany, Sweden, Norway,Portugal, Italy, Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium, Mexico, and Russia,and elite Native and non-Native residents of the kingdom attended the coro-nation and palace grand opening. These events did not escape the attentionof international presses; they were described and illustrated in at least twoBritish newspapers, the Illustrased London News (7 April 1883) ant TheGraphic (28 April 1883), and received notice in American public tions.Contextualized within the coronation, 'Iolani Palace integrated conce . tionsof sacred Hawaiian rulership and Western forms denoting sovereign state-hood. It intended to gamer trust in the kings ability, and right, to properlygovern and to bring good fortune to the people; the palace formed part ofhisstatement ofkingship.During the coronation, the king invited the general public tohispalace for

an open house and ho'okupu, a ceremonial gift-giving showing honor andrespect to a chief (Pukui et al, 1975, 79). Foods accumulated for the: feastswere redistributed to the people, as was customary in the pre-and early con-tact period. Kalakaua fulfilled his duties as a good chief, as indicated in theHawaiian proverb, "Ho'i pu'olo no 0 kahi aliT' ("one returns with a bundlefrom the place of the chief') (Seiden 1992, 131). Chiefly wealth andgeneros-ity were signs of mana. Kalakaua's palace also attested to the con?nuitybetween successful rulers of the past and his own reign. Kapena's speech atthe cornerstone-laying ceremony recalled the past prominent servantsof thegovernment who had performed their duties on the site of Tolani Palace-"those who served and labored for the good of the country and the p1>gressofthe nation"-and compared them to the present regime: "Should anyoneconsider that it isa light and easy task to conduet the affairs of our Islandgovernment he will bemistaken, for evidently it will require all the skill, thewatchful care, the patience. the caution andthe industry that can be bestowedin the future, in order to secure thewell-beingof the people and theity of the Government" (Kapena 1879). Tluiough the coronation, an eventinfused with the significance of its placement within the 'Iolani grounds,K.a1akaua displayed his ability, and the ancestral backing, to accomplish thetask.29Not only did the palace symbolize the sacred rule ofthe king, italso articu-

lated the success and progress of the kingdom. The Western form and tech-nological innovations incorporated into the structure andthe vel)' existenceof the building testified to HawaiTs modernity. The two principal speakersat the cornerstone-laying ceremony, Harris and Kapena, detailed the positivechanges that had taken place in the course of the centwy. They comparedthe'IolaniPalace region ofthe past to the contemporary conditionofthe area

22 Pacific Studies, Vol. 29, Nos. 3/4-Sept./Dec. 2006 'Iolani Palace 23by enumerating the advances made in architecture, city planning, transpor-tation. communication, commerce, and industry. They contrasted earlierperiods of warfare and social upheaval with the.current era of peace andprosperity brought about by agricultural and industrial development andsuggested that thisarchitectural monument was evidence of how far Hawai"ihad progressed and would continue to advance under Kalakaua, who "[gave]new life to the land" (Kapena 1879; Harris 1880). 'Iolani Palace could dazzlethe resident haole and international audiences assembled for the coronation,as well as impress the Native population. Itwas an authentically modem andtraditional Hawaiian symbol of the state of the nation.'Iolani Palace, then, synthesized Hawaiian definitions of rulership and

internationalist conceptions of modem nationhood in Kalakaua's statementofkingship. While many of the King's Western critics dismissed hisnational-ist art and architectural projects in tenus ofhis love of extravagantdisplay anddesire to imitate Western rulers (see Buck 1993, 75), one cannot accuratelydescribe Kalakaua's art patronage as mere mimicry. His was not an insipidcopy-cat modernist nationalism "traditionalized" or "Hawaiianized" throughthe nostalgic use of visual markers of the Native past. This stately edificeconstituteda response to both internalandexternalpressures on the Hawaiianleadership. Kalakaua's palace speaks to cross-culturalintersections, national-ist' claims about distinctiveness and commonality, and the power of individualagency to create meaning and enable action through art and architecture.

NOTES

• The staffand holdings ofthe State Archives of Hawai'i; Bernice PauahiBishop Museum,Archives. and Library; Hawaiian Historical Society; Hamilton Library, University ofHawai'i-Manoa; and Kaua'i Community College- Library greatly facilitated thisresearch.Funds granted by the University of California, Los Angeles, the University of California,Santa Cruz (UCSC), and the Arts Research Institute of UCSC supported fieldwork andarchival research. Many thanks to Ping-Ann Addo. Joshua Bell, Sheila Crane, VirginiaJansen, and Allan Langdale for reading earlier drafts of this paper. and to anonymousreviewers for their comments. Allerrors and omissions, however, are my own.Mahalo toDana HehI and Molly McDonald for research assistance.

1. A notable exception is John Charlot (1!}79). Some of the themes introduced by Charlotare developed in this paper. Charles E. Peterson (1963) provides a valuable descriptivechronology detailing the building process and conditions and identifies numerous archivalreferences to 'Iolani Palace. Many other writings on the palace present descriptions of thebuilding and the events that took place there.

2. Grimshaw goes on to quote M. Bernstein (1996. 13): "hermeneutics without historycan scarcely escape either banality or reductionism.

3. These three nations, however, had established fonnal representation in HaWlli'i inthe earlier part of the century. The United States appointed John C. Jones Jr. as -agent of

the United for commerce and seamen" to represent its interests in the islands in1820; t,he. Foreign Office made Captain Richard Charlton "Bnttsh Consul for theSandwich, SOCIetyand Friendly Islands" in 1824;and Jules Dudoitwas appointedHonoraryConsul by the French government in 1837 (Kuykendall 1947, 80,98. ISO).

4. The first 'Iolani Palace was built by the Governor of O'ahu Mataio Kekflanao' .and was named Hanailoia. King Karnehameha III assumed Possession of

which :Iolani (Peterson 1963, 91-92:). Plans for a new. morepalace origtnated Wlth King Kamehameha V in 1870. He ordered plans from G. Allen

Thomas of Australia. A modilied version of these planswas usedtobuild Ali Iolani Hale. which housed the Judiciary and Legislature (Judd 1975, 118-119).

5. Considering himself a cosmopolitan ruler. Kalakaua undertook a world tour in 1881.he was first headof state to circwnnavigate the globe. The purposes of the trip were tosecure lIDmil?,"Rtion treaties, foster a positive imageof Hawai'i abroad, amplify prestigeof the Hawanan monarchy. and learn of royal practices in other countries. See Grant inKalakaua 1990, v; Hooper 1980,45-46; and Schweizer 1991,

6. Cabinet Council Minut.e Book,17 April 1874, Arclrivesof Hawai'i (hereaftJ. AH).

7. To date. the originalbuilding plans for the Palace have not been found. For £loorplansof the basement, first floor and second floor. reconstructing the Palace as it stood in 1887,see FIP 1972. plates VIII, IX, and X. I

8. Baker received a personal request from Kalakaua, through his Minister ofJInteriorSamuel G. Wilder, for plans for a new palace in a letter dated 2 March 1879. Seb Interior

File. "Iolani Palace," All. On the expensive architectural corrections. seeHawaIIan (hereafterH9). 20April 1881. andReportofthe Ministerofthe Interior.1882, 27 (inKuykendall 196,. 204).Ultimately, the palace costapproximately $350.000.For a detailed account of each architect's contributions. see Peterson 1963.96-103.

!}. A photograph of the throne room by J. Williams. taken during Kalfuua's reign wasreproduced in Iaukea1938.65 and Poole 1948, 10. .. '

10'. Most of portraits were sent to Hawai'i as gifts from the- heads of thevanous countries dunng the previous decades. They are reproduced inHackler 1971. Fordeseripnons and reproductions of the royal Hawaiianportraits..see Hackler 1982.

II. See,for example. Kalakaua toC.H. Judd. 10 April 1882, F. O. & Ex., LocalOfficials:King and RoyalFamily. AH. . .

12. George Frear is credited with producing. in 1865. the first hollow concrete iblocks intheUnited States. Ali'iolani Hale. the Hawaiian Government Building constructed priorto the palace. utilized thisinnovation in the 1870s (Frost and Frost 1979,4.211-'-212),

and. were enforced at the halemua, TheclJief also maintained the altar to his family deities ('aumakua) here (see Kirch 1985. 6).

.,14: .Hale·Aka1a, referred toas "The Bungalow, was a two-stol)' home designedlltthe style of a north Indian palace. Its name derived from the pink color of the building:1iiJ1e and 'akala The buildingwas razedin UU9. I'

24 Pacific Studies, Vol. 29, Nos. 3/4-Sept./Dec. 2006 'Iolani Palace 2515. High chiefess Kekauluohi (c. 1794-1845), premier and mother of King Lunalilo andwife of Kamehameha I, built her house within the 'Iolani compound on the premisesknown as Pohukaina (Fukui. Elbert. and Mookini 1974.106). John Young II's (1810-1835,whose Hawaiian name was Keoni Ana, and who served as premier) home, ICina'u Hale,was also located on the palace grounds. Kekiianao (1794-1868), the governor of O'ahu andfather ofKamehameha IV and V, built hishomeianed HaIi'imaile on the western comerofthepalacecompound, The residence ofKamehameha III, Ho'iho'ikea ("Independence,"also:used bv Kamehamehas IV andV,LunaliIo, and Kalakaua), was. located in the westernportion oftbe 'Iolani site (Harris 1880; Kapena He also resided at another house onthe other side of the palace (see Jay 1992, 18). Kamehameha IV and Queen Emma usedthe,first "Iolani. Palace for formal occasions but lived in a frame house called Ihikapukalanion the 'Iolani premises.

16. See letters from HenryW. Severance, Hawaiian Consul in San Francisco, to H. A. P.Carter, Minister of the Interior, 8 and 19 October 1881; AH (see also Peterson 1963,Ul2).

17. In photographs of the palace dating to 1882, the lamp posts are absent Evidenced inlater photographs. a pair of lamps, each with a single sphere resembling pulo'ulo'u, wasadded. Eventually, these were replaced with the three-lobed lamps, which can be seen inphotographs dating from 1886.

18. Completion of the palace was celebrated with an elaborate Masonic banquet onStjohn's Day, 27 December 1882 (Poole 1948,10). Masonic motifs decorated the palaceinterims (Charlot 1979. 30). 'The consecration of 'Iolani through Masonic rites andbanquets parallels the perfonnance of rituals by religieus specialists during the buildingand completion of chiefly homes. For a full description of the Cornerstone Layingceremony, see Throm 1913,55 andClemens 1979. On royal involvement in Freemasonryin Hawai'i, see Coombs 1949, 76-79; Gardiner 1990; Grand Lodge of Free and AcceptedMasons ofHawai'i and Towse 1916, 125-128.

19, Clemens 1979 mistakenly identmes the speaker as John A. Makena. The speaker wasin fact John Makini Kapena the son of a royal advisor, Manild.. He marriedEmma Malo, daughter ofDavid Malo. the noted Hawaiian historian (Stone 1963,42),andserved as Minister of Finance. Minister of Foreign Affairs, a member of the Board ofEducation, and Collector General of Customs under Kalakaua. Kapena was also a scholarofHawaiian culture (Day 1984, 71).

20. Thesignificance of this location is alsomentioned in: charlot 1979. 30; Farrell 1936,13; Mah 1984, 25; Seeley 1962. 105; Taylor 1927. 10; and Teny 1986, 16.

21. Related to the mountain-ocean orientation is the dual naming IV andQueen Emma's home that at one time stoodwithin the 'lolani compound enclosure. 'Thesit;leoftheir home- facing inland (mouko)wasnamed lhiIcapukalani, and the side facing theocean (makai) was called Ka'uluhmanao (Kapena1879). Their home in the Nu'uanu ValleyinO'ahualso possessed two names, Iranaiakamalama and Kanialcapupu (Hackler 1993, 3;Jay 1992, Hl). It is possible that 'Iolani Palace also held two names. corresponding to itsmountain-ocean orientation. 'The Cabinet Council Minutes for 1886 OCCasionally indicatetIiat meetings took place at Healani Hale. Jacob Adler and Gwynn Barrett (1973, 25)suggest this referred to a seeticn of the palace, or a separate building. They note thatKalikaua's canoeclubwascalledHealaoiClub. but thisseems IW unIilrelyplace to conduct

cabinet business. If referencing the palace, Healani Hale may have denoted either theinland or seaward side of'lolani. •

IThe houses ofhigh chiefs oftenhadtwo entrances, one facing the home of the gbd Kane,

one of the major Hawaiian gods, and the other facing toward Kahiki, the ancestral home-Iand ofthe early Hawaiians (Daggett 1990, 57). 'Iolani's alignment between Piiowaina andthe Honolulu Bay placed its entrances in close proximity to this orientation. The mainentrance points south/southwest, generally facing the direction ofSamoa, wherebelieved Kahiki. to be located (Daggett 1990, 47-48; Fomander 1996, 35).

22. I thank Joshua Bell (personal communication, 2006) for this insight.

23. Another translation is "The life of the land is perpetuated (or reposes) in Jghteous-ness" (Charlot 1985, 7). Of this version of the national motto, Roger Rose "thethirdword [had]not yet [been] changed from ka to ke for grammatical euphony" (Rose1980,208).

24. High chiefess Kekauluohi's home was located in this area (see note 15), and LiliaPiiaNamahana (daughter ofone ofKamehameha I's wives) also maintained a home here. RuthKe'elikolani, of the Kamehameha chiefly line, was born in Namahana's residence in 1826(Zambucka 1977, 12).

25. See Kapena 1879. Young, also known as Olohana, served with Kamehameha I'swarriorforces attackingnorthernHawai'iandO'ahu, HemarriedKaonaeha,Kamehameha'sniece, andwas grandfather to Queen Emma,wife ofKamehameha IV (Day 1984,1133). Hisaccomplished status as an ali'i is indicated by his burial at Pohukaina in 1835 and, in 1865,his interment at the Royal Mausoleum with Hawai'i's chiefs and royalty.

26. For a complete description of the tomb, see The PolyneSian, 13 January ElderlyHawaiians reported in 1848 that many of the caskets contained only' stones wrapped inbarkcloth and that the chiefly bones hadbeen deposited in protected. secret burials,aswasL'UStomary (see Sheldon 1848 in O'Brien 1949, 25). The burial mound is presently enclosedby a low brick wall and fence erected in 1930. In 1931, a casket was unearthed nearthe State Archives building. It contained a woman's body accompanied with burial goodsindicating her high status (Allen 1978, 5). i

27. He maintained active worship of the gods. enriched the priestly class and magnifiedthe practices ofhuman sacrifice (Beckwith 1970, 391; Fomander 1996, 100(102).

28. Integrating the mana of former chiefs into nineteenth-century chiefly arc1..!tedure isalso evidenced in a home called Halekauwila occupied by KamehamehaHI in Woodfrom the Hale 0 Keawe heiau (at Honaunau, North Kona, Hawai'i) WdS used in itsconstruction (Seiden 1992:129).

29.. Kalakaua's and 'Iolani's chiefly and sacred presence was sustained into the twentiethcentury. DavidK. Bray (born c. 1888) was a kahunawho served as a guide at 'Iolani Palacein the mid-twentieth centwy. He and other elderly Native Hawaiians believed the ThroneRoom contained a special mana because of its location on the site of ancient heiau. Heregularly offered red hibiscus flowers to Kalikaua's marble bust housed in the Palace(Paradise ofthe Pacific 1955, 11).

26 Pacific Studies, Vol.29, Nos. 3/4-Sept./Dec. 2006 'Iolani Palace 27

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I

I,

RICHARD GILSON-THE PERFECI'IONIST HISTORIAN OFSAMOA* I

I

Doug MunroVictoria University ofWeUington

This is a story of the life, work, and legacyof Richard Gilson, whose Jassivepolitical history of nineteenth-<:entury Samoa bridged the disciplines of lUstoryand anthropolQgy. Gmon, a perfectionist, but to a self-stultifYing degree, wasunable to bring his project to completion andwas therefore passed over for apennanent position at the Australian National University. Unemployed and indifficult personal circumstances, Gilson continuedworkingon his book, but themanuscript was not quite complete when he died of a heart attack, at the ageof 37, Just as he WdS getting his life back on track. Samoa, 1830 to 1900 wascompleted andseen through the press byhis widow and colleagues. A propheticreviewer remarked that the book stands as "a fitting memorial to a man who soclosely identified himselfwith his vocation and the people ofwhose histpry hemade himself thechronicler.· .

RICHARD (DICK) GILSON (19"25-1963) could have been almost whatever heliked. He was DO sportsman, that is true, but he displayed pI'odigious intel-lectual abilities spanned the physical andsocial sciences. He <;Olud havebeen a medic-.d doctor, had opportunity's door opened to himf Instead,he embraced academic life, gairiing his graduate qualifif..'ations in politicalscience; and to make ends meet along the way, he ioorganic chemis-try. He then turned to histol)' and, in the last two years of his life,redefined himselfas a socialanthropologist. That such a talented individualcould commit himself to a massive political histol)' of nineteenth-centurySamoa speaks volumes for those islands and The eventual book,Samoa, 1830to1900. appeared posthumously. in 1970,1 and was tediately

Pooft,· Studies, Vol. 29, Nos. 2006