on japanese resultatives: some cross-linguistic implications

SLCCS Linguistics Seminar Series, The University of Queensland, 10 August 2012

On Japanese Resultatives: Cross-linguistic ImplicationsCross-linguistic Implications

Ryô IMOTO (Fukushima University, visiting scholar to SLCCS)

[email protected]

Outline2

PART1| Basics of Japanese adjectivesDistribution of bare adjectives

PART2| Variations of resultatives (RSLTs)Contrast between English and Japanese RSLTs.

PART3| Japanese adverbial diversityWide range of adverbial relationsWide range of adverbial relationsRestrictive modification

Bare adjectives distribution

3

Primary Predicate Complement Secondary

Predicate

English * √ √

Japanese √ * *(Adv)

Japanese AP cannot appear in adverbial position.Japanese AP cannot appear in adverbial position.

Outline| Variations of resultatives4

CR CM VR PR MR

* *English √ √ √ * *

Japanese * * √ √ √

Outline| Japanese adverbial diversity5

VR PR MRQtyChgMat

NonGrdChg

Mat Prg MoA MoM

Mat Chg Prg

RSLTAspect √ √ √ √ √ * * *

Material/Arg

√ √ √ (√)*

√* *

√ √ * * √

Arg(ument)| syntactic realization as an argument

/Arg √Patient

√Product

* * √

Manner * * * * * * √Action

√Motion

Main claims6

Japanese resultatives are based on adverbial modification. They are entirely different from English resultatives, which are based on constructions.

Japanese adverbials are diversified.They modify wide range of meaning: from a change event to a property of material entity of argument.We should take the alternative approach, leaving secondary We should take the alternative approach, leaving secondary predication, or constructional approach to Japanese resultatives: adverbial modification approach.

Secondary-predicate-like case is just a subtype of them.

Disclaimers7

This talk is an overview of Japanese adjectival adverbials and a rough sketch of points of issues for further study.

English data and analysis are referred to in the previous literature (just for sake of comparison): Goldberg 1995, Iwata 2008, 2012, Jackendoff 1990, Kageyama 1996, Levin 1993, Levin and Rappaport Hovav 1995, Ono 2007, 2009, Rappaport and Levin 1998, Pustejovsky 1991, Washio 1997, among others.

PART 1| Basics of Japanese8

SOV: rigid right-headed.Agglutinative: case markers, postpositions, topic & focus particles.(Partly) polysynthetic (with V):

Tabe+sase+rare+tak-u+nakat-ta+desu+kaEat+CAUSE+PASS+WANT+NEG+PST+STYLE+IMP‘Didn’t (you) want to be forced to eat?’

No agreement system between Sub/Pred, nor adjective/noun.No gender, no number, no definiteness as a grammatical category.No gender, no number, no definiteness as a grammatical category.

And, adjectives conjugate.

Japanese adjectives9

Adjectives’ conjugation paradigm1: eg. ooki-i ‘big/large’

ooki(k)-i predicative (present), adnominalookik-u+ adverbial, coordinative,

conjunctive (+NEG ‘+nai’, +CONJ ‘+te’)ookik-at+ predicative(+past ‘+ta’) ookik-at+ predicative(+past ‘+ta’) ookik-ere+ conditional (+conjunctive ‘+ba’ )

‘ooki-’ and ‘ookik-’ are allomorphs of the root.


Adjectives’ conjugation paradigm2: eg. Shizuka-da ‘quiet/silent’ (Adjectival noun)

shizuka-da predicative(PRS)shizuka-na adnominalshizuka-ni+ adverbialshizuka-de/ja+ conjunctive(+NEG ‘nai’)sizuka-dat+ predicative(+PST ‘ta’)sizuka-dat+ predicative(+PST ‘ta’)

-u/-ni: Adverbial forms of adjectives.Cf. Verbs’ adverbial forms: nom-i ‘drink’, tabe-Ø ‘eat’Cf. Locative/Goal ‘in/to’ case marker: NP+ni


Uluru+ga ooki-i. ‘Uluru is huge.’[predication.PRS]

Uluru+ga ookik-u, ustukushi-i. ‘Uluru is huge and beautiful.’ [coordination]

Fune+ga ookik-u yure-ta. ‘The boat rolled widely.’ [adverbial modification]

Uluru+ga ooki-i+iwa+da. ‘Uluru is a huge rock.’ [adnominal modification] [adnominal modification]

Uluru+ga ookik-at+ta. ‘Uluru was huge.’[predication.PST]


1. Japanese bare adjectives can be primary predicates.

George+wa omoshiro-i.G.+TOP funny-PRED.PRS

George *(is) funny. (not grammatical without be-verb.)


2. Japanese bare adjectives cannot be complements, they must take adverbial form -u or -ni.

Julia+ga *({*utukushi-i/-utsukushik-u}) nat-ta.J.+NOM beautiful-PRED/ADV become-PST.Julia+ga heya+o *({*kirei-da/kirei-ni}) shi-taJ.+NOM room+ACC clean-{PRED/ADV} do-PST

Julia became *(beautiful/*beautifully). Julia made the room #(clean/*cleanly).


3. Japanese bare adjectives cannot be a secondary predicate, it must take adverbial form -u or -ni.

Julia+ga kami+o {*aka-i/akak-u} some-ta.J.+NOM hair+ACC red-PRED/ADV dye-PST

Julia dyed her hair {red/*redly}.

Cf. Japanese RP is not AP, but RP| Morita 2009 -u form is PP| [PP [NP [AP shirok ]-u] φ]

white -N -ADVBesides her syntactic analysis, I agree with her that it is not AP.


Note: no morphological distinctions between adverbials and secondary predicate.

Julia+ga kami+o {*aka-i/akak-u} some-ta.J.+NOM hair+ACC red-PRED/ADV dye-PST‘Julia dyed her hair red.’ [Resultative]

Julia+ga te+o {*ooki-i/ookik-u} fut-taJulia+ga te+o {*ooki-i/ookik-u} fut-taJ.+NOM hand+ACC wide-ADV wave-PST‘Julia waved her hand widely.’ [Manner of motion]

Bare adjectives distribution

16

Primary Predicate Complement Secondary

Predicate

English * √ √

Japanese √ * *(Adv)

Japanese AP cannot appear in adverbial position.Japanese AP cannot appear in adverbial position.

PART 2| Variations of resultatives17

Subtypes of resultative expressions (names are expedients.)

1. Constructional resultatives (CR)2. Causative motion (CM)3. Verb-based resultative (VR)4. Product resultative (PR)5. Material integrity resultative (MR)

Others.6. Others.

1. Constructional resultatives (CR)18

Based on the Argument Structure Construction. (Goldberg 1995, Iwata 2008)

Resultative or change of state sense come out from the Resultative or change of state sense come out from the construction. [NP V NP AP]([S V O RP]).

The matrix verbs are not change (result) verbs, but motion/manner verbs.At least 4 subtypes.


CR transitiveAndy hammered the metal (flat).The horse dragged the log (smooth).

RP can be omitted (with losing change of state reading).

CR intransitive with fake reflexiveJulia shouted *(herself) hoarse.Matt drank *(himself) unconscious.Matt drank *(himself) unconscious.

Fake reflexive cannot be omitted*Julia shouted hoarse.


CR transitive with a subcategorised NP. RP can be omitted (with losing change of state reading.)

Debra wiped the table (clean).

CR transitive with a non-subcategorised NP. RP cannot be omitted.

Debra wiped the crumbs *(off the table).They drank the pub *(empty).They drank the pub *(empty).

2. Causative motion (CM)21

Based on the caused-motion construction.Resultative or change of location sense come out from the construction. [NP V NP PP]([S V O PP])construction. [NP V NP PP]([S V O PP])The matrix verbs are not change (result) verbs, but motion/manner verbs.

Andy kicked the ball into the goal.Gary sneezed the tissue off the table.Gary sneezed the tissue off the table.Julia washed the soap out of her eyes.Matt cracked the egg into the bowl.

3. Verb-based resultative (VR)22

RP can be omitted. Resultative sense come out from the matrix verb. RP further specify the resultant states of direct object (or patient) RP further specify the resultant states of direct object (or patient) brought by change of state events denoted by verbs.

Some researchers do not regard VR as resultative ‘construction’. (Pustejovsky 1991, Iwata 2008)

Gary painted the wall (red).Gary painted the wall (red).Andy inflated the balloon (big).The lake froze (solid).The vase broke (into pieces).

4. Product resultative (PR)23

RPs specify the properties of products made by creation event.Products are denoted by the arguments of creation verbs.

Material/product alternationGary grilled a chunk of beef. [material]Gary grilled a beef steak. [product]

Debra carved a piece of wood into a toy. [material]Debra carved a piece of wood into a toy. [material]Debra carved a toy out of the piece of wood. [product]

5. Material integrity Resultative (MR)24

Specifying properties of resultant states of ‘change in material integrity’ or ‘separation in material integrity’. (Levin 1993)

break, cut, tear, rip etc.break, cut, tear, rip etc.

5. Material integrity Resultative (MR)25

Debra broke the vase {into pieces/*small}.(Int.) A piece of vase broken by Debra was small.

Julia cut the cake {*small/*thin/*thick/thickly/thinly}. (Int.) A slice of cake cut by Julia was small/thin/thick.Adverbs are grammatical. The reading is the same as ‘small/thick/thin’.‘Cutting action/motion’ cannot be thick/thin.‘Cutting action/motion’ cannot be thick/thin.

Cf. Julia sliced the bread thin.| Levinson 2010

Gary shredded the sheet of paper {into pieces/*small/*large}.

Variations of resultatives | Japanese27

1. CR is NOT grammatical (OK in English).

* Andy+ga kinzoku+o taira-ni tatai-ta.A.+NOM metal+ACC flat-ADV pound-PST‘Andy pounded the metal flat.’

* Julia+ga kanojo+o karakara-ni saken-da.J.+NOM herself+ACC hoarse-ADV shout-PSTJ.+NOM herself+ACC hoarse-ADV shout-PST‘Julia shouted herself hoarse.’


2. CM is NOT grammatical (OK in English).

*Gary+ga tabacco+o hako+kara fut-taG.+NOM t.+ACC boc+ABL shake-PST

‘Gary shook a cigarette out of the pack.’

*Matt+ga tamago+o bowl+ni wat-ta.M.+NOM egg+ACC b.+LOC crack-PSTM.+NOM egg+ACC b.+LOC crack-PST

‘Matt cracked the egg into the bowl.’


2. CM is NOT grammatical (OK in English).

Even more basic manner verb+PP is not grammatical.*Julia+ga Central+eki+ni arui-taJ.+NOM C.+station+LOC walk-PST

‘Julia walked to the Central station.’


3. VR is grammatical (OK in English too).

Matt+ga kabe+o akak-u nut-ta.M.+NOM wall+ACC red-ADLV paint-PST‘Matt painted the wall red.’

Mizuumi+ga kachikachi-ni koot-ta.Lake+NOM solid/hard-ADV freeze-PSTLake+NOM solid/hard-ADV freeze-PST‘ The lake froze solid.’


4. PR is grammatical (NOT grammatical in English).

Gary+ga meat pie+o oishik-u yai-ta.G.+NOM meat pie+ACC delicious –ADV bake-PST‘*Gary baked a meat pie delicious.’

Andy+ga jimen+ni ana+o maruk-u hot-ta.A.+NOM ground+LOC hole+ACC round-ADV dig-PSTA.+NOM ground+LOC hole+ACC round-ADV dig-PST‘*Andy dug a hole round in the ground.’


5. MR is also grammatical (NOT grammatical in English).

Julia+ga keeki+o atsuk-u kit-taJ.+NOM cake+ACC thick-ADV cut-PST‘*Julia cut a cake thick.’

Julia+ga kabin+o ookik-u wat-taJ.+NOM cake+ACC large-ADV cut-PSTJ.+NOM cake+ACC large-ADV cut-PST‘*Julia broke a vase large.’

Cf. Julia broke the vase into pieces. (grammatical)

Outline| Variations of resultatives33

CR CM VR PR MR

* *English √ √ √ * *

Japanese * * √ √ √

Variations of resultatives34

The previous literature (Kageyama 1996/2009, Washio 1997, among others)

CR VRWashio 1997, among others)

English > JPN The facts with PR and MR cases have been ignored.

PR/MR fail to the paraphrase test in externally caused change of state.

English √ √

Japanese * √

Andy caused the metal to become flat by hammering it. (CR) caused change of state.

Almost all of resultative studies in Japan have stuck with the idea of secondary predication and causal chain.

become flat by hammering it. (CR)* Gary caused the cake to become

delicious by baking it. (PR)* Julia caused the cake to become

small by cutting it. (MR)

What is ‘resultative’ ? 35

RSLT sense 1| an ASPECTUAL PHASE OF EVENT

[[x ACT] CAUSE [BECOME [y <State>]]] (R&L 1998)Need to be added to a motion/action event by the construction.Need to be added to a motion/action event by the construction.Patient/undergoer of change = force-dynamics in causal chain.X Y Z (Iwata 2012)

RSLT sense 2| a PROPERTY AT RESULTANT STATE

Further specification of <State> at RSLT phase. (cf. Pustejovsky 1991, Iwata 2008)

ACT ON

(cf. Pustejovsky 1991, Iwata 2008)

RSLT sense 1| [Event metal-IS-FLAT] (stative event)RSLT sense 2| [Property FLAT] (property)

What is ‘resultative’ ? 36

Japanese| only RSLT sense 2 is involved.[[x ACT] CAUSE [BECOME [y <State>]]] (R&L 1998)

CR & CM not grammatical → RSLT must be entailed by verb.PR & MR grammatical → No coherency of force-dynamics is required.

Mini Summary37

English and Japanese RSLTs do not have in common except VR.The gap is broader than mentioned in the previous literature.

Mismatches shown in PR and MR should be accounted for.

English RSLTs are based on the constructions.| CR, CM(Goldberg 1995, Goldberg and Jackendoff 1996, Iwata 2012)

Change of state and the resultant state of RSLT are added by RP and applying proper constructions.and applying proper constructions.Network of constructions: CM>CR.tr>CR.int… (cf. VR)The ‘force-dynamics’ is required: the force from the causer to the force-recipient/undergoer of change in the causal chain.

This accounts for the reason why English RSLT does not allow PR and MR→ causal chain is not maintained.

Mini Summary38

Japanese RSLTs are not constructional.VRs specify the resultant state of arguments of the change of state verbs. RPs do not play a constructional role.state verbs. RPs do not play a constructional role.Some researchers have not regarded VR as RSLT

because it is not a construction, but further specifying.To treat Japanese RSLTs properly with observed data, we should pursuit an alternative approach, not confining ourselves to the construction or secondary predicate approach ourselves to the construction or secondary predicate approach based on force-dynamics in causal chain.→ Adverbial modification approach

PART 3| Japanese adverbial diversity39

Ooki-i ‘big/large/wide/huge’ | spatial quantity = [SIZE BIG]Ookik-u| adverbial form

1. Verb-based Resultative (VR)Matt+ga fuusen+o ookik-u fukuramase-taM.+NOM balloon+ACC big-ADV inflate-PST‘Matt inflated a balloon big.’

Japanese adverbial diversity| case of ookik-u40

2. Product resultative (PR)Andy+ga jimen+ni ana+o ookik-u hot-ta.A.+NOM ground+LOC hole+ACC round-ADV dig-PST‘(Lit.) Andy dug a hole in the ground big.’‘(Int.) Andy dug a big hole in the ground.’

3. Material integrity resultative (MR)Julia+ga keeki+o ookik-u kit-taJulia+ga keeki+o ookik-u kit-taJ.+NOM cake+ACC large-ADV cut-PST‘(Lit.) *Julia cut a cake big.’ ‘(Int.) Julia cut a big slice of cake out of the cake.’


4. Quantity of change of state|Measuring the event with the affected object

Yamakaji+de naya+ga ookik-u yake-taBushfire-by barn+NOM large/wide-ADV burn-PST‘The barn burnt widely due to bushfire.’‘(Int.) The barn burnt with its large part due to bushfire.’


5. Non-gradable degree of difference caused by change of stateEiga+no+Title+ga ookik-u kawat-tamovie-GEN-T.+NOM widely/radically-ADV change-PST‘Title of the movie changed completely.’e.g. “Batman 3” → “Dark Knight Rises”

6. Quantity of material (size) during the processKabe+ni hito+no+kage+ga ookik-u utsut-ta.Kabe+ni hito+no+kage+ga ookik-u utsut-ta.wall+LOC human-GEN-shadow+NOM big-ADV project-PST‘(Int.) A big shadow of someone reflected on the wall.’


7. Manner of action Debra+ga te+o ookik-u fut-taD.+NOM hand+ACC widely-ADV wave-PST‘Debra waved her hand widely.

8. Manner of motionFune+ga ookik-u yure-taboat+NOM widely-ADV roll-PSTboat+NOM widely-ADV roll-PST‘The boat rolled widely.’


What does ‘ookik-u’ describe?Material property| the affected object or produced object, a part of the affected object at resultative aspect.part of the affected object at resultative aspect.Measuring events| Quantity/Degree of change events with/without material property.Material property of the argument at progressive aspect.Manner of action/motionCross-categorical diversityCross-categorical diversity

Conceptual semantic categories| [Material/Motion/Event]Aspectuality | [RSLT/Progressive]

Outline| Japanese adverbial diversity45

VR PR MRQtyChgMat

NonGrdChg

Mat Prg MoA MoM

Mat Chg Prg

RSLTAspect √ √ √ √ √ * * *

Material/Arg

√ √ √ (√)*

√* *

√ √ * * √

Arg(ument)| syntactic realization as an argument

/Arg √Patient

√Product

* * √

Manner * * * * * * √Action

√Motion

Variations of resultatives46

Adherence to the idea of secondary predication and the causal chain leads us

To exclude the other cases except VR and ignore their To exclude the other cases except VR and ignore their similarities and differences among them.To misunderstand the English/Japanese distinction.

If some researchers exclude the other cases except VR as adverbials, they should observe their characteristics for fully understanding Japanese RSLTs, but almost all works have left them as they are. (Adverbials have been treated as outsider in grammar.)them as they are. (Adverbials have been treated as outsider in grammar.)

As a consequence, their arguments are deeper in the details of VR, but not broad enough to capture Japanese RSLTs as whole.To begin with, they should explain why Japanese RSLTs should not be adverbials, they never have. (Miyakoshi 2012)


VR (target of the previous literature) is a part of data of Japanese resultatives.

We should pay more attention to the diversity of ‘ookik-u’ for We should pay more attention to the diversity of ‘ookik-u’ for understanding Japanese adverbials including resultatives.

Interpretations/usages cannot be predicted by itselfNot a lexical polysemy like ookik-u1, ookik-u2, ookik-u3... etc.

Ooki-i | conceptual meaning [Size BIG]Ooki-i | conceptual meaning [Size BIG]Realized meaning of it is unpredictable from lexicon, until they appear in each sentences.

Restrictive modification| dual/bilayered relation

48

Modifier/Host| syntactic relation (adjunction)[NP [AP big] dog], [NP [AP red] hair], [VP speak [Adv Slowly]]

Modifier/‘Modifiee’| semantic relation (modification)Modifier/‘Modifiee’| semantic relation (modification)[BIG≡SIZE(dog)],[RED≡COLOUR(hair)],[SLOW≡MANNER(speak)]

Restrictive modification | operation in hyponymyModifier| hyponym [Colour RED, BLUE, BLACK, ...]Modifiee| hypernym (superordinate) [COLOUR],[SIZE]...Modifiee| hypernym (superordinate) [COLOUR],[SIZE]...A more potent argument that modification cannot be reduced to predicate conjunction is that many modifiers do not modify their host as a whole, but rather one of its qualia. (Jackendoff 2002, cf. Pustejovsky 1995)

Further specification to one conceptual meaning of modifiee

Restrictive modification| further specification49

Akak-u nut-ta. (‘painted sth red’)[[x ACT] CAUSE [BECOME [y <COLOUR>]]] → […[y <Colour RED>]]Further specification of resultant state. |Definition of RSLT 2.

Hayak-u hashi-ru (‘run fast’)[x ACT<MANNER>] → [x ACT <Manner FAST>]] (cf. L&R 1998)Same function in terms of further specification

Restrictive modification forms if and only if Restrictive modification forms if and only if a modifier and the modifiee are in a hyponymy.

Source of diversity of adverbial relations; various relations are possible as long as they are semantically compatible.

Japanese RSLT is adverbial| multiple specification

50

Julia+ga kami+o akak-u tsuyayaka-ni some-ta.J.+NOM hair+ACC red-ADV shiny-ADV dye-PST

Gary+ga cake+o chiisak-u usuk-u kit-ta.G.+NOM C.+ACC small-ADV thin-ADV cut-PST

Note that all ADVs specifies resultant material properties.Not grammatical in English| UP constraint, Goldberg 1995Not grammatical in English| UP constraint, Goldberg 1995

*Julia dyed her hair red shiny.*Gary cut the cake small thin.*Andy hammered the metal flat smooth.

Japanese RSLT is adverbial | ‘How test’ 51

Q: Kabe+o dô nut-ta-no?wall+ACC how paint-PST-FIN.PTCL‘How did (you/s/he/they) paint the wall?’

A1: Akak-u da-yo.red-ADV COP-FIN.PTCL‘(I/S/He/They) did red.’ [VR| material property]

A2: Teinei-ni da-yo.careful-ADV COP-FIN.PTCLcareful-ADV COP-FIN.PTCL‘(I/S/He/They) did carefully.’ [manner of action]

Dô (‘how’) can correspond to both of ‘SP’ and manner adverb.

Japanese RSLT is adverbial | ‘How test’ 52

Q: Keeki+o dô kit-ta-no?cake+ACC how cut-PST-FIN.PTCL‘How did (you/s/he/they) cut the cake?’

A1: Ookik-u da-yo.large-ADV COP-FIN.PTCL‘(Int.) (I/S/He/They) did large.’ [MR| material property]

A2: Subayak-u da-yo.quick-ADV COP-FIN.PTCLquick-ADV COP-FIN.PTCL‘(I/S/He/They) did quickly.’ [manner of action]

SP/Adv distinction is no as clear as that of English.

Adverbial/Adnominal alternation in MR53

Gary+ga meat pie+o oishik-u yai-ta.G.+NOM meat pie+ACC delicious –ADV bake-PST‘*Gary baked a meat pie delicious.’

Gary+ga oishi-i meat pie+o yai-ta.G.+NOM delicious -ADN meat pie+ACC bake-PST‘Gary baked a delicious meat pie.’

Adverbial and adnominal can be altered.


Andy+ga jimen+ni ana+o maruk-u hot-ta.A.+NOM ground+LOC hole+ACC round-ADV dig-PST‘*Andy dug a hole round in the ground.’

Andy+ga jimen+ni maru-i ana+o hot-ta.A.+NOM ground+LOC round-ADN hole+ACC dig-PST‘Andy dug a round hole in the ground.’


It is similar to the cases of event nominal.Giron+ga atsuk-u tzuzui-ta.discusstion+NOM heated-ADV continue-PST‘The discussion continued heatedly.’

Atsu-i giron+ga tsuzui-ta.heated-ADN discussion+NOM continue-PST‘Heated discussion continued.’‘Heated discussion continued.’

Product in MR and event nominal have the same alternation in common.→Product created by verb’s event and eventuality expressed by noun

Japanese RSLTs are adverbial | summary56

VR, PR, and MR are grammatical| based on the verbs’ meaning.No sub-event added.Further specification (≈ modification).

Diversity of modifying relations are cross-categorical. From degree of change event to argument’s material property.

Multiple specificationIt works as long as being semantically compatible.

‘How’ test does not work to distinguish RP from manner ADV.‘How’ test does not work to distinguish RP from manner ADV.SP/ADV distinction is not critical.

Japanese resultatives are subtypes of adverbial modification.

Japanese RSLTs are adverbial | summary57

Adverbial modification view provides an alternative approach.Lexical semantics developed by Jackendoff 1990, Kageyama1996, Levin & Rappaport 1998, Rappaport & Levin 1998, and 1996, Levin & Rappaport 1998, Rappaport & Levin 1998, and among others have greatly contributed to exploitation of the nature and characteristics of Japanese resultatives.

However, there is still a gap between theoretical model developed mainly based on English and Japanese empirical developed mainly based on English and Japanese empirical data which have carried on Japanese conventional methodology (Nitta 1983/2002, Yazawa 1983/forthcoming).

Further research| controversial data58

Resultative adverbs| Geuder 2000They decorated the room beautifully.She dressed elegantly.They loaded the cart heavily.

Pseudo-resultatives| Levinson 2010Mary braided her hair tight.Mary piled the cushions high.Mary piled the cushions high.Mary chopped the parsley fine.Mary sliced the bread thin. (cf. *Mary cut the bread thin.)

Mary sliced a thin bread.←OK? (adnominal alternation)

Selected references59

●Geuder, Wilhelm 2000. Oriented Adverbs: Issues in the lexical semantics of event adverbs. Doctoral Dissertation, Universtäte of Tübingen. ●Goldberg, Adele.E 1995. Constructions: A Construction Grammar Approach to Argument Structure, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ●Imoto, Ryô 2012. Nihongo Kekka-kôbun-no-ichizuke-to Ren’yo-shûshoku-bun. 84th ELSJ ●Imoto, Ryô 2012. Nihongo Kekka-kôbun-no-ichizuke-to Ren’yo-shûshoku-bun. 84th ELSJ symposium. (Japanese)●Iwata, Seizi 2008. A Door that Swings Noiselessly Open May Creak Shut: Internal Motion and Concurrent Change of State. Linguistics 46, pp.1049-1108. ●Jackendoff, Ray 2002. Foundations of Language, Brain, Meaning, Grammar, Evolution, New York: Oxford Univeristy Press.●Kageyama, Tarô 1996 Dôshi Imiron, Tokyo: KurosioPublishers. (Japanese)●Levinson, Lisa 2010. Arguments for Pseudo-resultative Predicates. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 28, pp.135-182. Springer. ●Miyakoshi, Kôichi 2009. Nichi-ei-go-no Shûhenteki-kekka-kôbun. In Ono 2009. (Japanese)●Levin, Beth 1993. English Verb Classes and Alternations: A Preliminary Investigation, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.●Levin, Beth and Malka Rappaport Hovav 1995. Unaccusativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. ●Nitta, Yoshio 2002. Fukushi-teki-Hyôgen-Semantics Interface. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. ●Nitta, Yoshio 2002. Fukushi-teki-Hyôgen-no Shosô, Tokyo: Kurosio Publishers. (Japanese)●Ono, Naoyuki 2009. Kekka-kôbun-no typology. Tokyô: Hitsuji Publishers. (Japanese)●Pustejovsky, James 1991. Generative Lexicon. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. ●Rappaport Hovav, Malka and Beth Levin 1998. Building Verb Meanings. Butt, Miriam and Wilhelm Geuder eds. The Projection of Argumens: Lexical and Compositional Factors, pp.97-134, Stanford, CA: CSLI. ●Washio, Ryûichi 1997. Resultative, Compositionality and Language Variation. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 6. pp.1-49.●Yazawa, Makoto (forthcoming) Nihongo-Jôtai-Shûshoku-Kankei-no Kenkyû, Tokyo: HitsujiPublishers. (Japanese)

on japanese resultatives: some cross-linguistic implications

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